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Title: Elijah Cobb : 1768-1848 a Cape Cod skipper
Author: Cobb, Elijah
Language: English
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Transcriber’s Note:
Spelling and punctuation are non-standard. Occasional sentences
end without punctuation or begin with a lower case letter.
Quotation marks appear randomly through the text. A double close
quote is frequently used to indicate an abbreviated word. A lower
case "s" was substituted for ſ throughout the book. The letter
‘c’ with a cedilla above it is transcribed as [‘c]. The letter
‘o’ with an umlaut below is transcribed as [o:].
Words and phrases in italics are surrounded by underscores, _like
this_. Superscripts are contained within braces and preceded by a
carat, e.g. III^{ter}. Footnotes were renumbered sequentially and
moved to the end of the book. Footnotes [10], [11], [12], and [15]
have multiple anchors. Page headers were converted to sidenotes.
In the Account of Belem Port Charges, a mid-dot was substituted for a
handwritten non-number non-letter character. Illegible handwriting is
identified [TN illegible handwriting].
_Elijah Cobb_
PUBLISHED ON THE FOUNDATION
ESTABLISHED IN MEMORY OF
PHILIP HAMILTON McMILLAN
OF THE CLASS OF 1894, YALE COLLEGE
[Illustration: [From a French pastel, 1794.]
“_He was tall and straight, of fine figure, his face
very pleasant to look upon. He loved children &
was loved by them, Distinguished for his sturdy
integrity, as well as talent, loved and respected
by all who knew him, he died at the age of 80._”]
_Elijah Cobb_
1768-1848
_A Cape Cod Skipper_
_WITH A FOREWORD BY
RALPH D. PAINE_
[Illustration: colophon]
_New Haven: Yale University Press_
London: Humphrey Milford: Oxford University Press
1925
Copyright 1925 by Yale University Press
Printed in the United States of America
_THE
PHILIP HAMILTON McMILLAN
MEMORIAL PUBLICATION
FUND_
The present volume is the fourth work published by the Yale University
Press on the Philip Hamilton McMillan Memorial Publication Fund. This
Foundation was established December 12, 1922, by a gift to Yale
University in pursuance of a pledge announced on Alumni University Day
in February, 1922, of a fund of $100,000 bequeathed to James Thayer
McMillan and Alexis Caswell Angell as Trustees, by Mrs. Elizabeth
Anderson McMillan, of Detroit, to be devoted by them to the
establishment of a Memorial in honor of her husband.
He was born in Detroit, Michigan, December 28th, 1872, prepared for
college at Phillips Academy, Andover, and was graduated from Yale in
the Class of 1894. As an undergraduate he was a leader in many of the
college activities of his day, and within a brief period of his
graduation was called upon to assume heavy responsibilities in the
management and direction of numerous business enterprises in Detroit;
where he was also a Trustee of the Young Men’s Christian Association
and of Grace Hospital. His untimely death, from heart disease, on
October 4th, 1919, deprived his city of one of its leading citizens
and his University of one of its most loyal sons.
_Table of Contents_
Page
Foreword 1
Biographical Sketch 17
Letters 85
_Illustrations_
Elijah Cobb _Frontispiece_
Ship _Ten Brothers_ _facing page_ 56
Port Charges in 1811 88
Ivory, Coffee and Palm Oil: a Typical
Bill of Lading 96
[Illustration: decorative line]
_FOREWORD_
Such memoirs as were left to posterity by Captain Elijah Cobb are
fragmentary, a few letters and a narrative of certain voyages, yet
they serve to portray with singular fidelity the figure of a New
England shipmaster of a century and more ago against the backgrounds
of his time. Seafaring has long since ceased to be interwoven with the
lives and interests of the American people as a whole. No fact is more
difficult to realize than that we were once a maritime nation which,
from father to son, earned its bread upon the face of the waters. The
abandoned farm with the grassy cellar-hole and the lilac bush
surviving by the stone doorstep is the accepted symbol of the Puritan
and Pilgrim pioneers. Just as eloquent and significant are the sloping
shores of a hundred bays and inlets where the little brigs, sloops,
and ketches were built to trade with Virginia, with the West Indies,
with the ports of Europe.
At the beginning of the Revolution, in fact, there were more sailors
than farmers in the coastwise settlements of Maine and New Hampshire.
Shipping was the chief industry of Boston. On Cape Cod, where Elijah
Cobb was born and raised, the boys followed the sea instead of the
plow, and the dry land was merely a roosting place until they were old
enough to sign on in a forecastle. The proverbial Yankee traits of
canny business dealings, handiness, and resourceful hardihood were
bred in those clumsy, home-made vessels. The skipper was also a
merchant who bought and sold and bartered the cargoes that filled his
holds. His crew risked their own “adventures” in cash or merchandise,
while his neighbors ashore owned shares in the vessel and her
enterprises. And every voyage was a hazard that might make or break
them.
Elijah Cobb is well worth bringing to light because he was so
completely typical, from his piety and his eccentric spelling to his
mastery of difficulties. The romance of the sea meant nothing to him,
although he sailed in continual peril of pirate and privateer and of
foundering in a gale of wind. Navigation was mostly by guesswork and
to us it seems miraculous that he and his kind were able to fetch
anywhere at all. What he called a good ship was not much larger than a
canal boat, with a few men and boys to handle it. Such was the
training school of the shipbuilders and seamen who, in succeeding
generations, were to win for the Stars and Stripes on the high seas a
commercial prestige that challenged the ancient supremacy of Great
Britain and achieved its superb climax in the clipper ship era.
With unconscious art Elijah Cobb suggests to us the beginnings of his
own career. It could not be better done by the practised hand of a
novelist. His father, the master of a brig, dying at sea, left a young
widow with six small children in poverty on a forlorn Cape Cod farm.
The family could not be kept together. “Some of us, must leave the
perternal dwelling & seek subsistance among strangers--my Bro^{r.},
being the elder, was tried first, but wou’d not stay, & came home
crying--I was then, in my 6^{th} year, & altho” too young to earn my
living, a place was offered me, & I left my dear Mother, for that
subsistance among strangers which she could not procure for me.”
For seven years this brave little codger toiled away from home and
then disabled himself by lifting beyond his strength. His dear mother
nursed him back to health and, in 1783, when he was in his fourteenth
year, he went to Boston to look for a voyage, with his “whole wardrobe
packed in a gin case, for a trunk.”
You can imagine him wandering down to the long wharf and admiring the
“monstrous size” of a new vessel, her great cables and anchors, when
the marvelous gentleman steps from her deck, and signs him on for the
voyage at $3.50 a month.
And so as a cook he sailed away for fever-stricken Surinam, or Dutch
Guiana. His wages, together with some presents from the officers,
enabled him to bring back a private “adventure” of a barrel of
molasses and some dried fruit. The trade with the West Indies had
flourished a full century before the Revolution. There was always a
market for salted codfish to feed the slaves of the sugar plantations.
The return cargoes were largely molasses for distilling New England
rum. These voyages had been extended to the mainland of South America;
to Surinam, where fish and lumber were exchanged for the products of
the Dutch East Indies; to Honduras, whose logwood and mahogany were
cut for export to England.
Young Elijah Cobb escaped the swamp fever and returned with twenty
silver dollars to put into his mother’s hands, “probably, the largest
sum of money she had possess^{d.} since she had been a widow--& that,
from her poor little sick Boy.” No wonder her tears flowed freely,
upon the occasion. For some time thereafter he was sailing coastwise
and working his way up to a mate’s berth. Then he crossed the stormy
Western Ocean and felt qualified for command. He must have been
twenty-three years old when he became master of a brig. This was not
unusually youthful. Nathaniel Silsbee of Salem, a captain in the East
India trade at nineteen, could say of his own family:
“Connected with the seafaring life of myself and my brothers, there
were some circumstances which do not usually occur in one family. In
the first place each of us commenced that occupation in the capacity
of clerk, or supercargo, myself at the age of fourteen years; my
brother William at about fifteen; and my brother Zachariah at about
sixteen and a half years. Each and all of us obtained the command of
vessels and the consignment of their cargoes before attaining the age
of twenty years, viz., myself at the age of eighteen and a half, my
brother William at nineteen and a half, and my brother Zachariah
before he was twenty years old.”
It was during his first voyage to Europe as a shipmaster that Captain
Elijah Cobb showed himself to be a young man of exceptional courage
and contrivance. Steering for Cadiz, he learned that it was unsafe to
venture too close to Gibraltar and so he changed his course to Coruna
in the Bay of Biscay. The swift corsairs of the Dey of Algiers were
cruising like wolves to snap up merchantmen and enslave their
Christian crews. In his journal Captain Cobb states that “the
Algerines were at war with America.” This is not quite accurate, for
the United States delayed declaring war on the Barbary pirates until
1801, several years after this.
The infant republic, left without any naval force at the close of the
Revolution, was compelled to submit to the most humiliating insults
and depredations at the hands of these lawless sea rovers. It seems
incredible to recall the gifts and bribes that were abjectly paid the
Dey of Algiers as tribute, including a handsome new frigate, nor can
one read the newspaper account without a blush.
Portsmouth, N. H., Jan 20, 1798. On Thursday morning, about
sunrise, a gun was discharged from the frigate _Crescent_,
as a signal for getting under way. May she arrive in safety
at the place of her destination, as a present to the Dey of
Algiers of one of the finest specimens of elegant naval
architecture which was ever borne on the Piscataqua’s
waters. Richard O’Brien, who was ten years a prisoner at
Algiers, took passage in the frigate and is to reside at
Algiers as Consul-General of the United States to all the
Barbary States. The _Crescent_ has many valuable presents
for the Dey, including twenty-six barrels of dollars. It is
worthy of remark that the captain, the chief officers and
many of the privates of the _Crescent_ frigate have been
prisoners at Algiers.
When Captain Cobb prudently went wide of the Strait of Gibraltar, in
1794, the Dey was running amuck among American merchant vessels. As
many as ten of these luckless ships had been taken in one cruise of a
brig and three xebecks out of Algiers, and more than a hundred Yankee
seamen thrown into dungeons to toil under the lash of Arab slave
drivers. And honest seamen were begging from door to door in Boston
and Salem to collect funds for the ransom of this fellow mariner or
that, with whom they had been shipmates. The tourist who visits the
Algiers of today, an ornate French metropolis with the ancient Arab
town climbing the hill behind it, can behold strongholds whose stones
were laid by tortured, perishing sailormen from the land of the brave
and the free.
Bearing safely away from those ticklish waters, Captain Elijah Cobb
found himself out of the frying-pan and into the fire. England had
gone to war with France in 1793 when most of Europe was allied in the
effort to stamp out the flames of the Revolution. The rights of
neutrals were tossed aside. American shipping was ground between two
millstones. All was fair in war. British and French cruisers seized
our ships for engaging in trade which our own interpretation of
international law held to be perfectly legitimate. More than a hundred
American vessels were taken by France in 1793 on pretext of trading
with England or her colonies.
Captain Cobb could find no reason why his voyage to Spain should be
molested and he was too stiff-necked to submit without protest. His
papers were stolen by the prize master and there seemed to be no means
of redress whatever. He had no friends in France, official or
otherwise, and his ship was tied up in the port of Brest while a
starving populace looted her cargo of foodstuffs. The Reign of Terror
was at its height. Chaos and bloodshed ruled in place of government.
The guillotine was a law unto itself. In a period of fifteen months,
17,000 persons had been formally executed in France. The number of
those who were shot, drowned, or otherwise massacred without pretense
of a trial can never be known, but must be reckoned far greater.
All of which may have harrowed the soul of Captain Elijah Cobb, but he
kept his eye firmly fixed on his own predicament. His ship had to be
released and indemnity paid him for detention and loss of cargo. After
six weeks of wrangling with minor officials, he resolved to go to
Paris and seek satisfaction. A stubborn mariner who shoved obstacles
aside, behold him making this dangerous journey with an official
courier, for armament loaded pistols and a blunderbuss, in a carriage
that was “musquet shot proof” and driving like Jehu night and day,
without a wink of sleep all the way from Brest, more than six hundred
miles.
Undismayed, persistent, Captain Elijah Cobb pursued his way through
the weltering horrors of Paris, merely noting that he saw one thousand
persons beheaded by “that infernal machine,” the guillotine. Thwarted
at every turn, he carried his case to none other than Robespierre
himself. The audacity of this Yankee seafarer was amazing. He made
dollars seem heroic. His motive was really better than this--the
compulsion of duty toward the owners who had entrusted him with the
ship and her lading. Citizen Robespierre, Carlyle’s sea-green monster,
spoke the word that swiftly untangled the affair.
Shortly after this, Robespierre was overthrown and outlawed by the
Convention. Trying to commit suicide with a pistol, the bullet did no
more than shatter his jaw. And now for the final scene in the Place de
la Concorde. Captain Cobb stood there and beheld it with his own eyes,
on the 9th Thermidor (July 28, 1794). Robespierre rides on a tumbril,
the mangled jaw bound in dirty linen. The Gendarmes point their swords
at him to show the people who he is. A woman leaps upon the tumbril
and screams: “Thy death rejoices my very heart. _Scélérat_, go down to
Hell with the curses of all wives and mothers!” At the scaffold they
stretch him on the ground. Then Samson, the burly executioner, lifts
him aloft, wrenches off his coat, tears the dirty linen from his jaw.
A hideous cry and the head of Robespierre is shorn from his shoulders.
And how does Captain Cobb describe this gigantic episode? As if he
were making an entry in a ship’s log. “Before I left the country; I
saw Robertspeirs head taken off, by the same Machine--But to return to
my induvidual, and embarised affairs….” This was characteristic of the
New England breed of seafarers. They are exasperating at times. They
saw so much and told so little. The wonders of the world left them
unmoved. The pen was an awkward tool to handle and they were as
thrifty with words as with pence.
You will find Captain Cobb waxing loquacious, however, when it comes
to the intricate and difficult business of due bills and foreign
exchange or smuggling gold out of France. All this is of value to the
modern reader as showing how extremely competent were these master
mariners as bankers and merchants. It helps to explain why they became
the leaders in their communities when they retired from the
quarter-deck, and why they were so successful, as a class, in
commercial pursuits ashore. They were literally the first American
captains of industry, men accustomed to large responsibilities and the
tests of critical emergencies.
It throws a curious slant on the moral code of the time to find Elijah
Cobb so profoundly pious and yet so ready to bribe and smuggle with a
clear conscience. In a way, this point of view was inherited from the
American Revolution. The harsh restrictions laid by the mother country
on the commerce of her colonies had led to smuggling as an easy road
to wealth. In almost every town prominent characters were named who,
under British rule, had stowed in their attics and cellars goods that
were not for the officers of the King’s Customs to see. To these
harbors came vessels built for speed and laden with contraband wares
gathered in the colonies of France and Spain. And reputable merchants
were always ready to run the stuff ashore. Thus, on the very day when
the farmers of Middlesex drove the British out of Lexington, John
Hancock was to have stood trial for defrauding the Customs.
And so Elijah Cobb, pillar of the Universalist church in his later
years, is not in the least ashamed to admit that he did a very pretty
job of running rum to a crew of skilled smugglers between the Cove of
Cork and the Scilly Islands.
It was adroit intelligence and knowledge of the world that enabled him
to escape from the trap of the British Orders in Council that ruined
hundreds of American shipmasters and owners. These high-handed
measures aimed against Napoleon, together with his Milan Decree
launched in retaliation, made American vessels liable to confiscation
in almost every foreign port to which they traded. It was not a proud
era in our national history. The time was not far distant when the cry
of “Free Trade and Sailors’ Rights” was to sound the note of the
Second War with England.
Elijah Cobb, loading a return cargo of wines and dried fruit at
Malaga, in 1806, learned that England forbade such a voyage. He
decided to take a sporting chance of slipping by the English cruisers
in the “Gut of Gibralter.” The wind failing him at the wrong time, he
obtained his clearance papers by bribing an official. In the opinion
of Elijah Cobb there was more than one way to skin a cat.
The intolerable aggressions aimed at American commerce, including the
impressment of seamen, had caused President Thomas Jefferson to use
the embargo as a weapon in reprisal. If he could not protect American
ships and sailors on the high seas, he could, at least, he thought,
save them by keeping them at home. Maritime New England had been
reluctant to accept an embargo policy. Josiah Quincy had begged
Congress to remember that the ocean could not be abandoned by his
people “of whom thousands would rather see a boat-hook than all the
sheep-crooks in the world.” However, the first Embargo Bill was passed
in December of 1807, forbidding the departure of American vessels for
any foreign port. The results were futile and disastrous. Ports filled
with dismantled ships, counting-houses deserted, grass growing in the
waterside streets failed to affect perfidious Albion. Nevertheless,
the embargo was tried again in the spring of 1812.
Captain Cobb was loading flour at Alexandria, Virginia, for a European
voyage when the news of another embargo came like a blow from a clear
sky. Hard-bitten New Englander, he had refused to heed the warnings.
His own Massachusetts Legislature had denounced such Acts of Congress
as unconstitutional, and a hundred towns had adopted resolutions of
protest. However, Mr. Madison’s latest embargo was a condition and not
a theory, so Elijah Cobb made haste to get to sea before the officials
could lawfully stop him. He had twenty-four hours of grace. A gale of
wind was blowing, so violent that the ship was almost torn away from
the wharf. Here was the efficient shipmaster in action--a hundred tons
of stone ballast to be landed, three thousand barrels of flour to be
stowed in the hold and secured, provisions, wood, and water to be
taken aboard, a crew to be found and signed on, and the vessel cleared
at the custom house.
Elijah Cobb turned the trick without bluster or confusion. It was the
kind of thing he could do extremely well. His portrait is that of a
man very resolute and composed, not much humor in the straight mouth
and steadfast eye, a good deal of the Puritan afloat. In his sedate
way he must have enjoyed what he called “running away from the
Embargo.”
England and the United States were on the brink of war. This final
embargo was frankly intended as a preparation for war. It held
American ships in our own ports and saved them from capture while a
swift pilot schooner was sent to warn American merchantmen in northern
Europe that hostilities impended and they must hasten home or lie up
abroad in some neutral harbor. These signs and portents seemed to have
escaped the notice of Captain Elijah Cobb. He was oddly unaware of it
all, busied with selling his flour in Cadiz at a profit and buying
British bills of exchange to reap more dollars. Congress had formally
declared war, on June 18, while Captain Cobb was in the midst of his
transactions. And when he sailed from Cadiz for Boston, on July 5, “he
never felt himself saffer, on account of enemies on the high seas.”
Peacefully he jogged across the Atlantic, as far as the Grand Bank,
when he was overhauled by a British armed schooner. The subsequent
proceedings must upset the conventional notions of the sea warfare of
bygone days. All British seamen are presumed to have been ruffianly
and outrageous persons. It will be noted that the interviews between
Captain Cobb and his captors were conducted with courtesy and
friendliness.
The merchant skipper was pained and surprised to find that he had
fallen into the enemy’s hands. The enemy endeavored to make it as
comfortable as possible, trusting that Captain Cobb would “excuse
their inquisitiveness.”
You will find the dialogue vastly entertaining and not at all as the
fictionist would fancy it. Mutual regrets and esteem, the prize
politely ordered to St. Johns, the prisoners to be made as comfortable
as possible under the circumstances! And then it is your pleasure to
meet that fine old Port Admiral of St. Johns, Sir John Thomas
Duckworth, who tried to make these unwilling visitors feel at home.
“Supercargoes and Gentlemen passengers” were set at liberty.
The display of gentlemanly feeling between sailor foemen was not
unique in the annals of the War of 1812. England was well aware that
the maritime interests of the New England coast were out of sympathy
with the war and it was policy to avoid provoking them more than
possible. “Organize a peace party throughout your Country,” resolved
the Massachusetts House of Representatives, after war had been
declared, “and let the sound of your disapprobation be loud and deep.”
The climax came with the secretly seditious Hartford Convention. The
Federalist opposition was stupidly blind to the fact that the war was
a defensive struggle against the massed resources of the British
Empire. The seafaring population, forgetting the national interests
and suffering destruction and blockade, allowed the politicians to
lead it by the nose.
Captain Elijah Cobb stayed at home on the farm until the end of the
war. Then he resumed his voyages to Europe, uneventfully, and engaged
in the African trade in 1818, commanding the ship _Ten Brothers_.
There was no worse pest hole on earth than the West Coast and its
slave ports, no area so indelibly stained with man’s inhumanity to
man. A land of treacherous surf and steaming jungle, of tawny beaches
and sluggish rivers, the infamies of centuries cursed the names of
Goree and Gambia, the Bight of Benin and the Bight of Biafra, Calabar,
Anamaboe, and the Congo. In 1819 the slave trade had been outlawed by
England and the United States, but many thousands of the poor wretches
were annually smuggled into the West Indies and the southern ports of
this country.
The barracoons and factories were flourishing when Captain Cobb sailed
on his lawful trading voyages to Prince’s Island in the Gulf of
Guinea. Like many another American shipmaster he risked the deadly
fever in order to sell his goods to the natives and carry home palm
oil, ivory, coffee, and gold dust. The most lucrative traffic was in
New England rum, muskets, and gunpowder, but Captain Cobb makes no
mention of these as in his invoice, and it is fair to give him the
benefit of the doubt. Not that it would have discredited him in the
reputable circles of Boston or Brewster. A man could be a deacon and
still peddle Medford rum to the benighted Africans.
Captain Cobb stocked his ship with the customary trade goods, gaudy
cotton prints, tobacco, beads and brass pots, bandana hankerchiefs,
flour and meal, salt beef, pork, and fish, candles, tinware, and
crockery. His letters are pretty doleful reading. Several other
American vessels were with him at Prince’s Island, their captains ill
or dead of fever, his own ship rotten with it. What they called
fumigation was crude and ineffectual. They suffered grimly. It was all
in the day’s work, and they could only commit themselves “to a
mercifull just God who always acts for the good of his Creaturs, &
happy would it be for us; if we could always bow with humble
submission to His righteous dispensations.”
Even this consolation was not enough to make Captain Cobb endure more
than two voyages to the Guinea Coast. His ship had to be scuttled at a
Boston wharf, so foul she was with deadly fever, and there was fear
that the contagion might spread ashore. This was the end of his
seafaring career of nearly forty years. To a ripe old age he dwelt in
Brewster, a distinguished citizen and active farmer, “tall & straight
of fine figure his face very pleasant to look upon.” The imperious
traits of the quarter-deck were carried into his religious activities.
As a Universalist he played a lone hand for some years, and “met with
violent opposition to his views, yet waxing only the more valiant in
the fight, he came off conquerer.”
It is the wistful desire of every true sailorman to quit the restless
sea and own a farm. This boon was vouchsafed Elijah Cobb and it is
fitting to bid him farewell when “the wind has got around to the
south” and he is just returning from a visit to the young orchard--a
mellowed old gentleman who had lived through the most stirring era of
American ships and sailors and had survived hazards innumerable to
find a quiet harbor! Not a flamboyant career, but splendidly competent
as one reads between the lines. He was one of the pioneers, blood
brother of the men who turned landward to tame the wilderness.
Ralph D. Paine.
_Durham, New Hampshire
April, 1925._
[Illustration: decorative line]
_BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH_
_The following Biographical sketch; with a few of the incidents of
my life, are committed to paper, for the gratification, and
amusement of my beloved Grand-children. Considering the
advanced age of the writer, on the brink of 75, it must be
expected, there will be imperfections, of various kinds--the
old mans trembling hand is conspicuous at first sight--but even
that, may interest, when the reader reflect, that the hand
which pen’d these lines, is now mouldering in Dust._
In the year 1802, I was in Yarmouth, a sea port, in the East of
England; and by one of those casual events of life, was favoured with
an interview with an aged Gentleman, a Port admiral, by the name of
Isaac Cobb--lea[r]ning, that I was an American, and my name Cobb, he
expressed a desire to know the names of my ancestors, as far back as I
could recolect; I could only give him, to my great G^{r.} Father
Jonathan Cobb--he then told me, that it was clear to him, that my
ancestor originated from Harwich in England, that he had been at the
seat, where he was born, many times,--that Silvanus Cobb, had 4 sons.
viz Jonathan, Eleazer, Silvanus, & Benjamin, that the two first named
embarked for America in the May Flower[1] that Silvanus followed them
some 2 or 3 years after; & that Benjamin remained with his Father
untill he died, & then followed his Brothers to America.
He then produced a very lengthy Biography of several generations, &
read many particulars of the Cobb families, and among them--that
Jonathan, son of Silvanus, setled upon Cape Cod--Eleazer, somewhat
further westward--& Silvanus, some distance north of Boston--and that
I was, no doubt, a decendant from Jonathan.
The old gentlemen ordered his secretary, to make a copy, of such parts
of the biography, as related to my ancestry, but circomstances obliged
me leave, before I received it.
So much for Admiral Cobb.
[Sidenote: Ancestry]
I remember, perfectly well, when I had five Grand Parents alive, 4 on
my Fathers side, & one, on my Mothers--viz. my Great G’d Father & g’d
Mother Cobb--my Grand Father & g’d Mother Cobb, & my G’d Mother
Freeman, my Mothers Mother, I cannot trace my ancestry beyond my Great
g’d Father Cobb--there were three, of his family, which I perfecty
remember--viz. Jonathan, Eleazer, & Benjamin--the female part, I have
no knowledge of--my G’d Fathers family consisted of 10 children, 6
sons, & 4 daughters, viz Elijah, Scottow, Isaac, John, Seth, Elkanah,
Mary, Sally, Hannah, Betsey--my Grandmother Freemans name was Mary,
she was Sister to Rev^{d.} Nath^{l.} Stone the first ordained Minister
in this Town, then Harwich--she married Barnabus Freeman, of eastham,
he was a sea Captain, & died at about 40 years of age--my mother, was
their only child, & was only 12 years old when her Father died--at 17
she marreid my Father, Scottow Cobb, their family consisted of 6
children, viz. Huldah, Barna, Elijah, Reliance, Judith, &
Sally--three, have already paid the debt of nature; & the united ages
of the three alive, is 224 years.
My Father persued a seafaring life for subsistance; was Master of a
Brig, & died on his passage from Cadiz to Quebec, in the 33^{d} year of
his age--leaving my Mother with 6 infant children, the oldest but 10
years of age, and the youngest, born after Father left home, the last
time,--For the support of this helpless flock; was a small cape cod
farm, a small house & barn, and one cow--I have heard my Mother say,
that she never received 100$ for my Fathers effects--
Under such circomstances; it was not posible to keep the family
together--to support & educate them, with the means in her power, was
out of the question--some of us, must leave the perternal dwelling &
seek subsistance among strangers--my Bro^{r.}, being the Elder, was
tried first, but wou’d not stay, & came home crying--I was then, in my
6^{th} year, & altho” too young to earn my living, a place was offered
me, & I left my dear mother for that subsistance among strangers which
she could not procure for me.
I continued from my Mother, except at times visiting her, untill in my
13^{th.} year, when by an imprudent attempt, to lift beyond my
strength, I broke a vessell in my stomack, which entirely disenabled
me; and I was sent home to my Mother, incapable of labour of any kind.
I remained with her; under the care of a skilfull Docter, about a
year, when he advised me, to be sent to sea, as the best method to
regain my health.
[Sidenote: Seeks a Voyage]
Accordingly, in the fall of 1783, I was fitted out for Boston, to look
for a voyage--My whole wardrobe, was packed in a gin case, for a
trunk; a tow bedsack, filled with rye straw, & a pair of, home-made,
blankets, for sleeping appuratis, with two bushels of corn, to pay my
passage to Boston--and acquipted thus, I left the family circle, with
buoyant sperits and in full confidence that I should work myself thro”
life, with honour & credit--I embarked, at Skaket, in a small Schooner
of only 25 Tons, called the _Creture_; & after going into Provinctown,
& laying there during a gale of wind, we reached Boston, in about
three days.
At the time, I am speaking of, there were more men, than could readily
find employ, & frequently, the best of seamen, were distitute of
voyages--several of our neighbouring young men, had been to Boston,
that fall, previous to my leaving home, & had returned without giting
employ, they told my Mother, that I would only spend the two bushels
of corn, & return to her without giting a voyage--but their
predictions were set at naught; for the first time I went down the
long wharf, & stood gazeing at a new vessell, wondering, & admiring
her monstrous size, her great cables & anchors &c--a gentleman stept
from her deck & thus accosted me! My lad, do you want a voyage--. Yes
Sir--will you go with me in this vessell--where are you bound Sir--to
Siranam--I am told Sir, that all flesh die, that go there--well my
boy, to prove, that you have not been told the truth, I have been
there 13 voyages, & you see I’m alive yet--well Sir, I should like to
go, what wages will you allow me--do you know how to cook--not much
Sir, but I can soon learn--well my boy, if you think so, I presume you
will, I like your candour & will take you, & give you the customary
wages of a boy; half of Seamens wages $3.50 p^{r} month, but you must
go immediately on board, & git dinner for the men at work--& thus I
commenced my duty as cook & cabin Boy.
When the men broke off work, at night, they all went away; the
Cap^{t.} then asked me, where my bed & cloaths were--I told him, on
board the creture, in town dock--well, you must go & git them, & I’ll
keep ship untill you return, you must sleep on board to night--who
else will sleep on board--nobody, there is no one belongs to the
vessell, except you & myself--not liking the idea of sleeping on board
alone, I took the liberty of asking him, where his mate was--he said,
he had not got one yet--I told him, I _gessed_, I knew a good man,
that would like to go--who is he--I said, My Uncle, who came up, in
the creture to look for a voyage--has he ever been mate--Yes Sir, &
prise mastre too, in the war--well, you go after your things, & if you
see your Uncle, ask him to come down & see me, in the morning when I
got on board the creture, my Uncle was there, and by way of a
reprimand, asked, where I had been all day--why Uncle, said I, I have
shipped myself, & I beleive I have got a voyage for you also.
[Sidenote: Voyage to Surinam]
To make a short story, my Uncle went down in the morning, & shipped &
went the voyage.--I then wrote to my Mother, that I had got a voyage
for myself & Uncle, & if those young men would come to Boston before I
sailed, I would ship them off, rather than have them stay at home
Idle, & upon expense all winter.
The vessell was soon loaded, & we went to sea--my inexperienc, & being
very sea-sick, for a while, rendered my situation very unpleasant, but
I soon surmounted those deficulties; & began to injoy my new mode of
life; after the opperation of David Jones’s medecine (sea-sickness) I
felt my health improved, & by the time we arrived in Surinam, I felt
quite well, and I found I was able to give pritty good satisfaction in
my line of duty.
My perticular attention to the officers, procured me some presents, by
wh I was enabled to purchase a Barrel of molasses, & some fruit, for
an adventure back to Boston.
Nothing meterial took place, during the remainder of the voyage, worth
noting; we returned to Boston in the spring of 1784, discharged our
cargo, mollases, was paid our wages & seperated, each to home. My
wages amouted to 21$, & by the sale of my bbl of Molases, & some my
fruit, I was enabled to git myself a new suit of sailors cloaths, from
the Slopshop, & carried home, & put into my Mothers hands, 20 silver
Dollars--probably, the largest sum of money she had posses^{d.} since
she had been a widow--& that, from her poor little sick Boy--her tears
flowed freely, upon the occasion, but they were tears of gratitude to
our heavenly Father, for his mercies to her child, in permitting his
return home, in the injoyment of so much better health, than he left
it--my own feelings, upon the occasion, can be better imagined than
discribed.
I tarried at home but a short time, before I returned to Boston, in
persuit of employ; & spent the summer, with a Cap^{t.} Lombard, in the
coasting business. In the fall I shipped, as a common sailor, & made
several voyages to the W. Idies--returning from a voyage, in Dec^{r.}
1786, I was informed that my Brother, had fallen from mast-head, in
the Delaware Bay, had Broken both his legs, one thigh, & put out of
joint, one shoulder--and was then, in the Pensalvinia hospital, with
one leg amputated.
The Season was then so far advanced, that the navigation, was about
closing with Ice, consequently, I was compelled to relinquish my
visit, to my unfortunate Brother, untill the spring opened the
navigation.
Prehaps you will ask! why, G’d Father did not go on by land--but, my
dear G. children, the mode of traveling then, was quite different from
now, we had no railroads, no, steam conveyance, and scarcly, a
carriage--even the mail, was carried upon horses--a stage coach was
not known--
[Sidenote: Brotherly Love]
I consequently, engaged a birth, for the spring, with my uncle John
Cobb, in the employ of Benj^{a} Cobb & Sons, of Boston, in the
Philadelphia trade, went home, & attended School, about 2 months, when
I was call’d upon, to go on to Boston by land to join the vessell. I
accordingly started, in company with 3 others, for the same object, &
walked to Boston. We there joined the vessell, loaded her, & saild for
Philadelphia--on our arrival, I procured a permit, as soon as posible,
& visited my poor Brother in the hospital--affectionate Brothers &
Sisters, can better imagine, our feelings at meeting, than I can
discribe it--suffice it to say, he was not well anough, to leave the
hospital then, but t’was thought he wou’d be, by our next trip--our
trips, only took up about a month, & according the next time, he came
on with us to Boston, & I sent him home to our Mother.
I continued in the employ of B. C. & Sons, about a year, when they
premoted me to the office of mate--and in that capacity I served them,
under many different captains, between 6 & 7 years, untill I felt
myself qualifi^{d.} to command a vessel, & seeing no disposition on
their part to indulge me, I left the employ; went to Baltimore, & made
two voyages to Europe, in the capacity of 1^{st.} mate of a
ship--after which, I returned to Boston; and got the command of a
Brig, in the employ of Edw^{d.} & Will^{m.} Reynolds--
[Sidenote: Captured by the French]
After making several voyages, to Virginia, & one to the West Idies; in
April 1793, I went to the cape, & got married; I was then in my
25^{th.} year--. I continued in the employ of the Mess^{rs.}
Reynolds’s; principally in the virginia trade, about two years longer,
when they concluded to send me, on a voyage to Europe--their object
was, to cadiz; but at that time, the algerines were at war with
America; & it was reported, that their crusiers were outside of the
streights of Gibaralter--in consequence, it was recommended that I
should clear my vessell for Curruna, a northern port in spain, and
there essertain, whether it would be safe, to proceed to Cadiz--I was
however, spared the trouble of enquirry, by falling in, with a French
Frigate, who captur^{d}, & sent me to France. x x x x & here commences
my first trouble & anxiety, as a ship Master--having under my charge,
a valuable vessell & cargo, inexperienced in business--carried into a
foreign port, unacquainted with the language, no American consel, or
merchant to advise with--and my reputation, as a ship master,
depending upon the measures I persued &c &c.
The time, that I arrived in France, was during the french Revolution,
and in the _bloody_ reign of Robertspeire--all was arnachy &
confusion--the galliotine, in continual opperation, & their streets &
publick squars, drenched with human blood--I minuted down, 1000
persons, that I saw beheaded, by that _infernal_ machine; and probably
saw, as many more, that I did not note down, men, women, preists &
laymen, of all ages--and finally, before I left the country; I saw
Robertspeirs head taken off, by the same Machine--But, to return to my
induvidual, and embarised affairs--all my papers, relative to my ship
& voyage, had been taken from me, on board the Frigate, at sea; I
concluded they were put in possession of the prise Master, who brought
me in, but he, was not to be found; neither could I find any clue to
my papers, and without them, I could not prove, any demand for redress
upon the government, for their violation of our neutrality--it was
true, my vessel was there; but her cargo, Flour & Rice, was taken out,
& was daily made into bread, soups, &c &c, for the half starved,
populace--and without papers, I could not, even substanciate my claim
to an empty ship--they meerly condecended, to send me to a Hotell, to
board; & those of my ships crew, that were sent in with me, were also,
provided for.
In this very unpleasant perdicerment I remained about six weeks--I
had, however, in that time, written to the american charge des affairs
at Paris, & received an answer, but it contained nothing definite, he
regreted my situation, & that of my countrymen generally, in France, &
that it was owing to the disorganized state of affairs in the country;
and that, I must exercise patiance, & the government w^{d.} do what
was right in time.
In about six weeks, as before observed, I was called upon, at my
lodgings, by an officer, of the tribunal of commerce, bringing, a copy
of the judgment, of said tribunal, upon my vessel and cargo, & a
linguister to explain it to me.
Thus, had they tried me, & passed sentance without my hearing, or even
knowing that I was on trial--but, in that way, all business was
managed in France at that time.
The decision of the tribunal, was, however, so favourable, that it
gave a spring to my feelings, & a sensation that gave new life.
[Sidenote: A Promise to Pay]
They declared, my vessell & cargo, to be new-trial property; & that,
as the cargo was at _my_ disposition, I should be paid for it, by the
government, at the prices that might be fixed upon, by myself & the
agent of the government, and an adequate endemnification, for my
capture, detention, expenditures &c &c
I was then waited upon, to the agent of marine, to sell my cargo; when
it is presumed, there was not a pound, of the flour, or rice in
existance--and after battleing, in words, three days in succession, we
fixed the prices, as follows, viz--Flour $16.50, & Rice $5.50--this,
was a good begining, being over 200 p^{r}cent on the invoice.
but a long altercation now insue’d, relative to the payment--money,
was out of the question, for if they had it, to pay, there was a law
against bringing it away from the country--goods, also, were out of
the question, as well as bills on England or America--finally, I
agreed to take, government Bills of exchange, on Hamburg, payable 60
days after date, and was promised, by the Agent; that I should have my
bills, in 12 or 14 days--I waited patiently a month, but no bills
came; & finding that no confidence could be placed in their promises,
& feeling doubtfull, as to obtaing any thing for my Cargo; I thought
it advisable to send my vessell home, under charge of the
mate--consequently, I ballased her, & sent her away; writing to my
owners, that I was determ^{d.} to persevere, untill I obtained
satisfaction.
My mind being releived, from seing my vessell laying Idle, & at great
expense; I came to the determination of going to head quarters,
Paris--but many deficulties were to be surmounted, in order to attain
this object--1^{st.} the road was dangerous to travail; the adherents
of royalty, were reduced to mere scurmaging parties, that committed
their depradations under cover of the night, in solitary places, upon
travellers, & the peaceble inhabitants--and as all horses were taken
into requisition by the government, except those that convey^{d.} the
national dispatches; there was no other mode of travelling; and it was
conterary to law, for them to take a passengers--but my mind was fixed
upon going, as the only chance of ever accomplishing my business with
the French government. I therefore called upon the Minister of Marine,
& got an official copy, of my demands on the government, and had them
recorded (a precautionary measure) as I had lea[r]ned, that loseing a
mans papers, was one of their methods of procrastination, to keep far
off a settlement.
After this, I procured an interpreter, & waited upon _Jean Con. S^{t.}
Andre_, a man, holding high offices under the Government, & reported
to be, favourably disposed to Americans--to him I made known my
situation--the treatment I had received, the praplexity I was in--&
the necessity of going to Paris--& praying him, not only to grant me a
pasport, but to grant a special permitt, to one of the Coureirs, to
carry me there--after a long demur, with himself, & repeatedly feeling
of his neck, to see how it would bear the knife; he returned a
favourable reply--viz. that I must call upon him the next day, when he
would make the necessary arrangments &c
[Sidenote: On to Paris]
Accordingly, in two days, I was underway for Paris, in one of the
national coureirs with government dispatches, the Master of which, did
not speak one word of English, & myself, but a few words of French, of
course, we were not _very_ sociable--we were furnished, each with a
pair of pistals, with a blunderbus, loaded, in front, our carraige,
was musquet shot proof, except in front; drove, by a postilion outside
with from 5, to 9 horses, according to the road, which at best, was
very indifferent.
And thus we drove on, Jehu like, without stoping, except to exchange
horses, & mail; taking occasionally, as we run, a mouthfull of bread,
and washing it down, with some low prised, red Burgendy wine--as to
sleep, I did not git one wink during the journey, of 684 miles. But
_la maitre de les despach_, would sleep, during the day, pitching
about the carriage, for the roads were very rough, to my very great
anoyance--but, during the night, his anxiety kept _him_ awake, through
fear, altho” we had a guard, of, from 12 to 24, mouted horsmen each
night, from sunset, to sunrise, to preceed, & follow--and as a
demonstration, that the precaution was necessary, on the 2^{d} morning,
after leaving Brewst, just before our gaurds left us, we witnessed a
scene, that filled us with horrow.--the remains, of a Coreir, laying
in the road, the Master, the Postilion, & 5 horses laying dead, &
mangled by it, & the mail mutalated & scatered in all directions. We
were informed, afterwards, that the Coureir, was without an gaurd,
that the evening previous; there was an alarm in the visinity, that
had called out, all their fources to supress, consequently, at the
last stage, there was none to supply; & it was death by law, for
national despatches to stop, therefore, the Master proceeded, without
a guard, and met the fate, as discribed.
The next night, at about sun-setting we came to a stage, where we
expected to receive our guard, & there was none for us, however, the
next stage, was only five miles, & not considered very dangerous; we
therefore proceeded on, atho” not without great anxiety; & preparation
of our fire arms, in case of an attact.
[Sidenote: A Word of English]
In the very neat village of Alan[‘c]on, in Normondy, I had the first,
& only, word of English, sporken to me, during the journey, we stopped
to exchange horses & mail, when the _Maitre_, as usual, was called to
an account for having a passenger, & a foreigner too, in the Coureir;
and while he was making his justification, shewing pasports &c; a man
in a tattered uniform, came up to the door of the Carraige, & reaching
out his hand, said in quite good english; for the love of God, my dear
Sir, do permitt me to shake hands, with one, who comes from that
country, where, the _great_, and beloved Washington resides--he only
had time to say, ‘that he went to America with, la Fayettee, and had
the honour of having served under the _best man God ever made_, even
the great Washington.
Nothing interesting took place untill we reached Paris. It was at
4^ {[o:]} Clock, of a beautifull June morning, that the Carriage
stopped before the gate of Hotel de Boston, & the bell rung, having
been just 74 hours from the gates of Brest--during which time, I had
not lost myself in sleep, taken nothing warm upon my stomack, nor used
water, upon either hands or face--thus covered with dust, & exhausted
with fateague; I was received by the Porter, conveyed to a chamber,
provid^{d.} with washing apparatus, where I soon freed myself from
dust, applied clean linnen, and enscons’d myself in an excellent Bed,
saying to myself, _soul take thine ease in sleep_--but, it appeared,
that sleep had departed from me, I laid untill the clock struck 10,
without being able to obtain a doze, & then rose, & attended, thro”
the day, to finding out a train of my business, through the American
Consul &c, retired to Bed again at 9^ {[o:]} Clock, heard the Clock
strike 12, and knew nothing after, untill 11^ {[o:]} Clk the next day;
when awoke, feeling like myself again; although I slept very sound the
next night, for 9 hours without awaking.
[Sidenote: Hope Deferred]
After essertaining where to apply, my first object of attention was,
to scearch for my Accounts, sent on from Brest--the result was, they
denied, at all the offices, ever having received them, or heard of
such a Brig, as the Jane, nor of her comander, Cap^{t.} Cobb--well,
“as I before observed, I prepared for this event, before I left
Brewst; by procuring a copy of my Accounts &c &c, accordingly I laid
an official set before them, and thus introducing the _Jane_, & her
commander--I was told, to call the next day, & they would let me know,
when my Bills wou’d be ready. I therefore, was obliged to exercise
patiance & wait; but when I called the next day, my papers were not to
be found in the office--no one had put them away, no one could tell
any thing about them--and finally, after a long French jabber, it was
concluded, that they must have been left upon the counter, brushed
off, & burned, among the lose papers.
This was too much, for my already perplexed, agitated, mind. I knew of
no way, but to write back to Brest, for another set--& they, probably,
wou^{d.} meet the same fate, as the two preseeding ones had. I was now
fully conveinced, that the whole was designed, for the purpose of
procrastination & putting off pay day as long as possible--but it was
a severe trial for me, in my inexperienced state. I consulted with our
consul; & with our Minister at the court of France, but the only
satisfaction was; git another set of papers, & we will guard against
another loss--
While seting, with writing meterials before me in my chamber, in the
act of writing for another set of papers--a French gentleman, who
occopied the next room, & who spoke good English, passed my door; I
asked him in, & related to him my greivances--after he had thought for
a few moments; he advised me, to endevour to obtain an interveiw with
Roberspeire, & make known to him my greivances; assuring me that he
was partial to Americans, & had no doubt, but he would give me such
advice as would be servicable to me--But, I asked, will he, the leader
of this nation, condesend to listen to a private induvidual, &
interpose, in meely, a commercial transaction--yes, if the business is
managed right, I am confident he will. But, how shall I obtain an
interveiw--simply by writing him a billet yourself, in the republican
stile, an American cetizen, to citizen Roberspeire, & send it by a
servant of the Hotel, requesting an interview upon business.
[Sidenote: Interview with Robespierre]
After duly considering upon the subject, I wrote the following, & sent
it by servant.
An American citizen, captured by a French Frigate on the
high seas, requests, a personal interveiw; & to lay his
greivances before citizens Roberspeire.
Very respectfully
E. Cobb
In about an hour, I received the following note, in his own hand
writing.
I will grant Citizen Cobb an interveiw to morrow at 10 A M.
Roberspeire
This, gave a spring to my feelings, and banished that depression which
had held me in chains, for some days previous. I was puntual to the
time--sent my name up, & was admitted into the presence of the great
man. He pointed me to a seat without speaking; there was one man,
only, in the Hall, an enterpreter, who told me that, Citizen
Roberspeire whished me, to commince my relation, at the time of my
capture, and to tell the whole, up to this time--I accordingly
proceeded; and, thro” the interpreter, related my Capture & treatment,
up to that time--upon my closing the detail; with a waive of
Roberspeires hand, the interpreter left the hall, and he, R--e, began
conversing with me, in very good English, questioning me, upon some
perticcular points, of the former conversation; but more perticurly,
about the loss of my papers, since I arrived in Paris--finally, he
told me to call at an office, in Rue S^{t.} Honorie, called the office
of the 2^{d} department, & _demand_ my papers, I told him, that I had
been there repeatedly, & that I was forbid to enter the office again,
upon my telling him that, he exclaimed. _Sacra coquin_--go, said he,
to that office, & tell cetizen F. T., that you came from R--e, and if
he does not produce your papers, & finish your business _immediately_,
he will hear from me again, in a way not so pleasing to him. Observing
at the same time, that he regreted that _his name_ should be made use
of, in a mercantile transaction, but that my case, absolutely demanded
it.
I tendered my greatfull thanks for his services, & left him; after
receiving his injunctions, to call & let him know how I succeeded--I
went direct to the afores^{d.} office; and, by the previledge of
making use of Roberspeirs name, I was kindly rec^{d.} an opology made,
for former abuses, and my business compleated the next day--but as my
exchanges were drawn, payable sixty days after date, & the tribunal
had decred, demurage &c, untill I received my Bills, I refused to
receive them in Paris, as my pay wou’d then stop, but insisted on
their being sent to the agent in Brest agreable to contract--my object
was, not to receive them untill 12 or 15 days before they were due,
consequently I remained in Paris about 3 weeks after my bills were
sent to Brest. and during that time, the great man, who had so
assentially befreinded me, was beheaded by the Galliotine.
[Sidenote: Various Pleasant Towns]
This event, very meterially changed the aspect of affairs in France;
my exchanges, which before, I could have readily sold at par value,
now, would not bring 50^{cts.} on the dollar--this induced me, to go
on to Hamburg with them myself & know the result; and having a desire
to see more of the country, & could travell, principally, at the
expence of the nation, having full time, before my bills wou’d become
due--I took my seat in the accomodation stage for Burdeaux, visited
that City, tarried 5 days, again started, visited Nantes, Loreong,[2]
& various pleasant towns in La Vanda,[3] & arrived at Brest, 20 days
before my bills were due.
The agent of Merine, expressed a little disapprobation at my not
calling before for my Bills, having had them about 20 days--but I
setled with him, quite amicably; and found a small vessell, bound
direct for Hamburg, in her, I secured a passage, & embarked 3 days
after. We had a long passage, but I arrived the next day after my
bills became due.
[Sidenote: Welcome Advice]
And here, I will relate, one of those casual events, which frequently
take place, to the benifit of man--the vessell in which I took
passage, stopped at Gluxstad, a town on the river Elbe, about 30 miles
below Hamburg; the Captain & myself went on shore, & engaged a
carraige to take us up to the City; but night overtaking us before we
reached it, the gates were shut & we could not enter (the gates were
always shut at sunsetting, & upon no occasion, were opened untill
sun-rise) consequently, we turned back, about a mile, to the Danish
city of Altony, where put up for the night, at a famous Hotel, & there
I found a number of american ship Masters merchants &c; at the supper
table, various questions were asked me, by which they learned that I
was from France, that I came as a passenger; but I discovered that
curiosity was _wide awake_ to know my business--I, however, thought
proper, to keep that to myself; having my fears, relative to my
Bills--after riseing from the supper table, a gentleman came to me, &
asked me into his room; being seated; he introduced himself as
follows.--I am Sir, an american, from New York, my name is Loyle, I
noticed the curiosity of our countrymen, at the supper table, to know
your business; & Sir, I was pleased to notice your prudent
reservation, upon the subject--I do not ask you; but conjecture what
it is, and if it is, as I think; I can be of service to you, by way of
advice, probably.--my conjecture is, that you have French government
Bills on their agent in Hamburg; if so, I advise you, to let no man
know it, but go & present your demands, in person; otherwise, they
will be protested; for their agent De çhapeaurouge, has already been
prosecuted, for paying French claims, I think, therefore, if you
conveince him, that no one but yourself, is privy to the transaction,
that he may pay them. I tended to M^{r.} Loyle my thanks, for his
information & left him, and the next morning, I entered the city, and
by enquiry soon found the office of the said agent, & presented my
Bill--he cast his eye upon it, without speaking, then gave me a very
scrutenizing look, & said, how came you in possession of this draft--I
received, Sir, from M. V. la Fontaine, Minister of Marine at
Brest--did you receive it in person, or thro” other hands--I received
it myself--has it been in your possession ever since--it has--who are
your freinds in this city--I have none, nor even a corispondent, nor
ever was in the city before, &, Sir, your office, is the first, & only
building I ever entered in Hamburg,--where did lodge last night--I now
told him, that I came a passenger from Brewst, that the vessell
stopped at Gluxstaad, that I landed & hired a carriage to bring me to
Hamburg, that we were too late to enter the city last night, that the
driver landed me in Altona, at Lants’s Hotel, where I lodged &
Breakfasted this morn”, that I came alone into the city, & by enquiry
had found his office--He then observed, it is an unusual mode of
negociating bills, it is generally done thro” some resident merchant,
especially by a stranger, like yourself--I told him, that in so simple
a transaction, as that of presenting a draft for acceptance, I felt
myself competant to the task, and thereby save paying a
commission--well, ‘said he you have acted discreetly, took a pen &
wrote accepted, across the face of the Bill--He then said; your money
is ready for you; but this draft, must not go out of my hands again;
for if it does, it never will be paid by me.
This embarrassed me extreemly; what could I do, with 40,000 crowns in
silver, in my situation, an entire stranger, in a strange City.
After a moments reflection, I said to him, will you, Sir, give me your
due bill, & allow me to receipt the draft--certainly, said he, I will;
and accordingly, it was done. This, I knew, was exchanging the
obligation, of a great & powerfull nation, for that of a private
induvidual; but I thought, that circomstances justified the Act.
I then asked him, if he would name to me, a house of entertainment,
frequented by Americans, & he ordered a servant to conduct me to
Lilbons Hotel--and thus closed the important interveiw with De’
chapeaurouge; & I found his _due Bill_, as good as Cash.
[Sidenote: The Ways of Providence]
Thus, how fortunate the circomstance of my interveiw with M^{r.}
Loyle--but for his kind information & advice, I shou’d, no doubt, have
put my draft, into the hands of the American Consul for collection;
the consequence would have been, a protest; and another tour to
France, to seek redress. And all this saved, by the Gates being shut
before I reached them. How often, my dear Grand Children, do we repine
and murmer, when disappointment, affliction, and trouble come upon us;
& even distrust the goodness of our Heavenly Father; when we, very
frequently, afterwards, realize that it was for our good.
It was somewhat so with me, I felt, very much put out, at the gates
being shut, & chided the driver for his dilatoryness, when he knew the
city gates closed at sun-sett--but this very circomstance, was the
means, of freeing my mind from a burden, which had weighed it down for
months,--it was the means of a happy, and prosperous termination of my
labourous voyage--for nothing now remained to be done, but to remitt
the funds to T. Dickerson & Sons, London; & to take passage for Boston
myself, & give an account of my stewardship to my employers. And all
this, I could do, with bouyant sperits, having made them an excellent
voyage.
I was not long in closing my business in Hamburg, & took passage for
Boston in the ship Warren, Cap^{t.} Hodgkins, where we safely arrived
after a passage of 54 days.
My arrival, gave great relief to my owners, for, from the accounts
they had from France, they doubted the validity of my Bills on
Hamburg, & expected I wou’d have to return to France.--
The fortunate close of this tedious voyage, and my return; being the
first instance of the kind, under the then state of things in France,
produced, no small, excitement among the merchants of Boston, who had
property in France; and applications was continually made to me, for
all the whys & wherefores, relative to the fortunate result of my
business; and the consequence was, it added greatly to my fame, as a
ship master.
[Sidenote: Another Voyage to France]
Another voyage was immediately planed, by my owners for France, & I
was only allowed a very few days, to visit my family,--although, our
first child (now Aunt Sampson) was but 24 hours old when I left
home--when I return’d, could say, _my par_. But short, endeed, was the
time allotted me, for injoying the objects of my affection, I must
leave them; and persue the road marked out, for obtaining that
subsistance for myself & family, which nature required, and reason
dictated.
After staying at home 4 days only, I returned to Boston, fitted out my
vessel, & sailed for Alexandria, & there purchased a cargo of Flour &
sail’d for France--on my arrival in Harvre de grace; I found that
government purchased all the flour that came to market Consequently, I
sold my cargo to the governments agent, at 20 crows p^{r} bbl, under a
promis, that I sho’d have my pay, in 40 days after delivery.
But I found, to my sorrow, that no confidence could be placed in their
pledges; & that I was again subjected, to a tedious altercation with
the agent & his government. After dancing attendance upon them about
2½ months, my vessell, at the same time, laying Idle & at a great
expence, I again concluded to send her home, under charge of the mate,
& stay myself, & fight it out. Accordingly, I dispatch^{d} the Brig, &
went on to Paris, prepared for the seige & expecting a long one.
In about two months more, I received, about one third of my demand, in
Ingots of silver, & made a trip over to London, & deposited their
amount with, Bird, Savage, & Bird; subject to my owners order--I then
returned to France, and renewed my claim for the remainder.
And after about three months more of attendance, upon the government
of France, I received the ballance due me; about 40,000 Crowns--here,
probably, you will conclude that my anxiety terminated. But, on the
conterary, it was, if posible, increased.
I had attained the object of 10 months contention with the french
government--I had on hand, a fine voyage for my employers--but the
great deficulty now was; how I should git the property out of France.
There was a special law, against exporting _specie_ from the
country,--exchanges were not to be obtained, in which my confidence
coul’d be placed; my vessell gone, so that, investing in goods, was
out of the question,--and 40,000 crowns in my sleeping chamber,
brought there publickly, at noon day.
Thus situated, you may judge, whether my mind could be at
ease--however, after having taken the necessary precautionary measures
against robery, or theft; I went to work, & purchas^{d} all the _foreign
Gold_ I could find; in order to git the value, into a smaller bulk,
for the purpose of smuggling it out of France.
[Sidenote: Brings Back Gold]
After about two months; by my agents, in Paris & Roen, & my own, in
Harvre de grace, I succeeded in converting my 40.000 crowns, into less
than 3000 peices of gold, prinsapally, Spanis doubloons--this had been
done, in as secret a manner, as posible.--I then, went to a village,
about 3 miles, & ordered 2 leather belts made, of a sufficient size to
hold 8 or 9 hundred peices, and after puting each peice, into a
wrapper of silk paper, I stowed my belts, & stiched it, in such a
manner, that there could be no motion of the peices--the two belts
contained 1700 peices--the remainder, I made up into wads, of about 50
peices each, inveloped in paper, & cloth.
I then engage my passage for Boston, in the ship Caroline, Cap^{t}
Cutter, and after two or three days, the ship hauled out of the bason,
and stopped opposite the custom house, and within Six rods of my
Lodgings; having free exces to the ship, at all times, I soon decided,
in my mind, how to dispose of my money, not, contained in the two
belts; and in a short time, it was safely & secretly stowed away on
board the ship. On the morning of the day, on which the ship was to
sail, I made interest with the ships Steward, to put one of the Belts
round his waist, by the promis of a guinia, & wear it, untill we were
clear from the peir head, the other belt, I secured to my own
person,--and thus curcomstanced I had to submitt to the scearch of 8
french officers at the head of whom, was an old experi-^{d.}
Scearcher, who strongly suspected that there was money on board.--But
notwithstanding all, I got off clear with my money, and after a
passage of 35 days, I had the satisfaction of delivering it to my
owners in Boston.
On my return home, I found that my pertner, in lifes voyage, had run
me in debt, for a cape Cod farm; and as the place was distitute of a
suitable building, for the accommodation of our little family, it was
thought advisable to proceed to errect one, the following season; I
consequently, felt myself under the necesity of declining business, in
the sea-faring line, and attend to that of a more domestic nature, for
a while--I remained at home, from August 1798--untill Sep^{t.}
1799--and, as the events of this year, are something remarkable, I
will name a few of them.
This year 1799, the beloved Washington, the Father of our Country
died,--this year, our first son was born--this year I took possession
of the farm, built my house, and the family moved into it on new years
day 1800.
In Octo^{r.} 1799 I took charge of the Brig Mary, went to Savannah, in
Georgia, from that to Lisbon, from thence to London, to Rotterdam,
Copenhagen, S^{t.} Petersburg, and back to Boston--and performed the
voyage, in 8 months & 4 days--
[Sidenote: Commands the Monsoon]
After remaining at home, a shot time, I received a letter, offering me
the charge of a new ship called the Monsoon, I accordingly repaired to
Boston & took charge of her--she was owned by the following company;
Mess^{r.} Hayden & Baxter, M^{r.} Joshua Hall, & Jacob Tidd, they put
on board a valuable Cargo, & ordered me to find a Market for it in
some part of the north of Europe, but as I had, in the cargo, a
quantity of American Rum, they recomended that I shou’d touch into
Ireland, upon the supposition that if I cou’d obtain permission to
land it that it would command a high price.
I accordingly made the best of my way for Cork, and after a passage of
26 days arriv^{d.} at the Cove of Cork, this was meerly a harbour, & a
village of a few thousand inhabitants--I landed & proceeded for the
City, which was about 12 miles above; called upon the House of Jn^{o.}
& Isaac Carrel & Co. to whoom I had a letter of introduction--they
received me very politely, but doubted my obtaining permission to land
the rum, even if I was willing to pay foreign duty. They, however,
went with me to the custom house, to consult with the collector, who,
I found was in favour of landing it; but dare not give permission,
without consulting his superiors in office, and said he wou’d attend
to it & essertain in a few days.
I returned on board my ship in the evening, & found her in possession
of 3 custom house officers, seized, ship and Carg, with the Kings seal
upon her hatches--when I enquired the cause, I found it was for having
on board sperits, not of the growth & manufactory of the British
plantations--I called upon the deputy collector who ordered the
Seizure of the ship--& he appeared so pleasant upon the subject that I
felt quite a releif. I consequntly return’d to the city, & called
again upon the Collector,
[Sidenote: In Ireland]
He told me, I would have to apply _in person_, to the Admirallity of
Dublin relative to the Seizure of the ship--& he at the same time he
wou’d write them relative to landing the sperits. I consequntly,
post’d of for the City of Dublin a journey of about 200 miles, &
arrived there without accident; much amused in traveling thro” the
hart of Ireland, and observing the Irish people, in their symplicity
of manners, and to appearance, almost, in a state of nature I called
upon the board of Admirallity and after a lengthy investigation, & I
employed council, twas found, that the ship & cargo, was forfeited to
the crown, and was ordered fourthwith, to be adverti^{d} & sold at
publick Auction--. It was (however) intimated to me (in private) this
was intended as a _shem_, & that I wou’d have liberty, to buy ship &
Cargo at my own price--& so it proved; for when I returned to Cork, I
found the ship advertised, to be sold in 3 days, I appeard at the time
& place, ship & cargo, with all appertunances, were set up together,
to be sold for Cash down, some one, freindly to me, bid 2/6--I then
bid 5^{s}/. and the whole was struck off to me--and thus, I was again in
possession of ship and Cargo,
Finding no prospect of obtaining permission to land the rum, I
concluded to proceed elswhere for a Market for my Cargo, and was
advised to try the Island of Geurnsey--& therefore applied to the
custom House, to clear the ship, which was readily complied with; the
collector, observed to me when about taking leave, Cap^{t.} Cobb, I
must confess, I think your usage has been something rough here; and I
shou’d not blame you, if you was to help yourself a little, in the way
of smuggling.--no Sir said I, but wou’d you not be one of the first to
make a prize of me therefor--oh said he, I shou’d have to do my
duty--well Sir, said I, when you _Catch’em_ you _Hab’em_ God blesse
you said he, & thus we parted, and the next morn” I sail’d; matters
were, however, so arrainged, that between the cove of Cork, & the
Scilly Islands, that I hove overboard Eight hogheads of N. E. rum, and
a pilot boat sheer’d along side, and hove on board a small bag, which
I found contained 264 English guineas--and although I saw them pick
up, & hoist on board the 8 hhds of rum, _I was satisfied_.
[Sidenote: A Hurried Departure]
I then proceeded for my Port of distination, Geurnsey, an Island in
the channel of England, which had always been a free port, & a resort
for Smugglars.--I anchord in the roads about the suns setting, &
having a letter of introduction, from a friend in Cork, to a merchant
there; altho” the hour was an improper one, _the dusk of Eve_”, to
deliver a letter of introduction I took my boat & went on shore, being
an entire stranger, I had to make enquiries--but finally, in about an
hour, I found the Gen^{m.} to whom the letter was addressed,--he
rec^{d.} me with politeness, and read the letter--I apologised for
calling upon him, at so unseasonable an hour; he promptly replied, it
is fortunate for you, that you have thus done.--I am now Sir compelled
to act a part, which not only appears _uncivil_, but almost to an
insult. Viz, that you return immediately on board your ship, and leave
this port. He then, in a few words, told me that, the British
parlement, had recently, passed revenue laws, that affected that
Island; & that, two English cutters, had that day arrived, to inforce
the laws; & that I shou’d certainly have trouble, with my cargo, if I
was not off, before sun rise, the next morning.--I accordingly bid the
gentleman good bye, repaird to my boat, which was waiting for me at
the wharf, went on board the ship, & immediately got underway and at
sun rise, the next morn, I was out of sight of the Island of Geurnsay
up channell, on my way for the City of Hamburg.
Thus ended my deficulties of that voyage--I arrived safe in Hamburg,
found a good Market for my cargo, loaded my ship, & returned to
Boston, having made a good voyage to all concern’d.
My employers were so well pleased with the trade, I had opened in
Hamburg; that they planned another voyage immediately, and tho^{t.}
they you’d hardly afford me time to visit my family at the cape.
However, by promis’s of a short stay, I came to Brewster; saw my
family, and returned to Boston to fit out the ship, for another Voyage
in which, it was concluded, that it wou’d be for the Interest of the
Voyage, that on my arrival in H--^{g} I should land my Cargo, load the
ship with a return cargo, & send her home by my Mate, & remain in
Hamburg myself thro” the Winter, to sell the cargo then landed, and
prepare another for the ship, on her return to me in the
spring.--under the foregoing arrangement, I saild for Hamburg a 2^{d}
time; arrived their after a common passage, landed my Cargo, loaded
the ship, with Russia & Germain goods, and sent her for Boston, under
the comman^{d} of my mate, David Nickerson.
She sailed, the last of September, and by the middle of Nov^{r}, we were
compleatly bound in fetters of _Frost_, and, in that high Lattitude,
we had only about 7. hours day light in 24. but there was no lack of
_amusements_, to please the eye, tast, or mind, & I injoyed myself
very well, untill the last of Dec^{r.} when I received a letter, which
came overland, by way of Holland, from one of my employers, in which
it was stated in a, Postcrip, _Your wife has been very Sick, but, I
beleive, she_ _is better_. This unwellcome intiligence; the uncouth
manner, in which it was conveyed to me; and the great uncertainty of
hearing any thing more, untill the ship returned to me; put my mind
into a perplexing state of anxiety, which bid defiance to all
injoyment of life.
[Sidenote: Anxiety and Illness]
Within a few days, as I entered the coffee room, of the Hotel, one
morning, the servant said to me; there is an american Newspaper, which
arrived last evening, by way of London,--I took up the paper, and
first thing that attracted my notice, was my _Brothers death_--Thus
the mind, already bowed down with anxiety; was obliged to receive this
_heartrending_ addition to its already overcharged burden, but, our
heavenly Father, lays no more upon his children, than, He knows, they
can bear.--for in addition to my afflixtions then, I was attacted with
the _brain_ fever, and with such severity, that for 8 days, I was
unconcious of either pleasure, or pain.--but I was, finally, permitted
to recover, with the loss, only, of my full head of black hair; but I
got over that deficuty _pritty_ well, by substituting a Wig, and have
been obliged to wear one ever since, to keep my head warm.--but
notwithstanding all, I was supported thro” the winter, my business, by
the help of merchants, Brokers &c, went on well; and when the ship
arrived; about the 20^{th} of May, I was ready prepared for her; and
the news she bro^{t.} me, from my family, was a cordial to my
lasserated feelings.
As soon, as the Cargo which the ship bro^{t.} out, cou’d be sold; the
arrangements made, during the winter, were such, that we were soon
ready for returning to Boston,--I reach’d home in Aug^{t.}, having
been absent somthing over 14 months, found Mrs C. very feeble, but
convallessent.
I made one more voyage to Hamburg, in the Monsoon, & when I return’d
she was sold; which gave me an oppertunity of spending a few weeks at
home, with my beloved family.
But, it was not long, before I received a letter from M^{r.} J. Tidd,
who was one of my former owners in the Monsoon, requesting me to come
to Boston fourthwith, as there was a new Brig for sale, which he had
an idea of purchasing, and wished for my opinion &c &c.--I accordingly
went to Boston, & the Brig, Sally & Mary, was purchased, and another
Hamburg voyage was plann’d fourthwith.
[Illustration: Ship _Ten Brothers_.]
M^{r.} Tidd, had put on board a valuable cargo; on his own account &
risk, and ordered me for Hamburg; and I accordingly proceeded for the
river Elbe; it being in the summer season, I took the more direct
passage; of north about, so called, viz. between the Okney & Shetland
Islands, into the North sea, at the S E part of which, the river Elbe
comminces; Hamburg is 110 miles above--I had heretofore, always
obtained a Pilot, before I reach’d the entrance of the river--but now,
none appeared, and I saw, at anchor, in the mouth of the river, one
large ship, & 2 or 3 smaller vessells--it struck me, at once, that the
Elbe, was blockaded, but I had no alternative but to proceed on &
know, I accordingly, run on, untill within about a mile of the largest
ship, when I came to an anchor.--she immediately sent her boat on
board, for me & my papers,--I found the commander, a _haughty_,
_crabbed_, self _willed_, Scotchman.
[Sidenote: The Blockade]
He insisted upon it, that I knew of the blockade; and that I intended
a breach of it; of course, I was a good prize, & he shou’d send me to
England, very well! I had to submitt to his superior force; and I was
accordingly ordere’d for Yarmouth in England.
On my arrival there, my papers were sent to London, to the Kings
advocate for adjudication; but they were return^{d.} in 6 days, & I
was pronounced clear, to proceed to any port that was not blockad^{d}
and I put to sea the next morning.
As I cou’d not go to Hamburg, I concluded, that Copenhagen, would be,
the next _best_ market for my Cargo, and I accordingly, steered my
course for that port.--On my arrival there, I was advised, by a
freindly, Danish Merchant, to proceed to _Lubec_, one of the, _Hans
Towns_, of Germany, about 100 miles South of Copenhagen, on the great
Belt, so called, from which place, an inland canal, communicated with
Hamburg, where my Cargo cou’d readily be sent, in defiance of the
Blockade; and as my Cargo, was perticularly selected for the Hamburg
Market, this was a very important object with me.
I consequently proceeded for Lubec where I arrived in about 48 hours.,
and was told; that I displayed the first American flag; ever wafted
over their City.--on approaching the Town, an entire stranger, I
recolected, that, on my last voyage to Hamburg--a M^{r.} Smidth, of
the Firm, of Smidth & Plessing, of Lubec, had made a shipment of 100
peices of Duck by me, which I had sold, & made returns to them.
I was now glad to enquire them out, and avail myself of their services
in selling my cargo, & purchaseing another on my return &c &c.--I very
readily found them; and received from them all those kind attentions,
to me, and my business; so greatfull to a Stranger. A great part of my
cargo, went thro” the canel to Hamburg, and also, much of my return
cargo, came in the same way,--but I found a good Market; got quick
dispatch, and returned to Boston with an excellent voyage.
After discharging my cargo, in Boston, I visited my dear family, at
the cape; where I found an aditional pledge of affection, in a little
black-eye’d daughter, which we call’d Mary P, then 69 days old--it
being in the night, & no light in the house, I hawl’d her out of Bed,
and held her up to the window to look at her by moonlight.
[Sidenote: Orders in Council]
I was not permitted to remain, but a short time, in the enjoyment of
the family circle; before I receiv’d a letter, saying, that another
voyage was planned, & I must come forward. I accordingly, went on to
Boston, & found they had began loading the Brig, for a voyage to
Malaga.--the loading was soon compleated, and all necessary
preperations made; and I saild for the Medeterenaen., on the 15^{th.}
of Dec^{r.} 1807, & arrived at Malaga, Jan^{y} 11^{th.} 1808. On my
arrival, I was informed that the _celebrated British orders in
council_ went into fource, _there_; the 10^{th.} In^{t}, the day before
I arrived.--those orders, forbid american vessells, taken a return
cargo from any ports in Europe, under the penalty of being a prize, in
any English port.--in consequence of this, we knew, that _wines, &
fruit_, wou’d rapidly advance in price, in America; which made a
return cargo, very desirable.
The _American Consul_, with whoom I advised, thought, if I got quick
dispatch there wou’d be but little risk in my taking a return cargo;
that he wou’d obligate himself, to dispatch me in 10 days with a full
cargo of wine & fruit--and I finally concluded to take the risk.
[Sidenote: Detained at Gibraltar]
I accordingly proceeded in discharging my cargo, & in receiving on
board wine & fruit in return, & in 8 days was ready to sail--in order
to succeed in escaping an investigation, & probably, a capture, by the
English, I tho^{t} to wait for a strong easterly wind, and to improve
the night, to make a run through the _Gut of Gibraltar_, where lay the
greatest danger of capture, or detention,--I accordingly waited the
first Easterly wind & left Melaga, calculating to reach the rock of
Gibralter, about Dark, the same Eve”, which I did, but unfortunally as
I approach’d it, the wind died away, & by time I had pass’d it, it was
nearly calm--knowing that if it remained so thro the night, that
daylight would expose me to Fort & their cruizers, & that I should
surely be exposed to examination, & detention, I thought it advisable,
to proceed to Anchorage with what wind I had--and I immediately
haw[l]ed into the Bay, for the neutrial ground, but the wind being a
head, I had to make a tack under the Spanish shore, & while standing
over for the rock, was boarded by the boat of an English Fregate,
under the command of a midshipman, who took charge of me, under
pretence that I was bound into Algaziras--after we had come to anchor,
altho 12 ^{o}Clock at night, he insisted upon taken me on board the
Frigate with my papers--well I was conducted on board & before an
officer, who questioned me, I told him the truth, that I was from
Malago, bound to Boston, that I had come in there to evail myself of a
clearence from a British port, & a convoy thro the gut--well ‘said he,
a convoy will sail, the day after to morrow, & ordered the officer to
carry me on board my vessell again immediately. I went on shore the
next morn” & call^{d.} upon the American consel, to whom, I made know
my true situation--he told me, he thought there was but little chance
for me, as I was compleatly under the _Orders in Council_.--I left the
consul & in the street, fell in with an old acquaintan[ce], to him
also, I told my greivance--he advised me, as a last resort, & as my
situation was not generally known, to endevour to effect a clerance by
bribery; & he gave other advice & information upon that subject.
I accordingly went on board, got my papers, put a couple of ounces of
spanish gold into my pocket, & went on shore & directly to the office,
on the Key; I found only the _Principall_ in the office--I told him, I
commanded an American vessell was from Malaga, bound to Boston, and
had put in there, to obtain a clearance, & a convoy thro the Gut--well
‘said he, as you say, you have a cargo on board, there are some
serious questions to ask, previous to your obtaining a clearance.--I
know, I know Sir, but do not be too perticular, give me a clearance, &
at the same time, I laid on the counter before him, _two ounce peices
of gold_--well’ but said he, if I give you a clearance you have
another office to git signed at, well ‘said I, if you will give it,
there will be more deficulty--& as I spoke a gentleman came into the
office, to whom the first observed--this Captain was about going up to
your office with his clearance, will you be so kind as to save him the
trouble by signing it here, oh yes, said he cheerfully, accordinly, in
a few minuits my clearance was compleated, the fees of both offices
paid, & I was in the street, making a streight wake towards the
American consuls--when I entered his office, he, with a long face
said, I am glad to see you, but greatly regret your situation--I took
my clearance from my pocket, & held it before his eyes--_Good God_
said he, how did you git that--said I--ask me no questions, & I will
tell you no lies--
[Sidenote: Escapes from the Convoy]
The Signal Gun was fired, at sun-rise, the next morn” for the convoy
to weigh, & I was one of this first to move--for I was full of fear,
that some incident might _yet_ subject me to the _fatal_
investigation, I was therefore desirous to git out of their reach; a
large English merchant ship, showing a teir of guns, streched over for
the Barbary coast, & I followed her, under easy sail; _our convoy_, a
gun Brig, was not then under-way and in watching her motion, I
discovered a boat after us, full of men, roughing,[4] & sailing--I
immediately felt jelious, _they are after me_, I ordered sail
immediately put on, & in a very short time, the boat _give up_ & put
back for Gibranter--I then felt antious fearing the convoy might have
orders to bring me back; but I heard nothing more, parted from the
convoy off cape _Trafelgar_, & proceeded home.
I have mention’d a boat that was after me--sometime after I arrived
home, I fell in with a Cap^{t} Mills, whom I left in Malaga, in a Brig
belonging to Boston, & persueing the plan I had done, he saild from
Malaga the day after me, was taken into Gibrater the night before I
left--seeing me underweigh, without reflection, he observed there is
Cobb, why is he allowed to go--the boat was immediately dispatch’d
after me--but, by my vigilence in making sail, in season, & being
favoued with a good stiff breeze I was enable’d to keep clear of
them.--
I was favoured with a good passage, and arrived safe in Boston, a
subject of the most intent speculation; how it was managed to clear
out, a _cargo of Spanish goods_, from Gibralter, under the _British
orders in Council_.--But, I had made a good voyage for all concerned,
& return’d to my family.
I remained but a short time with my family, when I received a letter
from Mess^{r} Bixby, Vallintine & co, requesting that I would go on to
New York, & take charge of a Ship, belonging to them, called the
W^{m.} Tell, for a voyage to Europe--accordingly, I went to Boston,
and after receiving instructions from my Owners, I took the stage for
N. York and took charge of Ship, & fitted her, with all posible
dispatch for sea--I then proceeded to Alexandria in Virginia, where I
loaded the ship with Flour, and went for Cadiz, in Spain, where I sold
my Cargo, Ballasted the ship with stones, and returned to Norfolk in
Virginia--where I found letters from my Owners with provisions, from
Boston, for another voyage, and orders to go up to Alexandria &
load--but, as a part of my crew wished their discharge and others were
to be shipped to supply their places, a few days detention was
unavoidable--
[Sidenote: Mr. Madison’s Embargo]
While this process was in opperation, a most violent _storm_ came on,
& as I had discharg’d the most of the crew, I was on board the Ship,
assisting in secureing the ship to the Wharf, when M^{r.} Fisk, the
Merchant with whoom I advised, came down the wharf & told me, that he
had just received a _dispatch_ from M^{r.} Randolph, in Congress,
saying to him, _what you do, must be done quickly_ for the embargo
will be upon you, on Sunday at 10 A M.--it was now Fryday P. M, & a
violent storm, well,” said M^{r.} F, what can we do Cobb, why said I,
if we can hold the ship to the wharf, while it blows so hard, I shall
be glad--We can, however, see, where we can git the cargo, & if it is
fair to morrow much may be done--In fact much must be accomplish’d in
order to effect our object _viz. to cheat the Embargo_. We had about
100 Tons of stone Ballast on board, which must be landed, upward of
3000 bbls of Flour, to take in and stow away, provisions, wood & water
to take on board, a crew to ship, to clear at the custom H. and, to
git the ship to sea, before the embargo gits possession--and all this
must be done, between Saturday morn” at day light, & sunday morn at 10
^{[o:]}Clock, in the month of Dec^{r.}--We found, upon enquiry, that,
we cou’d have our supply of Flour from a block of stores, direct along
side of the Ship, & by giving ⅜^{th} of a dollar extra, we had
liberty, if stopped by the embargo, to return it--
Saturday morning, was fine weather I had given instructions to the
mates, to have purchases up, at each hatchway, the ship having
three--to discharge ballast, at the main hatchway, & to receive Flour
forward, & abaft, with two gangs of Stevidore in the hold--at about
Sunrise, I went up to _lazy corner_, so call’d, & pressed every Negro
into my service, that came upon the stand, & sent them on board the
ship, untill I thought there were as many, as could work.
I then visited the Sailors boarding houses, where I shipped my crew,
paid the advane to their landlords, & took their obligations to see
each sailor on board, at sun-rise the next morning.--It had now got to
be about 12 ^{o}Clock & the ship must be cleared at the Custom house at,
or before, one--I accordingly prepared a Manifest & went to the Custom
house to clear the Ship--M^{r.} Taylor, the collector, knowing my
situation, with the ship; _said_ why Cobb, what is the use of clearing
the ship, you cannot git away, the embargo will be here at 10 to
morrow morning, & even if you git your ship below, I shall have boats
out that will stop you, before you can git 3 leagus to sea. Said I,
“_M^{r} Taylor_, will you be so kind as to clear my Ship--Oh yes’ said
he, I cannot refuse, (untill the embargo arrives; & accordingly the
ship was cleared & I returned on board, & found all things going on
well.--finally--to shorten the Story--at 9 that evning, we had on
board 3050 Barrels of Flour, our long boat on board in the chocks,
water, wood, & provision on board & stowed, a pilot engage, & all in
readiness for Sea.
[Sidenote: A Feat of Loading]
The tide wou’d serve at 8 ^{[o:]}Clock on sunday morn, & we could not
go before, & at 10 the embargo was expected--well, “the morn” arrived,
the sailors were bro^{t.} on board by their Landlords, the pilot came
on board, & at 8 ^{o}Clock we started with a fair wind, down a crooked
nerrow river, but the wind dying, our progress was Slow, & when we
entered Hampton roads, it had got to be after 11 ^{o.}Clock, and nealy
calm--feeling anxious, I kept a sharp look out a stern, & with my
glass, I saw about 12, a boat comeing down, under the full opperation
of sails & oars--well,’ said I, to the mate, I fear, we are gone--but
very soon I saw, to appearance, a fresh breeze coming off from the
South shore, I saw that the boat, had already taken it--I then ordered
all the light sails set, ready to receive the breeze.--when it reached
us, the boat was so near, that with my glass I trace the features of
the men--but in 10 munuites after I took it the boat give up the chace
& turn’d back, and I went to sea without further molestation.--
By the pilot, I wrote my Owners, informing them of my running away
from the Embargo, & then proceeded on for Cadiz, & carraied to that
port the first news of the Embargo.
Flour was selling, on my arrival at $16.00 but in consequence of the
Embargo, & the war then rageing in that vicinity, the flour holders
had a meeting, & agreed to raise the price of Flour to $20.00.--&
finally, altho” I waited some time I obtained that price for my
Cargo.--
Soon after my arrival, I rec^{d.} a letter, by a vessell under
Sweedish colours, adviseing me to bring home money, providing there
was liberty to export it; & finding, upon enquiry, that was the case,
I immediately took out a license from the custom house, to export
$72,000, having funds here, of last voyage,--but before I got ready to
sail I heard of the repeal of the orders in Council, & allso, of the
_Milan_ & _Berlin_ decrees, & beleiving this would have a favourable
effect, to America, in our Exchanges, & finding I cou’d buy British
government Bills, at a great discount, I concluded to give up my
Licinse, & remitt my money to England,--(I mention this circomstance
to shew, how fortunate it was--as I was captured, on my return, if the
Monney had been on board, we shou’d have lost it.--The day before I
sailed I dine’d in a large party, at the american consul, & it being
mention’d that I was to sail the next day, I was congratulated, by a
British officer, upon the safety of our Flagg.--well” I tho^{t.} the
same, when at the same time, the _War_ between England & America was
then rageing.
[Sidenote: Spoken off the Grand Banks]
I sail’d from Cadiz, the 5^{th.} day of July 1812 bound for Boston, &
I never felt myself saffer, on account of enemies on the high seas,--I
had just entered upon the eastern edge of the grand Bank--at day
light, of the morn” of the 17^{th} I went on deck; we had a light
breeze of wind from the north, with all sails sett, that would draw,
in casting my Eye to windward, I saw a sail, to appearance, bearing
down directly for us--not having spoken any thing, I told the mate, to
back the maim yard & would speak her, we accordingly did; & at sunrise
I ordered the Insign hoisted, at the Mizen peak; no sooner were our
colours up, than his went up in the smoke of a gun, I saw that she was
a Schooner, under English colours, & that she was armed; but did not
alarm me, I continu^{d.} to lay by, she run down across^{t.} my stern,
with the usual hail, of, where from, where bound, how long out, &c
&c--& he concluded from my replys that I did not know that war
existed; he said to me, very mildly, I will thank you to continue
laying by, & I will send my boat on board--Seeing she was a cutter
Schooner with 10 brass Guns, I, of course, acquiesed, & her boat came
on board, with two petty officers, rowed by _only_ two men--One of the
officers requested me to go on board the cutter with my papers; well”
I asked the 2 officers below, while I shifted myself and got my
papers; while I was in my statroom, one of them, says to me, Cap^{t},
‘what cargo did you carry to Cadiz? Flour,’ you got a good price, I
presume Yes,’ said I--got Cash on board I suppose? No, said I, I
remitted my money, to England,’ well,” said he, You’ve a fine ship
here! Yes, toloble--what,” said he do you think she’s worth--this
question, roused my curiocity, I step’d to the door of the Stateroom,
& looking the man in the face, said to him, have you an Idea of
buying, or taking the ship, Oh, said he, Captain, you’l excuse our
inquisitiveness, it was without meaning.--When I was ready, one of the
officers went in the boat with me, & the other, remained on board the
ship--I was received on board the cutter, & conducted into the cabin,
to the Cap^{t.},--he received my papers, & looking them over, ask’d,
if I had not a Clearance from Cadiz; I told him I had, but, I did not
[know] it wou’d be required, & I had not bro^{t.} it, well,” said he,
I must have it; if you’l send your boat Sir, I will go & look it up, I
think its in my writing desk,--well,” said he, send for your desk, I
told him I was unwilling to do that, as it contained papers of
consequence to me, & by accident it might be droped overboad--oh said
he, I’ll make good all damages, you _must_ send for it. well,” I wrote
a line to the mate, to send my. W. Desk, it was brought into the
cutters cabin, & having my keys in my pocket, I open’d it, & soon
found the paper required,--my writing standing upon the Table open, &
the officers standing round, they began looking at papers, among them,
was a small bundle of letters directed to the Commissary Gen^{l.}on
the _Quebec Station_, they open’d it, & broke the seal of one of the
letters--; upon which I look’d at the Cap^{t.}, & observ’d, that this
was treatment which I had not anticipated, from the British flagg; the
Capt observ’d, you must submitt, we will explain ourselves bye. & bye
about this time, the word came from the decks, _a Strange sail in
sight_, & the Capt, drop’d the paper from hands, & run on deck.--I set
still & look’d at the officers, overhawling, & deranging my papers in
my writing desk.--after a while the Capt came down below; & said to
me, Captain; you have expressed some surprise at our investigation, at
which, I am not at all supprised, for I find, you are ignorant of a
fact, which will justify, our proceedings with you, _We are at War
with America_--now Sir, said I I beleive you are disposed to
_tantalize_, for I do not beleive it.--Well,” Sir, said he, we will
not alticate upon this subject; & he step’d to a desk took out a
newspaper, & pointed me to the declaration of War, & danced on deck
again, to look at the Strange sail.--the paper that he handed me, was
an American paper, only 12 days old--after reading the declaration of
war, I look’d it over for other news, untill the Capt came down.--He
then said to me, well Sir, what think ye now--I told him, I was
satisfied, as to _war_, but, I shou’d like to know now, whether _I_
was to be _hung_, or _drounded_.
[Sidenote: On Board the Cutter]
He smilling said, “well,” I beleive nither, _by me_.--I will now, said
he, explain to you the reasons, for our conduct toward you; I am said
he--from Halifax, bound to England with dispatches for Gov^{t.}, I
cannot take you, not having men to man you, if I had found money on
board I shou’d have taken it out, & have put one man on board, that
might not be call’d piricy & have let you have taken your chance--but
as it is you can take charge of your ship, & do the best you can--the
sail coming down, is an American Frigate, & if I can keep out the
reach of her guns, I do not fear her heals, & the sooner you go on
board the better--as soon, as you please, said I--& I crow[d]ed some
of my papers into my Desk, & tied some up in a hankerchief, & thus
went into the boat & was set on board my own ship again.--When I got
on my Ships deck, the Frigate was so near that she cou’d easyly have
sent a shot over me, & coming down will all sail set, & an American
Insign at her Mizin peak.--altho I was confidant, she was an English
Frigate; still, being compleatly within the reach of her guns, & my
ships sails all taken, I had only to lay still & take it.
[Sidenote: The Frigate]
The Frigate was down, in a few minuits & the boats was manned, & came
on board, under the command of an officer, in an american
uniform.--the usual questions, of, where from, where bound, how long
out &c &c, were ask’d, & ansered; when he thus interogated me, are you
not in fear of being taken, No Sir, said I, for I think I am _already_
taken, what’. said he, by one of your own Frigates; no,’ said I, that
is not an american Frigate, nither Sir, are _you_ intitled to wear
that Button. Well,” said he, you are about right.--that is His
Britianic majistys Frigate, the Jason, & to her, you are a
prize.--now, said he, what have you on board for Cargo; sand Ballast,
said I, _what_, did [you] cary to Cadiz, Flour, did it sell yes, it
Brought $20.00 p^{r} Barrel.--Oh, you’ve Cash on board said he, No, said
I, I remitted the proceeds of my cargo to London, & I have my thirds
of exchange, to satisfy you.--well,” said he, you have a fine ship
here; what will you give for her, & we give you, a clear passport into
Boston.--after a little reflection, I name’d $5000.00 well,” said he,
_give us the money_; Oh, I thank you said I, if it was on board, you
wou’d take it without asking me.--I will give you a draft on
London.--no, said he, _the cash_, or we _burn_ the ship.--well said I,
you’l not burn me, in her I hope,--oh, no, you may give orders for
your men to pick up their duds, & we will carry them on board the
Frigate.--You will remain on board & select yourself a servant, from
your crew, the ship is too good to _Burn_.--I accordingly selected my
Nephew, E. C. Crosby, to remain with me, my mates & crew, were all
carraied on board the Frigate,--After a while, the pinnace was sent
with special orders for me to come on board the Frigate.--well,” I
went on Board, was received at the Ganway, by a Leut^{t.}, & conducted
into the Cabin, to the captain, he, with his officers, were then
sitting at the dinner table, I was place’d in a chair by his side, &
offered a glass of wine; after which; he, the cap^{t.}, said to me!
what D--d rascal put your papers in that situation, for they were sent
to him, as I took them from the cutter, open letters &c,--why”, Sir
said I; that D--d rascal, as you are pleas’d to call him, was
Leutenant Jones, commanding his Majesties cutter the Alphea; why,”
said he, he’s broke the Kings Seal, I’ll have the fellow hung,” well
Sir, said I, you can do as you please, with your own subjects.--he
then said [to] me,” I am satisfied, on examination of your papers,
that you have not money on board, as a return cargo, but I shall now
ask you a question, which it will be, for your Interest, to answer
_candidly_, well Sir, I shall judge better, when I hear the question,!
have you money on board, on your own private account; without
hesitation, I answer’d Yes, how much said he, about $2000, … it is
safe, We, as yet, respect private property, when it does not exceed
$3000.; more than that; we think is smugled.--
[Sidenote:The King’s Seal]
finally, he observed; your officers & men, now on board here, shall
fare, as we do, & we are 6 on 4. well, Sir, we have abundant
provisions on board the prise, if you’l permit, I’l send some by the
boat that returns with me; certainly said he, & it shall be kept for
them exclusively, while they are on board this ship,--I have put a
prise master & crew on board your ship, & ordered her for S^{t.}
Johns; & I shall visit that coast, in 8 or 10 days, & will then, send
up your officers & crew, I will now send you on board, I have charged
the prise master, not to intefere with,” but, to conform to, your
regulations, in your Cabin, &c &c.
[Sidenote: A Prisoner of War]
I return’d on board, & we made sail for S^{t.} Johns as ordered;--I
found the prise Master a very pleasant man, & all things went on
pleasantly; but by adverse winds, we were 6 days before we arrived at
S^{t.} Johns.--it was evening when we arrived; the next morn” I was
taken on shore, & conducted before the Port Admiral, Sir John Thomas
Duckworth; after he had made enquiries, relative to my voyage, capture
&c &c; he told me, that I had the liberty of the town, provided, I
choose to take up my residence on shore, or, I had the liberty of
remaining on board the ship--but could not have excess, to the ship, &
shore both.--I finally told him, that I wou’d like to remain on board
the ship, untill my officers & men were sent in, after which, I wou’d
like to come on shore.--Accordingly, I returned to the ship, where, I
was allowed the same use of my cabin, & provisions, as formally, in 4
days, my officers & crew, were sent in, & on board the ship, we were
again altogether, & as we had remaining of our sea stock, a shoat, of
about 60 lb, I ordered it dressed, & a good dinner provided for, all
hands, of which I pertook; & the next day, took up my residence on
shore, at, prisiners Hall, so called, where there were about 20,
Masters & supecargoes, prisinners, like myself.--I found, that there
were 27 American vessells, in port, as prises, the Port Admiral, had
given liberty to the Supergaroes, & Gentlemen passengers to leave; &
git home, at there own expence; and provided, they went away
altogether, he would give them a protection, against capture by the
English--as I had two Brothers, on board my ship, Josiah, & E. C.
Crosby, the Idea struck me, that it was _posible_, that I might git
liberty, to send the latter, a meer boy, home by the same chance, for
they had already purchas’d a small vessell, & was then fitting her
out.--I accordingly drafted a request, to Sir John, stating, in as
feeling a manner, as I was capable, the inconsolibility of their
Parents &c &c, and waited upon the old Gentleman with it, in person;
He looked it over attentively; looked up at me, & said Yes, Yes, Mr
Cobb, send him home to his parents, & I wish I cou’d say the same to
you all I accordingly, made preparations for sending the boy home.--I
wrote to my family by him, and also, stitched 20 peices of Spanish
Gold, into a plaid, which he put into his neck hankerchief, & their
wore it, night & day, untill he got home, took it from his neck, &
gave it to his Aunt.--6 days, after this vessell had saild; we were
greeted, at a very early hour in the morn”, with the sound, “an
american, _cartile_[5] _Flagg_ flying in the harbour,--We were soon,
into the Town, & learned, that a ship had arrived, during the previous
night, under the command of an american officer, with a cartile flag;
that the officer had then gone, to report himself, to the port
Admiral,--we, fourthwith repaired to a noted Coffee house, where the
American officer soon arrived.
[Sidenote: An Exchange of Prisoners]
Altho” we were all strangers, he cordially took us by the hand, as
americans, and told us, that he was 2^{d} Leut,” of the American Frigage
C--s[6] Cap^{t.} Porter that ship, in the harbour; was the British
Sloop of War Elert, prize to the C--s, and that, through the
impertunity of the British Cap^{t.}, she had been sent in, by Cap^{t.}
Porter, with her officers & crew, all on board, to be exchanged, for
the same number of Americans.--But, said the officer, I have cause to
fear, that I may be a prisiner with you, for, said he, I left the old
Admiral, in a violent rage, at Cap^{t.} Porters proceedings, of making
a cartile, on the high seas. the officer told him, he had no terms to
make, his orders, from Cap^{t.} Porter, was, to lay there 24 hours, &
if the terms were not complied with, to proceed on to America, with
the Prise & her Crew, or, be your _prisinner_, said he, as I’m in your
power, however, in a few minuits, a note was received from the old
Admiral, saying, that upon a re-perusual of Cap^{t.} Porters
dispatches, he found that the _honor_, of the British officer was
pledg’d, for the fulfilling of the contract, & as he knew his
government, always redeem’d the pledges of their officers; he wou’d
receive the officers & crew of Ellert, he wou’d give in exchange,
every American prissiner in port (& there were 2 to 1) & that we must
be off in 24 hours.
Now, commenced a Scene of confusion, and bussle; the Crew of the
cartile was soon landed, and the Americans as speedily took
possession, & the next morn”, at about the suns rising, we weighed the
anchors of the _Ellert_, left the harbour of S^{t.} Johns, and made
sail for New York, with 246 Americans on board.--We came on, without
falling in, with any floating object, untill we were in the Longitude
of the South shoal of Nantucket when saw a topsail Schooner, running
off S. Easterly, upon which we fired, & brought her two; she hoisted
Sweedish colours, & lay bye, untill we boarded her; We found she was
from Boston, bound for the West Idies, and gave us the pleasing
account of the American Frigate, the _Constitution_, having captured
the, British Frigate the _Garreire_,
This intilligence was communicated to the _Ellert_, by the boarding
officer, and in quick time, her yards were manned & three cheers were
given, which might have been heard miles.--two days after, we arrived
in New York, and dispersed to our several places of residence.--I took
passage with my two mates, & Josiah Crosby, in a Schooner for _Bass
River_, we reached the river about the suns setting, & being but about
6 miles from my family, I could not feel willing to sleep without
seeing them--consequently myself, & my 1^{st.} mate, _M^{r.} Berry_
each hired a Saddle horse, & started for Brewster, and I reach^{d.} my
dwelling, & gave a knock, at your G. Mothers, sleeping room window,
_the same I now occopy_, about 12^{[o:]}Clock. x x x x it may perhaps
amuse my dear G. Childen, if I turn back to the time of my arrival, a
prisoner, at S^{t.} Johns, a circomstance then took place, connected
with my knocking at the window, as above
[Sidenote: Petition to the Port Admiral]
I learned, on my arrival in S^{t.} Johns, that the Port Admiral, Sir
J. T. Duckworth, had given liberty, to the American Supercargoes &
passenger, to purchase a vessel, & git home at their own expence, & he
wou’d give them a protection from British Cruseirs; & as I had on
board, two Brothers, Josiah & E. C. Crosby, the _latter_, quite a lad;
the Idea struck me, that _posibly_, by application, I might obtain
liberty to send the boy home, by this conveyance; for they had already
purchased a small vessell & were then fitting her for sea--I
accordingly drafted a petition; applying pritty strongly to the old
Gentlemans feelings, in behalf of the disconsolate Parents &c &c, and
presented it myself--after perusing the petition; the old Gen” rested
his head in his hand, for a few moments, and looked up very kindly in
my face, saying Yes, Yes, M^{r.} Cobb, _send him home to his Parents_
& I wish I felt at liberty to send every American in port home.--This,
wou’d give me an oppertunity of informing my Family of my capture, of
sending some money, spared me by the captors; and grattifiing my
relatives by sending home their beloved son.
I accordinly fixed him away; making a plaid for his neckhankercheif,
with 24 Dubloons in Gold amounting to $384 dollars, which the _dear
child_ put round his neck, in my room, in S^{t.} Johns & did not take
it off, untill in my house, in the presencs of his Aunt; and after
having delivered my letters &c--This happened, at about 8 ^{[o:]}
Clock on the same evening I arrived at Bass revir--well’, at 12
^{[o:]} Clock, as before stated I knowked at the Winder.
It appears she had been reperusing my Lengthy letter, Amegining &
revolving in mind all the horrows of my situation in an English
prisin, _after she had been in bed_, & had not been asleep, when I
know’d at the Window.
Who is there! said she--it is I, said I--well’, what do you want; to
come in; for what said she; before I cou’d answer, I heard my daughter
D., who was in bed with her say, _why, Mar it is Par_, this was
aneogh, the doors flew open, and the greetings of affection &
consanguinity multiplied upon me rapidly.
[Sidenote: End of the Voyage]
Thus, in a moment was I transported to the greatest earthly bliss, man
can injoy, viz to the injoyment of the happy family circil.
To fall of 1812--
[Illustration: decorative line]
The foregoing was written by Gen Elijah Cobb during the Year 1843,
with the intention of completing, but the state of his health
prevented.
He remained at home from 1812 to 1815 or 1816, when he made several
voyages to Europe in the Ship ‘Paragon’ built for him, and considered
at the time one of the finest ships of her day.
In 1818 & 1819 he made two voyages to Africa in the Ship “Ten
Brothers,” taking with him on the first voyage, his son Freeman.
The second voyage, there was much sickness of a contagious character,
and the ship on her return was sunk at the end of the wharf to prevent
contagion in the city of Boston.[7]
He left the sea in 1820, and after that time remained in Brewster,
Mass. filling the various civil offices of Town Clerk, Treasurer,
Inspector General, Representative and Senator, and Justice of Peace &
Quoram, also the military rank of Brigadier General.
He was a strong supporter of the Universalist church of the town, in
whose doctrines he took much interest.
He was tall & straight of fine figure his face very pleasant to look
upon. He loved children and was loved by them. Distinguished for his
sterling integrity as well as talent loved and respected by all who
knew him, he died at the age of eighty. “May our end be like his.”
His body & that of his wife lie in the new cemetery, Brewster.
E. W. C.[8]
Brewster June 19, 1857
[Illustration: decorative line]
_LETTERS_
_From Messrs. Joshua Wall, John Baxter,
Jacob Tidd and William Hayden_
Boston Nov 27^{th} 1801.
Cap^{t} E Cobb,
_Sir_,
We expect that Peace in Europe, will make considerable difference both
in the price, of the articles, with which you were to load, and also
in the demand for them, in this Country; by the time you could return;
from these considerations we think it best for you to sell the Ship
Monsoon, if you can get from Eight to Ten Thousand dollars, clear of
the Mates and People, and all other expences: if you cannot sell the
Vessel and the prices of goods ordered have not considerably fallen
you will please take a freight to any part of America or elsewhere if
to be obtain’d on terms that you think will answer, in either of the
above mentioned Cases you will place the proceeds of your outward
Cargo, (and Ship if sold) in the hands of some safe House in London,
say Tho^{s} Dickerson & C^{o} if they still remain good--in addition to
the above we have only to say that feeling much confidence in your
judgment, we leave it to you to do as you think will be most for our
Interests.--If the Peace continues we think the following articles
will not be worth more in Boston next spring than say,--
Iron--100$, to 110$.
Hemp 200$ to 230$.
Tumblers 40 Cents p^{r} Straw.
Glass 8$, pr. Box, to 9$.--
Platillas[9] no Sale unless very low.--
we are with much regard
Yours--
Joshua Wall
John Baxter
Jacob Tidd
William Hayden
[Sidenote: Orders for the Voyage]
_From Bixby, Valentine & Company, and
Humphrey & Clark_
Boston February 11^{th} 1811.
Cap^{t} Elijah Cobb
Sir,
you being Master of the Ship William Tell, we wish you as soon as you
get your cargo on board to proceed the first fair wind for Lisbon on
your arrival at Lisbon you will apply to Mess^{rs} Gould, Brothers &
Co and if you with them think it for our interest you will dispose of
your cargo to the best advantage or proceed to Cadiz or Gibralter as
you may think best. Should you proceed to Cadiz we should recommend
the house of the Widow of Morace Roberts & Co to you to do your
business if you should proceed to Gibralter we should recommend the
Hous of George Allardyce & Co but in all cases should you think best
you will value on any other houses you may think most for our
interest, after discharging your cargo you will remit the proceeds of
our goods and the amount of your freight to Samuel Williams Esq^{r}
London payable to the order of Bixby Valentine & Co in favour of
Humphrey & Clark except such amount as you may think proper to invest
for a return cargo on our accounts after discharging your cargo you
will in case it is at Lisbon or Cadiz ballast your ship with Salt and
proceed to the Havana if at Gibralter you will ballast with Stone or
Sand as you may be able to obtain, and, if any cheap Red Wine or
Malaga Wine can be obtained or any freight you will take and proceed
to the Havana with all possible dispatch, In case you get a part of a
cargo at any place before mentioned you will have it shipped as the
property of Mess^{rs} Drake & Murdock, merchants of Havana, in the
name of some Spanish House, On your arrival at the Havana you will
call on Mess^{rs} Drake & Murdock where you will find our instructions
how to proceed, our object is to get a freight home from the Havana
for the Ship with laying out what funds you may have for a return
cargo in Molasses or Sugar on our Accts. as we may think most for our
interest on your Arrival
[Illustration:
Account of Belem Port Charges of the
American Ship W^{m.} Tell Captain Elija Cobb
Pilotage inwards 6·400
Entry-autos and Pratique 1·100
Pratique Officers and Boathire 1·700
Provedor of the Health ·200
Doctor & Surgeon 1·200
Sending the health clearance to Lisbon ·200
Second visit of the Health ·
Petition and diligence & Extra Services 3·600
Waiter of the health day a 300 ·
reis each per day ·
2 Waiters of the costomhouse at Belem ·
4 days a 600 reis each perday 4·800
Belem Certificate ·240
Officers of the Castle 3·820
Vice Consul for [TN: illegible handwriting] 3·000
[TN: illegible handwriting] $320
[TN: illegible handwriting] $240
[TN: illegible handwriting] 2$970
---------
N. 29 $790
Received amount hereof in full Lisbon
the 12^{th} of Dec.^{mr} 1811
[signature [TN: illegible handwriting]
Port Charges in 1811.]
Should you at your port of discharge be able to procure to the amount
of 3 or 4000 dollars in Undoubted Bills on the Havana at 30 or 60 days
sight at a handsome discount, guarenteed by either of the houses we
have recommended you to, we think it adviseable for you to take them
and invest the proceeds in the Havana as we may think best on your
arrival there--
We should not confine the destination of the Ship after her discharge
in Europe but think it so unlikely for you to get employ either at,
Lisbon, Cadiz or Gibralter for the Ship it will be best to fix her
destination that we may be able with what we shall load ourselves to
obtain freight sufficient to fill her up in the Havana without loss of
time--
[Sidenote: Remuneration]
The voyage being different from our expectations when you left Boston,
we agee to give you for your services Thirty dollars p^{r} month, Two
pecent on the nett Sales of your Cargo and half p^{r} Cent on your
remitting Bills to England or returned Cargo and five p^{r} C^{t} primage
on your Cargo from the Havana to the United States, We believe all the
Shippers except Mr G. Snow consign their goods to you and allow you
the same commissions and we understand Mr Snow consigns to you in case
you should not sell at Lisbon--
Should the terms before mentioned meet your approbation you will
acknowledge this agreement to be the terms on which you proceed the
voyage--
Should you not be satisfied with the Compensation we offer, you will
proceed the voyage and we will give you as much as any Master has out
of this port on Such a voyage--
Wishing you a pleasant voyage and Safe return
We are yours with respects
Bixby Valentine & C^{o}
Humphrey & Clark
_Elijah Cobb to his Wife_
Prince’s Island 4^{th} Feb. 1819
My Dear Freind
We are here; & all well, _thanks to the controler of every event_, but
under circomstances, must remain here two months longer, as we have a
considerable part of our cargo still on hand, business is
astonishingly altered since last voyage, the coast is crouded with
vessells & goods of every discription, & the natives have nothing to
buy with. This circomstance is owing to the late interior war, which
has recently raged with great violence & prevented the natives from
procuring Gold dust & Ivory as formally.--my object for waiting is to
git clear of the Perishable part of my cargo for coffee, when their
Crop comes in, which is now commin[c]ing but will not be at its height
untill the last of March _or_ first april--I also calculate to touch
at one of the windward W. India Islands (on my passage home) in order
to s[ell][10] my Tobacco, Flour, Tea, & salmon; which I cannot sell
here for an[y thin]g[10]--& some Corn, which I shall receive here in
barter, so [that][10] you need not be antious if we dont git home
untill [the la]st[10] of July. we may sooner, but I think it
douptfull;--What I have sold of the cargo, has been at about as good
profit as last voyage, the deficulty is not so much in the price, as
in finding people able to purchase, Scarcity of produce is the great
complaint. This comes by Esq. Clark, via the W. Indies, he will sail
to morrow; Cap^{t} Nickerson is very sick on shore, he will leave him to
come with us if he git well, but I have hardly a hope, he is _however_
in the hands of a mercifull God, may his will be done, & the
submission of the creture sincier…. I expect our people will all write
to their freinds, another oppertunity will offer in about 15 or 20
days direct for Boston. I will then write again.
[Sidenote: Hard Times]
Pars love to all his children, he earnestly pray that his life may be
spared, & he permitted, once more to greet his little flock in health
& hapiness.
Docter will have all the perticulars respecting the Schooners Voyage
by the Esq: it is consequently unnecesary for me to write--. They have
not managed matters quite to my mind, but so it is, & prehaps for the
best.
Love & respects to all freinds
Your Affectionate Freind
Elijah Cobb
Feb^{y} 7^{th} Since the a[bove][11] _to the astonishment of us all_
Cap^{t} Nickerson has so far reco[vere]d[11] that we have taken him on
board the ship,--Esq^{r} C[lar]k[11] is very sick, the Boy _young
Kimbal_ is dead.
Feb^{y} 14^{th} He is gone--. Nickerson does not gain any Strength
wishes to go to sea & try a change of air, he is sildom himself we
have as yet kept the Esq^{rs} death from him,--such senes of distress
& death, is severely trying to me, May God preserve me--We all
continue well except Cap^{t} Mayo, he has had a slight fever, but is
apperrently doing well; I have had a smart attact of the Nervous head
ake, but have got over it,
A schooner will sail for Boston in a day or two, will write more fully
Your as ever
Elijah Cobb
[Sidenote: The Fever]
_Elijah Cobb to his Wife_
Princes Island 18^{th} Feb^{y} 1819
My Dear freind
I wrote you 4 days ago by the Schooner Hope which I sent away under
the care of John Dillingham 3^{d} he being the only one willing to
undertake, … you may _posibly_ git this letter first, it is therefore
necessary to repeat that Esq. Clark has paid the dept of nature, it
was my task to close his Eyes the 11^{th} Ins^{t} after a sickness of 8
days--Young Kimbal died 4 days before, Cap^{t} Nickerson was very sick
_on board this ship_, but his fever having turned, it was the advice
of Every One to send him to sea, that a change of air would have a
good effect; I accordingly did, but fear he never will reach America;
we must _however_ commit him & ourselves to a mercifull just God, who
always acts for the good of his Creaturs & happy would it be for us;
if we could always bow with humble submission to his righteous
dispensations.
Cap^{t} Mayo has been _very_ sick; his fever turned two days since, &
the people here _who are no doupt better judges than strangers_ say he
is out of danger, he _also_ has great currage, but he is very weak. &
it will be a long time before he gits [his][12] strength, he is on
shore, I am something unwell, & [takin]g[12] Medicine that I cannot
see him to day--
Feb^{y} 20^{th} _Alas Alas_, Cap^{t} Mayo is gone; an unfavourable turn in
his disorder was his passport to (I trust) realms of blessedness--I
have ordered the ship amediately to sea; shall work up to the windward
of these islands & pass away 3 or 4 weeks, untill the sickly season
passes of.--I must then return & git pay for 3 or 4000 Dollars of
goods trusted out to A. B. C. &c &c, in orders for coffee--and had I
have foreseen the consequence; I would not have put it out of my power
to have left altogether at pleasure altho we should have bro^{t} home
half our cargo, but circomstancd as I am, we must take all reasonable
precaution, and trust our lives & healths, to an alwise, aljust, &
mercifull God, _who cannot err_.
The scenes of distress, together with anciety of mind, which I have
had to encounter within the last 15 days, have nearly unmaned me, I
wou’d write to Mrs Mayo but am not able, do afford her all the
consolation in your power, & oh, may God of his infinite mercy pour
the balm of consolation into her afflicted Bosom--
The crew will all write; they are well as yit, but quite alamed, which
induces me to put to sea, where we shall git good air, & _I hope_,
fresh sperits
I had, (previous to this last shock) written a few lines to Mrs Clark,
I do not feel able to put in order by copying, I inclose it, you’l
deliver it, or not, as you think proper.
My love to our little ones & all freinds--dont give yourself too much
anciety, put your whole trust in God, he can releive in the greatest
distress or most [imm]inent[12] danger.
Your affectionate friend
Elijah Cobb
[Sidenote: Puts to Sea]
21. Feb^{y} We meant to have got out yesterday, but we had our ship to
rig _almost_ as well as sails to bend & Ballast to git--the Vessell
which brings this, will sail amediately, we shall go in the course of
the day--I feel nicely this morn” _as to health_. M^{r} Thatcher & M^{r}
Crosby are both hearty, thank God. Myrick & Bates, complained
yesterday, we gave them both a smart purge, they are nicely this
morning & no appearance of a fever, the sea air will make them harty
again; as I before observ^{d} Amigination in this country works wonders;
As to myself I feel a sort of pleasing confidence that I am again, _to
be permited_ to visit my beloved family--to offer a word of
consolation, to the afflicted freind of those entoomb’d in this
foreign land, but in every instance, I trust I shall be anable to say
in sincerety thy will be done.
Your
E. C
_Elijah Cobb to his Son, Elijah Cobb, 2nd_
Prince’s Island 24^{th} April 1819
My dear Son
This will accompay a letter directed to you _or_ M^{r} Haven (should you
be absent) containing a Bill of exchange for 300 Dollars, with
perticular instructions relative therto. should you receive it before
I return, you may send it to y^{r} Mar, _or_ keep it in your hands (as
you like).
We are all well, shall tarry here a few days longer & the[n] proceed
for S^{t} Thomases, where I hope to procure a considerable quantity of
coffee. & then proceed as bifore mentioned, hope yet to reach Boston
in all the month of July.
[Illustration: Ivory, Coffee and Palm Oil: a Typical Bill of Lading.]
[Sidenote: The Rainy Season]
I expect before this, my letters (by the two schooners) filled with
heart rending tidings to our Brewster freind have been received, my
mental, as well as bodily distress, has been such, that I hardly know
what I wrote in those letters (probably much incoherency) as they were
dictated by the feelings of the moment, but I trust those scenes are
not to return upon us this voyage, the place is healthy, frequent
turnardoes, with thunder lightning & copeous showers purifies the air,
all nature smiles, & the human form wears a cheerfull countenance in
place of the gastly visage, which so recently presented itself at all
points.--What abundant cause of greatfull praise to the supreem
controler of every event both of time & eternity, more especially to
us the living monuments of His mercy who for wise purposes (tho”
hidden from our veiw) have been spared while so many have fallen
around us, May we express our gratitude by keeping his commands.
I have written to your mar by this conveyance hope it will not be long
(after you receive this) before I shall be permitted to see my little
flock in health.
Your Affectionate Father
Elijah Cobb
_Samuel Swan, Jr., to Mrs. Elijah Cobb_
[Ship] Belvidere--Quarantine--
June 27th 1819
Mrs. Cobb--
Madam--
I arrived here last evening 84 Days from Africa--I left the Ten
Brothers at Princes Island April 4^{th}--After the loss of Cap^{t} Mayo,
the ship proceeded to sea in a very sickly state--The change of air
soon produced a favourable effect; and on the Ships return to Princes
in March they were all quite recovered, though still m[uc]h[13]
debilitated--One man only was any ways ill during my stay, & he was
again on duty when we sail’d--The ship had been on her return to port
thoroughly clensed by washing with vinegar, & limejuice, and twenty
four hour’s fumigation with strong charcoal fires in the hold, &
between decks--During this time I was honoured with Cap^{t} Cobb’s
company on board the Belvidere--
I believe, Madam, you may rest perfectly free from any apprehensions
of the sickness again appearing on board the Ten Brothers--Every
precaution has been taken to purify the ship--& the more immediate
cause of their sickness was also removed--It is during the few weeks
interval between the closing of the Dry, & setting in of the Rainy
season, that the Islands are most unhealthy--The atmosphere is then
heavy, & the Harbor is so situated that the little air that is in
motion during the day is intirely secluded from the shipping, while a
vertical sun produces an intensity of heat that operates powerfully to
render the place unhealthy--After the rains commence, the frequent
tornadoes which accompany that season, & always blow from the
eastward, directly into the harbor, so purify the air that there is
little danger of sickness with the usual precautions which all
strangers should observe for preservation of health in warm climates--
[Sidenote: Good News]
As I was in daily communication with Cap^{t} Cobb, I can assure you of
his intire restoration to health, except the debility incident to a
severe attack of fever--
It was Cap^{t} Cobb’s intention to close all business with the utmost
dispatch, & he thought to be able to sail in all April to a
certainty--He will touch at Martinique on his passage to America--
I am fully aware, Madam, that the charge of presumption may be
alledged against me--Indeed (reasoning from analogy) I offer no other
apology for writting, than the satisfaction I believe my own family
would recieve by any communication from a person who had seen me
abroad, at a time when a variety of reports respecting my safety would
render any news highly gratifying--
I cannot close without most respectfully offering, thro’ your family,
the tribute of my consolation to the family of the late Henry Clarke
Esq^{r} of your t[ow]n[14]--On my first arrival at Princes, in Dec^{r}, I
found him there; & our constant intercourse, during the short stay I
there made, gave me abundant cause to honour & admire him--on my
leaving the place he accompanied me out of the harbor, & our last
resolve, when he quited me, was, to visit each others families when
both should be at home--Nothing could exceed the shock on my feelings,
on again visiting the Island, to learn his lamented death--If the
respect of a stranger can be acceptable to his family, I beg, Madam,
you will mention my name, as one who feels proud to acknowledge an
acquaintance, & friendship, with him abroad--
With regard, I remain,
Madam, respectfully your
Most Humble servant--
Sam^{l} Swan Jr--
M^{rs} ELIJAH COBB--Brewster--
NB. Letters from Cap^{t} Cobb, have been sent to his Son in
Boston--others from people on board, will be forwarded by post office
on my arrival to town.
S. S.
[Sidenote: A Birthday Letter]
_Elijah and Mary Cobb to their Son,
Elijah Cobb, 2nd_
Brewster, _27^{th} June 1820_
Dear Son
Your affectionate parents fondly recolect that This Day, compleats the
full time of 21 years, since the _Supreem_ doner of every thing, was
pleased to gladen the parential heart in the birth of a Son; Who has
since continued his existance thro” Infancy; thro” Youth, & bro^{t} him
to the commincment of manhood, without suffering any action (of their
childs) to wound their hearts; What abundant cause of greatfull Praise
for those inestimable favours,--May He enable them to suplicate with
fervency & _effect_, to continue His Mercies to them & their children,
& may it laden all their hearts with a greatfull song of Thankgiving &
Praise,--We recieved your letter by M^{r} Copeland & noted your
observations upon M^{r} H’s enquiries, we think it wou’d be as well, to
continue where you are a while, (at least) untill the Fall,--But
altho” I wou’d not inculcate the Idea of taking the advantage of any
ones necesity; I think as M^{r} H. has contributed so _very_ sparringly
to y^{r} support during the long time you have remained with him, He
ought now to give you a full support _at least_ untill you see your
way clear to commince business for yourself, which time we look
forward to with pleasure, mixed with a degree of anciety, naturel to
parential feelings always antious for the wellfare of their ospring.
prehaps the old edage will apply, _that effection is blind_, but we
feel confident (from your former & present deportment) that propriety,
entigrity, virtue & piety will govern all your actions,--Those virtues
exercised by a finite being will receive an _infinite_ approbation &
blessing--
Every advice, & every assistanc from your Parents, will at all times
be cheerfully bestowed, & it is (we presume) unnecesary to ask, who is
so suitable to advise a child as its fond doating parents--We will
close for the present, by supplicating Our Heavenly Father, to take
you into His holy keeping; to direct each gardian Angel to watch over
you, that no improper action may ever sully a good name or wound y^{r}
parents feelings
Affectionately Yours
E. & M. COBB
NB. Debby is favourably convalessent. wish you to inform me, if you
hear any thing from Cap^{t} Tycross, or M^{r} Hathaway--
We hope Mrs Haven will come with Lincoln (expect him the next tide) we
shall be highly pleased with a visit from her, & think it can be made
pleasant to her.
[Sidenote: To His Son]
_Elijah Cobb to his Son, Elijah Cobb, 2nd_
Brewster 2^{d} Jan^{y} 1836
Dear Son
As our representitive will leave in the morn” I avial myself of the
oppertunity to forward by him the small paper Package, which I found
snugly laceed up, in the branch part, of your last package of trees. I
found the mice had made a hole thro” the paper, among some small seed,
when, or where it was done I cannot say, I found no other traces of
them either about the package or ground where they were--I put the
inverlope around them again, but shall have an eye to them frequently.
The Lyceum appear to be in successfull opperation, M^{r} Williams gave
the introductory address, his remarks were bassed upon the word
_curiosity_, it was good; the best production ever I heard _from him_,
the follow^{g} officers were chosen--George Copeland esq^{r}, President,
Joseph Sampson Esq. Vice P.--John P. Washburn, Secretary, _my humble
self_, Treasurer, and Franklin Hopkins Libra^{n}--24 became members, by
signing the constitution, & paying from 50^{cs} to 2.00--the members
were then, formed into 6 Sections of 4 each, for discussions, by the
board of managers, (the 5 officers as above) and the follow^{g} subject
assigned, for the next wednesday eve” viz, which exarts the greatest
influance, in a country Town, _wealth or knowledge_--the discussion
was assigned to the 1^{st} & 2^{d} Sections, under the managements of
the Rev^{d} mess^{rs} Conant, & Williams, the former advocating wealth,
& the latter knowledge--the subject was ably & ingenously managed on
both sides, but the decision was in favour of wealth. an addition of
17 became member, making now 41.
The next Wednesday Eve” we are to have an address by the Rev^{d} M^{r}
Simpkins--the subject for discussion is, _which injoys the greatest
satisfaction, the Rich man, or poor man_--assigned to Sections 3^{d} &
5^{th} Rev^{d} M^{r} Pratt, & Father--I expect a powerfull opponent, but
cannot feel any fear upon the subject. He cannot expect much
assistance from his Section, except what he gits from our bro^{r} Jo. &
I have M^{r} Washburn in my Section, which I think will match
Docter.--There appears an interest in the cause, among our young men,
the older ones must begin, but they will soon come forward.
[Sidenote: Local Affairs]
Our high School goes on well, it is as full, as they can accommodate
46--there appears perfect satisfaction with M^{r} Washburn, the
instructor--he appears to be _wide awake_, & master of his business.
We are looking hourly for the Fayette, think she will be here in the
morn”--she no doubt came unexpectedly to you, but she must have had a
fine time, and our shore is now clear of Ice for her return.
My eyes are somthing better, but very weak, I am obliged to deny
myself the pleasure of reading, altogether, and I am in agony with
writing thus much, altho” I have had 5 or 6 spells at it.
Grandfather wishes the children all, _a happy new year_, not as the
compliment of the season, which is in the mouths of the multitude, but
in sencerity of heart.
FATHER
_Elijah Cobb to his Son, Elijah Cobb, 2nd_
Brewster April 3^{d} 1837
Dear Son
Your last p^{r} Patriot, gave general directions about placeing manure
&c &c, all which, Father thinks, manifests agriculturel judiciousness.
Freeman commenced work March 27^{th}, but anticipating your injuntion,
relative to sea-weed, & a fine oppertunity presenting last week, he
did very little else--we shall have, by night, anough up by my salt
works, to replenish your Barn Yard--a noble lot, of excell^{t} seaweed
came on shore, directly below my landing, while the other parts of the
shore was quite distitute--I hireed an extra team, & extra man to
pitch one day & we have secured, a fine lot of it. F. & Joshua are at
it to day, I have tried to git another team, but have not succeeded,
there is still abundanc on the shore, & I shall keep the boys at it,
as such a fine chance, sildom offers, of so good a quality.
I expect you intend to lay down, the peice of land you planted, back
of the barn, if so, you’l want grass seed for it,--I shou’d put on it,
½ bush^{l} herds grass, ½ bush^{l} red top, & 8 lbs of red
clover--Oats, we shall have anough, between us--you have not many, but
I have a plenty.
[Sidenote: Townsman and Farmer]
The Patriot will go Wednesday Eve”--I hope you’l be able to return
with her, ab^{t} Saturday night--I am writing now, (morn”) as I shall be
engaged thro” the remainder of the day--the Towns committee are coming
to settle the accounts of the Treasury for last year; & in the
afternoon a Town meeting of importance--a Poor house in agitation,
herring fishery to be new moddleed, _suplus revenue_, &c &c.
in haste
FATHER.
_Elijah Cobb to his Son, Elijah Cobb, 2nd_
Brewster Sept^{r} 12^{th} 1838
Dear Son
The packet did not git to her moorings, to enable us to git the roller
& seed out, untill monday eve”, anticipating it wou’d come, M^{r} F. had
prepared the upland for the seed, Viz. the peice where y^{r} wheat was,
& the strip, quite down to the ditch, where my oats was; for the swamp
part of that; plouged, equal to any of the upland, having been well
mixed with upland soil, & frequently ploughed, before--calculation was
made, to commence opperations with the seed & roller, on tuesday
morn”, but when the morning came, a storm had commenced, which still
continues, without intermission, consequently, they were compelled to
suspend those oppera^{ns} for the time being. They have got in, nearly
all the Indian wheat, that is worth harvesting; that article, turns
out slim; Gen^{l} Mayo, M^{r} Crocker, & Cap^{t} Freeman, have abandoned the
Idea of harvesting any, except, for their hogs, in the straw--I have
givin mine, (the little strip) to my pigs, as they required it--they
love it dearly, & thrive finely upon it.--We think there is somthing
uncongenial in our atmospere to that plant.
Since the storm commenced, they have been attending to threshing wheat
&c &c. M^{r} Freeman had got all the creek stuff, home, & all the salt
hay secured in _stack_, before the storm commenced, so that you have
nothing exposed to injury, except the peat, & that is so far made,
that the injury to it, will be little, or nothing. In regard to seed,
for the swampy part of your land, we think _a bushel_ will be
sufficient, for what you will be able to seed this fall--I wish you to
understand, that we included, in the 4 Acres of upland, the strip,
east of my orchard, & the whole of the south strip (next Mrs Snows)
down to the main ditch--that strip, has been raised & tilled so much,
that it is susceptable of the same seed, as upland, for this, you have
sent seed already. If you cannot procure _foul meadow seed_, I should
recommend that you git 3 pecks of red top, & one peck of herds grass,
& mix them, in the same bag--if you can git _foul meadow_, ½ bush^{l}
of each, that, & red top, & no herds grass.
[Sidenote: The Plough]
I surely wrote you how the swamp ploughed east of my orchard; that
after going round; that they had to stop the team, & work with hoes,
hands &c--there were, an abundance of large roots & stumps, which
required prying out, hauling away &c; they have carried, somthing like
a cord, to your wood house. The plough, is A 2½, a larger one, no
doubt, would do better, but no plough would turn it over smooth, while
coming in contact, every few feet, with stumps & roots that required
the team & prys to start out of their beds--however, with hoes, _elbow
greass_, & the plough, it looks as if the rollow & harrow would leave
it pritty smooth; it would add greatly to the benifit of it, if you
can git on a quantity of sand; or soil of some kind before sowing the
seed on the swamp. I hope you will be able to be here, the last of the
week, & see, & act for yourself.
Mr. Freeman says the sheer of the plough, has worn so small, that anew
one is necessary, the present one will not cut a furrow of any weadth,
& under those circomstances, haveing considerable hard plouging to
perform, this fall, & next spring, perhaps it will be advisable to git
a new, & larger one, the present one can be fitted for light
ploughing, and favour the new one.
The print (Nettle)[16] directed to Cap^{t} Freeman & myself, was
received, & I annex a list of 8 subscribers, will you order them sent,
with the back numbers, & pay for them, & I will have the money
collected to refund, when you come.
all well.
FATHER
_Subscribers to the Nettle._
{ They come so
{ cheap, that no
Geo” Copeland--Jo. Sampson. { dou[bt][15] 20 or 30
Enoch Pratt--Freeman Mayo. { wou’d be taken, in the
Benj^{n} Berry--Solo^n Freeman. { Tow[n][15] if it was
Freeman Rogers--E. Cobb. { known--Copeland, &
{ Docter say; they will
{ increase the list.
[Sidenote: A Southerly Blow]
Thursday A. M. 13^{th}
The wind has got round to the south, & blows a hurrycane, I have just
returned from your young orchard, have been assisting M^{r} F. in
resecuring some of the trees, which it seemed as if the wind would
take from the ground, roots, stakes, & all--the fruit is prostrated,
nearly all; I beleive there are 8 of those _delicious_ plums, remain’g
on the tree, but those which blew off, were perfectly ripe--if
practicable, they will be kept untill you, & caro” come; I advised M^{r}
F. to take those from the tree also.
Notwithstanding the weight of your roller, it runs very easy, F. &
Eldridge, after puting it together, could run it about any where, with
ease.
FATHER
the wife of Elisha Bangs, expired at 7 this morn”.
[1] I conclude the old Admiral, was mistaken here, as the
name, Cobb, is not in her list of passengers, but I did not
know it then--they, probably, came in the next vessell, the
Cherub.
[2] Lorient.
[3] La Vendée.
[4] [rowing. _Ed._]
[5] [_cartile._ Probably cartel = an agreement between
enemies for the exchange of prisoners. _Ed._]
[6] [General Cobb seems to have had in mind the frigate
_Congress_. If so, his memory was at fault, for it was
in the _Essex_ that Porter captured the _Alert_,
which was the first British war vessel taken in the War of
1812. _Ed._]
[7] Capt. Isaac Clark, Capt. Joseph Mayo, Capt. David
Nickerson, Godfrey Lincoln (Capt. Warren’s young brother)
died in Africa or on the passage home.
[8] [Elijah Winslow Cobb, a grandson of Elijah Cobb.
_Ed._]
[9] [“A white linen fabric made in Silesia for export to
America.” Simmonds, _Dict. Trade_, 1858. _Ed._]
[10] MS. damaged.
[11] MS. damaged.
[12] MS. damaged.
[13] MS. damaged.
[14] MS. damaged.
[15] MS. torn.
[16] [A Whig Campaign paper published in Boston. Volume I,
Number 1, appeared September 5, 1838. _Ed._]
*** End of this Doctrine Publishing Corporation Digital Book "Elijah Cobb : 1768-1848 a Cape Cod skipper" ***