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Title: Travels in Western Africa, in the years 1818, 19, 20, and 21, from the river Gambia, through Woolli, Bondoo, Galam, Kasson, Kaarta, and Foolidoo, to the river Niger
Author: Dochard, (Surgeon), Gray, W. H. (William Henry)
Language: English
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*** Start of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Travels in Western Africa, in the years 1818, 19, 20, and 21, from the river Gambia, through Woolli, Bondoo, Galam, Kasson, Kaarta, and Foolidoo, to the river Niger" ***
=TRAVELS=
IN
=WESTERN AFRICA,=
ETC.
G. WOODFALL, ANGEL COURT, SKINNER STREET, LONDON.
[Illustration: W. Gray del.
BOKARI THE KARTAN GUIDE.
_Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London._]
[Illustration: MAP of the ROUTES pursued by the Expeditions under
MAJORS PEDDIE AND GRAY.
_Published as the act directs, March 15th. 1825. by John Murray
Albemarle Street, London._
_J. Walker Sculpt._]
=TRAVELS=
IN
=WESTERN AFRICA,=
IN THE YEARS 1818, 19, 20, AND 21,
FROM THE
RIVER GAMBIA, THROUGH WOOLLI, BONDOO, GALAM,
KASSON, KAARTA, AND
FOOLIDOO, TO THE RIVER NIGER.
BY
MAJOR WILLIAM GRAY,
AND THE LATE
STAFF SURGEON DOCHARD.
WITH A MAP, DRAWINGS, AND COSTUMES, ILLUSTRATIVE
OF THOSE COUNTRIES.
Quòd si deficiant vires, audacia certè
Laus erit in magnis, et voluisse sat est.
PROP.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET
MDCCCXXV.
WITH SENTIMENTS OF THE HIGHEST RESPECT
AND THE MOST SINCERE GRATITUDE,
THE AUTHOR OF THE FOLLOWING PAGES
HAS, BY PERMISSION, DEDICATED THEM
TO THE
RIGHT HON. THE EARL BATHURST,
HIS MAJESTY’S PRINCIPAL SECRETARY OF STATE
FOR THE COLONIES.
=PREFACE.=
In offering to the public the following pages, it may be necessary to
state the motives which operated to my acceptance of that important
command, which it will be their business to disclose. Though not born
in the camp, nor altogether educated in the field, I have been early
taught in that frankness which generally characterises the soldier,
and, I trust, it will be found that, in all I describe, I have never
deviated from strictly acting on that honourable and faithful basis.
I had reached the shores of Africa, in my tour of service, well
remembering on my passage the labours and researches of the informed
and the brave who perished in the exalted struggle of benefiting their
country and the benighted Africans; while, at the same time, I could
not help reflecting on the disappointing results which often attend the
best directed human exertions. The brave and the scientific were gone;
their country consecrated their labours, though partially abortive; and
the enterprising mind felt no alarm in tracing their progress, while a
chance remained of redeeming their fate by more successful exertions.
Greece and Rome alternately fought and conquered, and were subdued by
arms, the short summary of most nations’ history, while it remained
for the British Government alone to extend their empire through the
enlightened agency of moral sway, of civil institutes, and Christian
regulations, and convey to the hapless, the neglected, and the
enslaved, the highest blessings which can dignify, improve, or adorn
man.
Warmed with those feelings, I felt an honourable pride in being
entrusted with a command to explore the uncultivated regions of Western
Africa. It was a task of peril, but the measure of danger was the
measure of honour; and with a strong distrust of my own capacity I
accepted the office of conducting the expedition. As soon as I became
acquainted with its objects, it may be naturally supposed that I
felt some uneasiness; but such were the measures taken by a superior
commander, _now no more_, that any insufficiency on my part was
compensated by the wisdom of a gallant and enlightened officer. The
objects of the mission were not the mere acquisition of territory, or
the unfair advantage of commerce; they were the improvement of science,
the enlargement of trade, and the consequent diffusion of increased
happiness to the African population. The sceptic in religion, and the
would-be renovator of politics, may think differently on this subject;
but every rational individual must feel that British life, British
talent, and British treasure, would not be employed in such a quarter
if there were not every wish to benefit and improve the condition of
our degraded fellow creatures.
In undertaking this mission I was not employed to create a fabulous
history, or describe romantic scenery; I was employed to glean and
collect facts; to effect discovery when it was possible; to note down
nothing which might not lead to some useful result; and, in the end,
to draw such honest inferences as will, I humbly venture to trust, be
found throughout these pages.
With the wisdom of all the previous plans adopted in exploring Western
Africa I have nothing to do, and for that in which I was engaged, I
only feel myself responsible as far as the resources placed within my
reach. A difficult duty was assigned me; I attempted its execution;
and, be the results satisfactory or not, I can safely say that my best
exertions were in no case wanting to meet the views of those high
authorities at home and abroad who confided its performance to me. If
I have partially failed, the failure is attributable to circumstances,
which will be fully developed in the sequel. I shall say nothing
of my sufferings and privations; but after all I have witnessed, I
feel deeply impressed with the generous sentiments and wishes of his
Majesty’s Government towards all who need their aid, and I entertain a
fervent hope that to future travellers in Africa my humble endeavours
may prove a source of more ample success than it has fallen to my lot
to achieve.
I cannot conclude, without regretting the premature death of my friend
and companion Staff Surgeon Dochard, who but a few months after my
return from Africa, fell a victim to the consequences of the sufferings
and privations he endured on the missions under the command of Major
Peddie, Captain Campbell, and myself. I particularly felt the want of
that assistance in preparing our several notes for the press, which he
was so fully able to afford me. The importance of his notes have not,
however, been altogether lost, though they are still deprived of much
of that value which his reconsideration would no doubt have imparted
to them. Such as he left them, they are faithfully preserved, and have
been used in the narrative with the same attention as my own.
W. GRAY, MAJOR.
=CONTENTS.=
* * * * *
CHAPTER I.
PAGE
Arrival of the Expedition at Senegal — Delay there — A
Messenger despatched to Sego — Departure from Senegal, and
Arrival at the Rio Nunez — Town of Tallabunchia — Major
Peddie’s Death — Sickness of the Men and Officers — Departure
from Robugga — Difficulties on the March — Arrival at the 1
Panjetta.
CHAPTER II.
Halt at the Panjetta — Return of Messengers sent to the
Capital — His Majesty’s Answer — Great Scarcity of Provisions
— Another Messenger sent, with Presents to the King — Captain
Campbell’s interview with Omerhoo Kano — Reports about the
Intentions of the Expedition — Captain Campbell goes to see
the King — Arrival of the Messenger from Sego — Captain
Campbell’s Return — No satisfactory Answer — Illness of the
Officers — Lieutenant Stokoe and Mr. Kummer sent to the Coast
— Captain Campbell decides on retracing his steps — Departure
from the Panjetta — Arrival at Kakundy — Death of Captain
Campbell — Departure for, and Arrival at Sierra Leone —
Description of Foota Jallon. 25
CHAPTER III.
Major Gray takes the Command — Departure from Sierra Leone
— Arrival at Bathurst St. Mary’s — Occurrences there —
Departure for, and Arrival at Kayaye — Description of a
tribe of wandering Foolahs — Description of Kayaye, the
surrounding Country, and Inhabitants — Their Amusements,
&c. — Visit to Katoba — The King’s Visit to us — Arrival of
Camels from Senegal — Our Guide’s proposal respecting the path
— My Decision, and Reasons — Fatality among our Animals —
Arrival of Mr. Partarrieau from St. Mary’s — Arrangements for 43
Departure.
CHAPTER IV.
The Expedition leaves Kayaye — Difficulty in procuring Water
at Jaroomy — Arrival and Halt at Coonting — Description of
that Town and surrounding Country — Civility of the Chief
— Departure from Coonting — Deaths among the Animals, and
difficulty of procuring Carriers — Arrival at the Wallea Creek
— Attempt of some People to stop us — Pass the Creek — Cane
Bridge — Attempt at Murder by one of our native Civilians,
and his Desertion — Enter the Kingdom of Woolli — Arrival at
Madina, the Capital — Transactions and difficulties there
— Description of the Town, and the Mumbo Jumbo Ceremony —
Departure from Madina, and theft by the Natives — Arrival at
Kussaye. 63
CHAPTER V.
Departure from Kussaye — Pass through the Simbani Woods —
Loss of Camels — Ruins of Muntobe — Leave Muntobe — Arrive
at Sansanding — Halt there — Our Woolli guides leave us —
Discharge of Corporal Harrop — Arrival at Sabee, the first
Town of Bondoo — Loss of Animals — Opposition on the part of
our Guides to our moving thence — Arrival at Loonchea — Death
of the Camels — Supply of provisions from Almamy — Mr. Dochard
sent in advance with a present to Almamy — Departure from
Loonchea — Arrival at Dachadoonga — Difficulty and delay in
carrying forward the Baggage — Description of the Red Water,
and its use — Arrival at Goodeerri — Mr. Dochard returns from
the Capital — Arrival of Almamy’s eldest Son — Transactions
with Almamy and difficulty in arranging matters with him
— Departure from Goodeerri, and arrival at Boolibany, the
Capital of Bondoo. 94
CHAPTER VI.
Description of Boolibany — Delays and Disappointments there
— Scarcity of Provisions — Death of Private Pickard — My
decision of passing the rains in the Country, and Departure
for Samba Contaye to select a position for winter quarters —
Arrival of the Expedition from Boolibany — Mr. Pilkington and
men left there sick — Death of Lieutenant Burton, and Sickness
of the men — Preparations for Mr. Dochard’s Departure for Sego
— Almamy’s Arrival near our Camp — Difficulties about the
Guide — Mr. Dochard’s Departure — The Object of his Embassy
— Mr. Partarrieau’s Departure for the Coast — Mr. Nelson’s
weak state — A regular Market established — Mr. Pilkington’s
Arrival from the Capital — Mr. Nelson’s Death — My own
Indisposition — Deaths among the Men — Extraordinary Ceremony
at the Killing of a Lioness — Lion’s Attack on the Horse —
Account from Mr. Dochard — Return of the Messengers — Almamy’s
unjust Conduct, and its Results. 124
CHAPTER VII.
Unfortunate Affair at Samba Contaye — Almamy’s Decision
— Purchase of a Slave — Arrival of the French Expedition
at Galam — Mr. Pilkington’s determination of leaving the
Mission — His Departure for the Coast — Visit to the Senegal
— Conversation with Almamy — Messenger sent to Mr. Dochard —
Fires at the Camp — Death of Almamy Amady. 157
CHAPTER VIII.
Description of Bondoo — Extent — Boundaries — Face of the
Country — Productions — Commerce — Manufactures — Government
— Revenues — Religion, its influence on the Inhabitants —
Their Description, Dress, and Manner of Living — Military
Equipments — Force — Mode of Warfare — Cause of War with
Kaarta — Almamy’s sanguinary Conduct — Attack of the Kaartans
on Boolibany. 179
CHAPTER IX.
Message from Almamy — My Visit to Boolibany — Subject of
Interview with him — His hostile Conduct and peremptory demand
for my leaving Samba Contaye — The Necessity of my Compliance
— Return to the Camp accompanied by an Escort — Preparations
for the March — Departure for Boolibany — Arrival there —
Almamy endeavours to make us enter the Town — My Refusal, and
Selection of a Position for the Camp — Return of my first
Messenger to Mr. Dochard — His Misfortune and Failure — False
Alarm at the Capital, and its Consequences — Indecision of
Almamy and the Chiefs. 208
CHAPTER X.
Arrival of Mr. Partarrieau from the Coast — Interview with
Almamy — Arrangements with, and Presents made to him — His
false and deceitful Conduct — My determination and Retreat
from Boolibany — Difficulties on the March — Want of Water,
and breach of oath on the part of our Guides — Enter Foota
Toro — Difficulties there — My March to, and Return from
Baquelle — Affair with the Foolahs — My Captivity — Departure
of the Party for Baquelle — My disappointment on finding the
Camp deserted — My own Return to Baquelle. 219
CHAPTER XI.
Description of the Plain of Hourey — Occurrences there —
Departure and Arrival at Baquelle — Unfavourable Accounts from
Mr. Dochard — Kingdom of Galam. 248
CHAPTER XII.
Report of Mr. Dochard’s Arrival in Kaarta — My Departure for
St. Joseph, and Meeting with Mr. D. — Return to Baquelle —
Messenger sent to Sego — Arrival of Fleet from St. Louis — Mr.
D.’s Return to the Coast, and my final Determination — Visit
to St. Joseph — Conduct of Almamy Bondoo — Return from St.
Joseph — State of Affairs at Baquelle — Departure from thence
— Delay at St. Joseph — Assembly of Chiefs, &c. &c. 271
CHAPTER XIII.
Retreat from Kaarta — Difficulties and Annoyances there —
Arrival at Fort St. Joseph — Delay and Occurrences at Baquelle
— Return to the Coast — Arrival at Sierra Leone — Visit to the
captured Negro Establishments 323
CONCLUSION 337
APPENDIX 365
PLATES.
PAGE
Frontispiece. Portrait of Bokari the Kartan Guide.
1. Hut at Tallabunchia 5
2. Swinging Bridge over the Tingalinta 12
3. Wandering Foolah 49
4. Kongcorong, and Kaartan ceremonial dress 56
5. Cane Bridge over the Wallia creek 73
6. Madina, capital of Woolli 80
7. Boolibany—Capital of Bondoo 125
8. Mosque and Place of Assembly at Galam 282
9. Musical Instruments 301
Map to face title-page.
Botanical drawings after page 396.
N. B. For the nature and amount of presents, see Appendix.
* * * * *
ERRATA.
Page
26 For Tumbo _read_ Teembo.
75 — Sindey _read_ Jindey.
77 — Somkeys _read_ Sonikeys.
87 — Mausafarra _read_ Mansafarra.
103 — 85° 22′ 6″. &c. _read_ 14° 10′ 58″. Thermometer
in shade 100°.
235 — Thurno _read_ Thierno.
264 — Falume _read_ Fa-lemme.
=TRAVELS IN AFRICA,=
ETC.
* * * * *
CHAPTER I.
Arrival of the Expedition at Senegal — Delay there — A Messenger
despatched to Sego — Departure from Senegal, and Arrival at the
Rio Nunez — Town of Tallabunchia — Major Peddie’s Death —
Sickness of the Men and Officers — Departure from Robugga —
Difficulties on the March — Arrival at the Panjetta.
It is no doubt in the recollection of many of my readers, that
an expedition destined to explore the interior of Africa, from its
western coast to the river Niger, the course and termination of which
was its ultimate, and indeed grand object, left England in the latter
end of 1815, under the command of Brevet-Major Peddie, of the 12th
Foot, having with him Captain Campbell, of the Royal Staff Corps,
and Staff-Surgeon Cowdrey; the latter, an officer who had some years
before explored part of the country in the vicinity of the Cape of
Good Hope, and all three fully qualified to the importance of the
service entrusted to their care.
On their arrival at Senegal in the month of November, 1815, so many
obstacles presented themselves to the immediate departure of the
expedition for the interior, that Major Peddie, having proceeded to
Sierra Leone for the purpose of consulting with his Excellency the
Governor, decided on remaining at Senegal until the ensuing year.
They had not been long there, when Staff-Surgeon Cowdrey took ill,
and in a few days fell a victim to the climate, much regretted by
his brother officers, who were thus left without a medical assistant,
and deprived not only of his society, but of his invaluable services
as a naturalist and astronomer.
To fill the situation thus left vacant, at least in the capacity of
a medical officer, I was applied to by Major Peddie; and although
I felt that I possessed few of the qualifications requisite to the
discharge of the duties of so important a situation, I nevertheless
accepted the offer, with a determination that no exertion should
be wanting on my part to forward the services of the expedition,
which I joined at Senegal, in February, 1816.
Major Peddie’s first step was to despatch a messenger with a letter
to the king of Sego, informing him of our intention to visit him,
and begging he would send some of his chiefs to Senegal, to conduct
us into his territories. The person employed, whose name was Lamina,
was a native of Sego, and promised to return with the king’s answer
in three months.
Captain Campbell went to Sierra Leone in March, 1816, for the
purpose of acquiring information respecting the path through Foota
Jallon, and on his return so strongly urged Major Peddie to enter
the country for the interior from the Rio Nunez, that he decided on
doing so, and fixed the middle of November for their departure from
Senegal. The interim was employed in collecting information respecting
the countries through which we were to travel, and selecting from
the regiment serving on the coast, a detachment of non-commissioned
officers and men fitted to the peculiarity of such a service, and
purchasing animals for the transport of the baggage.
All these preparations being completed, we embarked on board four
vessels, hired for the purpose, and sailed from Senegal on the 17th
of November, 1816.
The expedition was then composed of Major Peddie, Captain Campbell,
Mr. Adolphus Kummer, a German, as naturalist, Mr. Partarrieau, a
native of Senegal (possessing considerable knowledge of the Arabic
and Moorish languages, with some of the native African tongues), and
myself, having with us a party of soldiers and civilians, amounting
to 100 individuals, and a train of 200 animals. We called at Goree,
where we remained until the 26th, when being joined by a vessel from
the Cape de Verde Islands, having on board some horses and mules
for our use, we proceeded and arrived, after a tedious passage
of sixteen days, at Kakundy, a factory belonging to a Mr. Pearce,
on the left bank of the Rio Nunez.
While waiting for the tide at the mouth of that river, we visited
a small island formed by the alluvial matter brought down with
the stream, and collected by a ridge of rocks which run nearly
across its embouchure. It is called Sandy Island, from its soil
being almost wholly composed of that substance. It is about a mile
in length, and from a quarter to half a mile in breadth, having a
gentle rise towards the centre, where it is covered by a grove of
palm trees. We met on it a party of about twenty of the Bagoo tribe,
who had come thither to collect palm wine, for the celebration of
a mournful ceremony over one of their chiefs, who had died a short
time before. At a little distance from the spot where we met them,
there is an arbour, on approaching which we were stopped, and told
the place was sacred, as it contained their idols; of those we could
not obtain even an indistinct view.
Tallabunchia, which we also visited, is situated on the north bank
of the river, about four miles above Sandy Island, in a plain,
beautifully shaded with lofty palm trees, and a great profusion
of orange, lime, plantain, and bananas. The town is straggling and
irregular, and contains about 200 inhabitants. The houses are about
sixteen feet high, and divided, by a partition of split cane, into
two apartments, one of which serves as a store for their rice,
&c. and the other for a dwelling. The men are strong and well
formed, but of an extremely savage appearance; their whole apparel
consists of a fathom of cotton cloth wrapped round their waists;
they practise cutting the incisor teeth and tattooing the breasts
and arms; holes are pierced through the whole circle of the ear,
in which are inserted bits of a coarse kind of grass. The dress of
the women is still less decent or becoming; a strip of cotton bound
round the loins, in the shape of what surgeons call a T bandage,
is their only covering; a band of twisted grass round the upper
parts of the thigh, one immediately above, and another below the
knee, with one over the ankle, constituted the female ornaments. The
children were quite naked, and had large copper rings hanging from
the cartilage of the nose.
[Illustration: A NATIVE’S HUT AT TALABUNCHIA.]
[Illustration: W. Gray del.
FAC SIMILE OF DRAWING ON THE WALLS OF THE HUT.
_Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London._]
On the morning of the 14th, Captain Campbell, who had again proceeded
to Sierra Leone, on matters connected with the service, joined us
at Kakundy, where the whole of the men, animals, and baggage were
landed. We encamped on an elevated piece of ground, cleared for the
purpose, and overlooking the factory. There sickness soon began to
prevail amongst the Europeans, few of whom escaped without one or two
attacks of fever, and, such was their weak state, that, on the 24th
of December, it was thought expedient to remove them about four miles
east of Kakundy, to Robugga, a factory belonging to a Mr. Bateman,
who politely gave up his house for their accommodation. On that
day Major Peddie was attacked with violent fever, from which he
experienced little relief until the morning of the 1st of January,
1817, when, thinking himself better, he left his bed, but was soon
obliged to resume it, and in a few hours breathed his last.
This was a sad commencement of the new year, and the melancholy event
cast a heavy gloom on the minds of every individual connected with
the expedition. It made so deep an impression on some, that it was
with much difficulty they could be prevailed on not to abandon the
enterprise. Never was a man more sincerely beloved, nor more truly
regretted by all who knew him. His remains were deposited, amidst
the heartfelt regrets of his friends and companions, on the following
day, in the court-yard of Mr. Bateman, under the shade of two orange
trees; and an appropriate epitaph, written by Captain Campbell,
and carved on a slab of native mahogany, was placed on his grave.
The day previous to his death, the expedition was joined by Lieutenant
Stokoe, of the Royal Navy, and Hospital-assistant Nelson. They
were accompanied by Lieutenant M‘Rae, of the Royal African Corps,
and Thomas Buckle, Esq.[1]; the latter was sent by his Excellency,
Sir Charles M‘Carthy, to afford every facility to our departure
from Kakundy, and was the bearer of presents to Mr. Pearce (the
nominal king of Kakundy having no power whatever in the country),
without consulting whom nothing is done in that river even by the
European traders.
Lieutenant M‘Rae, hearing on his arrival of Major Peddie’s
illness, and the little hope we entertained of his recovery, came
forward with the most disinterested zeal, and told Captain Campbell
that if his services were likely to be of any use to the expedition,
he would readily accompany it; indeed he left Sierra Leone partly
with that intention: and notwithstanding the great want of officers
in that garrison at the time, and that he filled some very important
situations, his Excellency, with that alacrity he had all along
shewn to comply with whatever was calculated to forward the views
of the expedition, most willingly agreed to his proceeding, should
his services be required. After Major Peddie’s death, they were
considered very acceptable, and he was immediately added to our
number. He did not, however, long survive our lamented commander;
he was attacked with fever, for the first time since his arrival
on the coast, on the 13th of January, and died on the 21st, deeply
regretted by us all.
The convalescents, and in which condition were nearly all the
Europeans, being in a very debilitated state, were moved forward,
under the care of Mr. Nelson, to the borders of the Foota country,
on the Tingalinta river, whence they might be easily sent back were
they not sufficiently recovered by the time the whole might have
moved forward.
We left Robugga in the afternoon of the 1st of February, and after
a most fatiguing march of four hours reached Harrimakona, a small
slave village belonging to a Mandingo chief, named Kirra Mahomadoo,
who lives near Kakundy.
On the morning of the 2d, Lieutenant Stokoe was added to the sick
list, and being unable to render any assistance, rode forward to the
Tingalinta. We left Harrimakona at two, P.M. and got on tolerably well
until we arrived at a difficult pass in a wood, where those in front
disturbed a swarm of bees, which made so violent an attack on both
men and animals, that all were thrown into confusion. On my being made
acquainted with the cause, I considered it a very frivolous excuse for
allowing the horses and asses to run about in all directions, throwing
off their loads; and was reprimanding the men for their carelessness,
when I was attacked by so dense a swarm of those insects, that I was
obliged to retreat, and suffer the mortification of exhibiting myself
in the same predicament with those I had just been reproving. It was
sunset before the bees dispersed, or we could collect the animals,
many of whom suffered severely, from the bees getting into their
eyes, ears, and nostrils; one of our best horses died on the spot,
and some of the asses were unable to rise from the ground. We reached
the Changêballê stream at nine o’clock, but the darkness of the
night, and the difficulty of the passage prevented our crossing.
From the number of animals stung by the bees on the 2d, we were in
a bad state for travelling on the morning of the 3rd; the third and
fourth divisions, however, moved forward to the Tingalinta, leaving
the second and first, which arrived about noon from Robugga, at the
Changêballê, where we found it necessary to halt, until the arrival
of some animals from the divisions in advance enabled us to move,
in the cool of the evening, to the Pompo stream, where we passed
the night.
The following morning, we started at eight, and at ten reached
a fine stream, the Falgori, which we were more than an hour in
crossing. The difficulty did not arise from the depth of water, but
from the acclivity of the hill on the east bank, up which some of the
animals could not carry their loads without the assistance of two
men. After passing this hill we entered a barren rocky waste, over
which we travelled, for nearly twelve miles, without meeting water.
We were here met by Mahomedoo Mariama, a messenger sent by Major
Peddie from Senegal in the preceding August, with a letter to the
Almamy or king of Teembo. He was accompanied by Abdul Hamed, one
of Almamy’s brothers, and three other chiefs, with their wives
and attendants. We reached the Tingalinta village at four, P.M. and
encamped for the night on the east side of a hill overlooking the
river. The men were all extremely fatigued, and, although we had
only travelled thirty miles, we had all had four days’ hard work,
in consequence of the difficulties of the path, and the accidents
among our animals. The general appearance of the country we travelled
over was extremely barren, and our course south-east. We found that
the convalescents sent forward to the Tingalinta with Mr. Nelson,
were still in a very weak state, and the scarcity of rice under which
we laboured, tended to keep them so. We were in hourly expectation,
however, of a supply from Kakundy. A little milk was all we could
procure at the village which takes its name from the river, and
contains about 100 inhabitants, principally slaves, belonging to
Mr. Pearce, who has allowed them to settle there for the purpose of
cultivation, and to keep up an intercourse with Foota Jallon. The
rice, to the amount of ten men’s loads [ten cwts.], arrived on the
8th, and eight of those men, natives of the neighbourhood of Kakundy,
were engaged to carry loads to Laby.
On the morning of the 9th, Abdul Hamed informed Captain Campbell it
was Almamy’s orders, that a white man should be sent on in advance
to Teembo, to explain to him the object we had in view in entering
his dominions, and at the same time forbidding our nearer approach
until he should be perfectly satisfied on that subject. I took the
opportunity of offering my services to go with an interpreter, to make
any arrangements with that chief which might be thought necessary,
but Captain Campbell did not conceive it requisite to send an officer;
and, therefore, despatched one of our native serjeants[2], who had
been before employed by the governor of Sierra Leone on similar
occasions. He left us on the 10th of February, and was accompanied
by Abou Baccary, one of the princes in Abdul Hamed’s train.
In the evening, the animals and baggage were removed across the
Tingalinta, which, at that place is about 110 feet wide and from
two to three deep, with a bottom of small round pebbles. At a little
distance below the ford was a swinging bridge, composed of cane and
bark ropes, by which it was attached, at about twenty-four feet above
the water, to the branches of the trees which grew on the banks,
and afforded during the rainy season and periodical floods, a safe,
though apparently slight and tottering, passage for people on foot.
[Illustration: W. Gray del.
SWINGING BRIDGE OVER THE TINGALINTA.
_Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London._]
We were in motion at three o’clock on the morning of the 12th, but
the Kakundy people, who had been hired as carriers, refused to cross
the Tingalinta, assigning as a reason that they were afraid of being
seized, and retained as slaves by the Footas, who had some years
before obliged them to quit that country, which formerly belonged
to themselves. This delayed us a considerable time, and it was not
until eleven o’clock that we left the ground on which we passed
the night. The path by which we travelled was so extremely rugged
and broken, that we had much labour and difficulty in keeping the
animals from lying down under their loads. This arose from their
not being shod, and from never having travelled on so hard a soil
before; that in the vicinity of Senegal and Goree being a light
moveable sand. On reaching a place where the path separates, one
branch leading direct to Teembo, and the other to Laby, a halt was
made until Captain Campbell came up, when, after some conversation
between him and Abdul Hamed, he ordered us to follow that leading
to Laby, in opposition to the advice of the prince. The reason
assigned by Captain Campbell for his choice, was the expectation of
the assistance of the chief of Laby, who had considerable power and
influence in that quarter. At one, P.M. we passed a small stream[3]
running north, and which, from the steep, rocky, and narrow nature
of the path leading to and from its banks, occupied much time. At
six, the rear reached the halting-place, which was situate on
the ridge of a rising ground, about two miles east of the stream,
but so extremely barren that we could not find, for a considerable
distance round us, a single blade of grass for the animals. Here
again some bees, that were flying about in search of water, fastened
on the animals’ backs as soon as the pack-saddles were removed;
but on this occasion, we applied some dry sand, which absorbed the
profuse perspiration that evidently attracted the thirsty bees, and
by this means we got rid of our troublesome visitors. Abdul Hamed
made himself very useful during this day’s march, and on finding
that we expressed ourselves sensible of his attention, he presented
Captain Campbell with his bow and arrows, modestly insinuating that
a musket in return would be most acceptable; and this was given him.
It was eight o’clock on the morning of the 13th, before the rear
moved forward. We marched over a gently descending plain for a mile
and a half, when we came to a small brook named Calling Ko. The
asses were as usual stubborn, and evinced a most determined dislike
to wet their feet, which caused us much trouble and loss of time. The
country here began to wear a more fertile, or, rather, a less barren
appearance. It was thinly sprinkled with large trees and shrubs,
and produced an abundance of better grass than we had met before. We
halted for the night at another small brook, a short distance from
the Calling Ko, having abandoned during the day’s march six asses
and one bullock.
On the following morning, we started at eight o’clock, and,
in about twenty minutes, passed a fine brook called Sappacourie,
running SSE. the path more rocky and difficult than before. At eleven
we perceived, distant about a quarter of a mile to the right, a broad
lake, thickly skirted with wood; it is called Silla Dharra[4]. At
noon, we passed another smaller lake, and at one, P.M. arrived at
the Cogan, a beautiful stream, which we crossed, and halted for the
night on its eastern bank. It is about fifty yards wide, two feet
deep, and runs rapidly to the north, over a rough stony bottom.
Though we were at work at three o’clock on the morning of the 15th,
it was eleven before the last division left the top of the hill. The
path led us over the most barren country I ever saw, until three,
P.M. when we entered a rich valley, in which, at some distance to
our right, stood a small town, the first we passed since we left
the Tingalinta. At half after four, we arrived at the Serriwoomba,
where we were obliged to halt, in order to cut a passage through
the thicket of cane, which covered its banks. We were all so much
fatigued that we could scarcely keep our eyes open; indeed many of
the men fell asleep on the path. A few shots were fired, to apprise
the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages of our arrival; and in
about two hours, they made their appearance from different directions,
bringing corn, rice, and pistacios for sale.
Both men and animals were so much exhausted, that it was found
necessary to halt until the 18th, when we moved forward at eight,
A.M. and, travelling east for about two miles up hill, we passed a
deserted town, from which we continued marching on a level barren
plain for six miles, and then descending gently for about four miles
more, we arrived at the Kuling, a fine stream running NNE. We crossed
it, and halted on its eastern bank for the night. We had scarcely
unloaded the animals when the long dry grass to windward of our
position was set fire to, and nothing but the greatest exertion
on the part of the men could have prevented it from destroying the
whole of our baggage.
It behoves travellers in that country to be extremely guarded in their
choice of a halting-place, for the path generally lies through grass
six or seven feet long, and so dry at that season, that the smallest
spark of fire is sufficient to set it in a blaze for miles. One of
our animals that had not come up with the rear, lay down with his
load, within range of the burning grass, which soon communicated
with some gunpowder, and blew the whole to pieces. On the morning
of the 19th, we moved forward at eight o’clock. The first hour’s
march lay along the side of a steep hill, rendered doubly difficult
for the animals by being covered with small rough stones. At ten
we descended to a plain, and crossed three small brooks, the first
running NNE. and the two latter S. and by W. Several of the European
non-commissioned officers and soldiers were so ill during this march,
that they lay down under some trees on the path-side. I prevailed
on two of them to move slowly forward, but the others requested to
be allowed to rest until the cool of the evening. My own horse, and
every animal in the division, were so heavily laden, that we could
not afford them any assistance. At one, P.M., we began to ascend some
rocky hills, where we were obliged to abandon three animals. At the
bottom of those hills, we passed the dry bed of a rocky watercourse,
and, shortly after, had considerable difficulty in crossing another
of the kind, near which we halted, in a small valley by the side of
a brook called Bontong Ko.
On the 20th, a messenger was despatched with small presents to
Almamy and the men in authority about him, and to advise him of
our approach. He was accompanied by a young chief, one of the
prince’s suit, likewise the bearer of a message to the king from
his brother. Finding it impossible, with the assistance of all
the carriers we could procure, to move the whole of our baggage
with any degree of regularity or safety, we decided on abandoning
our two small field guns, with their shot and grape, and, having
buried them about three feet beneath the surface, we made a fire,
to conceal where the ground had been broken. By this means we got
rid of three very heavy loads. Captain Campbell thought it better to
dispose of them in that way than to make a present of them to Almamy,
for although it was not likely he could make any use of them, yet
the very circumstance alone of possessing such destructive engines,
and of having received them from us, might induce those nations with
whom he occasionally wages war (and through which we were likely to
travel), to entertain unfavourable opinions of us.
When about to move on the forenoon of the 20th, the prince commenced a
long palaver with Captain Campbell on the subject of our proceeding
without giving him previous notice. It had never been done;
and why he should have expected it on this occasion, was no less
matter of surprise than his haughty language and deportment. After
much conversation, little of which was relevant to the question, he
consented to our moving, which we did at four, P.M., and ascending a
steep hill, so closely covered with cane that we had more difficulty
in passing it than any former part of our path, the dry leaves of
the cane with which it was covered, rendered the ground so slippery,
that the men with difficulty kept their feet; and that nothing might
be wanting to complete our confusion, the Foolahs set fire to the
dry grass and roots, in which the place abounded. We fortunately
escaped without any injury, save the loss of two asses that lay
down unable to move further. It was dark when we began to descend
the eastern side of the hill, which, from the animals frequently
falling, occupied two hours. We reached the Poosa, a small stream,
at eleven, P.M., and encamped on its banks. Our want of the means of
conveyance was every day, nay every hour, becoming more distressing;
carriers could not be procured for all the loads of the animals that
died or were abandoned; we therefore destroyed two of our tents and
a large quantity of flints and musket balls.
The prince, observing Captain Campbell seated on a mat outside his
tent, approached the spot, accompanied by one of his attendants,
named Salihou, and, without further ceremony, seating themselves
near him, began to destroy a portion of the vermin with which even
royalty in that country is covered. They opened a conversation on the
dangerous part of the country we were then in, and the difficulty of
preventing the natives from robbing and otherwise annoying us, adding
that we should not have left the Bontong Ko without consulting them.
Although we were aware that the object of all this was to induce
Captain Campbell to make the prince a present, he nevertheless took no
notice of them. Salihou then, taking hold of the prince’s trowsers
(which, by the way, were in very bad repair), and holding them up,
asked if it was a fit dress for the brother of Almamy to appear
in before the white people? But even this failing to produce the
desired effect, they closed the conversation, and, at the same time,
their more disgusting occupation.
On the following morning, we left the Poosa at nine o’clock,
and at eleven, entered a valley of great beauty and fertility. The
light coloured sandy and rocky soil, which, with little variation,
we passed over since entering the Foolah country, here changed to
a rich dark mould; hills on all sides, rising gently one above
another, and covered with large clumps of trees, bounded this
luxuriant spot. Having passed it, we entered a deep gully, in the
bottom of which the brook Lagoody runs to the NE. The path on both
sides is extremely broken and rocky, forming a nearly perpendicular
precipice of about one hundred and sixty feet; down which two of the
animals, a horse and ass, rolled into the brook, and, strange to say,
received little or no injury. We soon reached the plain of Parowell,
where we encamped for the night. During this march, one of the Foolah
carriers absconded with a portmanteau, containing several articles
of value, and, although the prince sent one of his men in search of
him, he effected his escape unmolested.
On the morning of the 23rd, we moved forward at eight o’clock. In
half an hour we passed another deep ravine, and crossed a plain about
a mile long, from whence the path continued along the side of a hill,
rising to a ridge, of steep ascent; the east side being very steep,
narrow, and rocky. It was so broken before the last division reached,
that we were obliged to make much use of the pickaxe, in order to
clear a passage for the horses, one of which fell over the precipice,
and was much hurt. We continued descending, until we arrived at the
Koba stream, running north, over a rocky bottom; here we encamped
for the night. We were all much fatigued, and one of our sick,
being unable to walk, was most cruelly treated by some Foolahs who
were hired to carry him. They obliged him to walk to the Parowell,
where, had he not met Mr. Stokoe, who lent him his horse, he must
have sunk from weakness and fatigue. When he reached the camp,
he was so much exhausted, that his pulse was scarcely perceptible,
and he was covered with a cold clammy perspiration.
We left the Koba at eight o’clock on the morning of the 24th,
and, passing some large unconnected lumps of rock of from five to
twenty feet perpendicular height, crossed the Yangally, a small
stream running to the east over stones and small gravel. Soon
after, we entered a valley, which, although an apparent good soil,
bore no marks of cultivation. It is bounded on the right by bold
rocky cliffs, behind which, at no great distance, rise a chain of
lofty mountains running SE. and NW. At two P.M. we crossed a small
brook that joins the Dunso, and shortly after heard the noise of
the waterfall, which we were informed was caused by the junction
of that river with the Thoominea. At three, we reached the former,
running with great rapidity to the NNW., and having crossed it at
a ford about thirty yards wide, halted for the night. At about four
miles NE. from our camp, was a lofty perpendicular rock of sand-stone,
bearing a strong resemblance to the ruins of a cathedral.
We left the Dunso at half after seven on the morning of the 26th,
and travelled through a valley bounded by lofty mountains and
perpendicular cliffs of sand-stone. At eleven, we passed a small
stream running E. by S., and in an hour after arrived at the
Kankeenhang stream, running N. by W., where we encamped.
In consequence of some hesitation on the part of the prince to
accompany us farther, until, as he said, a white man had visited
Almamy, we halted at the Kankeenhang until the 2d, when, not being
able to procure a sufficient supply of rice or other provisions,
we moved forward, much against the advice of the prince, who plainly
told us we were doing so altogether on our own responsibility.
A march of four hours, rendered extremely painful and tedious from the
swampy nature of part of the path, and a no less number than fourteen
streams crossed, brought us to the Panjetta river, which we also
crossed, and halted on its east bank. Abdul Hamed, on seeing us cross
the last, thought we were going to continue our march; and, although
he had been told that such was not our intention, he would not allow
the Foolah carriers to move their loads from the west bank. Our own
men soon remedied the evil, much to the temporary annoyance of the
prince, who, on seeing us encamp, expressed his regret at having
doubted us. Our situation was now become truly alarming; a scarcity
of provisions had existed for some days, and on the 3d the men had
none at all: and as the prince could not be prevailed upon to allow
our moving from the Panjetta, until the king’s sanction could be
obtained, Captain Campbell determined on sending Lieutenant Stokoe,
with presents to him and two of his principal chiefs, requesting
permission to pass through the country without any further delay.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: Member of the Council of Sierra Leone.]
[Footnote 2: William Tuft.]
[Footnote 3: Diudilicourie.]
[Footnote 4: A Mandingo word, signifying “a prosperous journey.”]
CHAPTER II.
Halt at the Panjetta — Return of Messengers sent to the Capital —
His Majesty’s Answer — Great Scarcity of Provisions — Another
Messenger sent, with Presents to the King — Captain Campbell’s
interview with Omerhoo Kano — Reports about the Intentions of the
Expedition — Captain Campbell goes to see the King — Arrival
of the Messenger from Sego — Captain Campbell’s Return — No
satisfactory Answer — Illness of the Officers — Lieutenant Stokoe
and Mr. Kummer sent to the Coast — Captain Campbell decides on
retracing his steps — Departure from the Panjetta — Arrival at
Kakundy — Death of Captain Campbell — Departure for, and Arrival
at Sierra Leone — Description of Foota Jallon.
When Lieutenant Stokoe was about to move, on the morning of the 4th
of March, Sergeant Tuft and Abou Baccary, the messengers sent to the
king from the Tingalinta, made their appearance, and informed Captain
Campbell that having delivered the presents, and made known to his
majesty the purport of their message, he told them that he could
not permit us to pass through Foota Jallon until he had consulted
his chiefs, to whom he could not address himself on the subject
before Captain Campbell thought fit to make them suitable presents:
the messengers also said, it appeared that many unfavourable reports,
respecting the objects of the expedition, had been made to the king,
who nevertheless expressed himself well disposed towards us, and
said he should be extremely sorry if any thing unfortunate happened
to us in his territories.
The arrival of those messengers, and the result of Tuft’s interview
with the king, rendered it necessary, in Captain Campbell’s opinion,
that Tuft should return to Teembo in the place of Lieutenant Stokoe. A
dispute now arose between Salihou, who was to have accompanied the
latter, and Abou Bacary, as to which of them should be Tuft’s
companion. The latter insisted that Almamy directed him to attend
all messengers from Captain Campbell, and the former, knowing that
whoever went must receive some present, urged his claim with much
obstinacy. It was at length determined that both should go, in
consequence of the prince not wishing to entrust Abou Bacary with
his commands. Although from Salihou’s conduct we could not expect
him to report very favourably of us, yet he had been so troublesome,
and his wife, a sister of Almamy’s, so beggarly and importunate,
that we were glad to get rid of them. We were now in the district of
Laby, the chief of which (who, as before stated, has much influence
in the country) sent one of his head men, named Mode-Duran, to
remain with us, and prevent our being imposed on by the natives of
the surrounding villages.
Sergeant Tuft, being furnished with large presents for the king,
and a host of chiefs, ministers, and favourites, left us on the 5th,
to meet his majesty at Pappadarra, a village near Laby, where he was
assembling his army, for the purpose, as was reported, of invading
the Gaba country, on the southern bank of the Gambia. We were reduced
since our arrival at the Panjetta, to a very small daily allowance
of provisions, and from which there appeared no prospect of relief,
at least as far as we could foresee; a pint of rice between four
men was our usual ration, and even that scanty pittance failed us
on the evening of the 6th.
In this state we could not have remained long; and although we were
daily enabled to purchase enough from the natives to keep body and
soul together, yet our sufferings were great indeed. The health of
the Europeans was rendered worse than it had been, in consequence
of their eating unripe fruit, and even that they could not procure
in sufficient quantities to satisfy their appetites.
On the 7th, a chief named Omerhou Kano arrived at our camp, and
having seated himself with all pomp imaginable under a tree at a
short distance from it, where he was surrounded by his followers
to the number of three hundred armed men, sent to summon Captain
Campbell to appear before him. This was complied with, when, after
the usual compliments, he stated that he had been sent by Almamy to
ascertain and make a faithful report on the state and numbers of the
expedition, and the objects it had in view in entering the country,
which he said the king suspected had all been misrepresented by the
former messengers. This he repeated several times, and concluded by
advising us to wait with patience until he returned to Almamy, when
arrangements agreeable to our wishes would be effected. He left us on
the 8th, after having examined with the most scrutinizing curiosity
every thing in or about our camp.
Every day brought us some messenger from the king, but none of them
were the bearers of any satisfactory answer. One stated that we were
ordered to return to Kakundy, and another, that the king had received
a letter from Mahomedoo Mariama, informing him that our object in
entering the country was the subversion of their religion, for which
purpose we had provided ourselves with machines that could kill at
any distance, and that we were accompanied by one hundred large dogs,
each able to fight one hundred men. These, with other similar reports,
were in circulation; but it is scarcely possible that a being of the
most ignorant and unsophisticated nation on earth could believe them.
On the 13th, Sergeant Tuft, who was still at the king’s camp, sent
Brahima to inform Captain Campbell that as there did not yet appear
any probability of obtaining permission to proceed, he recommended
that he should himself see Almamy, with as little delay as possible;
and it appearing to Captain Campbell, as well as all the other
officers, that some decisive answer should be obtained from the
king, he left the camp on the morning of the 16th, accompanied by
Mr. Partarrieau, and four men (natives) with a train of carriers,
amounting in all to about eighteen persons; they were soon followed by
the prince and his suite. They had not gone long when we received a
letter from Lamima, the messenger sent to Sego from Senegal in 1816,
apprising us that he, together with some men from the king, were on
their way to meet us. It was time that some decisive step should be
taken: our animals were dying fast; provisions were extremely scarce;
and the wet season had that evening set in, by visiting us with a
heavy shower of rain, which lasted for an hour, and proved that our
huts were not calculated to secure us from a wetting.
Captain Campbell did not return before the 27th, and then without
having obtained any very satisfactory answer from Almamy, whom he
met at a village called Dhoontoo, on the eve of commencing a campaign
against some of the neighbouring chiefs. He said, that being obliged
to lead the army himself, and considering his reputation at stake
for our safety, he could not allow us to proceed during his absence,
which would not be long, and as he understood we had lost the greater
number of our animals, he had given directions that we should be
provided with men to carry our baggage to Woondê, a town near Laby,
where we were to await his return. On the following morning, the
prince returned, accompanied by Sergeant Tuft and thirteen carriers,
which not being near half the number required, having lost eighty-five
animals since we left Robugga, the prince said the remainder would
soon follow; and immediately ordered all strangers, except Foolahs,
to quit the vicinity of our camp. The object of this we could not
ascertain, but it deprived us of many persons whom we had found
extremely useful in collecting provisions for the party.
In this state we remained until the 7th of April, when we were for a
moment inclined to think that a sufficient number of carriers would
be furnished us, by the arrival of another party of men for that
purpose, but we were much surprised and disappointed to find, that
on the following day, not only those, but the thirteen who came with
the prince, had decamped without any previous notice of such being
their intention. Abdul Hamed despatched one of his followers, on the
9th, to recal them, but as they did not obey the summons,—he sent,
on the 10th, to request Almamy to issue fresh orders concerning them.
Brahima, who had been absent from the camp for some days, watching
Almamy’s manœuvres (by Captain Campbell’s orders), returned
and informed us that many debates had arisen, and various proposals
been made with respect to what conduct they should pursue towards
the expedition. Some of the chiefs proposed plundering us, to which
Almamy would not consent, but said we should pay well before he
would allow us to pass. A third party insisted that the country was
already polluted by the presence of so large a body of Cafirs[5],
and that their offence against the will of their prophet, in allowing
us to pass, with such valuables as we possessed, to their enemy, the
king of Sego, who was himself a Cafir, would be much aggravated. By
this it was evident that the general feeling on the subject of our
going to Sego, was not favourable, and that if we should succeed
at all, it would probably be at a period when the advanced state
of the season must render our doing so extremely difficult, if not
wholly impracticable.
Our situation was daily becoming more alarming; provisions were
not only scarce, but almost impossible to be procured even in small
quantities, and at exorbitant prices; and sickness increased rapidly
since the rains set in. Captain Campbell, Lieutenant Stokoe, and
Mr. Kummer were added to the list since the 12th; the two latter
continued to decline until the 26th, when, seeing no chance of
their immediate recovery, they were prevailed on to return to the
coast. Mr. Kummer left us on that day, and Lieutenant Stokoe on the
28th. The mode adopted for their conveyance (for they were unable
to ride) was cradles, or long baskets of cane, at each end of which
was a loop, or long handle, for the purpose of receiving a pole,
that served the same use as the pole of palanquins, and supported
a curtain to defend them from the rays of the sun. Two men could
easily carry one of these with a person of ordinary size in it,
but, in order that no delay should arise from want of carriers for
themselves or their baggage, five accompanied each.
On the 2d of May, Lamina, accompanied by one of the chiefs, named
Abou Hararata, and a long train of attendants, came to the camp, and
informed Captain Campbell that Almamy sent them to say he had given
permission to Lamina, in consequence of his being the messenger of
the king of Sego, to conduct us through the country by whatever path
he chose, and had also given directions to Abou Hararata to collect
carriers for the conveyance of our baggage. This, however plausible in
words, was not acted upon, and as nothing could be obtained from them
but promises which they never intended performing, with the view of
detaining us until the state of the country, occasioned by the rains,
would prevent us moving in any direction. Captain Campbell, who was
himself very ill, came to the decision of retracing his steps to
the coast, and made known the same to Almamy, who sent us word that,
although we were returning, it was not his desire that we should do
so, as his country was open to us in any way we wished. This was
his last effort to detain us, but, finding it would not answer,
he ordered that we should be provided with carriers.
It was not, however, until the 18th of May, that a sufficient number
were collected, and even then, we found so much difficulty in putting
them to their work, that we were obliged to hold out to them promises
of large rewards on their arrival at Kakundy.
Our retreat was by far more painful and difficult than our advance;
the carriers required more attendance than even the fatigued and
sulky asses; and what with the sick men and officers, my time and
exertions were so completely taken up, that I found myself, on the
20th of May, in a state that rendered me unable, however willing,
to afford myself the assistance, so many others wanted from me.
From that date to the 1st of June, I remained in a state of
insensibility to the objects around me, and was conveyed, in a basket
similar to those already described, to the house of Mr. Bateman,
where, on coming to my senses (an event which those about me did not
expect), I was informed of Mr. Kummer’s death, and the departure
of Lieutenant Stokoe for Sierra Leone.
Captain Campbell, who, although a little better than I was, still
continued very weak, wished on the 10th to proceed down the river,
for the purpose of hiring a vessel to convey the expedition to Sierra
Leone, but he was in that state which I conceived must, in case of
his moving, prove of serious consequence, and I therefore persuaded
him to remain quiet, and send Mr. Nelson in his place.
On the 12th, I again visited him, and was sorry to find him worse,
so much so, that he could not speak to me, and so debilitated
that I much doubted the possibility of his recovery. My fears were
unfortunately but too well grounded; he breathed his last on the
following morning, sincerely regretted by every individual of the
expedition. We deposited his remains on the 14th, by the side of
those of his highly-valued friend and companion, Major Peddie,
amidst the tears and lamentations of all present, and which were
greatly aggravated by the painful recollection of the untimely death
of our former and much-beloved commander.
Thus ended the mortal career of two distinguished officers, who,
in the prime of life, and scorning a state of inactivity at home,
entered on an enterprise of the most difficult and truly forlorn
nature; and who, by their anxiety and exertions for the advancement
of the arduous service committed to their care, fell early victims
to that inhospitable climate, leaving their bones in the sands
of Africa, a sad memento of their own melancholy fate, and of the
unfortunate issue of the expedition under their command. To express
my own feelings on that occasion, would, indeed, be impossible;
the service lost a gallant officer, and I lost a sincere friend.
The sick, who were left at the Panjetta, joined us in safety, and,
in order to avoid starvation at Kakundy, and to obtain that relief
and rest of which we were all so much in want, we sailed immediately
for Sierra Leone, where we did not arrive until our provisions were
nearly exhausted, and then, with the loss of two men and nearly all
our remaining animals.
On landing at Free Town, his Excellency Sir Charles M‘Carthy
omitted nothing that could tend in any way to relieve our wants and
sufferings, and it is with particular satisfaction that I take this
opportunity of offering my grateful acknowledgments for his marked
kindness and attention to myself.
Lieutenant Stokoe, on whom the command then devolved, as soon as
he had recovered from the effects of his late illness and fatigues,
although in the depth of the rainy season, set out by the Port Logo
path, with the intention of going to Teembo, in order to enter
into arrangements, if possible, with Almamy, and obtain from him
hostages for the free and unmolested passage of the expedition
through his country to the Niger. In this, however, he failed, and
returned to the colony, to wait until the ensuing dry season would
admit of his endeavouring to penetrate by some other route; but he,
like his predecessors, was not doomed to see his projects realized,
and died at Sierra Leone, after a few days’ illness.
Foota Jallon, of which Teembo is the capital, is a country of
considerable extent, lying between the Sierra Leone and Gambia
rivers. When it was in the possession of the aboriginal inhabitants,
the Jallonkeas, it bore the name of Jallonk, which has been gradually
softened into Jallo, to which was prefixed the name of Foota,
signifying together the Foolahs of Jallo, or Foota Jallo. The
Jallonkeas are now subject to the Foolahs, who conquered the
country, under the direction of a family from Massina, consisting
of the father, two sons, and a few followers. One of the sons was
a Mahomedan priest, and gradually gained such influence among the
Jallonkeas, that he converted many of them to his own faith, and by
means of his wealth (of which he is said to have possessed much),
strongly attached them to his interest. A few years enabled them to
make so many converts to their religion, and their riches procured
them so much favor, that they planned and carried into execution the
subjugation of the Jallonkeas, at least of such as would not embrace
the Mahomedan faith; and the usurpation of the supreme government
of their country, the first exercise of which was, to oblige those
who still adhered to paganism, to pay them a yearly tribute or quit
the country which had for ages been their own.
From that family is descended the present Almamy. Karamoka Alpha
was the first Almamy of Teembo, and was surnamed Moudoo, or the
great, being at the same time acknowledged as the chief Iman and
defender of their religion. He was succeeded by his son, Yoro Padde,
surnamed Soorie, at whose death the regal power was assumed by Almamy
Saadoo, who was deposed by Ali Bilmah and Alpha Salihou, and to
whose sanguinary intrigues he afterwards fell a victim. Salihou was
next proclaimed king, and distinguished his reign by a succession
of predatory excursions against several Cafir or pagan tribes of
the neighbouring states, many of whom he destroyed, plundered,
or rendered tributary. He was succeeded by Abdulahi Ba Demba, who,
having a dispute with Ali Bilmah, sent him in irons to Bondoo, where
he vainly thought he could not injure him; but Ali Bilmah contrived to
keep up a secret communication with his friends, and was eventually
instrumental in removing his tyrannical sovereign from the throne,
which was next occupied by Abdoolghader. Ba Demba then retired to
Toogumba, a village at some distance north-west of Teembo, and,
with the assistance of a few friends, assembled an army for the
purpose of attempting to regain his crown, which Abdoolghader on his
side prepared to defend; for which purpose the latter marched with a
large army to give Ba Demba battle and decide the affair. The latter,
aware of his own inferiority in point of number, retreated; but,
being pursued and overtaken by his enemies, was killed, together with
one of his sons. In an affair which then took place on the banks of
the Tingussoo river, his second son would have shared the same fate,
had he not been protected by Abdoolghader, who considered himself
secured in his possession of the crown, by the death of the father,
and he has reigned unmolested to the present time.
The Foolahs, according to their own account, have had possession
of Foota Jallo for about sixty years. The government is of a mixed
kind, partaking more of the nature of a republic than a monarchy,
and is composed of the states of Teembo, Laby, and Teembee, with their
dependencies. Almamy, although he has the chief power, cannot decide
upon any thing of importance to the country without the consent of
those chiefs, each of whom has a voice in the cabinet.
The religion is Mahomedan, and so strict is their observance of its
ceremonies that they pray regularly five times every day, and should
any one be prevented by unavoidable engagements from attending to
his devotions at the stated periods, he must compensate for it by
repeating the whole ceremony the exact number of times he omitted it.
Their manufactures are the same as those of Bondoo, as will be
described hereafter. The vegetable productions are indigo, cotton,
rice, maize, yams, cassada, shalots, and pompions; and their fruits
are oranges, lemons, plantains, bananas, tamarinds, and nittas, or the
locust fruit; the latter is a kind of mimosa, very much resembling the
tamarind tree. The flowers or blossoms are produced at the extremities
of the branches, and are succeeded by pods similar to those of a
garden bean, with the exception of their being from nine to twelve
inches long, and one broad; each pod contains from nine to twelve
black stones, resembling those of the tamarind in size and shape,
but are enveloped in a fine farinaceous powder of the appearance of
sublimed sulphur. Its taste is not unlike liquorice-root powder, and,
when mixed with milk, affords a very palatable and nutritious diet;
and although some of the men, who swallowed the stones of this fruit,
were affected with sickness at stomach, bad as our situation was from
the scarcity of provisions, it would have been exceedingly aggravated,
had the nittas not been ripe before we left the Panjetta.
The men are of the middle stature, well-formed, very active and
intelligent, and are dressed nearly in the same manner as those of
Bondoo; the cap is of a different form, and most frequently made of
scarlet cloth; they wear sandals, and usually carry a long cane or
spear. Thus equipped they strut about, with all the air and affected
dignity of men of the first consequence. They are characterised by a
high degree of cunning, duplicity, self-interestedness, and avarice;
to gratify which they are neither deterred by shame nor fear. This
renders it extremely difficult for strangers to guard against
the crafty devices they have recourse to in all their dealings of
whatever kind, or to elude the rapacious advantages they are always
on the alert to take of them, either by imposition or theft.
The women are good figures, have a lively and graceful air, and
prominent features, much resembling the European. They are at great
pains to preserve their teeth of a pearly white, by constantly rubbing
them with a small twig of the tamarind tree, which is an admirable
substitute for the tooth-brush. They are, like all other African
females, extremely fond of amber, coral, and glass beads, which they
bestow in profusion on their heads, necks, arms, waists, and ancles.
The commerce of Foota Jallon may be divided into two heads; namely,
first, that in slaves, now nearly extinct, at least as far as
exportation is concerned, in consequence of the constant surveillance
of the British cruisers on the coast, and the unremitted exertions
of the government of Sierra Leone to lead the people of that country
to a more intimate connexion with the colony, and a more valuable
employment of their time, in cultivating and bringing into our
market there the other productions of their own and surrounding
countries, which may be considered as the second head under which
their commercial pursuits can be classed. The Rio Nunez and Pongas,
which were formerly infested by slave dealers and their emissaries,
are now freed from the odious burden of such a party, and those
who still retain factories there, although they would smile at the
revival of that unnatural trade, see so little prospect of its ever
again being open to them, that they begin to think of other and less
nefarious means of amassing wealth.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 5: Infidels.]
CHAPTER III.
Major Gray takes the Command — Departure from Sierra Leone
— Arrival at Bathurst, St. Mary’s — Occurrences there —
Departure for, and Arrival at Kayaye — Description of a tribe of
wandering Foolahs — Description of Kayaye, the surrounding Country,
and Inhabitants — Their Amusements, &c. — Visit to Katoba —
The King’s Visit to us — Arrival of Camels from Senegal — Our
Guide’s proposal respecting the path — My Decision, and Reasons
— Fatality among our Animals — Arrival of Mr. Partarrieau from
St. Mary’s — Arrangements for Departure.
Such was the state of the expedition, when, in the month of November,
1817, I volunteered my services to conduct it. Mr. Dochard, who
was second in command, had been despatched some time before, on
board a transport to the Cape Verde Islands, to procure animals,
and from thence proceed to Bathurst, St. Mary’s, river Gambia;
but although Mr. Stokoe had packed, previous to his death, and sent
forward with that officer, a part of the baggage, much yet remained
at Sierra Leone in a confused state, the arranging and packing of
which, together with selecting from amongst the men who composed the
former expedition, such as were both willing and able to proceed on
a second attempt, and equipping them, occupied so much time that it
was not before the 14th of December, 1817, that we sailed, on board
the colonial brig Discovery, from Sierra Leone for the Gambia.
We had been but a week at sea, when we fortunately found that the
casks, which contained the water for our use, and that of eleven
horses, were in so leaky a state that a few days more would have
left us without a drop. This obliged us to put into the Isles des
Loss, where, with the assistance of a Mr. Lee, then resident there,
we soon remedied the evil, and again put to sea.
A strong north-west wind, and a heavy sea, opposed our progress for
several days, and, as if all things combined to retard us in the very
first stage of our proceedings, the brig sprung a leak, and nearly
carried away her mainmast in a squall. In this state, with constant
work at the pumps, we were kept out until the 13th of January, when
we reached Cape St. Mary’s, with only one day’s half allowance
of water on board. Our horses (one of which died) were reduced to
the very last stage of want, having subsisted, for several days, on
a little rice and biscuit dust, with a very small quantity of water.
On landing at Bathurst, St. Mary’s, I found Mr. Dochard had
arrived there from the islands, where he could not procure more
than ten horses and six mules, and he was in such very bad health,
and apparently so ill calculated to undergo a second series of the
exposures, privations, watchings, and disappointments incident to such
a service, that I almost despaired of his being able to accompany me.
He had, a few days before my arrival, despatched Ensign Pattoun a
second time to the islands, in order to procure if possible a few
more horses.
I proceeded myself to Goree, to endeavour to obtain a few of
any description at the towns on the opposite main. I so far
succeeded as to purchase seven horses, and was fortunate enough
to meet there fifteen camels that had been purchased at Senegal,
by Governor M‘Carthy’s orders, for the use of the expedition,
and had arrived there the day only before I intended leaving it.
On my return to the Gambia, I found Ensign Pattoun had arrived,
having purchased eighteen horses; but as we had not yet a sufficient
number, I sent Ensign Burton, of the Royal African Corps (who had
volunteered to accompany the mission), up the river, to try if any
could be procured there. I was, in the mean time, enabled to collect
a few on the island, and having despatched Mr. Nelson on the 16th of
February, and made all the necessary preparations, we left Bathurst
on the 3rd of March.
On our voyage up the river, we called at Tendebar, where we were
enabled to purchase three small horses. I also landed at Kawour in
the Salum country. The ground for some distance in the vicinity
of this town, bore the marks of cultivation, but at that season
was completely destitute of verdure; the soil, which was a mixture
of brown mould and light-colored sand, appeared good; a few small
onions were the only vegetable I observed growing, and those were
regularly watered morning and evening.
The town is a considerable one, and may contain from 500 to 800
inhabitants. Their huts are composed of cane reeds and long dry
grass, and are very neat and comfortable. The natives, who are a
mixture of Jaloffs and Soosoos, are a peaceable inoffensive race,
and are chiefly engaged in trade, except when the approach of the
rains summons them to the corn and rice grounds.
We lost one of our native soldiers in consequence of a slight cut
in the hand, which caused mortification; the existence of which,
and of cold spasms and rigours, deterred Mr. Dochard from performing
amputation.
The country in the immediate vicinity of the river, is very low, and
bears the evident marks of inundation during the rains. It is much
wooded, some of which is large, and no doubt fitted for general use.
The hippopotamus and alligator are to be found in great numbers
in the river, and are hunted by the natives, who make use of their
flesh as food, and consider it a delicacy. The river swarms with a
great variety of fish, but the natives are either unacquainted with
the proper mode of taking them, or too indolent to take advantage
of so valuable a supply, at least to the extent they might.
Soon after leaving Kawour, I went on shore on the right bank of the
river, with the intention of walking to Yani Maroo, accompanied by
Lamina, and two of my men armed. At about half a quarter of a mile
from the water-edge, we came to a range of hills, running parallel
with the river. On ascending them, I found they were flat on the
top to a considerable distance, and covered with wood and long dry
grass; they were composed of a red compact clay, light sand of the
same colour, and large masses of red sand-stone. At the foot of
one of the hills forming this range, I observed some small huts,
in the vicinity of which was feeding a herd of black cattle, but I
could not discern any people. I therefore descended to the huts,
where I found an old man, the only person there. He, with much
apparent apprehension for his own safety, desired me to keep off,
which requisition he seemed determined to enforce, for he laid hold
of his bow, and snatched up one of a few arrows that were lying at
his side on the ground. By means of my interpreter, I endeavoured
to explain to him his fears were without cause, and that chance
only, not intention, led us to his retreat. This, however, did not
convince him; he still desired us to keep off. A little tobacco,
and a few beads, in exchange for which we requested some milk,
induced him to think more favourably of us. It was, nevertheless,
with much difficulty I convinced him of his error, and prevailed on
him to go in search of his companions, who, on our approach, had ran
into the woods, driving their cattle before them. In about fifteen
minutes, he returned, and in a few more, the whole tribe made its
appearance. The women and children, however, could not be induced
to approach nearer than three hundred yards of us. Their numbers did
not exceed four men, as many women, and ten or twelve children; the
latter totally naked. They are of a dark copper colour, and belong
to the Dhyangele tribe, the chief of which resides in a wilderness
of three days’ journey, lying in latitude 14° and 15°, between
the kingdoms of Joloff and Bondoo. There they always remain during
the rains, at which time they find a sufficiency of pasturage and
water for their cattle, but are obliged to wander in search of both
after January; the banks of the rivers are their last resource. Their
appearance is extremely filthy and poor. They subsist chiefly on milk,
a little corn, which they obtain in exchange for butter when in the
vicinity of towns, and such game as they can kill.
Their only furniture consists of a few mats to lie on, some wooden
bowls and calabashes, and a few leather bags; the latter serve them
as churns, and to carry water in when encamped at a distance from
where it is to be found.
Their dress is very plain, being nothing more than a piece of cotton
cloth, about two and a half yards long and three quarters wide,
wrapped round the waist, and descending a little below the knees,
with another of the same kind thrown over the shoulders. The men
wear a cotton cap besmeared with grease, to which is sometimes
added, by way of ornament, the end of a cow’s tail, died blue or
red. Like all other pagans, they are very superstitious, and wear
a great number of grigres, or charms, round their necks, arms and
legs. They are inordinately fond of red cloth, which they make use
of in covering those charms. Their weapons are long spears, bows
and arrows, and occasionally a long gun. They are good marksmen with
all these, and seldom throw away a shot; but this arises more from
the difficulty they find in obtaining powder, ball, and small shot,
than from any dislike to miss their mark.
[Illustration: W. Gray del.
WANDERING FOOLAH.
_Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London._]
We also visited the town of Yanimaroo. It is beautifully situated
at a short distance from the river-side, on an elevated spot,
thinly sprinkled with large shady trees of the mahogany kind, and
interspersed with evergreens and other shrubs, and a great number
of that kind of palm from which is extracted the palm wine.
The greater proportion of the inhabitants are pagans; a few,
however, profess the Mahomedan religion, retaining many of their pagan
superstitions. The latter are much respected, and enjoy a considerable
degree of influence over their unenlightened brethren. The soil about
Yanimaroo is a light yellow sand, mixed with stiff clay of the same
colour, except where there are groves of palm trees, and then it is
invariably a dark, rich, vegetable mould, mixed with a light red or
white sand.
There are, on the banks of the river, a little above Yanimaroo,
a great number of the self-consuming tree. We never saw any of them
on fire, nor yet smoking, but their appearance would lead a person
to suppose they had been burnt.
On our arrival at Kayaye, we landed our men, animals, and baggage,
and encamped on an elevated spot between the river and the town,
which are distant from each other about half a quarter of a mile.
Mr. Bellaby, a British merchant resident there, accommodated us
with a large mud house, which served at the same time as quarters
for the officers, and a store for some of our baggage.
Kayaye is but a very small and insignificant village, and is
remarkable for nothing but its situation, and the residence of a
Mulatto lady, who possesses considerable influence in the country. The
town does not contain above fifty huts; its inhabitants are all either
relatives to, or dependants on Madame Eliza Tigh, whose name the
place takes, being called by the natives Tigh Cunda, or the town of
Tigh. The people of Kayaye, and the neighbouring towns, are a mixture
of Mandingoes and Sousous; the former from a country in the interior
so called, and the latter from the south bank of the river. They are
chiefly engaged in trade and agriculture, and are a very shrewd active
race, subject to the king of Katoba, and professing the Mahomedan
religion; but I believe the greater proportion of them do so, not
from any religious motive, but in order to ensure to themselves that
protection which the followers of Mahomet invariably meet with,
wherever they go in their trading excursions. Caravans from the
interior frequently stop there, on their way to the settlements on
the coast, and dispose of their goods to the masters of some of the
small trading vessels from St. Mary’s, or to the native merchants,
who carry on at that place, and the towns lower down the river, a
very considerable trade in gold, ivory, and bees’ wax; in exchange
for which they receive fire-arms, powder, India-goods, coral, amber,
glass beads, iron, tobacco, rum, and cutlery.
The dress of these people is far from being inelegant or inconvenient:
the men wear on the head a white cotton cap, very neatly worked
with different coloured silks or worsteds; a close shirt of white
cotton, with short sleeves, next the skin, covers the body from
the neck to the hips, and is surmounted by a very large one of the
same materials, with long loose sleeves, not unlike a surplice; this
descends below the knees, and is embroidered, in the same way as the
cap, about the shoulders and breast. The small-clothes, which are
very roomy above, descend about two inches below the knee, where it
is only sufficiently large not to be tight. This part of their dress
is generally blue. They wear their hair cut close, and make use of
none of the grease or rancid butter of which the Joloff men are so
lavish. Sandals or slippers protect their feet from the heat of the
sand, and from thorns; and complete the catalogue of their wardrobe.
The dress of the women is neither so decent nor so clean. The body,
from the waist upward, is almost always naked, except when _enceinte_,
in which case a sort of short chemise, without sleeves, covers the
neck and stomach. They plat their hair neatly into a profusion of
small braids, but are so lavish of butter or palm oil on them and
their skins (which are generally of a very fine black) that they
cannot be approached without experiencing the very unpleasant effects
of such anointings, rendered doubly offensive by the addition of
profuse and constant perspiration.
The huts and yards of these people are extremely clean, and,
although small, are comparatively comfortable. The walls of both
are, for the most part, composed of split cane formed into a sort of
wicker work resembling hurdles. The roofs of the former are conical,
and covered with long dry grass, fastened on with a small line made
from the inner bark of the monkey-bread tree. On the whole, their
houses have a very neat appearance.
The amusements of these people are confined to dancing and music,
which take place almost every fine evening at a late hour, in the
centre of the village, where, when the moon does not afford them
light, a large fire is made for that purpose.
The young of both sexes, dressed in their gayest attire, attend on
these occasions; a ring is formed by them and the spectators, and the
former dance in regular succession by pairs. The instrument which
accompanies this dance is called a ballafo[6], and affords better
music than might be expected from such rude materials; it is composed
of cane and wood, in the following manner. A frame, three feet long,
eighteen inches wide at one end, and nine at the other, is made of
cane, split very thin, and supported at the corners, about nine inches
from the ground, by four upright sticks of nearly an inch diameter;
across this frame are laid twenty pieces of hard wood, diminishing
in size in the same proportion progressively, from one end to the
other, as the frame to which they are slightly attached with thin
twine. Under each of these cross pieces, is suspended an empty gourd,
of a size adapted to the tone of note required, having a hole in the
part where it comes in contact with the stick, and another at the
bottom; the latter is covered with a thin piece of dried sheep’s
gut. It is played on with two small sticks, by a man who sits cross
legged on the ground, and is accompanied by one or more small drums.
I also observed here a sort of amusement, or rather inquisitorial
exhibition, called by the natives Kongcorong. It was thus: a man,
covered from head to foot with small boughs of trees, made his
appearance in the afternoon near the town, and gave notice to
the young women and girls that he would pay them a visit after
sunset. At the appointed time he entered the village, preceded by
drums, and repaired to the assembly place, where all were collected
to meet him with the music and singing. He commenced by saying
that he came to caution the ladies to be very circumspect in their
conduct towards the whites, meaning the men of the Expedition, and
related some circumstances, with which he said he was acquainted,
little to their credit:—but, as it was his first time, he would
neither mention names, nor inflict the usual punishment, namely,
flogging. He, however, would take advantage of the first opportunity
which they would be imprudent enough to afford him.
All he said was repeated by the girls in a sort of song, accompanied
by the music and clapping of hands. Every one who had any thing to
fear from his inquisitorial authority, made him a present; and I
observed that not one of the girls withheld this proof of their fear
of his tongue, or of their own consciousness of guilt. He remained
with them until near midnight.
[Illustration: W. Gray del.
FIG. I.]
[Illustration: KONGKORONG.
_Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London._]
An instance of the manner in which the young men of that country
obtain wives, also came under our observation. One of the inhabitants
of the neighbouring villages, having placed his affections, or
rather desires, on a young girl at Kayaye, made the usual present
of a few colas to her mother, who, without giving her daughter any
intimation of the affair, consented to his obtaining her in any way
he could. Accordingly when the poor girl was employed preparing some
rice for supper, she was seized by her intended husband, assisted by
three or four of his companions, and carried off by force. She made
much resistance, by biting, scratching, kicking, and roaring most
bitterly. Many, both men and women, some of them her own relations,
who witnessed the affair, only laughed at the farce, and consoled
her by saying that she would soon be reconciled to her situation.
Soon after our arrival at Kayaye, we paid a visit to the chief, or,
as he is there called, the king of Katoba. He resides at a town
of that name distant from Kayaye about twenty miles north. The
road or path to it lies over a flat uncultivated country thinly
covered with brush wood and stunted trees. The soil, for the most
part, is an ocre-coloured clay intermixed here and there with small
fragments of ferruginous stone, which, in several places, makes its
appearance above the surface in the form of large rocks. Some small
eminences are entirely composed of this rock, which the natives
say contains a large proportion of iron, but, from the facility the
river affords them of procuring an abundant supply of that metal from
the English merchants, they do not now think it worth the trouble
of extracting. The blacksmiths of the country say, that it is more
malleable than English iron, and better suited to all their wants,
were the process of obtaining it not so difficult.
The king received us hospitably, and, on being made acquainted with
the purport of our visit, promised every protection and assistance
he could afford us, adding that whenever we wished to proceed on
our journey, he would furnish us with a guide to Woolli.
On our way to this town, which is a walled one, of no very great
extent or respectable appearance, we passed only two small villages,
one of which is about a mile from Kayaye, and is solely inhabited
by Mahomedan priests (_bushreens_).
From the very great want we were in of a sufficient number of
animals, to transport our baggage, in consequence of the death of
all our camels and some of our horses, since our arrival at Kayaye,
and the difficulty, nay impossibility, of procuring a supply there,
we had determined on leaving behind us a large proportion of it,
and moving without delay; for which purpose it became necessary to
open the greater number of the packages, to select the most valuable
articles. This had scarcely been begun, when Mr. Partarrieau, whom
I had sent from Bathurst to Senegal to purchase camels, arrived,
bringing intelligence that he had despatched a moor, named Bon-ama,
from that place before he had left it, with ten camels and five
horses, whom I might expect to see in a few days, as he was coming by
the shortest land route from Senegal, namely, through Kayor and Salum.
All preparations being made, we only waited the arrival of Bon-ama,
who not making his appearance on the 15th, I began to apprehend that
some accident had happened, either to himself, or the animals. The
17th, however, brought him to Kayaye, having had two of his horses
killed by lions, and been obliged to leave two of the camels sick at
a village about fifteen miles from us. His arrival at that moment
was particularly fortunate, as it enabled us to take forward the
whole of our baggage, and a good supply of rice, which we had just
received from St. Mary’s.
On the 18th, the king, whose presence we had requested, in order
to make him a present, arrived, accompanied by about fifty people,
armed with guns and spears. He was himself mounted on a most wretched
animal in the shape of a horse, and was attended by a troop of drums
and singing people (_Jallikeas_), making a most hideous attempt at
instrumental and vocal music, intended to inspire their royal master
with a high idea of his own dignity.
In a few minutes we went to see him; he was seated in a small
hut, surrounded by his followers, but the place was so crowded
and intolerably hot (not to say any thing of the impurity of the
air) from tobacco smoke, and other vapours, that we were obliged
to request he would move to one of our huts. This being done, we
mentioned to him our intention of leaving Kayaye in a few days, and
requested that he would appoint a guide to conduct us to Medina, the
capital of Woolli. He made some objections, of an irrelevant nature,
but at length consented, in consideration of a present, amounting
to about one hundred bars in baft, muslin, coral, amber, tobacco,
scarlet cloth, and a pair of pistols. He was drunk and extremely
vociferous. The interview, however, terminated amicably, and his
majesty was present at a dance which the inhabitants of the village
brought forward in honour of his arrival, and in order to amuse him.
We had seen several of the chiefs of Western Africa, both moors and
negroes, but never saw any so wretchedly poor and unlike what he
intended to represent as this man; he is intolerably fond of rum,
and would be for ever drunk if he could obtain the means of being so;
his last demand was for two bottles of it, which I gave him. He left
us on the 19th, in a state of excessive inebriety, as were most of
his followers.
Aware of the great respectability Bon-ama, in his character of
Mahomedan priest, would enjoy in all the countries in the interior,
and of his having before offered his services to Governor M‘Carthy,
we endeavoured to prevail on him to accompany us to Sego, Tombuctoo,
or further, but it was not without much difficulty and objection
on his part, together with the promise of a very large reward,
that he could be induced to do so. He, however, at length agreed,
in consideration of a recompense of five hundred pounds British,
to accompany us to Tombuctoo or Jinnê, but no sum, however large,
or other advantage, he said, would induce him to go further. He made
it a previous article in his agreement, to be allowed to return to
Cayor, to arrange some private affairs, and promised to join us in
Bondoo. We did every thing in our power to induce him to give up
this point, but to no effect: it was his _sine qua non_. We bought
a camel from him, and hired two moors, who came along with him,
to conduct and have the care of those animals as far as we went.
Lamina, our Sego guide, told us, on the 20th, that it was now time
he should inform us, that as he was sent by the king of Bambarra,
to conduct the expedition to that country, he felt it his duty
to say, that the road leading through Woolli, Bondoo, Kasson,
and Fooledoo, was the only one in which he thought it safe to
take us, as there were, in all those countries, people belonging
to his master waiting to escort us; that he had himself received
from those in Bondoo, a horse to ride, and six asses to carry
his baggage. As there appeared nothing in this request but what
was fair, and, as we conceived (in case of any unforeseen delay,
we should be obliged to make a halt during the rains), that Bondoo,
from its high situation and its vicinity to the river Senegal, would
be most advantageous for that purpose, we acceded to his proposal,
and were moreover induced to take this step in consequence of the
very high and upright character we were taught, by Mr. Partarrieau,
who had been before in that country, to entertain of Almamy Isata,
the king: the result will prove how much our informant was himself
deceived in his opinion of that man, and how little confidence can be
placed in any information but that obtained by the most strict self
observation, in all matters connected with this unfortunate country.
Our means of transport decreased daily; we had lost since the 2d,
one camel, one mule, and four horses, and there was no possibility of
procuring any at Kayaye; the camels left on the road by Bon-ama, had
not yet come up, although we had despatched a man to bring them. Every
thing, however, being ready, we fixed the 25th for our departure.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 6: See figure 1, plate 9.]
CHAPTER IV.
The Expedition leaves Kayaye — Difficulty in procuring Water
at Jaroomy — Arrival and Halt at Coonting — Description of
that Town and surrounding Country — Civility of the Chief —
Departure from Coonting — Deaths among the Animals, and difficulty
of procuring Carriers — Arrival at the Wallea Creek — Attempt
of some People to stop us — Pass the Creek — Cane Bridge —
Attempt at Murder by one of our native Civilians, and his Desertion
— Enter the Kingdom of Woolli — Arrival at Madina, the Capital
— Transactions and Difficulties there — Description of the Town,
and the Mumbo Jumbo Ceremony — Departure from Madina, and theft
by the Natives — Arrival at Kussaye.
The first division[7] left Kayaye on the morning of the 27th, at seven
o’clock, and the second and third[8] followed immediately after. I
did not myself leave Kayaye until evening, in expectation of the
arrival of the camels. This not taking place, I moved forward, with
the part of that division which was ready, and left Mr. Partarrieau,
with two loads, to await the arrival of those left behind by Bon-ama,
and to follow me as soon as possible. We travelled along nearly east
at the rate of two miles an hour over a flat country thinly covered
with baobabs, tamarinds, rhamnus lotus, and other fruit trees,
within a short distance of the river; between us and which lay a
low tract of land, annually inundated, where rice is cultivated by
the natives when the water retires after the periodical rains.
About nine, P.M., we reached a small village, called Jaroomy, where
I found that Mr. Dochard had halted the front divisions in order to
await our coming up. During this short march, one of the horses died,
and another was left behind, unable to move.
Here difficulties began to present themselves; the chief of the
village refused to allow water to be drawn from the wells, without
receiving payment for it, to which Mr. Dochard, very prudently, would
not submit, sending the animals to the river, which was distant about
two miles. This convinced the fellow that he was wrong; and he came
in the evening to apologize, by saying, that he was afraid the wells
would be run dry by us. He was told his excuse was a bad one, and
his conduct was such as would prevent us from giving him any thing.
The country, for some distance round this village, has the marks of
cultivation; there were some extensive cotton and indigo plantations;
and, although no rain falls at that season, they looked green and
well. The soil, though sandy, appeared good, and well fitted to
produce all tropical grains, vegetables, &c. in perfection.
We left Jaroomy at six o’clock on the 26th, and travelled east
over a gently ascending country, beautifully wooded, until half-past
seven, when we came to a small town called Jonkaconda, inhabited
by Bushreens, and very prettily situated on a little hill under the
shade of some few large trees, somewhat resembling the horse chestnut,
except that the trunk is covered with large sharp protuberances in
the shape of thorns. It produces a quantity of silky cotton, in pods
of an oval shape, about five inches long and four in circumference;
these burst when ripe, and contain each about half an ounce of
this cotton. The natives do not make any use of it; they prefer the
common cotton, from which they manufacture all their clothes. There
the path turned a little to the south of east, and led us over a
country similar to that already mentioned, with this difference,
that the wood was rather closer.
At half after eight, we reached another small village (Lemaine),
the chief of which, a good-looking young man, was very civil, and
made us a present of some palm wine, in return for which we gave him
three bars in amber beads, &c. He paid us a visit at our bivouac
under some shady trees. He was attended by about fifteen people,
preceded by a _Jallikea_, singing man, vociferating the praises
of his master, who, although very communicative and good-humoured,
did not seem to have a mean idea of himself. The river is distant
from this village a mile and a half, SSW.
After a few hours’ rest to the men and animals, and of which all
were much in need, particularly the horses, we moved forward at two,
P.M., and reached Coonting at half after five, all much fatigued. We
passed two small villages, likewise, at the foot of some hills,
and distant from each other about two miles and a half. Their
general appearance was extremely neat and comfortable, and the
ground about them appeared well cultivated. Some large enclosures
of cotton and indigo, were extremely well-looking, and shewed much
regularity. The path, for the most part of the way, was extremely
narrow and inconvenient, in consequence of the closeness of the wood,
which is low and stunted, the soil being a mixture of dark red sand,
and small iron stone gravel, large masses of which rose above the
surface in all directions. The face of the country was, in general,
covered with low wood, except in the vicinity of the towns, where it
has been cleared, either for the purpose of cultivation or for fuel.
Coonting is a considerable town, partly surrounded with a mud wall,
about six feet high. It is in three divisions, each separated from
the other by a clear space of about two hundred yards, in which
stand some fine large evergreen trees, in whose shade the natives
spend the most part of the day, engaged in conversation, playing a
game somewhat resembling draughts, at which they are very clever,
and sleeping, a very general recreation in that country. Here also
is held the assembly of the head men and chiefs, when any matter
of importance requires their attention. Each of those divisions is
governed by a head man, who is under the control of a chief, subject
to the king of Katoba. The town is pleasantly situate in an extensive
plain, and bears the marks of cultivation to a considerable distance,
surrounded on all sides, except the SW., by gently rising hills,
covered with wood. The town is plentifully supplied with water of a
good quality, from wells nine fathoms deep, at the bottoms of which
is a stratum of solid rock.
Here we decided on waiting the arrival of Mr. Partarrieau with the
camels, as the place afforded an abundance of forage and water for
the animals, and an opportunity of procuring a small quantity of
rice, pistacios, cassada, and small beans, for ourselves. The chief
priest of the town paid us a visit, making a present of a fowl and
two bottles of milk, or, as they call it, giving us service, that is
a complimentary visit, which we returned in the evening. We found him
seated in a large circular mud hut, surrounded by about twenty five
boys, from the age of seven to fourteen, learning to read and write
Arabic. The Koran was the only book from which they were taught,
and their education was generally considered completed when they
could read and expound any passage in it. The most of the people
there are Mahomedans.
The old gentleman received us kindly, and conducted us to the Alcaid,
or chief, a venerable looking old man, who, on our informing him of
the object of our travelling in his country, said that he perfectly
recollected seeing Mr. Park when he last went to the east, but was
extremely sorry to hear he never returned to his own country, a fate
which he prayed to God might not be ours. We made him a small present,
and one to the priest, for which they appeared very grateful. Two
of the European and one of the native soldiers had attacks of
intermittent fever this day, but were nevertheless able to come on.
Mr. Partarrieau joined us in the afternoon, bringing with him only
one camel; the other having died before it reached Kayaye, he was
obliged to hire men to carry that proportion of the baggage left
behind, which was intended as a load for it.
We left Coonting at four o’clock on the morning of the 28th,
and travelled east. Two of the horses were unable to rise from the
ground this morning, and were left to their fate. At about a mile
from Coonting, we entered a thicket composed of underwood and cane,
which was so close that we were obliged to cut down the branches
and some trees, for a considerable distance, in order to admit of
the camels passing with the loads. The face of the country begins to
rise here considerably, and to be diversified by hill and dale—the
former high and covered with wood, and the latter apparently very
fertile. The soil, too, changed from light sand to a hard yellow clay,
intermixed with small quartz pebbles. For about two miles the road led
us over hilly and broken ground within a few yards of the river side.
At mid-day we reached a small walled town, Kolicorri, but which had
such a wretched appearance that we were deterred from halting at it;
we therefore continued our march ESE. about two miles further, when we
arrived at Tandicunda, a very respectable town, defended by a strong
stake fence interwoven with thorny bushes, and wholly inhabited by
Bushreens. Two more of the horses gave up during this march, and were
left on the path in a dying state. To transport the loads of those
animals we were obliged to hire carriers, a sufficient number of
which we had much difficulty in procuring. Our own men were obliged
to assist. The town of Pisania, which formerly stood within a short
distance of Tandicunda, was then a heap of ruins, having been some
years since abandoned by Mr. Amsley, in consequence of the annoyance
he frequently experienced from the people of Bondoo and Woolli. Its
situation was extremely beautiful, being close to the river-side,
on an elevated spot shaded with large trees, and most conveniently
placed for commercial purposes.
We left Tandicunda at five o’clock on the morning of the 29th,
and travelled to the east, over a country beautifully diversified,
to Samee, a small walled town containing about a hundred and twenty
huts. The inhabitants are Sonikeas or Pagans. Dyeing with indigo
is here carried on to some extent. About a quarter of a mile to the
south-east, by a small creek or branch of the Gambia, its water good
and plentiful, we halted, under a large tree, which afforded the most
grateful shelter to all from the excessive heat of the sun. One of
our moors had so severe an attack of remittent fever as to be unable
to keep up; one of the native civilians was left with him.
When the intense heat of the sun had diminished in a small degree,
we again moved forward to the ENE. over an open and well-cultivated
country. We saw, at a short distance, on the right of our path,
a Foolah encampment. Some of the women and children, the latter
entirely naked, came close to the path, and stared with astonishment
at our white skins, and not less so at the camels, which appeared
to excite much wonder. The animals were much fatigued, and many of
them in a very weak state. We arrived at Jindey, a small village
situate on an eminence, within less than a quarter of a mile west
from the Wallia Creek. Here we halted under some large trees south
of the village, for the night, having travelled to-day about fifteen
miles. We had scarcely placed the tentmills, and retired to rest,
when one of our guides came from the village to say, that a number
of Foolahs had just arrived there, and from some part of their
conversation he had overheard, he was inclined to think they had
an intention of endeavouring to steal some of our horses during the
night. Had such really been their wish or not, I cannot say, but the
morning arrived without any attempt of the kind being made. It was
more than probable our guide only circulated such a report, in order
to make his attention to our interest appear to greater advantage,
and which he, naturally enough, supposed would entitle him to,
or at least, induce us to give him, an adequate reward.
The chief of Wallia (a province of Katoba, but over which the king
has little control) lives about five miles south of this place. As he
was a person of some consequence in the country, and might be of use,
we sent him our compliments, with a present of eight bars in tobacco,
amber, and beads, and, having made the chief of Jindey another,
we moved towards the Creek at six o’clock on the morning of the
30th, but had not proceeded one hundred yards, when the horses in
front were stopped by some people, stating that they were sent by
the Wallia chief, to say, that unless we would pay him his regular
customs, in the same way as the vessels which ascend the river on
trading voyages, we should not be allowed to proceed. We laughed at
the idea of three or four men saying they would not allow us to pass,
and told them we had already despatched a messenger to their master,
with a present, and to which we would make an addition of four bars
for themselves. This was not satisfactory enough, and they again
insinuated that we should not move until the chief himself should
arrive. We ordered the whole to halt, and the men to load their
muskets; we asked where were those people who wished to dispute our
passage? None appearing, we moved on without further molestation
to the Creek, which we reached in about twenty minutes. The tide
was nearly full, but still running up at the rate of about a mile
per hour.
There is over this creek, which is about two hundred and sixty feet
wide, four feet deep, with clay and mud bottom, a cane bridge,
supported by two rows of forked stakes, on which are laid cross
pieces; these are covered with small pieces of Bamboo, which, further
strengthened by being interwoven with the smaller branches of the
cane, affords a safe, though shaking passage for two or three people
on foot. The banks of the creek are covered with a kind of mangrove,
some acacias, and a great number of the mimosas. Having unloaded the
animals, and led them through the water to the opposite side, the men
waded across, carrying the baggage on their heads, which was completed
without any accident in about an hour. From the eastern bank, where
we halted to cook dinner and give the men an opportunity to wash
their clothes, I had a very good view of the bridge, the village,
and the surrounding country; the latter, though much parched from
the total want of rain for many months, and the almost continued
influence of the dry east wind, accompanied by a scorching sun,
has not altogether lost its verdure. Great numbers of evergreen
trees and shrubs, afford a pleasing and refreshing relief to the eye,
wearied from beholding a light coloured sand reflecting the rays of a
vertical sun unobstructed by clouds. The thermometer stood at 97° in
the shade, open air, and at 80° in the water, which is very muddy,
though sweet and good. There were fish in the creek, for I saw them
rise. We do not know what species, but from the skeleton of one which
had been devoured by a hawk, we concluded some of them to be catfish.
[Illustration: CANE BRIDGE OVER THE WALLIA CREEK.
_Published by John Murray, London. April 1825._]
This creek joins the Gambia about five miles from where we crossed
it, and is navigable for boats to twice that distance above the
bridge, where, on both sides of it, are situate towns with which an
advantageous trade in all the productions of the country might be
carried on.
At half after four, the object of our halt being effected, we marched
for Pakeba, distant three miles and a half, where we arrived at six,
and halted for the night. The whole distance from the creek to this
town is well cultivated; some enclosures of cotton and indigo had a
flourishing appearance. The town is a small one, containing about
one hundred and fifty huts, and defended by a strong mud wall,
seven feet high, and a stake fence outside. The inhabitants are
Sonikeas or Pagans, and are subject to Katoba, at least nominally
so; for in Africa, the further a town is removed from the capital,
the less control the king has over it, and, in almost all cases,
those towns are exclusively governed by their own chiefs.
Our animals were daily diminishing in number, and there had not as yet
appeared any opportunity of replacing them; four horses died, or were
abandoned as useless, since our departure from Tandicunda, and many
more would, I feared, soon follow. We had, however, but not without
much difficulty, procured a few carriers from among the natives;
and some of our own native soldiers and civilians took forward that
part of the baggage for which we had no other means of conveyance.
One of the men from the Wallia chief came to our bivouac in the
evening, and told us that his master was extremely sorry for what had
taken place in the morning, and particularly so, as his people had
no orders to that effect; he had only sent them to request that we
might remain at Jindey until ten o’clock in the forenoon, at which
hour he intended coming to pay us his respects.
We were enabled here to purchase two bullocks, together with a
small quantity of rice and corn. The former cost fourteen bars each;
value about one pound sterling.
We left Pakeba on the 1st of May, at six in the morning, and travelled
NE. by E. until nine, when we reached Sandoo Madina. The path good,
over a sandy soil, mixed with small iron-stone gravel, thinly covered
with thorny underwood and dry grass. Two more horses were abandoned
at Pakeba, as useless, and one left behind on the path. Our moor
continued very unwell. In addition to fever, he had a very severe
pulmonic attack, and on the whole so weak, that I almost despaired
of his recovery.
At three in the morning, previous to leaving Pakeba, we were alarmed
by screams, apparently of some person in agony. We immediately
repaired to the spot, accompanied by some of the watch. There we
found the wife of Yarra Comba, one of the native civilians from
Sierra Leone, weltering in her blood, having received three very
severe wounds on the head from her husband, who, exasperated at
her refusing to desert with him (a step, he told her, he was about
to take), and fearing, we supposed, that she would give the alarm,
after thus brutally attempting to seal her lips, by taking her life,
made his escape; in accomplishing which he succeeded, being favoured
by a dark night, and an intricately wooded country.
The wounds appeared to be all but fatal; the exterior membrane of
the brain, was visible in one of them, and the other two were very
deep. When every attention in the dressing, &c., had been paid,
and I found that there was no hope of getting hold of the savage
who inflicted them, I sent her to the chief of the town, to whom we
gave ten bars for her support, until she might be able to return
to Kayaye. As an inducement to make this man act kindly to her,
we gave him a further sum of ten bars for himself, and offered a
handsome reward for the apprehension of her husband.
About three miles before we reached this town, we observed some
stones of curious form and composed of red sand-stone, in which were
encrusted small silicious pebbles. They had much the appearance of
broken pillars; some were standing upright, and others lying flat on
the surface. From the space inside them, and its form, which was an
oblong square, we are inclined to think they must, at some former
period, have supported a roof. The largest of them is as four feet
in circumference, and seven feet high.
Sandoo Madina is a very small walled village, inhabited by Sonikeys,
and is subject to Katoba, but more immediately under the control of
the Wallia chief, who is himself nominally subject to the former. This
subjection is however not easily defined: a slave running away
from one finds an asylum with the other, who (on both sides) does
not hesitate to acknowledge his having kept him in despite of the
other’s remonstrances.
At a short distance to the NW. is a small unwalled Bushreen town
called Coota Cunda; the water good and plentiful, and every appearance
of extensive cultivation.
We received a visit from the chief of Jambaroo, a small independent
province of Jaloff Woolli, situate about fifteen miles north of this
village. We bought from him a small strong horse for eighty-five
bars in amber and coral, the value of which did not exceed five
pounds sterling. We made him a small present.
Corporal Richmond, a native, was added to the sick list, with a
severe pulmonic attack. Some of the men who have had slight attacks
of intermittent fever appear to recover rapidly; on the whole, the
health of the party might be then considered good. Mr. Nelson was
the only one of the officers who was at all delicate; Mr. Pilkington
was recovering rapidly.
Having left Sandoo Madina at four o’clock in the morning of the 2d,
we had a pleasant march to the next town, Fodia Cunda, the first
of Woolli, which we reached at half after nine, having passed the
ruins of two towns, both destroyed by the people of Bondoo in their
wars with this country. The animals travelled very badly, being too
heavily loaded, and which could not be avoided, in consequence of
the very rapid decrease of their numbers, and the impossibility of
replenishing them; five died or were abandoned this day’s march.
We here procured a plentiful supply of milk and butter, such as
it was, and more than a sufficiency of corn to give the horses,
camels, &c. as much as they could eat, and which they were much
in want of, not having had more than one good feed since we left
Kayaye. The country about this village, although much parched,
was beautifully picturesque, being thickly covered with wood,
and agreeably diversified by hill and dale. There were numbers of
wandering Foolahs with large herds of cattle, in the vicinity of
this village: those people supply the inhabitants of the towns who
keep no cattle themselves with milk and butter, in exchange for
which they receive cotton cloths, glass beads, and tobacco.
From Fodia Cunda I despatched Lamina, our Sego guide, to the town of
Slatee Modiba, to request him to meet us at Madina to-morrow; this
man being a relative of the king’s, with whom he has considerable
influence, advising him in all affairs of importance, and well known
to Lamina, we considered it right to secure his interest, by sending
him a small present, and holding out the promise of a suitable reward,
should he act in compliance with our wishes.
We left Fodia Cunda at six, on the morning of the 3d, and travelled
east, at a smart pace, over a flat country, little wooded and for the
most part cultivated; the soil was of a darker colour, and contained
more mould and clay than any we had seen since leaving Kayaye. We
arrived at Madina at nine, and bivouacked under a large tree, about
five hundred yards north of the town.
[Illustration: W. Gray del.
MEDINA, CAPITAL OF WOOLLI.
_Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London._]
Madina is a respectable walled town, containing about two hundred
and fifty huts, and from eight hundred to a thousand inhabitants,
all Sonikeas; it is the capital of the kingdom of Woolli, and the
residence of the king. Outside the walls is a strong stake or palisade
fence, about five feet high, which gave to the place the appearance
of a large fortified redoubt. The interior of the town was beautifully
shaded with large trees of the fig and palm kind, and altogether had a
very good outward appearance. There are three gates to it; two in the
north, and one in the east, which are shut every night. The interior
of the town does not at all accord with its external appearance,
being filled with small round grass, and mud huts jumbled together
without any regard to order or regularity, and between which are
heaps on heaps of filth of every description. The house of the king
is separated from those of his subjects by a mud wall about nine feet
high, and stands nearly in the centre of the town; that of his son,
and some of the chief men are similarly inclosed, but the walls of the
latter are not so high. Two wells situate within the wall at the east
end of the town, of tolerably good water, supply the inhabitants with
that necessary article in sufficient abundance. The ground, to the
extent of half a mile all round the town, was cleared, and bore the
marks of cultivation. A few large shady evergreen trees, scattered
over this plain, relieves the otherwise fatiguing prospect of such
an extent of arid surface. At a short distance to the south, lay a
large Bushreen town, called Barra Cunda, which might contain from one
thousand to one thousand five hundred inhabitants, and was surrounded
by a slight stake fence, interwoven with thorny bushes, which is the
only defence the followers of Mahomet in this country adopt. This
arises from their not engaging in war, and never meeting with any
other attack from an invading army than on their provisions, with
which they are in general abundantly supplied, being more industrious
and more abstemious than the Pagans; a large proportion of whose corn,
rice, &c., goes in the purchase of inebriating liquors. The dress
of the latter also is neither so good nor so cleanly as that of the
former, which is, almost invariably, white or blue. The Sonikeys
are careless about their dress or persons, and what with smoking,
drinking, and dirt, they are the most filthy set we ever saw.
We observed hanging on a stake, outside the walls of the town, a dress
composed of the bark of a tree torn into small shreds, and formed so
as to cover the whole body of the person wearing it, who is a sort of
bugbear, called Mumbo Jumbo, that occasionally visits all the Mandingo
towns, for the purpose of keeping the married women in order. I have
been told that the husband who has occasion to find fault with one
of his wives, for here every man has as many as his circumstances
will admit, either puts on this dress himself, or gets one of his
friends to do it, and having made known his intended visit to the
town, by shrieking and howling in the woods near it, arrives after
sunset at the assembly place, where all the inhabitants are obliged
to meet him, with music, singing, and dancing, which continues for
some hours, and terminates by his seizing the unfortunate woman, and
flogging her most unmercifully in presence of the whole assembly,
who only laugh at this horrid performance. We have never had an
opportunity of seeing this ourselves, but have heard it from so many,
and with such corroborative exactness of description, that we have
no doubt of its existence to a much greater extent of blind savage
superstition than has been described to us.
Immediately on our arrival, we sent to apprize the king, and requested
to be informed at what hour he could receive our visit. We were,
however, told that he was then drunk, and could not be seen on
business.
Slatee Modiba arrived, bringing us a present of a fine bullock. He
also told us the same story, but said he hoped the evening would
find the king in a state to receive us.
At length, about five in the afternoon, we went, accompanied
by Mr. Burton, Lamina, and Sergeant Tuft; the latter served as
interpreter. We found his majesty (if we may so prostitute the
title), seated on a low wooden stool, outside the walls of his house,
surrounded by all the great men of the town, who, with himself,
did not appear to have entirely recovered from the effects of their
morning’s debauchery. Having made him a small present, which it is
the custom of this country to do, previous to addressing the king on
our business, we told him in as few words as possible, the object we
had in view in travelling through the country, and the advantages its
inhabitants would derive from the existence of a friendly and direct
intercourse with the English, who, should no serious difficulties
present themselves, would soon make trading voyages into the interior,
and furnish them with all European merchandize at a much cheaper rate
than they could at present procure them. The only answer we received,
was made by his friend Modiba (for he did not say a word himself),
and, although expressed in many words, and in very ambiguous terms,
might be construed into this, that he always thought the English
were the friends of Africa, and would do every thing in his power
to facilitate the attainment of their wishes.
As nothing but the common routine of a formal visit of ceremony could,
consistent with their customs, take place at the first interview,
even had the king been _compos mentis_, we were obliged to take our
leave without anything more having been said as to the terms on which
we might expect his protection. Modiba, however, told us he would take
care that no rum should be drank by Mansa[9] in the morning, previous
to our seeing him, and requested we would shew him the present we
intended to give; which we promised to do, when it could be prepared.
During the night, one of the natives made an attempt to steal
something from one of the tents, and would have succeeded, had
not Sergeant Major Lee, observing the bale stirring, fired in the
direction, but I believe without effect. This served, at least,
to deter others from a similar attempt.
Having selected the present, consisting of amber, coral, bafts
blue and white, silver, guns, &c., in all amounting to upwards of
five hundred bars, thirty pounds sterling, and submitted them to
the inspection of Modiba, who appeared to be pleased with them,
we waited on the king on the morning of the 4th, and were shewn
into the inner inclosure of the palace, which was, if any thing,
more filthy than the rest of the town. Here we found him seated on
a lion’s skin, to which were attached a number of grigris, under
the shade of a miserable hovel in the shape of a balcony, outside the
door of his bed-room, surrounded by four or five of his head men or
ministers; and, notwithstanding Modiba’s promise to the contrary,
the rum bottle had been in use, to what extent we cannot say, but he,
on this occasion, favoured us with his conversation, asking several
questions about our country, the Expedition, its object, &c.; all
which we answered as briefly and explicitly as possible. When the
present was laid before him, he condescended to smile at the amber,
but on looking at the dollars and coral for some time, with an air
of the greatest indifference, he said something to his own people,
and told us that he would not accept of so trifling an offer from such
great men, particularly as he had been told we had given more to the
king of Katoba, whom he looked on as a very petty chief indeed. Modiba
said much to induce him to take it, but to no effect. We therefore
returned to the camp leaving him, great as was his avarice, paying
more attention to the rum bottle than what had been going forward.
While we were talking to Modiba on the best means of satisfying
Mansa, and at the same time those about him, the former made his
appearance, coming from the town, attended by about fifty people
singing and beating drums. He seated himself under a tree, at a short
distance from our camp, and sent Modiba, who had gone to meet him,
to let us know he came to pay his respects. When we went to him, he
beckoned me to sit beside him, which I did in apparent good humour;
after the usual salutations, he begged a piece of muslin to make a
dress. This was complied with, when he said, he had brought a bullock
for supper, but added that we did not shew ourselves inclined to
think well of him, in giving him so poor a present. This, with a
great deal more noisy irrelevant matter from himself and attendants,
took up nearly half an hour, much to our annoyance. He ended, however,
by telling us that he had left the settling of the affair to Modiba,
and returned to the town.
In order that more time should not be lost here, we made an addition
to the former present of forty-five bars, coral and dollars, and
gave it to Modiba to present, as all we would or could give him. He
was then drunk, and not to be seen.
In a short hour after this, Mansafarra, the king’s eldest son, came
galloping from the town into our camp, attended by five or six people,
armed with guns and spears, and, apparently in a great rage, said
that he was offended at our not paying him our respects in person,
and, although we might think little of him, he was, nevertheless,
of as much consequence in the country as his father. We endeavoured
to pacify him by appearing in good humour, and was going to give him
our hands, when he rode off, in as great a hurry as he came, having
first made one of his men throw down a pile of our arms, which was
standing near them. He was not contented with this indifference on
our part, and shortly returned on foot, attended as before. The first
person he met was Private Robinson, lying on the ground. To him he
gave two or three kicks, and would have fired his musket at him, had
he not been prevented by some of his own people. On this occasion,
we, with much difficulty, kept our temper, but as the fellow was
beastly drunk, and we were aware of the serious consequences that
might arise from any violence offered to one of the royal family,
we overlooked the insult, and merely directed the men to stand to
their arms, and take no notice of him. He did not like the appearance
things bore at that moment, and went off as before.
The people of the town, seeing us pay such little attention to the
insult offered by their prince, no doubt thought they might follow
his example with impunity, and therefore endeavoured to run away with
every thing they could lay their hands on. This was too much. We
could bear it no longer, and ordered the men to load and fall in,
and, as it was nearly sunset, we had the whole of the baggage removed
to some distance from the tree we had been sitting under, and placed
triple sentinels. While the men were employed at this, the natives
stole two horses, one ass, a bullock, and a goat. The horses, ass,
and goat were recovered, but the bullock we never heard of.
A strict watch during the night prevented the possibility of any
attempt at theft, and on the morning of the 5th, Modiba came at an
early hour, to say that the king was not satisfied at the addition
made to the present, and, unless we gave him more, he would send
his people to help themselves. Entreaties were to be borne with,
but threats, and of this nature too, required decisive steps. We
consequently directed Modeba to let the king know he might come as
soon as he pleased, when we should be ready to give him the reception
his appearance might merit. The bugles then sounded to arms; the
animals were collected; and the men formed a hollow square round
them and the baggage.
Modiba, who was more than astonished at our answer and preparations,
went off without saying a word; but returned in a few minutes,
to request we would give him ten dollars for himself, in part
payment of two horses we had purchased from him the day before,
and for which he had agreed to take an order on the Commissariat
Officer at St. Mary’s, River Gambia. This we complied with, and
are satisfied he gave them to Mansa. We however did not let him know,
that we thought so. At length we were informed that guides would be
provided for us, and we might proceed in the morning. In the evening,
Mansa sent us a bullock, in place of the one which was stolen.
The guides joined us in the morning of the 6th, and all things
being ready, we commenced moving from Madina, that nest of thieves;
but the front division had scarcely left the ground, when an immense
mob collected, in order to plunder if possible. Messrs. Dochard and
Partarrieau remained with the camel division, which was to bring up
the rear, and had much difficulty in keeping the natives from actually
forcing some things out of our men’s hands. A small medicine-chest
was purloined by one of them, who had run some distance with it before
it was missed. Private Ferrier overtook and knocked the fellow down,
and would have shot some others who came to his assistance, had not
Mr. Dochard prevented him by laying hold of his firelock. Such a
barefaced and determined set of thieves we never met.
We travelled SE. and by E. thirteen miles, to the village of
Bambako. The path this day was over a hard yellow clay soil, mixed
with small quartz pebbles, and much broken into deep ruts by the
rains; the whole distance, to within a quarter of a mile, covered
with loose brushwood and a few large trees of the acacia species.
Corporal Pickard, a European, was so ill as to be unable to walk,
and private Richmond, a native soldier, was nearly as bad; they
were carried forward on two of the officers’ horses. Bambako is
a very miserable village indeed, not containing more than twenty
huts of the poorest description: the situation of it, however,
in some measure made up for its wretched appearance; it was on the
summit of an elevated plain, beautifully covered with some of those
large trees which bear the cotton, already mentioned, and a great
number of baobabs, tamarinds, and palm trees; and it is plentifully
supplied with good water, from wells twelve fathoms deep. We were
able to purchase there one horse, two asses, three goats, and some
corn for the animals. The horses and asses were a very welcome and
necessary supply at that moment, as we had lost by death, during
the day’s march, three horses.
We passed the night there, and moved forward to the SSE. at seven on
the morning of the 7th. The soil and appearance of the country the
same as that of the preceding day’s march. The path was not so
much broken, and the animals travelled better. We reached Canopê
at eleven, A.M., where we halted in order to refresh the men and
animals, and to purchase, if possible, a few asses, which we were
told by our guides were here in great numbers. Large prices, in
amber, coral, and blue baft, induced the natives to sell us seven
very good ones. We had much difficulty in procuring water here,
not in consequence of any want of it at the place, but because the
people would not allow us to approach the wells, alleging that it
was their property, and we must pay for it as well as for the other
commodities of life. Remonstrance, and an inclination to force on
our part, together with the interference of our guides, at length
obtained it; not, however, before it was much wanted.
We left that inhospitable village at three, P.M., the same day,
and travelled in the same direction over a very finely diversified
country, for two hours, when we arrived at a small village called
Kussaye, or Metofodia Cunda, having passed, about two miles before
it, the ruins of a very large walled town, called Maja Cunda. This
was formerly the residence of Modiba, the man who assisted us at
Woolli, but was destroyed and abandoned by him, in consequence of
the surrounding soil not producing good crops; it is very light and
sandy, and mixed with lumps of a stiff white clay, having much the
appearance of pipe-clay.
The occurrences at Madina, the hurry at leaving it, and the very great
want of means of conveyance which we experienced, together with the
confused state of the baggage in consequence of such want, and the
indisposition of some of the men, induced us to determine on halting
here for a day, in order to set all things right: we therefore took
up our bivouac under the shade of some large trees outside the town,
the chief of which was extremely kind and attentive to all our wants,
inasmuch as his circumstances would admit.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 7: Having twenty-two animals’ loads.]
[Footnote 8: With nineteen each.]
[Footnote 9: Title of the kings of Woolli.]
CHAPTER V.
Departure from Kussaye — Pass through the Simbani Woods —
Loss of Camels — Ruins of Muntobe — Leave Muntobe — Arrive
at Sansanding — Halt there — Our Woolli guides leave us —
Discharge of Corporal Harrop — Arrival at Sabee, the first Town
of Bondoo — Loss of Animals — Opposition on the part of our
Guides to our moving thence — Arrival at Loonchea — Death of
the Camels — Supply of provisions from Almamy — Mr. Dochard sent
in advance with a present to Almamy — Departure from Loonchea —
Arrival at Dachadoonga — Difficulty and delay in carrying forward
the Baggage — Description of the Red Water, and its use — Arrival
at Goodeerri — Mr. Dochard returns from the Capital — Arrival of
Almamy’s eldest Son — Transactions with Almamy and difficulty in
arranging matters with him — Departure from Goodeerri, and arrival
at Boolibany, the Capital of Bondoo.
Having put the baggage in order, and fed the animals well on
pistacio tops and corn, since our arrival here, we moved forward
at six o’clock on the morning of the 9th, at a slow rate to the
ENE., over a much wooded country, until noon, when we halted at the
ruins of a town called Bantanto, in the Simbani woods, where the
well, though very deep, thirteen fathoms, was still in repair, and
supplied us with great plenty of water, but of a bad taste and smell,
occasioned by its not being much used. Mr. Nelson, Corporal Pickard,
and Privates Nicholson and Richmond had attacks of fever since the
evening of the 7th; with these exceptions, the party continued to
enjoy good health. We could not say as much for our animals: three
horses died since our arrival at Metafodia Cunda, and more than one
half of the remaining ones were unable to carry their loads, for the
transport of which it was found impossible to procure a sufficient
number of carriers from among the natives: some of our own African
soldiers, however, very cheerfully supplied their places, and we
managed, in one way or other, to take all forward, but not without
considerable trouble and fatigue. The many men we were obliged to
employ as carriers, left the animals without a sufficient number to
guide them and keep their loads from falling off, an occurrence which
took place at every twenty yards with some one or other of them. The
asses we had procured on the path were very good, but whether we did
not understand the proper way of loading them, or that our bales,
from being nearly round, were ill calculated to sit steady on their
_round_ backs, we could not determine; it appeared, however, something
was wrong, the consequence of which was much trouble and delay.
We moved from Bantanto at six o’clock on the morning of the 10th,
but one of our camels having been either stolen, or strayed from
the place where they had been feeding, I remained behind with that
division until four, P.M., up to which time a fruitless search had
been made for it in all directions. I then went forward alone,
leaving Mr. Partarrieau to wait until the following morning, in
hopes of recovering it, as it was a loss we could but badly afford
at that moment.
I joined the front at the ruins of Montobe, at nine o’clock. The
situation of this town, which must have been a very large one,
is beautiful: it was in two parts, that where we halted being the
smallest, and built on a hill shaded with fine large trees, the
other is in the centre of an extensive plain, bearing the marks of
cultivation, surrounded on all sides, at the distance of nearly a
quarter of a mile, by woods; both are plentifully supplied with water,
from wells only three or four feet deep, but which, in consequence
of being neglected, had fallen in so much that we were obliged
to clear them out before a sufficient quantity of water could be
obtained. The soil appeared to be better than any I had before seen;
it was composed of dark-brown mould, intermixed with white sand and
sand-stone. The walls and many of the houses were both strongly and
well built with yellow clay, raised from about four feet below the
surface, and intermixed with cut straw or withered grass and cow-dung.
It was destroyed about twelve months before by the people of Bondoo,
in one of their plundering excursions, and many of its inhabitants
were either killed or made prisoners (slaves), a fate but too common
in this country, where the strongest party always finds an excuse
for making war on the weaker, not unfrequently carrying off whole
towns of miserable inoffensive beings, without either any previous
intimation of their hostile intentions, or indeed any cause given
by those wretched objects of their avaricious encroachments. On
all such occasions, the only object in view is the attainment of
money, as they call it, and in this they succeed by selling their
unfortunate fellow-creatures, and, what is still more unnatural,
their compatriots, to slave-dealers.
A multitude of ideas, bringing with them the conviction of how much
Englishmen, and indeed all civilized nations, are favoured by Divine
Providence, in enjoying freedom and security against such unwarranted
and barbarous practices, rushed on my mind, as we surveyed the silent
and awful remains of some human bodies which lay outside the walls
of this once respectable and no doubt happy town, the inhabitants of
which were torn by unrelenting savages from that native spot, so dear
to all mankind. Even the strongest ties of nature riven asunder, and
all this to gratify the brutal desires of some neighbouring tyrant,
or to enrich a set of savages, who are daily exposed to a similar
fate themselves, at least as long as they can find people ready to
purchase their unnatural booty.
Mr. Partarrieau not having come up, we left Muntobe at six o’clock
on the morning of the 11th, and travelled slowly to the east until
noon, when we reached Sansanding, a small town, the last of the
kingdom of Woolli, beautifully situated on an eminence surrounded
by high grounds, through the valleys of which winds a branch of the
Gambia, now nearly dry; its banks are covered with cane, acacias,
and mimosas, which afforded us an agreeable shelter from the intense
heat of the sun. Here we decided on halting one day, in order to rest
the animals, particularly the camels, which were become very weak
for the last two days, owing to an insufficiency, indeed a scarcity,
of that species of food on which they are used to feed. One gave up on
the path, and died in a few hours, which the moors said resulted from
having eaten some poisonous weed in which that country abounds. The
men also wanted the opportunity of washing their linen, which this
place afforded. We eagerly took advantage of it as a great distance
of uninhabited country (which from a want of water it was necessary
to get over as quick as possible) lay between us and the frontier
town of Bondoo. Private Pickard, too, was so ill as to be unable to
ride, and was left on the path, under the shade of a tree, until the
afternoon, when we sent eight men with a hammock to bring him up. He
had, however, before they reached him, recovered sufficiently to come
forward on Mr. Partarrieau’s horse. The camel lost at Bantanto was
stolen by one of the king of Woolli’s people, and was traced as
far back as Kussaye by our men who went in search of it: the thief,
however, effected his escape with his prize, leaving Mr. Partarrieau
with only one camel to bring up the two loads. The asses, although
heavily loaded, travelled well, and were, if properly managed,
better adapted to this service than either horses or camels.
Our guide refused to accompany us beyond this town, giving, as
a reason, his fear of being detained in Bondoo, should he enter
that country. I was sorry for it, as the fellow really was very
accommodating and attentive; but no entreaties could induce him
to go on. I believe he was afraid that if we got him into one of
the towns in Bondoo, he would be detained until our camel should be
returned. In this he was deceived; for although such a step had been
talked of by the officers as likely to have a good effect, we never
had the least intention of doing so. I therefore dismissed him with
a present of twenty-two bars.
We here discharged Corporal Harrop, a native of Woolli, who had been
sold as a slave, when very young, and liberated by some of the British
cruizers on the coast. He met his mother at Medina, and expressed a
wish to remain there, a refusal to comply with which we were aware
would be useless, as he had it in his power to desert, and thereby
deprive us of the opportunity, which was thus offered, of acting in
a manner likely to convince the people of that part of the interior,
that our intentions towards them were liberal and humane. The man
himself seemed very thankful, and said he would never forget the
English, to whose settlements on the Gambia he would return, in order
to lay out the money we had then given him as pay and allowance
up to that date. He took a cordial farewel of all his companions,
and returned to Medina with the guide, to glad the heart of an aged
mother, who no doubt looked on her son as one risen from the dead.
We tasted some drink made from honey and millet, somewhat like mead;
but from its acidity, acquired by fermentation, and the non use
of bitters in its composition, it had a very unpleasant effect on
the stomach.
Having purchased here six asses, we started at six o’clock in
the forenoon of the 13th, and entered the wilderness, through which
we travelled at a smart pace to the east until near mid-day, when
we came to a watering place in an open space in the woods, which
bore evident marks of inundation during the rains, and was said to
be the resort of large herds of elephants, which come thither in
search of water. This was evidently the case, as their foot-tracks
were visible in all directions; indeed, one of our men, who had gone
some distance from the path, said he had seen two of them.
A town belonging to Woolli formerly stood here; but little or no proof
of its having ever existed now remained. We however took advantage
of the only one, namely, the shade of the large trees which are in or
near all the towns we have seen in Africa. It is called Sabee Looroo.
As the distance from this last place to the frontier of Bondoo
was destitute of water, and too great to attempt marching it in
the heat of the day, without a plentiful supply of that necessary
article, we moved forward at six in the evening, having filled all
our soofroos[10], and marched very expeditiously in an east and by
north direction, through wood, until half after ten, when we were
obliged to halt, in consequence of its being very dark, and many of
the animals being much fatigued and considerably in the rear. Four
horses were left in a dying state, and Mr. Pilkington and four men
remained with their loads, until asses could be sent to bring them
up: they did not arrive at our bivouac until day-light the following
morning. We lost six horses during that march, and were likely to
lose more every day: our provisions, too, were becoming scarce;
but the prospect of being able to replenish all our wants in Bondoo,
did not allow things to appear as bad as they really were.
We reached Sabee at seven on the morning of the 14th, and took up
our position on an elevated spot to the NE. and distant about half a
quarter of a mile from the town, which is a very large one, walled,
and situated in an extensive plain, gently rising to the ESE., in
which direction it is bounded by mountains: through it runs a small
watercourse, now nearly dry, and which the natives call the Neerico.
The inhabitants of this town are all Mahomedans, who are
Surrawoollies, and came originally from Kajaga or Galam: they appeared
a mild inoffensive race, and were not only better clothed, but cleaner
in their persons than the people of Woolli. Their provisions, also,
were in greater plenty. We purchased from them three asses, three
small bullocks, and a goat, together with some fowls, milk, butter,
and eggs. Latitude of Sabee, by meridian altitude, sun’s lower limb,
14° 10′ 58″. Thermometer in shade 100°.
They cultivate, on the banks of the Neerico, in moist places, a sort
of tobacco, which is of a small growth and a pale green colour,
bearing a yellow blossom: it is manufactured into snuff, in which
state alone that sort is used. They also cultivate a larger kind,
more resembling the American tobacco in size and colour: this bears
a white blossom, and when dried is used in smoking. These, with
millet, maize, two other varieties of corn, rice, cotton, indigo,
and a few small onions and pompions, are the productions I noticed
here, and for which the ground appeared well adapted.
When we were about moving on the morning of the 15th, Masiri Cabba,
a man who had come from Bondoo to Lamina, and joined us at Kayaye,
came to say that a messenger had just arrived from Almamy, to
direct that we should not advance further into his country, until
we had sent a person to him. As we conceived this to be all a plan
between Masiri Cabba and Lamina, for we saw them talking together
a few minutes before, we paid no attention to it, and moved on, at
half after six, to the south of east, over a fine open country, much
cultivated, and more diversified by hill and dale than we had before
met with: we reached a large straggling village, Jumjoury, situate
on a rising ground, without any defence whatever. There appeared
to be large quantities of cotton grown here, and the plantations
looked in fine order. The chief here made us a present of a goat and
some cous cous, in return for which he received double their value:
indeed, taking those presents is a bad plan, but it would be wrong
to insult those people, and they would certainly regard a refusal of
any thing offered by them, only in such a point of view. We purchased
here two fine sheep, five goats, and some corn.
Having left Jumjoury at six, on the morning of the 16th, and
travelled east over a fine, open, and, for the most part, well
cultivated country, to Deedey, a small village, which we passed,
and arrived at Loonchea, lying ESE. from the former. The camels
travelled badly this day; one died shortly after our arrival, and
the remainder looked very sickly. We halted under some large trees
on the side of a considerable gully or ravine, having a mud bottom,
at that time dried up, but which, during the rains, was the bed and
course of a torrent running to the SSW.
The supply of rice we brought from Kayaye was here exhausted, with the
exception of a few pints, and we had not as yet been able to procure
a sufficiency of either cous cous or meal to make a full allowance,
for two days. The only provisions we could find here was a little
milk and some fowls.
One of the camels, having every appearance of approaching death,
was killed, and the meat made use of by our men. We tasted it,
and found it as good as any beef we could procure. This gave a
sufficiency for the day.
The chief of the town called on us in the afternoon, and told us that
he had received directions from Almamy to provide us with some corn,
which he was ready to deliver; but, as it was not in a state to be
made use of, we requested him to have it converted into cous cous and
meal, which he undertook to have done. The necessity we were under
of waiting for this supply, and the loss of three of our camels by
death, since our arrival here, obliged us to make a halt. I had also
determined on sending Mr. Dochard from this place to the capital,
in order to see Almamy, and arrange with him for our passage through
his country, and his protection and assistance while in it.
I accordingly despatched him on the morning of the 18th, accompanied
by Masiri Cabba Dharra (one of the king of Sego’s men), and four
of our own people. He took with him some large amber as a present
for the king.
Having received from the master of the town a quantity of cous cous
and meal, sufficient for six days, and divided the loads of the three
camels that died here among the remaining ones and the other animals,
we moved forward at five in the afternoon to the ENE. over a flat
country much intersected by the dry beds of torrents, the banks of
which are covered with acacias and mimosas: one of them was very
deep, and so difficult to pass, that most of the asses fell and
threw their loads, which delayed us some time. One of the camels
died on the path; this also delayed us considerably, and we did not
reach Gongally until near midnight, all very much fatigued. In the
course of the forenoon of the 19th, I purchased two asses, being
all that I could induce the inhabitants of this town to part with,
although they had many more, and the prices I offered were large. I
was therefore obliged to hire some more carriers; a most troublesome
mode of transport, for it required a good look-out to prevent those
fellows from running away with their loads. We left Gongally at four
in the afternoon, and arrived at Dachadoonga, after a very fatiguing
march of three hours and a half, over a much broken country covered
with wood. The chief of this town, which is a small one, is married
to one of Almamy’s daughters.
The few remaining horses, and the camels, were become so weak as
to be unable to carry, and we had not yet been able to purchase a
sufficient number of asses for the whole of the baggage; I therefore
sent Mr. Burton forward to Goodeerie, on the 20th, with as much of it
as all the asses would carry, and directed him to send them back next
morning to bring forward the remainder, but from some mistake of their
guides, or from having straggled too much, they took different paths,
which led them all (with the exception of two or three) much out of
their way, and it was not until eight o’clock in the afternoon of
the 21st, after despatching Lamina to conduct them into the right
path, that the asses returned. Having purchased three very good asses
here, we left it at seven o’clock on the morning of the 22d, and
arrived at Ganado, another small village, at eleven. Messrs. Nelson
and Pilkington had gone on to Goodeerie, when, not finding any of
the party, they returned to Ganado, where we passed the night, and
lost four horses and (six) all our sheep, in consequence of their
having eaten the leaves of a tree (called Talee, by the natives)
which is common throughout this country. It is a strong poison, and
has a very sweet taste. The pagan natives of some parts of Africa,
make use of an infusion of the bark of this tree to ascertain whether
a person among them, suspected of witchcraft, be guilty or not. The
accused is obliged to drink a quantity of this liquor, and which,
according to its strength, sooner or later produces nausea, vomiting,
and pain in the stomach and abdomen, and not unfrequently terminates
in the death of the person; in which case he is considered to have
been guilty: but should the person recover, either in consequence
of the weakness of the dose (sometimes arising from a large bribe
administered to the person who made it), or a great strength of
constitution and timely antidotes, he is declared innocent. This
horrid method is seldom practised by the Mahomedan natives of Africa.
On the morning of the 23d, I again sent forward Mr. Burton (being
the only officer now with me, able to do duty) to Goodeerie, with
all the asses, loaded, and directions to send them back to me in
the evening. He left us at four o’clock, and the asses returned
at nine the same afternoon. The country about this town is really
beautifully diversified with hill and dale, both covered with wood,
some of which is very large. At a short distance to the SE. is the
dry bed of a stream which, during the rains, runs to the SW. and
joins the Gambia. The inhabitants here had commenced preparing their
corn and rice grounds, in consequence of the very great appearance
of approaching rain for the last two or three days, during which we
had some thunder and lightning, accompanied with a perfect calm and
intense heat of the sun and atmosphere.
Little trouble is indeed necessary in this country for the purpose of
cultivation; the ground is merely cleared of the old corn stalks, and
such weeds and young wood as have sprung up during the dry weather;
all which are burnt, and the ashes strewed on the surface. Small
holes are then made in the ground, distant from each other about a
foot or eighteen inches, and two or three grains of corn dropped into
each, which is filled by pushing a portion of the earth and the ashes
before mentioned into it. In this state it remains, until it arrives
at about two feet above the surface, when the ground between is hoed
up and cleared of weeds, a process which takes place as often as the
growth of the weeds renders it necessary, and which, in this country,
where vegetation is so rapidly going on during the rains, grow apace.
We left Ganado at seven o’clock on the morning of the 24th, passed
two small villages, situated in an open and well cultivated country,
and reached Goodeerie at noon, having met an immense host of black
monkeys, who, on our approach, set up a hideous barking noise, and
scampered into the woods. Some of them were as large as a mastiff dog.
Goodeerie is a small straggling village, inhabited by Surrawoollies
and Foulahs. Masiri Cabba, who is chief of it, accommodated us with
a sufficient number of huts to shelter both the men and baggage
from rain, which was fast approaching. As I feared it was likely we
should have to remain a few days here, in order to the arrangement
of matters with Almamy, I cheerfully accepted his offer, and now,
for the first time since our leaving Kayaye, we entered and took up
quarters inside a town.
I was here informed that Almamy was not at the capital when
Mr. Dochard went there, and that it was probable he might have to
wait there some time before he could see him, as he was absent on some
business connected with the war between him and the people of Galam.
Mr. Dochard, however, arrived on the 21st, without having seen
Almamy. He was accompanied by Almady Gay (one of Almamy’s nephews),
who was sent to procure for us a supply of bullocks and corn. Almamy
sent Mr. Dochard word that he was extremely glad to hear of our
arrival in his country, and would give us every assistance and
protection in his power as far as Foolidoo, to which country we
should be accompanied by one of his chiefs, who would be a sufficient
safeguard to us. He further requested that we would remain where
we were until he could come to see us, which should be in a very
few days. The prospect of being thus delayed even for a few days,
as I then thought, was irksome in the extreme, as the rains were
fast approaching, and, in the space of another month, travelling
would become, if not wholly impossible, at least very difficult
and dangerous. But so it was, that attempting to move through this
country without having first arranged matters with Almamy, would
have been madness. We were therefore obliged to submit with patience.
Since our arrival here, we were beset by a multitude of beggars of
all descriptions. Princes and their wives without number, came to make
to us trifling presents, with the hope of receiving in return double
their value, and their attendants were not less troublesome. Goulahs,
or singing people, who in Africa always flock around those who have
any thing to give, no doubt thought this a good opportunity to turn to
good account their abilities in music, and we were continually annoyed
by their horrid noise. Dozens of them would, at the same moment,
set up a sort of roaring extempore song in our praise, accompanied
by drums and a sort of guitar, and we found it impossible to get
rid of them by any other means than giving something. They were not,
however, to be put off with a trifle. People who lived by that sort
of gain, and not unfrequently received from their own chiefs presents
to the amount of several slaves, were not to be put off with trifles,
particularly by persons with (apparently to them) so much riches as
we had. The consequence was, we were in a continual state of uproar
with those wretches. Never did I find my patience so much tired as
on those occasions.
On the 31st a man arrived from Boolibany, to say that Almamy would be
at Goodeerie on the following day, but it was not until the 5th of
June that we heard any thing more of him. During this time we were
plagued out of our lives by a host of his nephews, nieces, cousins,
&c. all begging.
On the 5th, Saada, Almamy’s eldest son, accompanied by two of
his majesty’s ministers and three other grandees of the country,
came to announce his father’s arrival at a small town of the
same name as this, distant about five miles east. They made some
objections to call on me first, and I would have waved all ceremony
in favour of the expediting in the least our business; but Lamina
said it was their place to call on me: they were the bearers of
a message from Almamy, and to deliver it they must come to me,
and not I to them. This they did, and entered on the business with
all the indifference and hauteur imaginable. Saada himself would
not uncover his mouth or nose, which he had closely wrapped up in
a part of his turban which hung down, for fear he might inhale the
air breathed by an infidel. Many words, expressed in a strangely
slow and authoritative manner, went to say that Almamy had arrived,
and would see me whenever I wished to call upon him, or would come
himself to see me if I preferred it. The former I adopted, as I was
aware that his presence here would draw around us a set of beggars,
whose importunities would be insupportable, and therefore decided on
going, without delay, to see him. Messrs. Dochard and Partarrieau
accompanied me. Lamina, Masiri Cabba, and one of my own men to act
as interpreter, composed the whole of our attendants.
On our arrival at the village, we had to wait nearly half an hour
before we could obtain an interview. After the usual compliments of
salutation, &c., I explained to him, by means of my interpreter, in
as few words as possible, the object we had in view in travelling
through his country, and requested that we might be detained as
short a time as possible. He said that we might depend on his doing
all in his power to forward our views, and that the time of our
stay chiefly depended on ourselves. By this he meant to say, that
if we paid him handsomely, he would allow us to pass. He said much
about the trifling nature of the present I sent him by Mr. Dochard,
insinuating that it was scarcely fit for one of his Goulas.
We took the hint and requested that people might be sent to receive
the present I intended for him. These were soon nominated, and with
them and Saada, who was sent to remain with us (as Almamy said, to
see we were well treated, but, we believe, as a spy on our actions),
we returned to our quarters.
Having laid out a considerable present, amounting to more than ten
times that given to the king of Woolli, we showed it to the persons
sent for that purpose, on the morning of the 6th, and made Saada a
very handsome present indeed, for which he appeared very thankful,
but said that we should first settle with his father. We were asked
if what we had laid before them was intended merely as _service_
(as they call it), meaning thereby a present or douceur, or as all
we intended to give him; and we answered that we intended it as
the full amount of present. To which they replied, they were only
directed to receive service, that was then shewn, and objected to,
as too small. After much conversation on both sides, without being
able to arrange with those fellows, we determined on again going
to Almamy, to endeavour to settle with him personally. In this,
however, we were deceived; he was, if possible, more difficult to
please than his ministers, and told us, that as we did not choose to
act in compliance with their wishes, he should not wait where he was
any longer, but return to his house, where we might come to see him
when we thought proper to act consistently with, what he considered,
our duty, namely, the increasing of the present; that as all the
surrounding kings were averse to our going to the east, and even
his own chiefs did not like it, he was taking a great responsibility
on himself in allowing us to do so. This, and much more of the same
nature, too tedious to mention, closed the interview. We therefore,
to avoid more delay, determined on giving those insatiable rascals
as much as we could afford, and thereby, if possible, get rid of
them. The rains had already commenced, and no time was to be lost,
which could, in any way, consistently with the future safety of the
expedition, be avoided.
Having selected an enormous present, we despatched Mr. Partarrieau
to lay it before his majesty, and it was not until the 9th that he
returned, having, in some measure, satisfied the avaricious appetite
of the great man, who, however, still said much about receiving six
bottles of gunpowder and a musket for each ass load; and insinuated
that he had been informed we had loads composed entirely of gold and
silver. Fresh demands were continually made, and we were not able,
before the 13th, finally to settle with him. This was done by our
giving him an order on the Gambia for one hundred and twenty bottles
of gunpowder, twenty common guns and a blunderbuss.
He came to see us in a friendly way, as he said, on the 14th,
accompanied by a host of ministers, chiefs, &c., who all expected
no doubt to receive something. On this occasion he appeared to be
perfectly satisfied with what had been given him and his followers,
and promised we should have a guide wherever we wished to move, and
in whatever direction we pleased. This, however, we could not obtain
until the 17th, and then he would not listen to our pursuing any route
but that through Kasson, the chief of which country was his friend,
which we knew to be the case, but we feared he was only too much so,
and ready to put in execution any plan Almamy might devise to annoy
and delay us, and ultimately frustrate the object we had in view.
Notwithstanding Almamy’s having sent his nephew to procure supplies
for us, since our arrival at Goodeerie we had been very scantily
supplied with provisions, although large prices were offered, and
men sent in all directions to collect corn, rice, or any kind of
food that could be procured.
A fine moor boy, about eight years of age, a slave, was sent us
by the king, to purchase bullocks with, but hungry as we were we
preferred remaining so, to eating that procured at the expense of
liberty to a fellow-creature, who, from his horrified appearance, no
doubt thought we were going to eat him. He spoke the language well, by
which means we explained to him the happy change that had taken place
in his situation, but he did not appear to believe it for some days.
In some instances the princes and chiefs who flocked round us in
hopes of receiving presents (and they invariably got something, but
which was not as great as they either expected or could have wished),
prevented the natives from bringing to market even the scanty supply
which their reduced means at that time of the year would have enabled
them to do.
For several days we submitted to a very scanty allowance indeed,
and we had no appearance of obtaining a more plentiful supply by any
other means than that of arranging matters to the satisfaction of
Almamy, which we were at length (by means of considerable presents
to him and his followers) enabled to do. Indeed the latter, a set
of cringing liars, and all either Goulas (singing people) or Bilos
(blacksmiths), were as difficult to be pleased as their master, with
whom they had such influence that no matter was decided on, or step
taken, without their advice, and whose interest it was absolutely
necessary to purchase, though, I believe, to little purpose; as
they will make the fairest promises to attain their end, and then
betray their benefactor; or, at least, in their private conferences
with Almamy, give him advice directly contrary to that expressed as
their opinion in public, and by no means conducive to the attainment
of our wishes. No sooner was one promise made by him and them, on
the proviso of receiving a present, and those terms complied with
on our part, than some contrary construction was put on the same,
and we were left to devise such other means of attaining our object
as the moment might suggest. It is really impossible for a person
not conversant with such affairs, or acquainted with such people, to
have any idea of the irksome and perplexing nature of their duplicity
and falsehood, or of the situation a man finds himself placed in,
when dependent in a great measure on their will and pleasure for
the common necessaries of life.
Such was our situation on the 16th, when we went to Almamy’s
residence, in order to endeavour, by any possible means, to gain
permission to choose our own route. But in this, however, we were
unfortunately not able to succeed, and consequently submitted with
an apparent good grace, for any other line of conduct would have
tended to no good purpose; telling him that we would be ready to
move on the 18th, and as he seemed to think he could protect us more
effectually in that road than any other, we requested that guides
might be immediately appointed to conduct us. This was directly
complied with; when we returned to our huts, and made the arrangements
necessary in consequence of so long and unpleasant delays.
We left Goodeerie at half after five in the evening of the 18th June,
and halted for the night at the village where Almamy had been. We
were under the disagreeable necessity (now, for the first time,)
of leaving one of the party behind (Private Pickard), who was
reduced to such a state of debility and emaciation from dysentery,
that he was not only unable to ride, but reported, by Mr. Dochard,
as unlikely to recover. Two men were left with him, and directed,
in case of his getting better in a few days, to bring him forward to
Boolibany, where we intended halting, to procure provisions; and in
case of his death to bury him, and follow us with as much expedition
as possible. A supply of the means of procuring subsistence was
given them, and I really felt much at abandoning to his fate one of
the most active and useful men we had.
Messrs. Nelson and Pilkington were also in a very bad state of health,
and many of the European soldiers, although not decidedly unwell,
were occasionally complaining of headaches and pains in their limbs,
indicating the approach of fever and dysentery.
Much rain had already fallen, and vegetation was going on most
rapidly in consequence of the intense heat of the sun and humidity
of the soil. To the north of Goodeerie, was a range of high hills,
covered with wood, and running from NE. to SW. About half way between
where we left and it, we crossed the partly dry bed of a torrent,
which, at this time, comes from some hills lying south of east from
our path, and running, with many windings, to the west of north,
to empty itself into the Senegal.
We left Goodeerie (there are many towns of the same name in that
district, named after a people who came from a town in Galam formerly
so called,) at seven o’clock on the morning of the 19th; and after
a march of five hours and a half to the north of east, over a well
cultivated and thickly inhabited country, we arrived at a large
town, or rather a large collection of small villages, called Baigh
Baigh, beautifully situated on eminences rising gently on either
side of a narrow valley, in which ran a considerable torrent of
water, collected by the neighbouring hills, and contributing to
the periodical overflowing of the Senegal. The corn grounds were
beginning to look green, and the entire face of the country, which
had for some months presented a most arid and fatiguing prospect,
was now progressively assuming all the varied gaiety of spring. The
natives, too, were busily employed in cultivation, which, in Africa,
is indiscriminately carried on by men and women.
Many of our men did not come up before night. The march was a long
one, and the day excessively hot and calm, with every appearance of
rain, of which we had a smart fall during the night.
On the following morning, we moved forward to the north of east,
over a gently rising country, beautifully diversified by hill and
dale, and thickly covered in every direction with small villages,
in the vicinity of which, cultivation appeared to be carrying on to a
considerable extent. We crossed, about five miles west of Boolibany,
a range of small hills, running nearly north and south, covered with
stunted underwood, and composed of a dark brown stone resembling
volcanic eruption, and having a strong magnetic attraction. One
piece, bearing a high metallic polish, drew to it small needles
from the distance of three quarters of an inch. From those hills
the natives procure a large supply of iron, which they esteem much
for its goodness, and which is extracted from the ore, or stone
containing it, in the manner mentioned by Mr. Park.
We reached Boolibany at noon, and were accommodated with huts in the
town, a division of which was given up entirely for our use, and from
which Almamy, who paid us a visit in the afternoon, desired us to
keep off the mob, in the same way we should do were we in an English
fort. This, however, we found much difficulty in accomplishing against
a host of visitors of all ages and descriptions, coming to see, for
the first time in their lives, a white man. Shortly after our arrival
some of the king’s wives sent us two or three large calabashes, full
of fine milk and cous cous, which was not at all a despicable present.
Many of the great men of the town paid us visits of ceremony and
curiosity; all which we would have most willingly dispensed with,
but they were not to be sent off in a hurry, and we were often
reduced to the necessity of walking out of our huts, in hopes of
their doing so too. But even this did not always succeed, and we
were necessitated to submit with an apparent good grace to their
importunities for presents. I do believe they thought that asking
alone was necessary to the filling of their pockets with amber, &c.,
and covering their backs with silks, bafts, &c.; for the procuring
of all of which they seldom brought any more valuable articles than a
little milk, or some rice, or corn. Indeed we wanted nothing else, but
the miserable handfuls which they presented, were scarcely worth the
trouble of receiving, much less giving more than the value in return.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 10: Leather bags.]
CHAPTER VI.
Description of Boolibany — Delays and Disappointments there —
Scarcity of Provisions — Death of Private Pickard — My decision of
passing the rains in the Country, and Departure for Samba Contaye to
select a position for winter quarters — Arrival of the Expedition
from Boolibany — Mr. Pilkington and men left there sick — Death
of Lieutenant Burton, and Sickness of the Men — Preparations for
Mr. Dochard’s Departure for Sego — Almamy’s Arrival near our
Camp — Difficulties about the Guide — Mr. Dochard’s Departure
— The Object of his Embassy — Mr. Partarrieau’s Departure
for the Coast — Mr. Nelson’s weak state — A regular Market
established — Mr. Pilkington’s Arrival from the Capital —
Mr. Nelson’s Death — My own Indisposition — Deaths amongst
the Men — Extraordinary Ceremony at the killing of a lioness —
Lions’ Attack on the Horse — Accounts from Mr. Dochard — Return
of the Messengers — Almamy’s unjust Conduct, and its Results.
Boolibany, the Capital of Bondoo, stands in an extensive plain at
the foot of a range of rocky hills, which are distant from it about
a quarter of a mile east: to the west, the dry bed of a considerable
torrent winds along the plain, and, in the season of the rains,
conducts the water, which descends in a thousand streams from the
hills, to the Falune and Senegal.
Here is the residence of the king, or Almamy, but it is by no means
so large a town as we expected to see in the capital of so thickly
inhabited a country. The number of souls do not exceed fifteen or
eighteen hundred; the greater number are either the relatives, slaves,
tradesmen, or followers of Almamy, or those of the royal family.
[Illustration: W. Gray del.
BOOLEBANY, CAPITAL OF BONDOO.
_Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London._]
The town is surrounded by a strong clay wall, ten feet high and
eighteen inches thick[11]; this is pierced with loop-holes, and is so
constructed that, at short intervals, projecting angles are thrown
out, which enable the besieged to defend the front of the wall by a
flanking fire, and answers all the purposes of defence where nothing
but small arms is made use of.
The gates, of which there are five, and some of the intermediate
parts of the wall, are surmounted by small embattled turrets, nine
or ten feet square; those are likewise pierced with loop-holes,
and give to the place a better fortified appearance than any town
we had before seen.
Within these outer walls, at the west end of the town, and surrounded
by stronger and higher ones of the same materials and form, are the
palaces of Almamy, his son Saada, and his nephew Moosa Yoro Malick,
all joining each other, but having no internal communication.
The mosque, by no means a good one, stands in an open space in
the south-west end of the town. It was in very bad repair, being
nearly destitute of thatch. It is a large oblong clay building,
lying east and west, the walls about nine feet high, and the roof,
which is composed of rough timber, is supported in the centre by
three strong forked stakes, about eighteen feet high. The ends of
this roof extend five or six feet over the walls, on which it rests,
and is there supported by forked stakes five feet high, forming a
sort of piazza. Public prayers are performed in it five times a day,
with the greatest apparent devotion.
The town is divided by streets, or more properly lanes, which are
very narrow, dirty, and irregular. The outside of the walls too, in
consequence of the want of public places of convenience, is nothing
but a continued heap of filth, which emits, particularly during the
rains, an overpowering and unpleasant effluvia.
The huts or houses are of different forms: some entirely composed of
clay and rough timber, are square and flat roofed; others are round,
having the walls of the same material as the former, but are covered
with a conical roof, formed of poles and thatched with long dry grass;
the third and last are entirely composed of wood and dry grass, in
the form of a half splaire. The doors of all are inconveniently low,
particularly the latter, which is rendered the more unpleasant by
its serving, at the same time, as door, window, and chimney.
Those of Almamy, his son, nephew, and some of the princes, display
the same variety of form, and, with the exception of being larger,
are equally inconvenient. The interior of each of these palaces
may contain about an English acre, divided, by low clay walls,
into several small courts, in some of which are the chambers of
their wives and concubines, and in others the magazines of arms,
ammunition, merchandize, and corn. The exterior walls are about
thirteen feet high, and are lined, nearly all round inside, with a
range of square clay hovels, serving as cooking places, stables,
slave rooms, and other stores, all which have flat roofs, where,
in case of attack, a number of armed men, the best marksmen, are
placed, and being there defended by that part of the outside walls
which rises above the roofs, in form of parapets, they can do much
against an attacking enemy.
At a short distance to the SW. are situated the ruins of a town
nearly as large as Boolibany, and of which it at one time formed a
part: but was destroyed by the Kartan army in one of their attacks
on Almamy—which must have been sanguinary, as the ground for
a considerable distance round it is thickly strewed with the now
whitened bones of the slain, whose bodies were allowed to putrify
on the spot where they fell, or be devoured by the birds and beasts
of prey.
The mother of the boy given to us by Almamy, came to our huts to see
her son, whom we had by this time so convinced of his real situation,
that he implored us on his knees and with tears in his eyes to work
the same change in his unfortunate mother’s situation, who together
with his brother, an infant, were in the most deplorable state of
slavery, in the possession of Moosa Yeona Malick. The poor woman
herself was too much pleased with the respectable appearance of her
son, and with the account he gave her of the comparative happiness
of his present situation, to prevent a gleam of satisfaction from
making itself evident, through the otherwise truly miserable and
desponding evidence of her feelings but too strongly depicted in her
face and actions; the former being bathed in tears, and the latter
more becoming of a person imploring assistance or protection from
the divine, than a human being.
It is needless to say we promised her every exertion in her favour,
and fulfilled the promise, but alas! without effect:—the answer we
got from her inhuman master to an offer of three times the value of
a prime slave, or indeed any price he might demand, was “that it
was much fitter for us to make him a present of the son, who would
thereby be enabled to enjoy the society of his mother and brother.”
The poor woman was a constant visitor at our huts, where she every
day got one good meal, but it would have been useless to give her
any thing else, as her master would not have left it (let it be of
never so little value) with her.
Since our arrival at Boolibany we had been as badly supplied with
provisions as at Goodeerie. Almamy made us a present of a bullock,
but we found it impossible to purchase any, and as to rice or corn
it was extremely scarce and dear. So small was the quantity of milk
purchased that the officers were stinted to a few spoonfulls each,
which, with as limited a quantity of rice, meal, or meat, constituted
our daily bill of fare.
To add to the unpleasantness of our situation nearly all the European
soldiers were affected with fever or dysentery, two of the officers,
Messrs. Nelson and Pilkington, were likewise ill, and we found it
impossible to obtain from Almamy the fulfilment of his promises. At
one time he would say he was preparing for us some provisions; at
another, that he was only waiting the return of a messenger he had
sent to ascertain the state of the path by which we were to travel,
and with many such frivolous excuses he put us off from day to day
until the 23rd of June, when he appointed a guide, and told us we
might depart when we pleased. Preparations were made for moving on
the following morning, and we had determined that not a moment should
be lost in getting out of Almamy’s power. We were however again
to suffer disappointment and delay, for the same night at a late
hour Almamy sent his son Saada, to let us know that in consequence
of his having received information of the destruction of several of
the towns of Kasson by the Kartans, he could not allow us to proceed
until he had sent a messenger to ascertain its truth. I endeavoured
to shew Saada that I thought better of the report, and said that
I would, if Almamy allowed me, go on even without a guide; but it
would not do: he said his father (who now considered us his friends
and strangers) dare not permit us to run into danger when he could
prevent it. This was a very plausible excuse no doubt, but we were
aware that the whole was a plan to keep us in his country as long
as he could. We nevertheless told Saada that we would wait a day or
two longer in order to give his father’s messenger time to return.
The men who had been left at Goodeerie to take care of Pickard
returned on the 23rd, having committed his body to the earth at that
place on the 21st, the day of his death.
On the 25th, not hearing any thing of the messenger’s return or any
more reports about the circumstance, I and all the officers waited
on Almamy, to endeavour, if possible, to obtain leave to proceed. We
found him seated in a large straw hut, in one of the inner courts
of his palace, surrounded by some of his ministers and chiefs. He
evaded giving a direct answer to our request, by relating some of
his youthful achievements in a very jocular strain, until the call
to prayers obliged us to leave his royal presence, and return as we
went, to submit to delay and disappointment for another day, which,
however, only made things appear as less likely to be arranged to our
satisfaction than they had hitherto been. He asked those about him
many questions respecting the path through Kasson to Foolidoo, which
he seemed to be well acquainted with, and made much objection when
we had told him the disappointment we experienced in his conduct to
us, and the seeming disinclination on his part to forward our views,
notwithstanding his promise to do so in consequence of the very large
and handsome presents we had given him and his people. His son Saada
told us “there was no use in much words, but that, if we would
satisfy Almamy, he should satisfy us,” which was merely hinting,
if we would give Almamy presents until he should say he had enough,
we should be then allowed to proceed. We did not pretend to understand
his meaning, and finding that nothing was to be obtained from them,
we left the place, in order to consult with the officers, and decide
on the step to be taken.
After taking into consideration the then advanced state of the
season, the illness of almost the whole of the Europeans, and the
reduced state of our means of subsistence, in consequence of the
very great expenditure incurred to replace our animals (all those we
had on leaving Kayaye having died), and the exorbitant presents to
Almamy and his chiefs, ministers, &c., we came to the determination
of remaining in Bondoo until after the rains, and sending forward
an officer to Sego, to apprize the King of our being stopped by
Almamy, and to ascertain beyond a doubt his intentions towards our
intended entrance into his country. A train of incidents, as tedious
to relate as uninteresting to peruse, occurred between our making
known to Almamy this our intention, and our establishing ourselves
at Samba Contaye[12], which we were enabled to do, after much toil
and trouble, by the 17th of July.
Our position was on an elevated plain, lying about half a quarter
of a mile west of the village, between us and which ran a copious
stream of water, occasionally swollen to a considerable size by the
rains. Around a clear spot, of about two acres, we erected several
huts. We soon found, however, they were neither sufficiently solid to
withstand the violence of the tornados, nor well enough thatched to
keep out the rain, in consequence of which the men were continually
getting wet, and falling sick. Mr. Burton and Mr. Nelson, and nearly
all the Europeans, were labouring under fever and dysentery. On
the 18th, the former was reduced to the very last stage, and
Mr. Pilkington, and three men, were so ill when we left Boolibany,
that they could not be moved. Had we been able to continue our journey
to the east, those officers and men must have been left behind; and
to this, unpleasant as it might have been to our feelings, we must
in that case have submitted. Mr. Burton’s sufferings, however,
were of short duration; he died on the 19th, having been only a few
days ill. This sudden and melancholy event appeared to cast a gloom
over all, and, when his remains were committed to their last abode,
every European present shewed evident symptoms of apprehension that
such might be his own fate in a few days.
As it was necessary that the officer we intended sending to Sego
should be accompanied by a guide and messenger from Almamy, I had,
previous to leaving Boolibany on the 20th, obtained a promise from
him that he would come to Samba Contaye in a few days, and bring
with him a person fitted for that service. He did not, however,
make his appearance until the 21st, when I was informed that he had
arrived at Wooro Samba, a small village, or rather farm, belonging
to one of his own relations, about a mile south of our camp. There
I went to see him, when he immediately named a person to accompany
Mr. Dochard[13] to Sego, and said that it would be my business to
clothe and subsist him during the journey, which of course I made
no difficulty in consenting to.
On the following day, the guide came to our camp, and having
said much about the unpleasantness of such a long journey, the
dangers and privations to be encountered, &c., told me that he
wished some stated reward to be held out to him on his return, in
default of which he would not go. Although I was much astonished at
this declaration, I thought it better to let him suppose it was my
intention to give him something, and therefore said, that the nature
and amount of his reward must altogether depend on his own conduct,
and his exertions to forward our business, which, if he did to my
satisfaction, he should be well rewarded. He, however, did not like
this mode of payment “after his trouble was over”; insinuating
that I might then give him little or much as I wished, and that,
moreover, it was quite “optional with him whether he went or not,
as he was no slave of Almamy’s”.
I went immediately to mention this affair to the King, and to request
that another man might be appointed, as I neither liked the manner
nor appearance of the first. He very good humouredly said that the
fellow was a fool, and therefore not fit to accompany Mr. Dochard, and
he would immediately send to Boolibany for one of his own people to
replace him. But as it was likely that two or three days would elapse
before he could be ready, I told the King that Mr. Dochard should
move on towards the frontier, which, before he reached, the man might
no doubt overtake him. This being arranged, I next informed Almamy,
it was my wish to send a person to the coast, in order to procure,
with as little delay as possible, the articles I had promised to him,
and some few things I was myself in want of; and as my messenger
purposed going to Senegal through the Foota Toro country, I wished
him to give letters of recommendation to the chiefs there, in order to
ensure his safety while in it, and also requested him to appoint some
person to accompany Mr. Partarrieau, and remain with him until his
return. All this he very readily consented to, concluding upon this,
as on all other occasions, by asking for something or other; a little
tobacco was then the object of his wishes, and with them I complied.
On my return to the camp I found that Mr. Dochard had completed
all his preparations, and was only waiting my presence to move
forward. His party consisted of one sergeant, seven rank and file,
one civilian, and his own servant, together with Lamina and two
of his people. He took with him a very handsome present for Dhaa,
the king of Sego, and some inferior, yet respectable ones, for his
chiefs; these, together with a small tent, two trunks of his own,
and some provisions, loaded five asses, at least sufficiently so to
admit of their travelling with expedition. The most active, willing,
and well conducted men were selected for this service; and, although
the prospect of a journey of several hundred miles through a country
offering many difficulties, both from the disposition of the natives
and the advanced state of the season, was sufficiently gloomy to
make the bravest despond, and the most sanguine entertain doubts
of success,—they nevertheless all appeared cheerful and happy in
being selected to the service.
To Mr. Dochard’s own discretion and judgment I left altogether
the means, as well as mode, of entering into arrangements with Dhaa
for our passage through, and protection in his country; and from
my knowledge of Mr. Dochard’s extreme anxiety and determination
to bring (inasmuch as lay in his power) our enterprize to a happy
conclusion, I felt satisfied that I could not have entrusted
this service into more able or patient hands; the latter being an
accomplishment most necessary, indeed indispensably so, in that
country.
The party left the camp on the 23d, at four o’clock in the
afternoon. I accompanied them some distance, and, when taking leave
of them, I felt that I had myself more occasion to apprehend their
never returning than they appeared to entertain; indeed I felt, when
giving Mr. Dochard the parting shake of the hand, that I was bidding
adieu for ever, as it were, to the nearest and dearest friend I had
in the world. In order to induce Lamina to forward our views at Sego,
and to conduct himself with kindness and attention to Mr. Dochard,
and the men with him, I made him a handsome present, and gave him an
account of the reward which had been promised to him, in case of his
fulfilling the terms of his engagement, an advance of merchandize
to the amount of fifteen pounds sterling.
Although I had my doubts as to this man’s being a servant or officer
of the king’s, I was nevertheless aware that much depended on his
reports in the country respecting us, and therefore endeavoured,
by all means within my power, and consistent with prudence, to keep
the fellow in our interest. His wife, too, who travelled in his
train, received many small presents from us, and on this occasion
was dashingly equipped for the journey, in order, as Lamina said,
not to reflect discredit on those white men belonging to a Great
White King, with whom they had been so long associated.
My next object was to despatch Mr. Partarrieau (the only person
holding the rank of an officer then in good health) to the coast, to
procure the articles for Almamy, and a supply of merchandize for the
use of the expedition, which so long a halt had rendered absolutely
necessary. Almamy still remained at Wooro Samba, where I paid him
another visit, and made him a small present. On the 25th, he informed
me that he was going to a village about five miles NW. from our camp,
to arrange some matters relative to the succession of a chief, where,
as the place lay in Mr. Partarrieau’s road, he could meet him. The
same day he visited the camp, and received from him a letter to
the Almamy of Foota Toro, which would ensure Mr. Partarrieau a safe
passage through that country.
Mr. Partarrieau having received my instructions how to act during his
absence, and such letters and other papers as I was sending to England
and the coast, left the camp the 27th July. His party consisted of
two soldiers, four civilians, and two moors. I furnished him with
some small presents for Almamy and the chiefs of Foola.
On the same day I sent a party of eight native soldiers, with a
sergeant, to the capital, with directions that, if Mr. Pilkington
should not be well enough to ride his horse, they were to construct
a litter, and bring him forward.
Mr. Nelson was daily getting worse, and the soldiers, seven in number,
left on the sick list by Mr. Dochard, had no appearance whatever of
recovery. One died on the 22d, and some of the others appeared likely
soon to follow him. All that could be done, situated as we were, was
done for them. The disease, however, was stronger than the remedies,
and they continued getting worse every day. In prescribing for them,
I was assisted by Private Kenyon, who, from having served seven years
as orderly man in the hospital at Senegal, had become acquainted with
the medicines usually administered; in some cases, I had recourse to
the remedies made use of by the natives of Africa, and whenever those
were resorted to in time, the disease soon gave way. The rains were
then so frequent and heavy, that scarcely a dry day occurred once
in the week, which had a very strikingly bad effect on the health
and spirits of all. The plentiful supply of provisions, however,
which we were enabled to procure since our arrival at Samba Contaye,
in some measure alleviated our sufferings; and a little labour,
with more solidity in the materials employed, provided us with huts,
if not as comfortable as we might have wished, at least sufficiently
so to afford us shelter from the inclemencies of the season.
A regular market for the purchase of corn, rice, milk, butter, eggs,
fowls, and game, was established, and well attended by the inhabitants
of all the surrounding villages, to the distance of seven or eight
miles; and were it not that the prospect of remaining in a state of
inactivity for so long a time as some months at least, added to the
uncertainty of the result of Mr. Dochard’s mission to Sego, and the
sickly state of the Europeans, we might have been comparatively happy.
Mr. Pilkington arrived from Boolibany on the 29th, and although he was
much better than when we left him, he was still in so weak a state as
to be unable to take any exercise, and consequently was incapable of
affording me society in my excursions through the country. Mr. Nelson,
too, continued to decline, and on the 6th of August, he was reduced
to a complete inanimate skeleton; in this state he remained until
the 9th, when he breathed his last, without a struggle. His remains
were buried close by the side of Mr. Burton’s, under the shade of
two large tamarind trees, about four hundred yards west of the camp.
My feelings on this occasion (whether from a weak state of body in
consequence of some attacks of fever which I had lately experienced,
or from other motives, I cannot pretend to say) were so much affected,
that I could with difficulty witness the last sad offices to the
remains of one of my companions, who, without disparagement to the
others, was by no means the least worthy or useful member of the
expedition. The consequence of this was, I had a severe relapse,
which confined me to my bed for three weeks; at the end of which
time I could scarcely stand upright.
On my recovery, I employed myself in learning the Foolah language,
and making frequent excursions to the adjacent towns, as the weather,
which was then not quite so wet, permitted.
Our supply of provisions, such as they were, continued abundant;
and having completed a strong fence round the camp, we were, in some
degree, defended both from the encroachments of the wild beasts,
which nightly serenaded us, and the not less troublesome daily visits
of the inhabitants of the town; whom, previous to the fence being
made, we found impossible to keep out of our huts, and from which,
on their departure, some one thing or other was always missing.
The fever and dysentery still continued to do their work of
destruction. Private Watzer died on the 19th; Fallen on the 22d;
and Corporal Howell on the 25th of August, and many more were
fast declining. To divert, as much as possible, the minds of the
men from reflecting on the scenes of death around them, I had
recourse to amusements and employments of all kinds. Hunting the
game in which the country abounded, afforded an ample range for
those, who were able to partake of it, to employ their time to
advantage. Wild hogs, antelopes, guinea fowls, and partridges,
were constantly brought in. During one of our excursions we met,
and succeeded in killing, a large lioness, which had, for some time,
been disturbing the neighbourhood of the village. On this occasion,
we were accompanied by some of the inhabitants of Samba Contaye,
one of whom gave the first wound to the animal; in consequence of
which he was disarmed by the rest of his companions, and led prisoner
(his hands tied behind his back) to the town, at whose outer approach
they were met by all the women, singing and clapping hands. The dead
animal, covered with a white cloth, was carried by four men on a bier
constructed for the purpose, accompanied by the others of their party,
shouting, firing shots, and dancing, or rather playing all sorts of
monkey tricks. As I was not a little surprised at seeing the man,
whom I conceived ought to be rewarded for having first so disabled
the animal as to prevent it from attacking us, thus treated, I
requested an explanation; and was informed that being a subject only,
he was guilty of a great crime in killing or shooting a sovereign,
and must suffer this punishment until released by the chiefs of the
village, who knowing the deceased to have been their enemy, would not
only do so immediately, but commend the man for his good conduct. I
endeavoured to no purpose to find out the origin of this extraordinary
mock ceremony, but could only gain the answer, frequently given by
an African, “that his forefathers had always done so.”
This, with a hyena, shot by a sentinel when attempting to take away
one of our asses, were the only animals of the kind killed by us. In
a few nights after this, we were surprised by three lions, which,
in despite of the strength of our fence, and of the centinels,
who fired several shots at them, forced their way into the camp,
and succeeded in mangling one of our horses, which was tied to a
stake within fifteen yards of our huts, in such a dreadful manner,
that I thought it best, by means of a pistol ball, to put an end to
the poor animal’s sufferings.
Those animals are very troublesome, particularly at the time of year
when the corn and grass, being nearly the height of a man, afford
them means of concealing themselves near the towns, and of making
nightly attacks on the herds of black cattle and goats belonging to
the natives, who keep up large fires in the folds, and occasionally
fire off their muskets, to deter them from approaching;—but in
this they do not unhappily always succeed.
Not having heard any intelligence of Mr. Dochard since his departure,
I began to be uneasy for his safety, and thought of despatching a
person in the direction he went, in order to ascertain, if possible,
how far he had got, when I was agreeably surprised by the arrival
of one of his men whom he had sent back from Kasson with letters,
giving an account of his transactions since his departure, and
requiring some supplies. He stated that on the 25th he reached
Nayer, a town of Bondoo, on the banks of the Fa-lemme, distant from
Samba Contaye thirty-four miles; there he had to await the arrival
of Almamy’s guide, who joined him on the 27th, but having then
refused to proceed unless provided with a horse and a fine dress,
which articles Mr. Dochard neither could nor would give him, he
returned. Mr. Dochard gave him a note to me, but the fellow did not
deliver it, nor did I see him until I met him by accident at Boolibany
some days after; when he told me that he had received a letter from
Mr. Dochard, in which was contained an order on me for a new dress,
but that he had lost it in crossing the Fa-lemme; this I knew to
be false, and told him that I could not take his word. Almamy had
then sent another man to join Mr. Dochard, who crossed the Fa-lemme
on the 27th, and arrived at Mamier, the residence of Hawah Demba, a
prince of Kasson, on the 1st of August, having found much difficulty
in crossing some streams running to the Senegal, and being much
disturbed by wild beasts. He stated this place to be upwards of
eighty miles from the Fa-lemme, and to be a very small village, the
occasional residence of that prince, who had then been there some
weeks, and who detained Mr. Dochard under the pretence of not having
received a sufficiently large present, until the 17th, on which day
he again moved forward accompanied by one of Hawah Demba’s men,
sent to escort him into Foolidoo, about four miles from Mamier. He
ascended some steep and rugged hills, from the top of which he had
a fine view of the Senegal, distant about a mile to the north. On
descending into the valley, he travelled over a solid bed of rock for
more than a mile, when he reached an extensive plain lying along the
banks of the river, by the side of which he travelled through villages
and large corn-grounds, until he arrived at Savusuru, another town
of Kasson. Here he met a division of Hawah Demba’s army, going on a
plundering excursion into some of the neighbouring states. It was his
intention to leave Savusirie on the following day, but it rained so
incessantly, and the innumerable brooks and rivers he had to cross
were so swollen, that he could not move before the 21st, and even
then he did so contrary to the advice of the natives, which proved
to be well founded, as he had not travelled above four miles when
he came to a stream called the Tangina, running into the Senegal,
and so deep and rapid that to attempt crossing it without canoes,
of which there were none at the place, would have been madness;
he was therefore, however reluctantly, obliged to return to a small
town called Jamoonia, about a mile from the river.
Here he remained, in consequence of the continuance of rain and the
still swollen state of the river, until the 25th, during which time
he, together with some of his men, had a severe attack of fever,
but on that day were sufficiently recovered to attempt crossing the
stream, then reduced to nine feet water, and in which they succeeded,
by felling a large tree which stood on the bank, and when down reached
across, forming a passage sufficiently solid to admit of the baggage
being carried over on the men’s heads: the animals swam across with
much difficulty, owing to the rapidity of the stream. The remainder
of that day’s journey was rendered extremely difficult and tedious,
by the marshy nature of the ground over which their path lay. They
halted for the night at a walled town called Dhiamu, having passed
several small villages during the day. On leaving this place they
had another considerable stream to cross; it was much wider than
the former but not so deep, having only from three to five feet
water, with a rough stony bottom. The path on the other side was
good and solid: in the vicinity of it were several extraordinary
high rocks, bearing in their form more the appearance of art than
nature. They halted for that night at Tenakie, a large walled town
belonging to a prince named Sego Amadi, who calls himself king,
and in which light he is treated by the people of his own town, and
by them only. The town is situate in a fertile valley, surrounded
by high rocky mountains. Here again a very great fall of rain, and
the importunities of the chief for customs and presents, with the
usual threat of not being allowed to pass without paying, obliged
him to halt until the 29th, when he reached and crossed the Bangayko,
a considerable stream running north; having been obliged for nearly a
mile previous to reaching it to travel through a marsh, in which the
animals and men sunk up to their knees, and over which the latter
carried the loads with difficulty. Mr. Dochard’s own horse was
obliged to be carried through on poles. The march of the 30th was
not less fatiguing than that of the 29th; low swampy valleys, and
high rocky hills, were in their turn to be waded through or scrambled
over. They passed the night at a small village, situate in a valley
between too high hills, on the highest of which, accessible by only
one narrow and rugged path, the chief of the town had his residence,
from whence he had an uninterrupted view of the surrounding country
to a considerable distance, and where he dwelt in perfect security
from his enemies: this place is called Moosa Caré.
The huts in which Mr. Dochard and his men were accommodated, being
badly thatched, let in the rain, which fell in torrents during
the night, and put out their fires, the smoke of which, although
exceedingly unpleasant in itself, had the good effect of keeping
off the sand-flies and musquitoes, which at that time of the year
are in swarms in all low situations, and render it impossible for
any person not defended by smoke or close curtains to sleep. Indeed
the former, although the most unpleasant, is by no means the least
effectual remedy, particularly against the sand-flies, which are so
small that it is next to an impossibility to keep them out with the
closest curtains.
On the morning of the 31st of August, he moved forward at seven
o’clock, and travelled without halting over ground similar to
that of the two last days, until three in the afternoon, when they
reached a river called the Goolookucko, which it was impossible to
pass without the assistance of canoes, and that could not be procured
nearer than a village six miles from the opposite bank; but all were
so much fatigued that none would venture to swim the river that night
in search of one: they were therefore obliged to halt, and secure
themselves as well as one small tent enabled them. They found it
necessary to keep up large fires during the night to deter the wild
beasts, which infest that country in vast numbers, from approaching
too near. They were not a little disappointed, on the morning of the
1st of September, to find that the person who had gone to the village
returned, accompanied by a number of men carrying large calabashes,
intended to serve the purpose of canoes—even one of which useful
articles those people were not provided with. With much difficulty,
and not without considerable danger, particularly to those who could
not swim, of whom Mr. Dochard was one, they effected the passage of
this river, which was 150 yards wide, and very deep and rapid.
The manner in which this navigation is carried on is not at all
calculated to inspire confidence. One of these large calabashes is
placed in the water, and filled with whatever articles are to be
transported, two men then go into the water and taking hold of it,
one on each side, swim on, pushing it or rather dragging it between
them. When a person who cannot swim is to be taken over, he lays hold
of the calabash with both hands, one on each side; this supports him
from sinking, while a man swims with him, and pushes the calabash
forward. In this manner Mr. Dochard and two of his men, who could
not swim, were ferried over the rivers, much to the amusement of the
inhabitants of the country, who, in common with all the natives of
the interior parts of Africa, think that we live in the water, and are
therefore much astonished when they see any white man who cannot swim.
They reached a small scattered village, Diaperey, on the bank of the
Bafing, at a late hour, and having passed that night and the following
day there, in order to rest the animals, crossed the river, which
being at that place 500 yards wide, and extremely rapid, they found
much difficulty in doing, and at so late an hour, in consequence
of heavy rain all the forenoon, that they could only reach a small
town of the same name as the latter, distant about half a mile from
the river, where they passed the night.
On the 4th they reached Sambula, a town of Kasson, having passed
several small villages during the day, and travelled over a country
more open and elevated than that of the three former days.
In crossing the last river, nearly all the baggage was wet, the canoe
having been upset. This rendered it necessary to have the trunks
opened, and the things in them dried; from which, on repacking, it
was found that a parcel containing dollars was missing, and as they
belonged to Lamina, the guide, who had given them to Mr. Dochard
to keep for him, and who would no doubt demand them at Sego, it
became absolutely necessary that they should be replaced. To effect
this, Mr. Dochard despatched one of his men, accompanied by one of
Lamina’s, back to me, giving, as I before said, this account of
all that had taken place since his leaving Samba Contaye up to the
7th of September.
In that short march he experienced all the difficulties which the
state of the country at that time of the year, and the disposition
of the natives, could possibly throw in his way to impede his
progress. He appeared, however, thus far to have surmounted them all,
and to have been going on as well as might be expected.
The men who came from him had taken more time to perform this journey
than would have been necessary had they both been swimmers. This
was not the case, his own man did not swim at all, and the other
could do so but badly. To obviate, therefore, a similar delay in his
receiving the articles he required, I selected a man to replace the
former, and having made a small parcel of the dollars, together with
some amber and beads, secured well with tarpaulin, and provided the
men with means of subsistence till they could overtake Mr. Dochard,
I despatched them on the 21st of September.
Affairs were going on very amicably between Almamy and myself,
since the moment of Mr. Dochard’s departure, until the early part
of October, previous to which I had purchased some horses and asses;
a step, I told Almamy some time before, I should be obliged to take,
in order to replace those I had lost by death, &c., to which he then
made no objection.
The last purchased was a fine Arabian mare, brought to me by a
man from Foota Toro, whom I had, early in the preceding month,
commissioned to that effect. In a few days after the arrival of this
animal at our camp, Almamy sent one of his vassals to let me know,
that in consequence of my having purchased several horses without
previously asking his permission, he expected I would pay him a custom
or duty thereon, and until I might think fit to do so, he had given
directions that none of the inhabitants of the country should dare,
under any pretence whatever, to bring provisions to us. On this,
as on all other occasions of messengers to me from Almamy, the chief
of the town, Osman Comba, was present, but could not, in answer to a
question of mine respecting the nature and amount of such custom, say
more than it was the first time he had ever heard of any such custom
being demanded by Almamy. Several of the oldest inhabitants of the
town were appealed to as to the justice of the demand. Their answer
was, that they were not aware of any such custom having been before
paid in Bondoo, but that Almamy, as chief of the country, might,
on all occasions, demand such tribute or duty as he thought proper.
Osman called me aside, and told me, that had I only bought the small
horses and asses of the country, Almamy would never have asked a duty
from me, and which, he said, was evident by his never having done
so before I bought this mare; but she being so fine a creature,
he was jealous of seeing her in my possession, and although he
could not, in any justice, demand a duty, he took advantage of
the circumstance to occasion a disagreement between us, to arrange
which, he supposed I should either give him the mare in question,
or find it necessary to make him a present likely to answer his
purpose as well. The former I of course would not listen to; not
that I fixed any particular value on that animal more than another,
but I was aware that, had I yielded to his wishes on this occasion,
I could not be safe on any future one of this kind. I therefore told
his messenger, who was extremely haughty and impertinent (all which
I bore with extreme sang froid), to return and let his master know
I should send a person to speak with him on the subject in a few
days. The fellow, with much reluctance, left our camp, and appeared
evidently disappointed at not going home loaded with presents.
Although I was satisfied that Almamy had sent this fellow with
some message to me about the horses purchased, I doubted his having
given orders to the people of the country not to bring provisions
to us, and therefore delayed sending any one to see Almamy until
I might be enabled to ascertain, by a few days’ experience, if
the market would be attended as usual. No alteration appearing for
three days, I sent Charles Jow to Boolibany, to inform Almamy of
what his messenger had said, and, in case he had been instructed by
him to bring that message, to say I felt very much annoyed at such
treatment, particularly as it appeared to me he did it merely to
get something from me which was not his due, and to prevent me from
replacing those animals which had died and were stolen in his country.
On his return the following day, he brought for answer, that Almamy
insisted on getting a duty, the amount or nature of which he would
not specify, but if I did not give what pleased him, I might eat my
merchandize, and he would eat his corn, meat, &c. I again waited a
few days, to see whether his threats, with respect to the market,
would be put in execution, when, finding a little milk was the only
article offered for sale, and that after sunset, and at exorbitant
prices, I was reduced to the necessity of endeavouring, by means of a
considerable present, to make peace with him. This, however, took some
time, and put me to much inconvenience in sending messengers to him.
Although I had a month’s corn in store, I conceived it much better
to arrange matters thus, than remain at variance with a man who had
so many opportunities of annoying me, and who, the longer I resisted
him, would become the more difficult to be satisfied.
The present amounted to three hundred and fifty bars, being nearly
double what I had paid for the mare. Thus is a man, when in the power
of these chiefs, subject to every species of imposition and insult,
both of which it would not only be improper, but unsafe, to resent
on some occasions.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 11: It was, when we saw it, in bad repair, not having been
rebuilt since it was partly destroyed by the Kartan army in 1817.]
[Footnote 12: A small village, about twenty-seven miles north from
Boolibany, and fifteen miles from the Senegal, at Bagulle, a village
of Lower Kajaga or Galam.]
[Footnote 13: In addition to its being his own wish to proceed on
this service, he was the only officer then capable of so hazardous
an undertaking.]
CHAPTER VII.
Unfortunate Affair at Samba Contaye — Almamy’s Decision —
Purchase of a Slave — Arrival of the French Expedition at Galam
— Mr. Pilkington’s determination of leaving the Mission — His
Departure for the Coast — Visit to the Senegal — Conversation
with Almamy — Messenger sent to Mr. Dochard — Fires at the Camp
— Death of Almamy Amady.
Another circumstance occurred during this month, which, although
wholly accidental, was by no means calculated to inspire the
natives with a friendly feeling towards us, and would, I feared,
previous to its being arranged, have only furnished Almamy with a
second opportunity of falling out with us. In this, however, I was
fortunately mistaken, as he not only judged the affair impartially,
but expressed his sorrow that I should have punished the man even
by confinement for a few days.
It was on the morning of the 25th, when sitting outside the door of my
hut, half asleep from extreme debility, I was aroused by the report
of a musket within the fence of the camp, followed by the shrieks
of women and the bustle of my men running from all quarters, where
they had been either on duty or amusing themselves, and seizing their
arms. Such preparations on their part led me to suppose we had been
attacked. I therefore ran into my hut for my arms, and without delay
proceeded to the spot where all seemed to be directing their steps.
On my arrival at the place where the market was usually held,
under the shade of a large acacia, about two hundred yards outside
our fence, I found a woman lying dead, a musket ball having passed
through her head. She had just disposed of a little corn, and was
sitting on the ground in the crowd, tying up a few beads she had
received in exchange, when she received the fatal wound.
On my inquiring by whom it was done, one of my own men (Shaw,
a black soldier), answered from within his hut, that it was his
rifle which went off while he was cleaning the brasses of it. Some
men of the town who were present, and armed, as they always are,
shewed symptoms of wishing to take steps of retaliation, under the
impression, no doubt, that it had been done designedly. One or two
Marabouts, who were also present, and on whom I called to assist
me in preventing unnecessary effusion of blood, persuaded them to
desist, assuring them that every satisfaction would be given. My
first step was to order Shaw into confinement, and send for Osman,
to consult what was necessary to be done. On his arrival at my hut,
where the Marabouts were awaiting him at my request, I stated the
unfortunate occurrence precisely as it had taken place, pointing
out to him the position of the deceased in the market, and that of
the prisoner in his hut, through the side of which, being composed
of straw, the ball had passed.
The Marabouts fully corroborated my statement, by relating every
circumstance with the most minute exactness, and gave it as their
opinion, that the thing occurred wholly by accident: but as the
deceased was a slave belonging to some of the inhabitants of a
neighbouring village, it would be necessary for me to send a person to
acquaint them with the affair, and despatch without delay a messenger
to Almamy, requesting him to have the business tried and decided on
immediately. Both these injunctions I complied with at the moment,
and gave the prisoner into the hands of Osman, who expressed a wish
that I might keep him myself, which I could have done, but I preferred
acting otherwise, as I was aware that the inhabitants of the country
at large, and particularly those people to whom the woman belonged,
would be more satisfied by his being in their own hands, at least
in those of one of their chiefs. The poor fellow himself, was at
first much frightened, and would, I am convinced, have willingly
given up his own life to restore that of the woman, were it then
possible. Osman told him, although the accident was of an extremely
unpleasant nature to all concerned, and particularly to him (Shaw),
it was, nevertheless, one which so purely evinced the hand of the
Almighty God, that he had nothing to fear, as he was sure Almamy
would see the thing in its proper light, and judge accordingly.
The following morning, the men, both free and slaves, of the village
to which the unfortunate woman belonged, came to our camp, to the
number of sixty or seventy, all armed, and in a very haughty manner
demanded justice, which one of them, an old man, who appeared to be
their speaker, said was nothing more than handing over the prisoner
to them, to be treated as they might think fit; as in this case,
the law said, “when one slave,” in which light they looked upon
all my men, both black and white, “killed another, the survivor
became the property of the person to whom the deceased belonged,
who might either kill, sell, or keep him.”
I had much difficulty in persuading them that all my men were as
free as myself, and that I could not now take any step, until I had
received an answer from Almamy, to whom I had sent a messenger. Osman,
who had heard of their arrival, came up at that moment, and finding
them much inclined to add violence to insolent language, ordered
them, in a very peremptory tone, to return to their village, and
leave the settlement of the affair exclusively to him, who alone,
from its having happened in his district and with his strangers
(meaning us), had the right of interfering. Although they went away
immediately, I was sorry to see them do so with so much reluctance,
and with such evident dissatisfaction at the unfortunate affair,
as well as at the indifferent reception they met with. I therefore
requested Osman to accompany them for a short distance, and endeavour
to convince them that it was my wish to render every satisfaction
the laws of the country demanded, and make the owner of the deceased
as ample recompense as it was in my power to do.
In a few minutes, the old man, who acted as their speaker, returned
with Osman, and coming into my hut, offered me his hand, which I
accepted, and sat down, telling me that he was perfectly satisfied
with my conduct in this affair, and would wait patiently and peaceably
for Almamy’s decision; and to convince me of the truth of what he
asserted, he would send the women of his village to the market as
usual to-morrow.
The messenger to Almamy did not return before the evening of the 28th,
when he was accompanied by one of his ministers, a chief priest,
or, as they call it, _Alpha or thierno_, bringing his sovereign’s
decision, which, although conveyed in many more words than necessary,
merely went to say, as it appeared to Almamy and his good men[14], as
they call his chiefs and ministers (a very ill-placed appellation),
that the woman came by her death accidentally, I had nothing more
to do than procure a slave woman of as nearly the same age of
the deceased as possible, and hand her over to Osman. Almamy also
desired Alpha Mamadoo to say, that he was extremely sorry I should
have thought it necessary to put my child, meaning Shaw (for so he
always called all my men) in prison, from whence he now desired him
to be released.
I represented to Alpha the dislike I had to any thing like purchasing
a fellow creature, and requested that I might be allowed to give the
value of a prime slave. In this, he said, he could not interfere; that
what he had told me was by order of Almamy, and he could not alter it;
but should the man to whom the slave belonged wish to take the value
in merchandize, he was certain Almamy could have no objection. Much
entreaty on my part, added to the promise of a present, would no
doubt have had the desired effect, were it not that the owner of
the deceased was afraid, in case he should accept of merchandize,
that Almamy would persuade, nay force him, to give it to him in
purchase of a slave, which, most probably, he might never receive.
I was, therefore, reduced to the disagreeable necessity of employing
a person for the sole purpose of going round the country in search of
a woman slave, and which he, with much difficulty, procured, not in
consequence of the scarcity of those poor wretches in the country, but
of the enormous price demanded, arising no doubt from their knowledge
of the obligation I was under of providing one without delay.
This transaction I could not bring myself to negotiate, as the
idea alone of dealing in human flesh was more than sufficiently
disagreeable to allow me to see the poor wretch, who, although only
changing master, and, from what I could learn, getting a good for
a bad one, was nevertheless a slave bought and sold. Osman, who had
no scruples of that kind, very willingly undertook to do it for me,
and I have no doubt made something by it.
Thus terminated an unfortunate affair which, although wholly
providential, was certainly of such an unpleasant nature as to cause
deep regret to all our party; but which did not appear to make any
more impression on the minds of the natives, than if the deceased
had been a bullock; so little is the life of a slave noticed in
that country.
The weather had then begun to be more settled and dry, and the
sick, with the exception of three Europeans (a sergeant and two
privates), were improving rapidly. The approach, too, of the dry
season, which was daily making itself more evident, and the hope of
being thereby enabled to resume our march to the east, in a great
measure alleviated the disagreeable nature of our halt, which had
then become extremely irksome to all. The arrival of the French
trading fleet from St. Louis, at Galam, commanded by an officer whom
I had the pleasure of knowing at Senegal, and who, on his way to
Boolibany, had called to see me, also tended, in a great degree,
to give new vigour to our proceedings. The idea alone of having
near, if not with us, people of our own colour, with whom we may
occasionally associate, affords a pleasure which none but those who
have experienced the absence, can duly appreciate. I was the more
pleased at this arrival of the French to settle near us, for such
was their intention, as Captain Dechastelieu told me he had it in
command from the officer administering the government at St. Louis,
to afford me every service it might be in his power to do; and,
in justice to those officers, I must say that, on all occasions,
I received the most cordial assistance from them.
By this fleet I received information that Mr. Partarrieau had arrived
at St. Louis, but, in consequence of illness and some difficulties
he met with in passing through Foota Toro, he did not reach there in
time to forward to me, by those vessels, some articles of merchandize
I wanted for myself, or the things promised to Almamy. This, however,
was not of much consequence, as I was in hopes that his knowledge
of the want I must soon be in of the articles sent for, and of my
anxiety to continue my march towards Sego, would urge him to make his
utmost endeavours to expedite the service he had been entrusted with,
and join me without unnecessary delay.
Mr. Pilkington, who was rapidly recovering from the effects of
the fever he had at Boolibany, expressed so strong an aversion to
accompany the mission any further, and appeared so determined on
returning to the coast, that I found it necessary to consent to his
doing so, being aware that with such a feeling on his part, his future
services (were I to oppose him) would not be satisfactory. Private
Nicholson too, who had laboured for several months under chronic
dysentery, and was reduced to a perfect skeleton, requested the
like indulgence, and was in like manner permitted to return; and
as I was informed by Captain Dechastelieu, that one of his vessels
would return to St. Louis in a few days, I took advantage of an
invitation from him, in the name of the other officers of his fleet,
to repair to Conghell, a town of Galam, on the banks of the Senegal,
(about fourteen miles from our camp), where they then were, in order
to obtain a passage for them, and which was offered by the officer
commanding the vessels, in the most handsome manner, before I had
time to ask it.
On my return to the camp, I apprised Mr. Pilkington of the
readiness expressed by the officer commanding the French vessels
to accommodate him in every way possible, and, having placed in his
charge some effects belonging to the deceased officers, directed to
his Excellency the Governor of Sierra Leone, he left the camp on the
4th of November, accompanied by the sergeant-major, whom I sent to
receive some refreshments, which Captain Dechastelieu very kindly
offered to supply me with for myself and men, and of which we were
much in want, to remove the ill effects and remains of fever and
dysentery, from which none had escaped.
Almamy, who was about paying a visit to the vessels, sent a messenger
to me on the 7th of November, to request I would accompany him,
and name a day for the purpose. Although I was by no means satisfied
with his conduct towards me, and would willingly have dispensed with
his company, I nevertheless suppressed my feeling of dislike to his
royal presence, and consented to meet him at my own camp, on any day
he might choose. The messenger was evidently afraid of my refusal,
and had requested Osman to use his influence with me to yield;
but this, from my ready compliance, was now unnecessary. This,
no doubt, arose from a consciousness, on the part of Almamy, of
his having treated me badly, and of the necessity there now was of
his inducing me, by such a mark of what he thought royal favour, to
forget the past, and sound his praises with his new visitors, with
whom he fancied I had great influence, and who, he thought, would
proportion their presents to the report I should make of him. I am
satisfied that such was Almamy’s idea; but he was much deceived,
as I was determined that his conduct towards me should be clearly
stated to those officers, in order to put them on their guard in their
transactions with him. He arrived at a small village near our camp on
the 11th, and on the following morning, I accompanied him to Guinion,
a village of Bondoo, within about four miles of Conghell. During the
ride, we had much conversation on the subject of the arrival of the
French at Galam, and, on a report which _he said_ he had received
by letter from Senegal, as to the intentions, not only of their
expedition, but of mine, both of which had been stated to him to be
fitted out for the purpose of affording assistance to his enemies
the Kartans. I endeavoured to assure him that, although Europeans in
general regretted to see so much warfare going on in Africa, it was,
nevertheless, very immaterial to them whether the one or the other
were victorious; and, that the only object the king of England (for
whom I could vouch) had in view, was the civilization of Africa, and
the introduction of commerce on a more extensive and liberal scale
than at present existed. He, however, insinuated that he believed
all Europeans to be more the friends of the pagan, than the Moslem
inhabitants of Africa; in consequence of the more ready conversion
of the former to Christianity; and, without taking into consideration
the difference between the two nations, he adverted to an engagement
which he said he knew had been entered into between the commandant of
Senegal, when that place was in possession of the French several years
before, and Daisey, the king of Karta, who had sworn an inviolable
oath that neither himself nor his successors would ever give peace
to the countries lying between them and St. Louis, until a woman
with a basket on her head could travel unmolested from one place to
the other. It was to no purpose I endeavoured to convince him that
such an improbable arrangement had never been entered into between
any European governor of Senegal and his enemies; and I likewise as
ineffectually brought forward to support my assertion the friendly
intercourse which had so long subsisted between the several English
governors of Senegal and himself, and the very handsome and rich
presents he, as well as his predecessors, had received from them
and the vessels trading in the river. To all this he only answered
in a general way, and finishing with the usual African expression
of “All is in the hands of God.”
He was extremely ill, and so weak that he could not sit on his
horse without the assistance of two men, who walked on each side,
and on whose shoulders he placed his hands.
The country over which we travelled was thickly inhabited and well
cultivated, the corn was then ripe, and the natives were busily
employed in getting it in.
Almamy having halted at Guinion, I left him there, and went on to
Conghell, where I was cordially welcomed by the French officers,
one of whom, Captain Dechastelieu, was very ill, in consequence
of which and my wish to return to the camp as soon as possible, I
only remained two days with them, during which time they had moved
to Baquelle, another town of Galam, about six miles lower down the
river, where they intended building a fort, and forming a commercial
establishment. This spot, being centrically situated between Foota,
Bondoo, Gidemagh, Karta, Kasson, and Bambouk, was admirably calculated
for such a purpose. The Moors too of the Dwoüsh tribe, who were
great gum-holders, would there find a more convenient market for
that as well as all the other productions of their country than at
the marts lower down the river.
On my return to the camp, I called to see Almamy, and make him a small
present. I found him extremely ill, lying on a mat, in the centre of
a small hut, surrounded by three or four of his favourites, who were
all conscious of his approaching end, and were endeavouring to get
from him all they could before that event should take place. Soon
after my entering the hut, he ordered them all to leave him as
he had something particular to say to me. When they had gone out,
he called me to his bed-side, by no means an agreeable situation,
and placing his mouth to my ear, said, “They are all rogues; I
did not know it before. I see I must soon die, but when I am gone,
many, who now fear me, will then wish me back to no purpose.” He
next asked me what I thought of the French, my new friends, as he
called them; and, on receiving a favourable report, expressed his
astonishment that people, who were so lately at war with each other,
could so soon be such good friends.
Having explained to him the reason of my not being able to present
him with the articles which I had promised at Goodeerie, with which
he appeared well satisfied, I made him the small present, and,
taking leave for the last time, returned to the camp, where I found
all had gone on well during my absence.
The length of time that had again elapsed since I had heard from
Mr. Dochard made me very uneasy on his account, and induced me to
despatch a person to gain, if possible, some intelligence respecting
him, or, in case of his having got to Sego with his party in safety,
to follow him thither, and bring back such letters as Mr. Dochard
might have to send me. The person I selected for this purpose
was a man named Bakoro, a native of Nyamima, who had been left by
Lamina to officiate in his place as the messenger of Dha, and who,
from his respectability and knowledge of the country, could travel
through it with less difficulty than any of my own men. I also sent
with him as a companion, in case of accident, a man named Ismeina,
who had been attached to the mission as a carrier; and in order that
the journey might be performed as quickly as possible, I furnished
them with a horse each, and, having provided them with a few articles
of merchandize to enable them to procure provisions, and make small
presents to those chiefs or others who might assist them on the road,
they left the camp on the 25th November, and promised to make all
possible haste.
The weather had for some time assumed that settled mild state which,
in that country, always takes place after the rains, and is so
admirably adapted for travelling. I regretted exceedingly that the
absence of Mr. Partarrieau, and of those supplies I had sent for by
him, prevented my taking advantage of it by moving slowly on with
the whole expedition in the direction of Sego. I was then however so
sanguine in my hope that the middle of December would bring him back
to me, that I looked forward to that period with patient suspense,
which was rendered the more supportable by occasional visits to the
French officers, who, in common with myself, had to lament the loss of
some of their companions from the effects of the late season, and were
themselves so constantly subject to fever and ague, that they had not
been able to commence their operations for the building of their fort,
in the selection and purchase of a spot for which they had hitherto
found as much difficulty as I had in the prosecution of my journey.
The latter end of December was fast approaching, and no information
had been received by me respecting Mr. Partarrieau, whose delay so
long beyond the time I expected caused me many sleepless nights
and uneasy moments; this, added to the uncertainty I was in with
respect to Mr. Dochard’s proceedings, had such an effect on my
spirits that, had I not enjoyed the advantage of the occasional and
agreeable society of the French officers at Baquelle, I must have
sunk under the load.
The Christmas which I spent at Baquelle rolled over without any
intelligence from him, and the first day of January 1819, being
that on which I had fondly hoped to prosecute my journey eastward,
found me at Samba Contaye with as bad prospects of being able to do
so during that month as in the preceding.
A circumstance, too, took place in the early part of December, which
tended materially to render my situation more unpleasant, not to say
alarming, than even the former state of suspense and anxiety could
possibly have done; this was a fire which broke out in one of the huts
occupied by the men, and must have inevitably consumed the whole camp
and baggage, were it not for the timely exertions of the men and the
providential existence of a calm, which had only succeeded a strong
breeze a few minutes before. From the precautions which had been
always taken to prevent such an accident, I was the more astonished
at any thing of this kind occurring, and from the impossibility of
ascertaining by what means the hut took fire, the men who occupied it
being all out, I began to suspect that some evil-disposed person had
done it; this however was only surmise, unsupported by any evidence
whatever: but what made it the more suspicious was the position of
the hut, which was a long distance from the cooking-place, and the
nearest to our store. Two days, however, had only elapsed when it
again took fire in the same way, and was entirely consumed, but
as the wind was then blowing strongly from the east, the store,
which was in that direction, again providentially escaped being
totally destroyed, for had the fire once communicated with it, all
exertions to save any thing must have been rendered ineffectual,
by the parched state of the straw or long grass of which it was
entirely composed, and the quantity of gunpowder which was in almost
every package; a circumstance that alone would have deterred every
person from approaching it had it taken fire, and in the event of
which we should have been deprived of the very means of subsistence.
Almamy Amady had continued to decline daily since his return from the
Senegal, and died on the 8th January, leaving the succession which,
consistent with the law and custom of the country ought to descend
to the eldest male branch of the family, to be disputed by three
persons; one, his own cousin, Malick Samba Tomany, being the lawful
heir, and two of his nephews, Tomany Moody and Moosa Yeoro, all men
advanced in years, and each possessed of considerable influence
in the country. Moosa Yeoro, however, was at first unwilling to
oppose the right heir, and would have certainly declined doing so,
both from motives of respect for the person, who was much older than
himself, and want of confidence in his own popularity, had not Tomany
Moody induced him to it by proffers of his support, and threats of
commencing a civil war in case of his refusal.
The reason which led to this line of conduct on the part of Tomany
Moody, was founded on a circumstance which had occurred some years
before, and which was nothing less than that Tomany, who had always
been a haughty, violent, and powerful prince, had, in a dispute with
the brother of Malick Samba Tomany, caused him to be murdered, and
feared, if Malick came to the throne, he would revenge himself on him
for the death of his brother, if not by taking his life at least by
seizing on his property, and obliging him to leave the country which
he was in hopes of one day reigning over himself, and which he would
really now do through Moosa Yeoro, who would only be a mere instrument
in his hands: thus in Africa, as in all other parts of the world,
does self predominate, and lead men to act parts little creditable to
themselves, or profitable to the cause which they pretend to support.
The election did not take place until the 20th of the month;
and although the opposing parties were near coming to blows on
the occasion, the whole affair was terminated in a more peaceable
manner than is generally the case in Africa, where the interregnum
is almost always taken advantage of by the evil-disposed, to commit
all manner of crimes, and for which they cannot be punished, as,
during that period the laws are not in force in consequence of the
non-existence of a king, with whom they also are considered defunct.
A few days after his election, I paid him a congratulatory visit,
accompanied as usual by a present. He received me with marked
attention and hospitality, and told me that I might now depend on
his doing every thing to forward my views, to which he was bound
by a request to that effect of the late Almamy a short time before
his death.
He was not attended by the ministers of the late king, for they
attached themselves to Saada in hopes, no doubt, of drawing from him
all the treasure left him by his father, about the division of whose
slaves a dispute arose between him and the new Almamy, in consequence
of Saada’s not wishing to give him that proportion of them which
he was desired by his father to do. The chief slaves too, like the
ministers, preferred remaining, and for the same reason, with Saada,
and consequently advised him not to submit to Almamy’s demand. The
time however was not far distant, when both ministers and slaves,
being disappointed in their expectations from Saada, left him,
and attached themselves to Almamy, who, glad of the opportunity of
enrolling in his cause such powerful personages, received them in a
manner calculated to bind them, at least for a time, to his interest;
for there, like elsewhere, “money makes the mare go”, and which,
as long as he could command, would ensure him their services.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 14: Imbey mojubey.]
CHAPTER VIII.
Description of Bondoo — Extent — Boundaries — Face of the
Country — Productions — Commerce — Manufactures — Government
— Revenues — Religion, its influence on the Inhabitants — Their
Description, Dress, and Manner of Living — Military Equipments —
Force — Mode of Warfare — Cause of War with Karta — Almamy’s
sanguinary conduct — Attack of the Kartans on Boolibany.
Bondoo, which is situate between 14° and 15° latitude north,
and 10° and 12° longitude west, is bounded on the north by the
kingdom of Kajaga, on the south by Tenda and Dentilla, on the east
by the Fa-lemme, Bambouk and Logo, and on the west by Foota Toro,
the Simbani Woods, and Woolli; its greatest extent from east to west
does not exceed ninety British miles, and from north to south sixty.
The whole face of the country is in general mountainous, but
particularly so in the northern and eastern parts. Those mountains
which are chiefly composed of rock are small, and for the most part
thinly covered with low stunted wood, little of it being fit for
any other use than that of fuel.
The valleys, wherein are situated the towns and villages, are for
the most part cleared for the purpose of cultivation, to which the
soil, being a light sand mixed with brown vegetable mould, seems well
adapted. Innumerable beds of torrents intersect these valleys in all
directions, and serve during the rains, being dry at all other times,
to conduct the water collected by the high grounds to the Fa-lemme
and Senegal. Great numbers of tamarinds, baobabs, rhamnus lotus,
and other fruit-trees, are beautifully scattered over these valleys,
which are rendered still more picturesque by the frequent appearance
of a village or walled town, in whose vicinity are always a number
of cotton and indigo plantations.
The proportion of land cultivated is small, but sufficient to supply
the inhabitants abundantly with all the productions of the country;
these are corn in four varieties, together with rice, pumpions,
water-melons, gourds, sorrell, onions, tobacco, red pepper, pistacios,
cotton, and indigo.
The commerce, and in which the greater proportion of the
inhabitants are engaged, consists in the exchange of the cotton
cloths manufactured in the country, and the superabundance of their
provisions, for gold, ivory, and slaves brought thither by the people
of Bamboak, Kasson, and Foota Jallon; and for European merchandize,
such as fire-arms, gunpowder, India goods, hardware, amber, coral,
and glass beads, with all which they are supplied by the merchants
in the Gambia and Senegal.
The manufactures, although few, are well calculated to supply
the natives with clothing, the different articles of household
furniture which they require, together with implements of husbandry,
carpenters’, blacksmiths’, and leather workers’ tools, and knives,
spear and arrow heads, bridle bits, stirrups, and a variety of small
articles, such as pickers, tweezers, turnscrews, &c.; all which, taking
into consideration the very rough materials and tools employed, are
finished in a manner which evinces much taste and ingenuity on the part
of the workmen, who, in all cases, work sitting on the ground
cross-legged.
The people of those several trades are by far the most respectable
of the class which I have met with in Africa; so much so, that the
ministers, favourites, and officers are chiefly chosen from amongst
them; but this, I believe, arises in part from their being more
finished courtiers and flatterers than are to be met with amongst
the other classes of the people.
The government of Bondoo is monarchical, the whole authority being
vested in the hands of the almamy or king. He is, however, in most
cases, guided by the laws of Mahomet, which are interpreted by the
Imans, or chief priests, who, being much in his power, and from
example and habit of a crouching mean disposition, in all cases
where his Majesty’s interest is concerned, decide in his favour.
The revenues, which are solely the property of the King, at least
wholly at his disposal, are considerable, and consist in a tenth of
all agricultural produce, and a custom or duty paid by the travelling
merchants who pass through the country. This latter amounts to seven
bottles of gunpowder, and one trade musket, or their value in other
articles, for each ass load of European goods; and must be accompanied
by a present to the king and his head men. A refusal on the part
of any of those merchants to comply with the exorbitant demands
of these people, would inevitably lead to their being plundered,
and probably to personal ill treatment. This, however, seldom takes
place, as those merchants always endeavour, by some means or other,
to conceal the most valuable part of their goods, either about their
persons or in the house of their host, (whom it is also necessary
to bribe) before they entrust the remainder to the inspection of
the people appointed by the king for that purpose.
He derives also considerable emolument from a tenth of the salt
imported from the coast by the natives of the country, and from
an annual custom, or tribute, paid him by the Senegal Company’s
vessels trading in the river, and the French Government establishment
at Baquelle, where, as will appear in a subsequent article on Galam,
he has of late years acquired considerable influence and authority.
The peace offerings and presents from all those who have any business
to transact with the king, or favour to ask from him, although not
limited to any particular amount, do not compose the least valuable
part of his income: slaves, horses, cattle, poultry, rice, corn,
cotton cloths, gold, and indeed all the productions of the country,
are incessantly presented as douceurs.
The religion is Mahomedan, but its precepts are not so strictly
attended to in Bondoo as in some of the other states of Western
Africa. There are mosques of one kind or other in every town; some
of them, however, are nothing more than small square spaces enclosed
with stakes, and kept cleanly swept. Here, as in all the others,
prayers are publicly said five times every day; the usual Mahomedan
ceremonies of ablution, &c., are attended to. When praying, they
strip off all implements of war, or receptacles of money, tobacco, or
snuff, and make use of a string of beads or rosary, which they count
frequently after each act of devotion. This consists in facing the
east, and bowing the body several times, so as to allow the forehead
to touch the ground, at the same time repeating some short prayers
from the Koran, and frequently ejaculating the name of the Prophet
in the most apparently devout manner.
Had Almamy Amady, in embracing this religion, bad and unsound as it
is, been actuated by any other principle than that of self-interest,
and the desire of attaching to his cause the people of Foota Toro
and Jallon, he might have (at least by personal example) inspired his
subjects with a reverence for the divine character, and an inclination
to please him, by a just and upright line of conduct, to both which
they are entire strangers; evincing, in all their concerns, both
among themselves and with their neighbours, a low deceitful cunning,
which they endeavour to cloak by religious cant. In fact, I have
never seen a people who have more of the outward show of religion
with less of its inward influence.
There are schools in almost every town, for the instruction of those
youths who intend making the Mahomedan religion their profession,
and in the principles and practice of which, and reading and
writing Arabic from their sacred book, the Koran, they are solely
instructed. Numbers and their uses are unknown; they can scarcely
add two simple numbers together without having recourse to the usual
African methods, namely, counting the fingers, or making strokes in
the sand. The student or scholar is, in all cases, the servant of his
teacher, who may employ him in any menial capacity whatever. They go
about, when not at their lessons, begging, and sewing the country
cloths together, for any who may want to employ them: the produce
of those callings are brought to the master, who is always a priest,
and appropriated to his use.
The people of Bondoo are a mixture of Foolahs, Mandingoes,
Serrawollies, and Joloffs, retaining, however, more of the manners and
customs of the first, and speaking their language exclusively. They
are of the middle size, well made, and very active, their skin of a
light copper colour, and their faces of a form approaching nearer to
those of Europe than any of the other tribes of Western Africa, the
Moors excepted. Their hair, too, is not so short or woolly as that
of the black, and their eyes are, with the advantage of being larger
and rounder, of a better colour, and more expressive. The women in
particular, who, without the assistance of art, might vie, in point
of figure, with those of the most exquisitely fine form in Europe,
are of a more lively disposition, and more delicate form of face than
either the Serrawollies, Mandingoes, or Joloffs. They are extremely
neat in their persons and dress, and are very fond of amber, coral,
and glass beads, of different colours, with which they adorn or bedeck
their heads, necks, wrists, and ancles profusely; gold and silver,
too, are often formed into small buttons, which are intermixed with
the former on the head, and into rings and chains worn on the wrists
and ancles. They always wear a veil thrown loosely over the head:
this is manufactured by themselves from cotton, and is intended to
imitate thin muslin, at which they have not by any means made a bad
attempt. The other parts of their dress are precisely the same as
that already described to be worn by the inhabitants of Kayaye,
and, with few exceptions of silk and printed cotton which they
obtain from the coast, are entirely of their own manufacture. They
are exceedingly fond of perfumes of every kind, particularly musk,
attar of roses, or lavender, but they can seldom procure these, and
therefore substitute cloves, which they pound into powder, and mix
up with a kernel, having something the flavour of a Tonquin bean,
which they likewise reduce to powder, and, with a little gum-water,
form it into beads about the size of a common garden pea. These
they string and hang round the neck; they sometimes string the
cloves themselves, and wear them in the same manner; but the way
in which they prefer wearing them is sewed up in small bags made of
rich coloured silk, a number of which are hung round the neck. The
hair, which is neatly braided into a profusion of small plaits,
hangs down nearly to the shoulders, and is confined (together with
the strings of amber, coral, and beads, which decorate it) round the
forehead with a few strings of small beads by the young girls, and,
by the married, with a narrow strip of silk, or fine cotton cloth,
twisted into a string about as thick as a finger. To complete their
dress, a pair of large gold ear-rings dangle almost to touch the
shoulders, and, in consequence of their great weight, would tear
their ears were they not supported by a little strap of thin red
leather, which is fastened to one ear-ring by a button, and passes
over the top of the head to the other. The walk of these ladies
is peculiarly majestic and graceful, and their whole appearance,
although strange to a European observer, is far from being inelegant.
The dress of the men, with the exception of being smaller and
more convenient, is precisely the same as that of the people at
Kayaye. Blue and white are the favourite colours. With the rich, the
manufacture of the country is replaced by India bafts and muslins,
both which are embroidered neatly with different coloured silks
or worsteds round the neck, and down the back and chest. The cap,
which is always white, is of a very graceful form, and is also
embroidered, but with white only. The Maroboos, and men advanced in
years, wear white turbans, with red or blue crowns, occasionally a
hat made of a sort of rush or grass, having a low conical crown,
with a broad rim. When on horseback, or going to war, the large
sleeves of their gowns are tied together behind the neck, being
brought over the shoulders; and the bodies, which would be otherwise
extremely inconvenient from being very loose, are secured round the
middle with a girdle, which, at the same time, confines their powder
horn and ball bag on the right side, and their grigri, or amulet
case, on the left. These are all suspended by strong cords of red,
yellow, or green silk or worsted, and are crossed in the same manner
as the belts of our soldiers. A dirk, about nine inches or a foot
long, hangs at the right side from the running string or strap,
which, at the same time, serves to tighten the trowsers above the
hips. A single, or double-barrelled gun, completes their equipment
in general; some of the princes and chiefs, however, add a sword,
confined at the right side by their girdle, and one or two pistols
which hang dangling in thin leather holsters, variously coloured,
at the pummel or front horn of their saddle. One leather bag,
to contain water, and another, a small store of dried cous cous,
for their own provision, together with a nose bag, and a fetter of
the same material, for their horse, make up the catalogue of their
marching baggage, and are all fastened, by leather straps, to the
back part of the saddle, which is at best but a bad one, being chiefly
composed of pieces of wood, tied together by thongs of raw cow hide,
and which, when wet, stretches so as to allow the wood to come in
contact with the horse’s back, and wound it in a shocking manner.
The disposable force of Bondoo from all the information I could
collect, does not exceed from 500 to 600 horse, and from 2000 to
3000 foot. When Almamy finds it necessary to call this army to the
field for the protection of the country, or with the intention of
invading the territories of some of his neighbours, he repairs with
his own immediate followers to some village at a short distance from
the capital, and there beats the war drum[15], which is repeated by
each village, and in this manner the call to arms is circulated over
the country.
The chief of each town or village with as little delay as possible
assembles his followers (or division, if it may be so called),
and proceeds to head-quarters, where those chiefs consult with the
king on the plan of attack or defence. No regular division of the
army takes place, nor is there any provision made for its support or
equipment; each man provides for himself such means of support, arms,
and ammunition, as he can afford, and so badly are they furnished
with the two latter, that when I saw the army assembled, a great
many indeed had no other weapons than a knife and a bludgeon of hard
wood. On some occasions, a favoured few receive two or three charges
of powder and ball with a couple of flints: and in some very solitary
instances indeed, his majesty confers marks of his royal favour on
one, by a present of a horse, and on another a gun. Provisions they
find as they can, and woe to the stores and cattle of that town
where they are assembled for any time.
Whenever the object of the campaign is not decided on within a few
days, the least effective persons disappear, and may be said to
reduce the whole force one-third, and even then many might be found,
who remain with no other object in view, than that of begging from
Almamy; amongst those are generally the priests and griots, or goulas.
When the king decides on sending a part only of the army to plunder
the frontier towns of some neighbouring state, a chief to command
the party is selected from amongst his own relatives, or favourites,
and few (if any) but the immediate followers of the king and the
chief chosen to command, or rather conduct this party, accompany
it. Their destination is known only to the king, his ministers,
and the commander, who seldom imparts to any of his attendants
until they are close to the scene of action. The general object of
these detachments is, the attack of some small town or village,
the inhabitants of which, together with their cattle, they carry
off. Sometimes, however, information of their coming reaches the
village in sufficient time before them, to enable the women and
children to retreat towards the interior of the country, taking with
them the cattle, and leaving the men to oppose the enemy, who not
unfrequently come off with the loss of one or more of their party,
and the failure of their attempt.
Several of these parties were sent out during our stay in Bondoo,
and with one or two exceptions, came off victorious, if the word
can be made use of with propriety, in describing the exploits of a
horde of plunderers, whose chief object is invariably the obtaining
of slaves, for whom they always find a market, either with the
travelling merchants of the country, or the Senegal vessels at Galam.
Woolli, Tenda, Dentilla, and Bambouk, are the frequent scenes of
these unnatural depredations, and in their turn often furnish Almamy
with ample means of procuring supplies of arms, ammunition, horses,
and the different articles of European merchandize in demand in his
dominions. To the frequency of these predatory excursions, and the
insecure nature of the lives and properties of the inhabitants in
consequence, may be attributed, in a great degree, the desertion of
many of the frontier towns in those states, and their subsequent
occupation by the Bondoo people, who of late years have extended
their dominions considerably in these directions.
Bondoo in its turn has often been attacked by its more powerful
neighbours, and suffered dreadfully, but an instance of retaliation
on the part of those weak states rarely occurs.
Many of the natives of Kayaye, Joloff, and Woolli, have settled in
Bondoo, and embraced the Mahomedan faith. Their towns are chiefly
on the western frontier, and are preeminent for their extent,
riches, and productive cultivation. The most effective division
of Almamy’s army is entirely composed of the Joloff and Woolli
people, who are proverbial for bravery. The greater number of those
of Kayaye being priests are exempt from the field by the payment of
a large yearly present to Almamy, who, in addition to the present,
often trespasses, in the form of a request (but which they dare not
refuse), on their stores of provisions and their herds of cattle,
with both which they are better supplied than any other class of
people in that country. But this is not the only advantage they
possess, for they enjoy a degree of respect and independence even
in their connexions with the princes, who look upon all belonging
to them as sacred, Almamy alone, being the head of the church,
daring to infringe on their rights and privileges.
Bondoo has been, for some years, involved in a war with the king of
Karta, which arose, as most of the wars in Africa do, in an act of
aggression in this case on the part of Bondoo, to explain which, it
will be necessary to detail, at some length, the circumstances which
led to the act itself. This will, at the same time, serve to give a
just idea of the politics of those people, and to prove how well they
are versed in the principles of self interest and aggrandizement,
the natural consequence of the comparative state of civilization to
which they have attained.
About forty years previous to the time we visited Bondoo,
Abdoolghader, a Mahomedan priest, and chief of a tribe of Foolahs
that had come from Massina, and settled in Toro (then ruled by the
Dileankey family), made so many converts to this faith among the
people of that country, and acquired such influence with them, that
he succeeded in leading them to dethrone that family, and proclaim
him king or almamy.
At the time Karta was invaded by the Sego Bambarras, and its chiefs,
and many of the inhabitants obliged to leave it for a short time,
a large detachment of them, under the command of a prince, arrived
at Galam, where they were well received, and whence they despatched
messengers to Abdoolghader to apprize him of their intention to
put his hospitality to the test, but which they were prevented from
doing by his assembling his army, and marching to attack them. They,
having received early information of his intentions, left Galam, and,
on their return to Karta, destroyed some towns belonging to Gedumah,
in revenge upon the inhabitants of that country for having refused
to assist them against their Sego enemies.
The chief of one of those towns, an Iman, of considerable
respectability in the country, called on Abdoolghader, at his camp
in Bondoo (where he made some stay, with a part of his army, after
the retreat of the Kartans), and preferred a complaint against Sega,
the reigning chief of Bondoo, for having assisted the Kartans in
the destruction of his town, and carried off his wife and daughter,
both of whom he added to the list of his concubines, and for having
destroyed his religious books, written by himself, and said to be
so voluminous as to be a sufficient load for an ass. He expatiated
on the enormity of these crimes, and called on Abdoolghader, in the
name of God and their prophet, to obtain for him the satisfaction
to which he conceived himself so justly entitled.
Abdoolghader being himself a Mahomedan prelate of the first rank,
and anxious to give every proof of his attachment to his religion,
immediately summoned Sega to appear before the laws of Mahomet. This
prince, whether from being too well aware of Abdoolghader’s power
to force his compliance, or from being badly advised by some who
wanted to compass his fall, made his immediate appearance before
the angry monarch, who, without hearing half what Sega had to say
in his defence, judged the affair against him, and sentenced him to
be banished to Toro, where he was to be taught how to live; but,
on their departure from Marsa[16], they had not gone one hundred
yards from the walls, when Sega was barbarously murdered by some
of Abdoolghader’s followers, and his body thrown, without further
ceremony, into a ravine.
A prince, named Amadi Paté, was chosen (by the influence of
Abdoolghader) to succeed the deceased, to whom he also was an
inveterate enemy. This step was taken contrary to the wishes of a
powerful party in Bondoo, under the command of Amadi Isata, a brother
of the deceased, and caused a civil war, which terminated in the death
of Paté, and the succession of Isata, who was assisted, during the
struggle, by Samba Congole, a prince of Upper Kajaga or Galam. Amadi
Isata’s first step was to secure himself from the attacks of
Abdoolghader, by attaching to his cause the Kartan king, to whom he
agreed to pay a yearly tribute of a moulo[17] of gold, and who was
himself anxious for an opportunity to revenge himself on Abdoolghader,
who, on hearing of this act of Isata’s, assembled part of his army,
and marched towards the frontier of Bondoo, where he remained several
days in anxious expectation of the arrival of the remainder of his
forces, under the command of their several chiefs. He was, however,
sadly disappointed; for they were so averse to his government, and
anxious for an opportunity to throw off their allegiance to him,
that, instead of joining him, they prepared to oppose his return.
Abdoolghader being thus foiled in his intended attack on Isata,
and incapable, from the very limited number of his attendants,
to resume his authority at home, crossed the Senegal, and sought
refuge amongst the Gedumahas, where he remained for some time,
but was at length recalled by some of the chiefs of Toro, who,
having chosen another king during his absence, and disapproved of
his conduct, also were now glad to have a man of such acknowledged
abilities as he was, to head them in forcing the other, named Moctar
Coodega, from the throne. On his return to Toro, he was accompanied
by a small army, under Hawah Demba, a prince of Kasson, and a few
Gedumahas. They reached Woro Sogee, a small village of Toro, where
they were attacked and beaten by the friends of Moctar Coodega. The
check they received, in their first step, threw such a damp on the
ardour of those who solicited his return, that they were not only
afraid to join him, but actually declared against him, which obliged
him to return to his friends the Gedumahas, amongst whom were several
of the Dileankeys, whose country had been usurped by this very man,
and to whom he was so obnoxious that, finding his life in danger,
he was obliged to leave that country. He then repaired to Moodeerie,
a town of Galam, inhabited by priests.
About that time, Almami Isata had entered into an alliance with
the chiefs of Foota Toro, and of a part of Kajaga, to annihilate
Abdoolghader, who, from his great reputation as a Maraboo, was much
respected and feared in the country. Modiba, the king of Karta,
who, as I before said, wished for such an opportunity, brought a
considerable force to their assistance.
Hawah Demba, who was with Abdoolghader at Moodeerie, seeing so many
powerful chiefs assembled for the purpose of attacking his friend,
feared his own safety, and advised him to seek shelter in the desert
amongst the Moors, where, from the scarcity of water, so large an army
could not follow him. This advice he rejected, and was deserted by
Hawah Demba, who returned to Kasso. Abdoolghader repaired to Goorick,
a town of Toro, there to await patiently the arrival of his enemies,
and defend himself to the last with the few followers, whom even
all the reverses he had met with could not deter from sharing with
him his last adversities.
Almamy Amadi, accompanied by the Kartan army, and part of his own,
soon met him, when a bloody, though unequal conflict, ensued, ending
in the death or capture of every one of Abdoolghader’s men. He
himself descended from his horse, and sat down on the ground to count
his beads and say his prayers, in which situation he was found by
Almamy Amadi, who, having saluted him three times in the usual manner
without receiving an answer, said, “Well! Abdoolghader, here you
are; you little thought, when you murdered my brother, Amadi Sega,
that this sun would ever dawn on you; but, here, take this, and
tell Sega, when you see him, that it was Amadi Isata sent you”;
and, drawing out a pistol, put an end to his existence. He is said
to have received the ball with all the indifference imaginable. He
was upwards of eighty years of age.
When Modiba, king of Karta, was informed of this, he was so
exasperated that he told Amadi Isata that, were it not that he was
his friend indeed, he should treat him in the same way, and recalled
to his recollection the noble conduct of Damel[18], king of Cayor,
when the deceased had fallen into his hands. To wash out the stain,
Modiba desired that Bondoo should pay him as much gold as would fit
in Abdoolghader’s scull, when divested of its flesh and brains by
boiling; but this very circumstance, and the haughty language used
by Modiba on the occasion, was one of the prominent reasons for the
breach between these two chiefs.
A general peace, or cessation of hostilities, which followed this
barbarous act, did not last long.
The people of Foota, fearing that Amadi Isata’s connexion with so
powerful a pagan chief as Modiba would militate against the advance
of the Mahomedan faith in Bondoo, and might ultimately lead the
Kartans into their country, called a general assembly, and required
the attendance of Amadi Isata and Samba Congole. The former obeyed
the summons, but the latter, either not wishing to go, knowing the
object of the assembly, or not thinking himself safe in doing so,
sent one of his brothers.
The Foota chiefs proposed that all parties should break off
intercourse or alliance with the Kartans (whose assistance they were
not now in want of, in consequence of the death of Abdoolghader),
and collectively oppose their again entering those countries on
any pretence.
Almamy Amadi smarting under the disgrace he felt at Modiba’s
treatment of him, for his brutal conduct to Abdoolghader, and finding
himself strengthened by this alliance with Toro, readily consented,
and pressed much the necessity of the Galam prince’s following
his example. To this, however, Samba’s brother would not consent,
assuring the assembly that Samba, and the part of Kajaga under his
control, would never break their alliance with the Kartans as long as
they conducted themselves to his satisfaction. The assembly broke up;
but Almamy Amadi displeased with Samba for his non-compliance with
the terms of Toro, and wishing, in consequence, for an opportunity
to fall out with him, granted to some of the Bondoo people a piece
of corn-ground in Samba’s territories, and, when remonstrated with,
gave an answer not at all satisfactory.
This, added to some difference which arose shortly after about a
horse, gave Samba such an opinion of Almamy’s injustice and wish
to quarrel, that he sent him word not to meddle with his affairs
in future.
In this state things remained until the year 1815, when Modiba sent
his messengers to Bondoo to receive the customary tribute, which was
refused by Almamy, and who, to crown his other barbarous atrocities,
put to death the two chief messengers, and sold all their attendants
as slaves, with the exception of one, whom he sent back to let Modiba
know that the only tribute he might ever expect to receive from him,
would be bullets from the muskets of Bondoo.
Almamy, however, did not give the messenger time to reach Modiba’s
town in Karta, but assembled his army and marched to Kasson, for the
purpose of being joined by the forces of Hawah Demba, and entering
Modiba’s territories with as little delay as possible.
Modiba, being advised of this movement, also assembled his army,
and, instead of waiting to receive Almamy, left a detachment to
defend the frontier, and made forced marches to Dramanet, where he
crossed the Senegal, and rested a few hours in order to give Samba
time to collect his forces and accompany him.
On entering Bondoo they found nearly all the villages had been
deserted by the few men Almamy had left behind, and the women and
children; they, therefore, met no opposition until they arrived at
Boolibany, and even then so little resistance was made, that they
soon laid the whole town in waste, with the exception of Almamy’s
palace, which was so resolutely defended by a handful of men that
all attempts to reduce it proved fruitless.
They had, however, made a great number of slaves, particularly women
and children, and had collected immense herds of black cattle, sheep,
and goats, together with an abundant supply of corn for their horses,
all which they secured within the half-ruined walls of a part of
the town; and, having repaired that part of them, and supposing that
Almamy would never dare to face them, sat down to amuse themselves
with their captive ladies, occasionally sending small parties in
different directions through the country to collect cattle, corn, &c.,
and pick up all stragglers. In this state they thought of nothing but
plunder, in their pursuit of which, and their wanton and barbarous
cruelties to the poor defenceless inhabitants who came within their
merciless grasp, they expended their small store of ammunition.
Modiba, whose avarice was as great as his cruelty, made many attempts
to reduce Almamy’s palace, but always failed, in consequence of an
ill-judged threat to all those he brought against it, that if any
of them should lay hands on the smallest particle of the treasure
he fancied it contained, he would take off their heads.
This, instead of urging his men to great exertions, had the very
opposite effect, and deterred them from exposing their lives for
an object, the attainment of which could be of no advantage to a
people who enter the field of war from no other motive than that of
acquiring riches. The consequence was, the chiefs gave it as their
opinion the thing was impossible, and dispersed themselves through
the country in search of every thing they could remove.
It was in this situation that Almamy, who got intelligence of
Modiba’s leaving Karta for Bondoo, found them on his return
(a circumstance so unexpected by the Kartans that they did
not even secure the prisoners they had taken by sending them to
Toobab-en-Canê[19] whence Almamy could never have recovered them),
and succeeded in gaining possession of his own palace, being but
feebly opposed by those who remained as a sort of body-guard over
Modiba.
In this situation both armies remained some days, exchanging shots
from the turrets of their respective stations, but the Kartan army
having totally expended their ammunition, and a supply sent for to
Toobab-en-Canê not having arrived, Almamy made so spirited and
determined an attack on their position, that they were unable to
withstand it, and retreated in the utmost confusion, leaving such
an immense number of stragglers all over the country, so ignorant
of what had taken place, that the very women of Bondoo made some of
them prisoners, all of whom, on this occasion, and in retaliation
for similar conduct on the part of Modiba towards every male his
army had taken, were inhumanly butchered. This affair took place in
the spring of 1817.
Early in the following year Almamy, taking advantage of the absence
of the Kartan army, laid siege to Toobab-en-Canê, having first
fruitlessly attempted to storm two of Samba’s towns. So active were
the besiegers, that the besieged found it impossible to obtain water
from the river, although distant only thirty yards from the walls
of the town, and so great was their want of that necessary article,
that they dug wells within the walls upwards of forty feet deep.
Samba, feeling that a much longer continuance in that state must
become insupportable from the want of provisions, contrived means to
despatch two horsemen by night to demand relief from Modiba, and,
in eight days after, four hundred horse made their appearance on
the opposite bank of the river.
Almamy supposing the whole Kartan army had again made its appearance,
did not think prudent to wait their nearer approach, raised the siege,
and retreated to Lanel, a strong town of Samba’s, commanded by
his brother-in-law, who basely gave it up, allowing the enemy of
the country to defend himself in it.
When the Kartans had crossed the river, they advised Samba to attack
Almamy without delay, and accordingly marched, amounting with his
force to about nine hundred or one thousand men. On their arrival
before the town they found Almamy so well defended, not only by the
strong mud walls of the place, but his superior numbers increased
by the men of it, that they thought it impossible to dislodge him,
and returned to Toobab-en-Canê to wait the arrival of a large body
of foot which was hourly expected from Karta. Almamy, on his side,
sent to require reinforcements from Toro and Hawah Demba, but nearly
a month elapsed before the reinforcements on either side arrived.
Samba’s army was then composed of all his own men, the Gedumahas
of three towns on the right bank of the river, the Kartan army, and
a detachment under Saferi, a prince of Kasson, in all amounting to
about two thousand five hundred or three thousand men.
Almamy’s, which was said to be nearly double that number, consisted
of his own army, strong detachments from Foota Toro, and Lower Kajaga,
and a considerable body under Hawah Demba, who was nephew to Saferi,
and the same who has been mentioned before.
They met in April 1818, when a bloody conflict ensued, ending
in the defeat of Almamy, who made a hasty retreat to Foota Toro,
leaving upwards of a hundred muskets on the field. The Kartan horse
immediately entered Bondoo, where they again laid every thing waste
that came in their way, and, making some prisoners, returned to
their home.
Almamy, on his side, did every thing in his power to induce the
chiefs of Foota Toro, to employ all their force, and oblige Samba to
quit his own country, and retire to Karta. They were, however, too
well aware of the difficulty of such an undertaking, and, instead of
giving him any hopes of assistance from them, advised him strongly to
think rather of making peace with that chief than to prolong a war,
the issue of which must be very doubtful. A general assembly was
consequently called to meet at Marsa, and one of the Foota chiefs
was sent to commence a negociation with Samba for peace, which was
concluded during the time we were in the country.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 15: This is composed of a large wooden bowl, nearly
three feet diameter, covered with three skins, one of which is said
to be that of a human being, another a hyena’s, and the third,
or outside one, a monkey’s; this latter is covered with Arabic
characters and passages from the Koran. See fig. 2, pl. 9.]
[Footnote 16: The town of Bondoo, where Abdoolghader had been
sojourning.]
[Footnote 17: A measure used in Africa for corn, and containing
about two quarts.]
[Footnote 18: Park’s First Travels.]
[Footnote 19: Samba Congole’s Town.]
CHAPTER IX.
Message from Almamy — My Visit to Boolibany — Subject of Interview
with him — His hostile Conduct and peremptory Demand for my leaving
Samba Contaye — The Necessity of my Compliance — Return to the
Camp accompanied by an Escort — Preparations for the March —
Departure for Boolibany — Arrival there — Almamy endeavours to
make us enter the Town — My Refusal, and Selection of a Position
for the Camp — Return of my first Messenger to Mr. Dochard —
His Misfortune and Failure — False Alarm at the Capital, and its
Consequences — Indecision of Almamy and the Chiefs.
The month of January, 1819, also rolled over without any intelligence
from either Mr. Dochard or Mr. Partarrieau, and what could detain
the latter from joining me, or prevent the former from sending some
person to make me acquainted with his proceedings and their result
at Sego, I was at a loss to conjecture. Had the latter, however,
either joined or forwarded the supplies which I was so much in want
of, I would have endeavoured to reach Sego with the whole expedition,
and try if it were not possible, by some means or other, to obtain
Dha’s permission to erect boats, and embark on the Niger, but to
have gone there without the means necessary to induce him and his
chiefs to forward my views would have been fruitless work.
Another reason, too, prevented me taking this step without waiting
Mr. Partarrieau’s return, namely, the impossibility of leaving
Bondoo without paying to Almamy the articles promised his predecessor,
and which, even with the assistance of the French officers at Galam,
I could not have accomplished.
To add to these difficulties, one of a still more unpleasant nature,
and attended with circumstances which clearly evinced a change in
Almamy’s intentions towards us, occurred early in February.
One evening, on my return from Baquelle, where I had gone to procure
some beads from the French merchants for the purchase of provisions,
I found at the camp a messenger from Almamy to request my immediate
attendance at Boolibany, where he had some business of such importance
to communicate that he could not entrust it with any of his people.
What this might have been I could not readily imagine, but from some
words that escaped from the messenger, I was inclined to think it
was some information he had received concerning Mr. Dochard, and
which appeared the more likely, as at that very time a large coffle
of travelling merchants with slaves arrived at the capital from Sego.
My anxiety for Mr. Dochard’s safety, added to an intention I had
of proposing to Almamy to be allowed to remove my camp to Baquelle,
induced me to obey the summons without delay, but my surprise and
disappointment may be more easily conceived than I can possibly
express, when, on being admitted into the royal presence, where were
assembled all the ministers, chiefs, &c., Almamy told me that I must,
without delay, remove my camp from Samba Contaye to the capital,
where, as he was in daily expectation of the arrival of the Kartan
army, I would be more secure under his own protection than I possibly
could be elsewhere.
Although I must acknowledge that this speech conveyed to my
mind a very different idea from that which he intended it to do,
I nevertheless endeavoured to hide any effect it might have had
on the expression of my countenance, and, at the same time that I
thanked him for his consideration for my safety, expressed a wish,
in apparent good humour, to be allowed to remain where I was; as it
would put me to much inconvenience indeed, both to remove my baggage
which was then all open, and to form a new camp which would probably
not be finished before Mr. Partarrieau would return from the coast.
In answer to these remonstrances on my part, he said that he would
afford me every assistance I might require, both in removing my
baggage and forming a new camp, if I did not wish to take up my
quarters within the walls of the town, where I should be accommodated
with as much room as I might want.
This I decidedly objected to, from a conviction that I would find
much difficulty in again getting out of it, and was about making
some further objections to the move he proposed, or rather dictated,
when he ordered me to leave him, and, in a very angry tone indeed,
said he would take no excuse whatever, as if I did not immediately
comply, he would force me to it.
A refusal at that moment would have been highly imprudent as I was in
his power, and which he said he should exercise by keeping me where
I was until I should write to my _head man_ at Samba Contaye, and
direct him to join me without delay with all the men and baggage. This
I positively refused to do, but, as the only means left in my power
of getting out of his hands, I promised to comply with his wishes
of moving my camp, on condition that he should allow me to return
there immediately to make the necessary preparations. To this he made
some objections, but finding I was determined not to comply on any
other terms, he at length consented, adding, however, that I should
be accompanied by a strong detachment to enforce the fulfilment of
the promise I had made. This surprised me much indeed, as in all our
former transactions he had implicitly relied on my word; but I must
acknowledge in this instance I did not purpose keeping it, as I had
formed a determination to make a forced march to Baquelle the night
of my return to the camp, and thereby put it out of Almamy’s power
to serve me such a trick again. But he was too well aware of the
advantage he now possessed over me to trust any longer to my word,
and therefore had recourse to the most efficacious means of forcing
me to compliance.
I really cannot give an idea of the state of my mind during the
remainder of that night; suffice it to say that, for the first
time since leaving the coast, I began to suspect treachery, and
a predetermination on the part of Almamy and his chiefs to oppose
our further progress. I still however had hopes, faint ones indeed,
that time, patience, large presents, and explanatory conversation
with Almamy in private, would obtain the desired permission to
proceed eastward.
The following morning, after waiting nearly an hour for his highness
Saada, who undertook to carry Almamy’s orders into effect, we left
Boolibany, accompanied by a party of about one hundred horse and foot,
which augmented at every village we passed through. When about half
way, Saada, who complained much of being fatigued from the heat of
the sun!!! halted, and wished me to follow his example, to which,
as I would not consent, he sent forward some of his party with me.
Two days were spent in the preparations necessary for the march,
which we commenced at five o’clock in the morning of the 13th of
February. We halted that night at Gamby, and reached the capital
the following morning at half after eight. Almamy, who, with some
of his train, came out to meet us, wished us to enter the town and
remain there, as he said, till huts could be prepared for us; but,
as I would not listen to his proposal under any pretence whatever, he
proceeded with me to select a site for our camp convenient to water. A
little eminence, the summit of which was shaded by a large tamarind
tree, and within a few yards of some wells, west of the town, from
which it was distant about two musket shots, offered more advantages
than any other spot around Boolibany. We therefore, having unloaded
the animals, and arranged the baggage under the tree, commenced,
on the following morning, to surround our post with a strong fence
of stakes and thorny bushes, which, with our huts and the addition
of a new well about fifteen feet deep, we completed in a few days;
during which his majesty paid me some visits, and made us a present
of a bullock, asking, however, in return, a piece of baft to make
a dress which was double its value.
We had not been long here when Alley Lowe, the man I had sent from
Samba Contaye with the dollars and other articles to Mr. Dochard,
returned, not having been able to pass Kasson, where he was robbed,
and from where he with difficulty escaped with his life. Dheangina,
the man who accompanied him, was taken ill with the Guinea worm
at a very early part of their march, in which state he remained so
long unable to move, that Alley Lowe endeavoured to prosecute the
journey alone, but in which he unfortunately failed. He had neither
seen nor heard any thing of Bakoro or the man I sent with him; I was
therefore in hopes they had been able to pass; but alas! those hopes
soon vanished, and I had the mortification of seeing them return in
a short time equally unsuccessful. Their case however was not that
of Alley Lowe, who would have got on if the possibility of his doing
so had existed.
They had idled so much of their time at the towns and villages they
passed on the road, that their stock of articles for the purchase of
provisions was soon exhausted, and they were reduced to the necessity
of selling one of their horses to procure subsistence. Ismena, too,
had been ill some time; but Bakoro, who was well and might have
gone on without him, had he felt the least inclination to do so,
squandered both his time and money until the means of proceeding
were completely exhausted.
This second failure in the attainment of an object I had so much
at heart, and the impossibility which presented itself of inducing
any of the natives of the country to undertake such a voyage, had I
even promised them the whole baggage of the expedition, added to my
anxiety for the arrival of Mr. Partarrieau, had such an effect on my
spirits that I could with difficulty at times force myself to take
the exercise necessary for my health, which, in spite of all those
annoyances and the effects of the late season, continued unimpaired.
The month of March was spent in anxious suspense on these subjects,
and in visiting the country about Boolibany, which is beautifully
diversified by hill and dale thinly covered with wood.
Almamy during this month received a hasty report from the north-east
frontier that the Kartan army was within a day’s march of the
capital, where the utmost confusion prevailed in consequence of the
inhabitants from all the neighbouring villages having fled to it for
protection. So great was the crowd that many could not find room to
lie down in the streets.
On one occasion when all the women were busily employed drawing
water from the wells, where were also many of the men endeavouring to
procure for their horses a share of the scanty and muddy supply they
afforded, the alarm was given by some people who had been attending
herds of cattle to the eastward of the town, from which direction
they were seen running in the utmost confusion, the altercations at
the wells, and the busy scene going on there, soon closed by one of a
still more extraordinary and confused nature. The supposed approach
of the enemy was no sooner made known amongst them, than they all,
as if by magic, dropped their jars, calabashes, and leather bags,
and ran with all their might to the nearest gate of the town, which,
being rather narrow, was so much crowded, that an old man and a girl
about eight years of age were trampled to death.
A council of war, composed of some of the princes and their followers,
with Almamy at their head, assembled between our camp and the town. I
attended to witness their proceedings, which were carried on with
the utmost contempt to the rules of order or regularity; every one
present proposing some plan of his own, and rejecting that of his
companions. I had been all this time sitting on horseback unobserved
by Almamy, who had scarcely said a word on the subject. When he
perceived that I was present he beckoned me to approach him, and,
with much earnestness and anxiety depicted on his countenance,
asked my opinion, which I hesitated in giving; but being requested
by the whole council to do so, I said that I thought it would be
advisable, previous to deciding on any plan either of attack or
defence, to reconnoitre for the purpose of ascertaining beyond a
doubt the enemy’s strength and position, in case they were really
in the country, but which I much doubted.
My opinion was favourably received by the whole assembly, but
nobody could be found to undertake the task which to them was a new
one. Saada, although a young man, and better mounted than any other
person in the town, was the first to refuse. At length a Joloff man,
one of Almamy’s suite, offered to undertake it, if his majesty
would provide him with a horse, and appoint some person to accompany
him. The horse was brought, but not even one of the king’s slaves
could be found willing to go—the Joloff man therefore set off
alone. He had not been gone an hour when it was found that the alarm
had been given by Saada’s herdsman, who, seeing such crowds about
the wells, knew if he did not adopt that means of driving them away,
he should not be able to procure water for the cattle during the day,
and, although the death of the man and girl killed at the gate was,
in addition to the false alarm, the consequence of his cleverness, he
was nevertheless permitted to escape with impunity—nay, he was not
so much as called to an account for his conduct. Saada was so pleased
with his slave’s adroit stratagem, that he not only laughed at the
affair, but, when spoken to by the friends of the deceased, told them
they were rightly served. The scene of confusion and uproar which for
several days existed at Boolibany, from the immense numbers of people
who flocked to it for security from the unwalled towns, was beyond
any thing I had ever witnessed. It, however, ended in a scarcity of
provisions which necessitated them to return to their homes.
CHAPTER X.
Arrival of Mr. Partarrieau from the Coast — Interview with Almamy
— Arrangements with, and Presents made to him — His false and
deceitful conduct — My Determination and Retreat from Boolibany
— Difficulties on the March — Want of Water, and breach of oath
on the part of our Guides — Enter Foota Toro — Difficulties
there — My March to, and Return from, Baquelle — Affair with
the Foolahs — My Captivity — Departure of the Party for Baquelle
— My disappointment on finding the Camp deserted — My own Return
to Baquelle.
On the 30th of April I received a letter from Mr. Partarrieau,
announcing his arrival at Balla, whence he could not move in
consequence of the loss of a great many of the camels, until
I should send some men and asses to his assistance. I therefore
despatched without delay eleven men with thirty of the latter, and,
having obtained from Almamy one of his nephews as a guide for them,
they left the camp at an early hour the following morning.
About nine o’clock that night, Almamy paid me a private visit, and,
after many congratulatory words on the safe arrival of my friend (as
he called him), said he wished to be informed whether the articles
I had promised to the late Almamy were to become his property or
that of Saada, who contested that he alone had a right to them. When
I had told him that it was to the Almamy of Bondoo I had promised
them, and to whom only I could give them, he took me by the hand,
and said that he then felt convinced I was really his friend, and he
should therefore forward my views in every way he could, adding that
if I remained two days in Bondoo after Mr. Partarrieau’s arrival,
it should be my own fault. This last speech however said nothing
more than if I satisfied his avarice he would be my friend; but to
me this was nothing new, for ever since I had entered the country
I found that those people were actuated by no other principle than
that of self-interest and ingratitude.
As I had found some difficulty in procuring a sufficient supply
of provisions at the capital, on the 3rd of May I sent a sergeant
and one man to Samba Contaye to purchase corn, rice, and cattle,
and went myself with four men to assist in bringing up the caravan
with Mr. Partarrieau. On the following morning I met them at Patako,
a small village about thirty miles WSW. from the capital, which place
we reached on the 6th at 9 P.M. During Mr. Partarrieau’s march
from the coast he experienced the kindest treatment from the kings
of Kayor and Joloff, and was accompanied by a chief from the latter.
On the morning of the 7th we waited on Almamy, whom we found seated
in a small store-room attended by only two of his slaves. After the
usual exchange of compliments, I informed him of Mr. Partarrieau’s
arrival, and that of the present I had promised to his predecessor,
which, together with one I purposed giving himself, I wished to
deliver without delay, and in a few days continue my journey, adding,
that I trusted he would now prove himself to be the friend he so
often professed; to which he answered that he was ready to forward
my views in any way I might require.
The Joloff chief then addressed Almamy, saying he was directed by
the Bourba Joloff to tell him, that in handing us over to his care
and protection he requested we might be treated in the same manner
by him (Almamy), as Mr. Partarrieau was by his master and Damel,
the king of Kayor, and at the same time to inform him that we were
the messengers of a very great white king, who had it in his power
to reward those handsomely who merited it from him, or to punish any
who should ill-treat his messengers, whose only object in visiting
Africa was the establishing of a friendly intercourse between the
two countries. In answer to this, Almamy made a long speech, which
he ended by promising that his conduct should be such towards us as
would merit not only the approbation of the white king, but of all
the surrounding chiefs of Africa.
Having told Almamy that I wished him to send persons to receive
the presents I intended giving him (which he promised to do without
delay), we returned to the camp. Those persons did not however arrive
till near midnight, when it was too late to begin such an affair,
particularly as I had determined that not an article should be
removed before I should be satisfied, by an agreement drawn up in
Arabic and signed by Almamy, that the assistance and protection I
might require, while in Bondoo and in the prosecution of my journey,
would be afforded.
It was not till the 9th that I could arrange with them the amount of
the presents and the form of agreement, when, the latter being signed
by Almamy and some of his chiefs, the former were delivered[20],
together with a handsome double barrelled gun, which was sent by
his Excellency Sir Charles Mac Carthy as a pledge of his esteem
for Almamy.
With this paper in my possession, and the hitherto apparent
inclination of Almamy to comply with its contents, I conceived that
nothing remained to prevent our departure, and therefore having
made every preparation necessary, I went (on the evening of the 10th
of May) to inform him that it was my wish to proceed the following
morning to Baquelle, where, with some assistance from the French,
in the way of paint, rope, &c., of which I was in want, to put my
baggage in a proper state to withstand the rains, I intended making
my final arrangements. But I was sadly disappointed when he told me
that he could not allow me to go there, as the people of that country,
although at peace with him, were not his friends. I endeavoured to no
purpose to convince him that in going there my only object was what
I had just stated, and not to interfere in the concerns of Bondoo,
where I had already been but too long detained.
From that day until the 21st, every means which I conceived at all
likely to obtain permission to proceed, were tried without effect;
presents were given to all the chiefs[21] unknown to each other, in
order to induce them to urge Almamy to compliance, and I even offered
to leave hostages in his hands for my return (after I had arranged
my baggage) to Boolibany, whence I would take my final departure for
the Niger. All would not do. The only thing he would listen to was
that of our immediately following a path in which we should not only
have to contend with a number of petty princes, all his friends and
in league with him to oppose our progress, but where it would have
been impossible to procure provisions, and extremely difficult to
travel, in consequence of the number of rivers to be crossed.
All this, added to his having assembled his army in front of our camp,
and prevented us for a whole day from drawing water from the wells,
and his having in every instance broken his promise, nay oath, bore
such convincing proofs of his hostile intentions that I at length
determined on endeavouring to gain my point by indirect means,
and therefore told him it was my intention to return to the coast
through the Foota Toro country.
My object in adopting this plan was the possibility that presented
itself of being able (when I had once left Bondoo) to change the
direction of march from west to north-east and thereby gain the
Senegal, and, by crossing it, both get out of the power of Almamy,
and reach Baquelle unmolested.
From Baquelle I could have travelled in safety to Karta, where I was
in hopes of meeting some people from Mr. Dochard, and of receiving
permission from Modiba, king of that country, to proceed to Sego.
In addition to Almamy’s other acts of injustice and falsehood, he
had given orders that the people, whom I had sent to Samba Contaye
to purchase provisions, should be arrested and put in irons, and I
had much difficulty indeed in obtaining their release.
We left Boolibany on the 22d May at half after six in the morning. We
were accompanied by Almamy and part of his suite as far as Lewa,
a village, near which we halted for the night.
Here again we were to experience the duplicity and falsehood of this
chief, who, not contented with the delays and inconveniences to which
he had already subjected us, would not now give us the guides he at
first named, and who were the only two of the princes we had found
worthy of confidence, but appointed two men whom we had never before
seen, and who (were we to judge from their appearance) were ready to
comply with their sovereign’s order in any way. When I remonstrated
on this further palpable breach of honour, he said that he could not
then dispense with the presence of two of his war-men (generals)
but would allow one of them to accompany the guides he had named,
and directed the other (who was the very man we wanted) to quit
our camp. This person, named Omar Moosa, a nephew of Almamy’s,
was so indignant at this peremptory order, that he told his royal
uncle he should not be ordered by him or any other man in Bondoo,
and would not leave our camp until he pleased, and then, coming to
our tent, told us to be cautious as to the path we took, for it was
Almamy’s instructions to the guides to conduct us into Upper Ferlo,
a province of Bondoo on the south-west frontier, so badly supplied
with water that the inhabitants were frequently obliged to leave it
during that time of the year: he also advised us not to move from
Lewa until Almamy should return to Boolibany, when all those who
accompanied him, and were attracted by the hopes of being able to
plunder us of something, would leave us. This timely information,
and the loss of nearly all our camels, induced me to remain at
Lewa until the morning of the 24th, having, the preceding night,
destroyed all the men’s old clothing, and furnished them with
new. Some musket-balls and other articles of little value, amongst
which were nearly all my own and Mr. Partarrieau’s clothes, were
also destroyed in order to lighten the baggage as much as possible.
Incredible as it may appear to a person unacquainted with those
people, it is equally true that Almamy, when about leaving us on
the evening of the 23d, came with all possible composure to wish
us a safe journey, and requested me to give him a small present,
which he could keep in remembrance of me. Such was the impudent and
teasing importunity of this man that he obtained one from me merely
to rid myself of such an unwelcome visitor. When gone, we found he
had made free with a snuff-box of Mr. Partarrieau’s which was laid
on the mat on which we were sitting: this, although of little value,
evinced a disposition on his part to turn his abilities in that way
to every possible advantage.
We left Lewa at six o’clock in the morning, and, having travelled
west over a dreadfully parched and uncultivated country for twelve
miles, we reached Giowele, a miserable village, at ten, where a
scanty supply of water was, by means of a large price, purchased
for ourselves and the animals.
At a late hour in the evening I called one of our new guides, named
Doka, to my tent, and, having drawn from him an acknowledgement
that he had received Almamy’s directions to conduct us by the
path leading into Upper Ferlo, I pointed out to him another lying
more northerly, through a village called Dindoody, whither, in
case he would consent to conduct us in safety, I would make him a
handsome present. He objected, on the ground that he feared the other
guide would not listen to it, but we told him to leave that to us,
which he did. Macca, who was one of those guides chosen by myself,
readily consented to our proposal, and, on the morning of the 25th,
he led us into a path in the very opposite direction from the one
pointed out for us. A march of eleven miles NW. brought us to the
village of Gwina, where we halted close to the wells, which supplied
us with excellent water without any difficulty.
Private Dohonoe, who had been affected with dysentery since his
arrival from the coast with Mr. Partarrieau, was so ill during the
last two days’ march as to be barely able to sit on horseback.
As we were about to move on the morning of the 26th, an armed party
of about forty men came running into our camp. They were met by our
guides, who conducted them to me, when their leader said they had
been sent by Almamy to ascertain the truth or falsehood of a report
which was in circulation of our having quarrelled with our guides,
and refused to follow the path appointed by him. We referred them
to Doka and Macca, who assured them the report was false. I did not
believe they were sent by Almamy, but I had strong reason to suppose
they were assembled by the guides with a view of deterring us from
following the path we were pursuing. I was the more certain of this
being the case from my having received information that they had
set on foot a false report of one of the princes having an army at
a short distance watching our movements. An account was brought us
in the afternoon by one of our own men (who had been at the village
and overheard some conversation), that it was the intention of the
men in this posse, headed by our guides, to attack us during the
night. Improbable as it appeared, I placed triple centinels, and
kept on foot myself the whole night, which we passed very quietly,
and, at half after six the following morning, moved forward to the
north. We had not proceeded, however, above three miles, when a
tornado came on so rapidly and violently from the ESE. that we had
scarcely time to secure the baggage by covering it with green leafy
boughs of trees. It continued raining nearly an hour and a half,
when, having cleared a little, we resumed our march to the west of
north for two hours; this brought us to a small miserable village
called Gari-Eli, where we halted for the night. Dohonoe was so ill
when we moved in the morning that he was unable to sit upright. I
was therefore obliged to leave him in care of the chief of Gwina,
with means of subsistence, and directions, in case of recovery,
to send him to Baquelle.
We had not been long at our bivouac, when another nephew of
Almamy’s, named Amady Samba, made his appearance, and said he was
sent by his uncle to enforce compliance with his orders respecting the
path, but to which I only answered that I would not pursue any path
but that I was then following. On this he went off apparently much
displeased, for which I cared the less—as I was determined not to
listen to the tales of those soi-disant messengers, who haunted our
march, merely in hopes of exacting something from us, or plundering
(if occasion presented itself) from our baggage.
We left Gari-Eli at half after six on the morning of the 28th, and
travelled ten miles north by east, over an extremely close country
to Bokey Guiley, a small village. There we halted for the night,
and had considerable difficulty in obtaining a supply of muddy water,
the only quality which the place afforded.
When loading the animals the following morning, Macca sent one of
his satellites to say that as he was ill and could not accompany
us if we moved; he requested us to remain at Bokey Guiley until
the following morning. As I was aware that this was an excuse
dictated by Amady Samba to detain us, so I refused to comply, and,
having sent Mr. Partarrieau to urge Macca’s coming on, we moved
forward at seven o’clock, but had not proceeded above a mile when
one of the men who accompanied Mr. Partarrieau came running in a
great hurry to let me know that the people of the village, at the
instigation of our guides, seemed inclined to oppose his following
the caravan. I immediately selected one sergeant and fifteen men,
and had proceeded about a quarter of a mile towards the village,
when I met the guides and Amady Samba, (and, in a few minutes after,
Mr. Partarrieau,) who informed me that many objections were made to
his joining me, in accomplishing which he had nearly come to blows
with the guides and villagers.
Shortly after this, a large bullock which had been bought at Gari-Eli,
and conducted since it left that place by a Foolah hired for the
purpose, having nearly killed one of our men, was ordered to be shot,
which was not effected until many shots had been fired at him. This
circumstance so trivial in itself was nearly the cause of very serious
consequences, as the men of the villages in the vicinity of our road
heard the shots, and, knowing that we had nearly fought with our
guides in the morning, thought that such was then actually the case,
and came running up from all quarters ready for action,—which they
were with difficulty prevented from commencing by the intercession
of Macca. Many of them, however, accompanied us to Dindoody, where
we arrived at noon, having travelled ten miles NNE.
Although the day was excessively hot, and both men and animals were
much in want of water, we were obliged to endure the privation,
having a well within a few yards of our bivouac; but this we were
not allowed to touch before seven o’clock in the evening, and,
having paid dearly for the indulgence, we found also, on returning
from the well to tie up the asses for the night, that two of them
had been stolen. Macca promised to have them restored, but we never
saw them afterwards.
It appeared to me that our guides were at the bottom of all this
hindrance from water and objections to the path, in which the
inhabitants of all the towns we passed through joined them, (but
particularly those of Dindoody, where we spent the whole of the 30th
in palaver with them), I conceived it better to make them a large
present[22] to induce their acting in compliance with our wishes,
to which they consented, binding themselves by an oath on the Koran,
to which, although little regard had been paid by Almamy, I trusted,
however, that they would remain faithful.
We therefore again set forward to the NE., and, in about two hours,
reached a small village called Loogoonoody, where we found that
the oaths of our guides were of as little avail as that of their
sovereign and his ministers, for we were again obliged to pay for
water before the inhabitants would allow us to approach their wells.
We were met here by two men who stated themselves to be messengers
sent by the chiefs of Foota Toro to conduct us into that country; but,
as the path they pointed out led too much to the west to answer our
purpose, we signified to them that it was our wish to proceed more
eastward, to a town called Gawde Bofê, where we proposed remaining
until a person whom we should send to consult with the chiefs of Toro
could return. To this they would not consent, and intimated that if
we did not comply with their wishes they had orders to oppose us.
As I was well aware of the difficulties we should experience in
travelling through that part of Foota, at a moment when the lawless
disposition of the inhabitants was completely divested of any
restraint by the existence of an interregnum of some duration, which
arose from dissensions among its chiefs, I thought it more adviseable
to move back from Bokey Guiley, where I should be certainly out of
the power at least of the people of Foota, who were even more to
be dreaded by us than those of Bondoo: and I was also in hopes that
my returning there, would by our appearing to have more confidence
in our Bondoo guides, induce them to act more honourably towards
us. I was however deceived, for, during the return to Bokey Guiley,
which was partly performed by night, we were robbed by them of two
asses with their loads and many small articles.
From the first to the fourth of June was spent in fruitless endeavours
to arrange matters with these two parties, who at length became
jealous of each other, and, by that means, afforded us an opportunity
of turning their differences to our advantage. As it was from the
Foota people we had most to apprehend, we proposed their conducting
us to Gowde Bofê, where we promised to remain until the return of
our messenger whom we intended sending from that place with them to
their chiefs; but told them that in case they did not consent, I would
destroy the whole of my baggage, and fight my way to Baquelle. This
had the desired effect; they acceded to our proposal, and the Bondoo
guides, finding that we would no longer listen to them, decamped.
Thereupon we left Bokey Guiley at half after five on the afternoon
of the 4th, and, having halted for the night at Dindoody, at eight
the following morning reached Loogoonoody, whence we despatched one
of our own men, accompanied by two of the Foota people, with a small
present[23] to the chiefs of that country, requesting them to appoint
two or more of their respectable personages to meet us at Gowde Bofê,
in order to make arrangements for our passing through their country;
(which in truth was not at all my intention), but I took that step in
order to make the Foota people suppose we really did purpose entering
their country, and thereby lull their suspicions about our going
to Baquelle. These people left us on the 5th, and on the following
morning at five o’clock, we moved in an easterly direction over a
parched and barren country until near ten, when we reached Siendoo, a
considerable town, where we had as usual much difficulty in obtaining
a supply of water, and where we were met by a strong detachment of
armed men, whose chief informed us that he was sent by Thierno Bayla
(the chief of Hourey, a district of Foota) to oblige us to take the
path to his own town. This I positively refused to comply with, and
told them if they felt inclined to carry their orders into effect
I was ready to receive them. They removed to a short distance from
our bivouac, and remained under arms all night, the greater part of
which was spent by us in endeavours to arrange matters amicably with
them, but which we found a most difficult affair; for what they at
one moment consented to, they refused the next. At length it was
settled that we should send one of our guides with one of them to
Goude Bofê, to know if the chief of that village would allow us to
remain there, as we had proposed, until the return of the messenger
from Foota. They returned at a late hour the same evening, 7th,
bringing for answer that Thierno Amadoo had consented to receive
us as friends at his village, where we might remain as long as we
wished. This did not appear to please the other chief and his party,
who went off grumbling.
I made small presents to all who interested themselves in our behalf
at Seindoo, and, having passed a comparatively quiet night, left
it at half after six on the morning of the 8th June, and reached
Looboogol at nine; but here we found such difficulty in obtaining
a very limited supply indeed of water the first day, that the men
had scarcely enough, and the animals none at all.
Thierno Bayla, the chief who had sent the party to Seindoo, came to
Looboogol on the 9th, attended by a large body of horse and foot. He
paid us a visit in the course of the day, and demanded to be made
acquainted with our intentions in entering the country. I told him
that having been deceived and plundered by Almamy and the princes
of Bondoo, I had decided on returning to the coast through Foota;
but, as there was no reigning Almamy in that country, I did not
think it safe to enter it without permission from the chiefs, to
whom I had despatched messengers, whose return I intended awaiting
at Gowde Bofê.
He objected to our going there, and expressed a wish that we should
accompany him to his own town, which lay about twenty-five miles in
the opposite direction to that we wished to pursue. On our refusal
he went off to the village, and, having directed that none of the
inhabitants should dare to supply us with a drop of water, stationed
several small parties at short distances round our camp, to enforce
the strictest compliance with this order, and to watch our movements.
A tornado with heavy rain, which would at any other time or under
any other circumstances have been an unpleasant visitor, was now the
thing most to be wished for, as it would have served the double office
of supplying us with water, and of driving from their posts those
parties, who, not supposing we would (or rather knowing we never did)
travel during the rain, would still have abandoned their posts, and
have gone to the village, in which case (having prepared every thing
to enable us to move in a moment), we would have loaded the animals,
and taken the direct road to Baquelle, which we computed to be distant
about forty miles. Judge then our disappointment when a tornado,
which bore every appearance of an approaching deluge of rain, blew
off without a drop. It was about six P.M. when our situation became
extremely unpleasant, not to say alarming. The animals had no water
since the 7th, and the men who had but a scanty supply on the 8th,
had none at all on that day, the 9th, and how to procure it without
proceeding to extremities alone remained to be decided upon. I had
too many invalids and weak animals to authorize my forcing my way
to Baquelle with such incumbrances and in absolute want of water;
and to destroy either the whole or even a proportion of my baggage
and animals, was an act which I conceived should be my last resource.
In this dilemma I determined on going myself to Baquelle, in order
to obtain twenty or thirty men from the French vessels then there,
and return with them immediately, either to force our way to that
place, or, by the appearance of such a reinforcement, to intimidate
the natives into compliance with my wishes. I left Mr. Partarrieau
in command of the party, with directions to endeavour by any means
to keep those people at arm’s length, and procure a supply of
water until my return, which I settled should be at a late hour
on the evening of the 12th. I was accompanied by two of the native
soldiers. We left the camp at half after seven, and, having passed
two villages during the night and another at day-break, arrived at
Tuabo, the capital of Lower Galam, at eight on the morning of the
10th, whence we proceeded without delay to Baquelle, which we found
to be more than fifty miles from Looboogol.
I met a most cordial reception from the French officers and merchants,
who, being informed of the object of my visit, said in the most
handsome manner that I should have every assistance in their power.
At Baquelle I met Isaaco[24], the same individual who accompanied
Mr. Park in his last attempt. He proposed accompanying me on my
return to Looboogol and bringing with him three of his own men, whom
I furnished with arms for the purpose. I received fifteen volunteers
from his Most Christian Majesty’s brig Argus, and five from the
Senegal Company’s vessel trading there, and, having hired eight
moors with eleven carrying bullocks for the transport of water, left
Baquelle in a boat at half after two in the evening of the 11th, and
landed at Jowar, a town of Galam, on the south bank of the Senegal,
at half after seven, having found much difficulty in passing the
shallows, which had then only eighteen inches water. The moors and
their bullocks crossed the river at Tuabo, and arrived about half
an hour before us.
We remained at Jowar until two o’clock on the morning of the 12th,
when, being favored by a fine moonlight night, and having loaded
the bullocks with soofras of water, we commenced our march to the
west of south until daylight, when we passed two small villages,
and soon after arrived in sight of Gowde Bofê, where Isaaco (to whom
being lame I lent my horse) proposed going to gain some information
with respect to Mr. Partarrieau’s movements, and give water to the
horse. I pointed out to him the improbability of his again finding
us, as we did not pursue the beaten path, but he assured me he could,
as he knew all that country well.
At half after nine we passed the village of Gangele, and soon entered
a wood which I knew to be the same I had traversed the evening I
left the camp, and which was not more by my reckoning than three or
four miles from us. It was then noon, and exceedingly hot, but as, by
continuing our march, we should reach the camp at too early an hour,
we halted in the woods, and sent two men back to Gangele to procure
some water, and, if possible, a guide to conduct us by the shortest
path to the camp. We waited their return with impatience until half
after three, when the atmosphere to the east became overspread,
and bearing every appearance of an approaching tornado. I moved
back slowly towards the village, with the hope of meeting them, but
the tornado came on with such rapidity and violence, that all was
soon complete darkness, and the path, which was previously not very
distinctly marked, now became imperceptible. We continued marching
east for some time without meeting the men, to whom I began to fear
something unpleasant had happened; but nevertheless we marched
on in hopes of meeting them as long as we could perceive our way
by the compass. During the violence of the rain, four of the men
with the moors, and three bullocks, separated themselves from the
remainder of the party, and, although I fired several shots as soon
as I discovered they were not with us, I did not again see them.
It being quite dark at eight o’clock, we halted in the woods
and lighted a fire, at which we spent the night, and half dried
our clothes which were completely drenched with the rain; and at
daylight the following morning again moved forward to the east,
and in about an hour heard the lowing of cattle in that direction;
fifteen minutes more brought us clear of the wood, when we perceived
a village at a short distance. On our arrival at it we were informed
that Mr. Partarrieau had removed from Looboogol to a village about
four miles from where we then were.
Having procured a guide we moved on at a smart pace, and soon arrived
in front of the village, where were assembled a number of armed men
apparently waiting our arrival; for on our approaching them, they
desired us to keep off, and would have proceeded to force had not
our guide told them our intentions were good. One of the villagers,
apparently a chief, then came forward, and, offering me his hand,
invited me to the shade of a tree, where we were no sooner arrived
than surrounded by a crowd of armed men, who without further ceremony
attempted to tear the clothes off my men’s backs, and their arms
out of their hands. This sort of treatment was too rough to be borne
with sang froid. My men, eleven in number, therefore made some
resistance, and removed in a body to a short distance from where
I was standing, but had scarcely moved when the war-cry was set up
by the Foolahs, and a fire of musquetry opened by them on my men,
whose arms were almost useless from the rain of the preceding night,
and consequently they were unable to make the resistance they might
otherwise have done. Three of them were already wounded, as were
three of the Foolahs, when Thierno Bayla arrived from the village and
offering me his hand said, that if I would go quietly with him, no
one should molest me. I complied, as resistance would have been vain;
but notwithstanding all he could say or do, the rabble endeavoured to
tear my clothes from my back, and my sword from my side. Bayla to no
purpose endeavoured to keep them off. They were become so outrageous,
that three of them snapped their guns at me, but, from the careless
manner in which they did it, I doubted their being loaded.
On entering the town, we were conducted into a hut, and a man placed
at the door to keep off the crowd. By that time Mr. Partarrieau had
been informed of what had taken place, and came to the hut where we
were. He informed me that Isaaco had arrived only the day before,
and, having informed Bayla that I was coming with an army, and left
my horse in his hands, returned to Baquelle. He next told me that he
had agreed with Bayla to be allowed to go to the village of Fadgar,
about ten miles from Gowde Bofê, and there await the return of our
messengers from Foota. The first thing however to be thought of was
my own release and that of the men with me, and for that purpose
Bayla accompanied Mr. Partarrieau to the camp, where it was settled
that we should be permitted to go that evening or the next morning,
and that all the things taken from me or the men would be restored
on our arrival at Fadgar.
We left our prison at seven in the morning of the 14th, as I supposed
to go to our camp, but were not a little surprised at finding that
it was not the intention of Bayla to permit our doing so. I demanded
of him the fulfilment of his promise, but the only answer I received
was an order to mount a miserable looking horse, held by one of his
followers. To refuse would have been useless. Bayla was mounted on
mine, and attended by about one hundred armed men. We moved towards
the camp, where all were ready to move, and apparently waiting our
arrival; but we were not allowed to join them. Having marched at
a very smart pace until two P.M., we reached a large straggling
village, which on enquiry I found to be called Samba Jamangele,
and distant twelve miles west of Fadgar, the place agreed on,
and whither Mr. Partarrieau was gone. This annoyed me a little,
but there was now no remedy, except patiently awaiting the issue.
On our approach to the village, we were met by the women and children,
who came forth in hundreds to welcome the return of their husbands,
fathers, brothers, &c. Many of the young men and boys, who had
never apparently seen a white man before, approached me, and after
examining my face with evident surprise and fear, favoured me with
the epithets of ‘unbeliever’, ‘son of a hog’, ‘hater of God’, and
‘offspring of an unlawful connexion’. One old woman, apparently very
short-sighted, and no doubt mistaking me for one of the people of the
village, approached my horse’s side, and was in the act of giving me
her hand, when she perceived mine to be white, and, shrieking, she
almost fell to the ground with fright.
Bayla, who had gone to Fadgar with Mr. Partarrieau, called in
the afternoon, and told me that he would call again the following
morning, and allow me to return with my men to our camp. But his
promises were made to be broken; I did not see him until the 16th,
when he appointed a person to conduct us to Fadgar.
I left Samba Jamangele at two o’clock on the morning of the 17th
of June, and arrived at the camp at half after five, which, to my
astonishment, I found deserted. The tents were standing, and some
weak asses, and other articles which would necessarily impede their
march, were left behind.
The idea that they had gone for Baquelle, and what place they
must at that hour have been near, could alone compensate for the
disappointment I felt at their unexpected absence.
Bayla’s men, who appeared more taken up with searching the tents,
and every thing else they could lay their hands on, in hopes of
finding money, as they call it, than with the departure of the
mission, wished me to follow Mr. Partarrieau’s steps, which I
would willingly have done could I have prevailed on even one of
them to accompany me. But the hope they entertained of finding some
valuables in the camp, was too sanguine to admit of their leaving
it; in consequence of which I declined doing so, as I was not only
ignorant of the path, but aware that the inhabitants of the first
village I might come to, finding me unattended by any of Bayla’s
people, would stop me, and most probably treat me worse than he had
done. I therefore proposed our immediate return to Samba Jamangele,
where I should endeavour so to arrange matters with Bayla, as to
obtain from him permission to proceed, and guides to conduct me
to Baquelle.
It was some time before I could prevail on these people to return
with me, they were so absorbed in their work of plunder, but that,
not turning out as well as they expected, they gave up with much
apparent disappointment.
On our return to Samba Jamangele, a man was sent to acquaint Bayla
with what had taken place, and to request, at my desire, that he would
come without delay to arrange matters for my departure and that of
my men. He called on me in the evening on his return from Fadgar,
whither he had gone to secure such things as were left behind by
Mr. Partarrieau, and promised that he would appoint people to conduct
us on the following morning to Baquelle, where he had been told,
that Mr. Partarrieau with the whole party had arrived in safety.
In this, as in all other instances of promises made by this man,
I was disappointed, but to which, from its almost daily occurrence,
I was become nearly insensible.
I saw nothing of him until a very late hour on the night of the 20th
June, when, by means of a small present of two gold rings which I had
with me, and the promise of a few other things by the return of the
man he should send with me to Baquelle, I induced him to name a person
for that purpose, and to fix the following morning for our departure.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 20: For the form of agreement and amount of presents,
see Appendix, Articles 6 and 7.]
[Footnote 21: Article 7, Appendix.]
[Footnote 22: Article 9, Appendix.]
[Footnote 23: Article 10, Appendix.]
[Footnote 24: Properly called Siacco.]
CHAPTER XI.
Description of the Plain of Hourey — Occurrences there — Departure
and Arrival at Baquelle — Unfavourable Accounts from Mr. Dochard
— Kingdom of Galam.
The village of Samba Jamangele, which is of considerable extent,
is one of many which compose the district of Hourey, and is, with
all the others, situate in an extensive plain of that name, the view
of which is finely terminated in the south and west by a range of
hills covered with wood. To the north are a few isolated hills, and
to the east the eye loses itself over a gently undulating surface
of some miles thinly sprinkled with large trees.
The inhabitants, whose numbers do not exceed 3000, are descended
from the Foolahs (who some years since possessed themselves of that
country) and such of the former proprietors and their vassals as
embraced the Mahomedan faith. They are governed by Bayla, who is
a priest and a minister of the council of Foota, which is a sort
of republic, headed by an almamy, but who reigns only during the
pleasure of the council, and it is not at all uncommon to see this
chief changed two or three times within one year. These people have
every appearance of being comparatively happy. A very small share
of field labour supplies them over-abundantly with rice, corn, and
all the other vegetable productions of the country; vast herds of
cattle afford them milk, butter, and occasionally meat, and what
with their poultry and game, they are seldom without some addition
to their cous-cous.
They do not cultivate as large a quantity of cotton as their Bondoo
neighbours, but are well supplied with clothing both by them and
the French merchants at Senegal, in their communications with whom
they have invariably acted with the most base self-interestedness
and duplicity, not unfrequently terminating their differences in
the assassination of a master of a small vessel, or the plunder of
his cargo.
Here again does the pernicious effect of the Mahomedan faith make
itself evident; for those people are taught by their priests to
regard the murder of an infidel, or the destruction of his property,
as a meritorious act in the eyes of their prophet:—but of this in
another place.
We left Samba Jamangele at two o’clock on the morning of the 21st
of June, and after a most fatiguing march of eight hours we reached a
small village called Bunjuncole, where we halted until half after two.
We were hospitably received by the chief of the village, whose wife,
having been a concubine of the late almamy of Bondoo, amongst other
royal visitors, received a small present from me on our first entering
that country, and in return for which she now gave us a reception that
evinced a sense of gratitude, which was rendered doubly acceptable by
the situation we were then placed in, and the rare occurrence of such
a return for the many many presents I had made while in that country.
We reached Jouar at six in the evening, and would have proceeded that
night to Baquelle, had I not been so fatigued from having walked the
whole way, near fifty miles, that when I was once seated, I found
it impossible to move farther. On the following morning the master
of Jouar, at whose house we passed the first comfortable night since
we left Boolibany, and whose mild and hospitable behaviour formed a
pleasant contrast with the insolent and unfriendly treatment we had so
lately and so generally experienced at the hands of Bayla and Almamy,
having accommodated me with a horse for myself, and procured another
for Charles Jowe, who had voluntarily remained with me ever since
the unfortunate affair of the 13th, we proceeded along the banks of
the river to Baquelle, where I arrived at half after nine, and was
cordially welcomed by the French officers, and Mr. Partarrieau, who
(not expecting that Bayla would let me go so easily) were concerting
measures for my release and that of the men with me, but these were
now rendered unnecessary.
On the following morning I gave to the men who accompanied me as
guides, half a piece of baft each, and in fulfilment of my promise,
delivered to them for Bayla, a present, amounting to fifty bars or
thereabouts. They were thankful for the former, and seemed surprised
on receiving the latter, for they decidedly thought I should decline
giving any thing, at least, so considerable as what I had done,
when once removed from the power of their master.
The men since their arrival at Baquelle had been encamped on the
north bank of the river, and had commenced forming huts on that side;
but I found the situation so low, and liable to inundation during
the rains which had then so completely set in that the river had
risen some feet, that I took up another and better position on the
south bank, on a rock, elevated about sixty feet above the river,
and surrounded partly by the then unfinished walls of the French
fort, and partly by the half demolished ones of a part of the town
of Baquelle, which formerly stood there. In taking up this position
I was also influenced by a report which was in circulation that
Almamy Bondoo had privately assembled a large force at Conghel,
for the purpose of attacking our post on the opposite side of the
river. In settling ourselves in our new quarters we received the
most ready and cordial assistance from Messrs. Dupont and Dusault,
and the gentlemen of the Senegal Company’s vessels then trading
there, and which was most acceptable at that moment, as a great
many of our native soldiers were affected with Guinea Worm, and the
Europeans were so fatigued from the effects of the late retreat,
that they were unable to do much.
Almamy, who was not yet satisfied with throwing difficulties in
the way of my progress, thinking that I should without delay take
the road through Kaarta, made preparations to oppose me; but here I
would have put his abilities to the test, as I should have ascended
the river in boats, had not the state of the season, and the losses
we had experienced in our retreat from Bondoo, and particularly that
from Fadgar, rendered it imprudent, nay impossible, to proceed.
The uncertainty I was in with respect to Mr. Dochard’s proceedings
at Sego, although of a very perplexing nature, would not then
have prevented my moving on towards that place, and which I would
have attempted, had not the foregoing insurmountable difficulties
presented themselves.
The 28th of June brought letters from him bearing date 10th of May,
which, however, gave no prospect of a favourable answer from the king.
He informed me that he reached Dhaba, a town of Bambarra, on the 9th
of November, where Lamina left him, and went forward, accompanied by
Private Wilson, to acquaint the king with his arrival, and promised
to be back in ten days at farthest. It was not however until the 21st
that Wilson returned. He stated that Lamina, who left him at Sego
Korro, and went to see the king at Sego See Korro, despatched him to
acquaint Mr. Dochard that his brother, who was the king’s treasurer
and receiver of customs, having died three days after his arrival
there, he could not return until his affairs should be settled. This
although unpleasant news was to be borne with, for it was useless to
attempt putting those people out of their usual routine of business.
In this state of anxious suspense he remained until the 12th of
December, when he moved forward to Ko, a small village within a
few miles of Nyamina, where he arrived on the 9th of January, 1819;
and on the 11th received a message from the king to halt at Ko until
he should see people from him. Those people did not, however, make
their appearance until the 14th February, when Lamina, accompanied
by three of the king’s men, arrived, and stated that they were
sent by his majesty to apologize for having detained Mr. D. so long,
and to see the present he brought for him. Mr. Dochard immediately
complied with their request; when each article was strictly examined,
and seemed to give much satisfaction, but they said that Dha had
directed them to be also submitted to the inspection of a Bushreen,
who would see them on the following day.
This man made his appearance on the 15th, and having examined the
present in the same way as the others had done, and expressed his
approbation of the different articles, left Mr. Dochard to deliver
it to the persons sent by Dha, whose orders they said it was that
Mr. Dochard should go to Bamakoo, and there remain until he should
decide on what answer to give in reference to the business which
brought the “white people” to Bambarra.
Mr. Dochard in vain made many objections to moving so far from Sego,
to which the only answer given was, that “It was the king’s
orders, and must be obeyed.” They stated, however, that his reason
for acting in that manner was his fear that his enemies (the Massina
Foolahs) would hear of the arrival of the whites.
This said nothing: and all that could be done was to comply. Mr.
Dochard, therefore, on the 17th, moved towards the river, where a canoe
was to be in readiness to conduct them to Bamakoo. He reached Cumeney
on the south bank of the Niger (having crossed it in canoes) on the
18th February, and on the same day ascended the river, then nearly
half a mile wide.
In their progress they were much impeded by the falls, which had then
very little water on them; and having passed several towns on each
bank, reached Kooli-Korro on the 20th, and arrived at Manaboogoo,
at noon on the 21st.
The population of Kooli-Korro, which is a considerable town, is
entirely composed of murderers, thieves, and runaway slaves, who live
there exempt from the punishment their crimes merit in consequence
of their wearing about their persons, a stone (taken from a hill in
the vicinity of the town), and which, from a superstitious belief
amongst the Bambarras, would immediately kill any one who should
touch them; and such is the dread entertained of this place, that
the very name must not be mentioned in presence of the king.
As the river was not at that season navigable any higher up, they
disembarked, and marched to Bamakoo, where they were accommodated
with huts.
Lamina, who with one of Dha’s men accompanied Mr. Dochard to
Bamakoo, being directed to acquaint his majesty with our views in
entering and our wish to pass through his country, and to request that
he would, as soon as possible, give his answer, returned to Sego on
the 26th, promising to use his influence with the king in our favour.
It was not until the 25th of April, 1819, that the man (Dhangina)
I sent with Alley Low, from Samba Contaye, in Sept. 1818, reached
Bamakoo, with my letters to Mr. Dochard, who up to that period had not
received any decisive answer from Sego, although he had repeatedly
sent messengers requesting to be made acquainted with the cause of
the delay, which he was led to understand arose from the unsettled
state of the war with the Massina Foolahs.
That was saying nothing to our purpose: but as patience and
perseverance offered us the only chance of success, both Mr. Dochard
and myself were determined to make every sacrifice to the attainment
of the object the British government had in view.
In this state of anxious suspense did things remain with me at
Baquelle, whence I despatched Dhangina a second time with letters
and supplies to Mr. Dochard. The effects of our late retreat began
to make themselves evident in the health of the party; many of the
Europeans (one of whom was killed by lightning on the 20th of June)
were dangerously ill with fever and dysentery, and more than half the
native soldiers, as I have already observed, were partially crippled
by the Guinea-worm, which had visited Mr. Partarrieau so severely,
that he was confined to his bed for some weeks.
The chiefs of Foota having been made acquainted with the manner in
which we had been treated by Bayla (who had neither consulted with
them on that occasion, nor divided with them what he had received
and plundered from us), and supposing that such was the cause
of our not pursuing the road through their country to the coast,
and consequently of their not receiving large presents, &c., were
actuated by a feeling of jealousy, which led them to request we would
give to their messengers (who arrived at Baquelle on the 8th of July)
a detailed account of his conduct towards us, and the losses we had
sustained in consequence, all which, they promised, should be laid
before the tribunals of the country, and judged impartially.
Although I felt convinced that these chiefs were only acting from an
impulse of self-interest, which they knew would, in some degree, be
gratified by the presents, which their apparent efforts to render me
satisfaction for the injuries received at the hands of one of them,
would draw from me, I nevertheless thought it a fit opportunity of
putting their justice to the test, and (if decided in our favour) of
proving to the people of that part of the country, that although we
had been treated ill by Almamy Bondoo and this chief, their conduct
had been contrary to their own laws, and as such disgraceful only to
themselves. I was in hopes also that a favourable decision in this
case would lead to an investigation of Almamy Bondoo’s treatment
of us, and induce him, if he had any honor left, to evince it in
making restitution for the losses we sustained in his country.
I therefore delivered to the messengers a letter to those chiefs,
in which I gave the information they required, and requested their
immediate decision, and having made them a small present each, and
appointed Charles Joe to accompany them, they left us on the 19th
of July.
The month of August passed over without any remarkable occurrence,
save the death of one of the European civilians (Hudson), who died
of fever on the 14th.
On the 12th of September, I paid a visit to the Tonca of Tuabo (the
capital of Lower Galam), and made him a small present. The river was
then so swollen that its banks were no longer capable of containing
its waters, which had completely overflowed all the low grounds in
its vicinity, and destroyed a large proportion of the corn that was
just then coming into ear. Many of the towns had suffered much in
their walls and houses, which being wholly composed of clay, when
once wet tumbled to the ground. The view of Tuabo at that moment was
peculiarly striking: it had all the appearance of a floating town,
rendered the more picturesque by being beautifully shaded with dates,
tamarind, and other large trees. The inhabitants were in the utmost
consternation lest it should rise higher, in which case they would
have been obliged to leave the town.
It is impossible to convey an accurate idea of the grandeur of the
scene. The Senegal, which is there nearly half a mile wide, and
then higher than remembered by the oldest inhabitant of the country,
was hurrying along at the rate of four miles an hour, covered with
small floating islands and trees, on both which were seen standing
large aigretts, whose glaring white feathers, rendered doubly so
by a brilliant sun, formed a pleasing contrast with the green reeds
around them, or the brown trunks of trees whereon they stood.
The mountains on either side of the river, to whose bases the
inundation reached, (forming an extensive sheet of water, on the
surface of which appeared the tops of trees nearly covered,) were
clothed with the most luxuriant verdure, and, although not very high,
added much to the richness of the scene.
On the evening of the 7th of October, Charles Joe returned from Foota,
bringing with him the animals, and some of the articles belonging to
the mission, which had been left at Fadgar, and gave the following
account of his embassy.
On his arrival at Chuloigne, the capital of Foota, he was obliged
to wait until the election of an Almamy took place. This delayed
him six weeks; when Thieno Biram, a known friend to Europeans, was
chosen, and a general assembly of the chiefs then present called,
before whom the affair was brought, and, after much discussion,
given against Bayla, who was declared to have committed a crime
worthy death, but which, in this instance, should be mitigated into
banishment from the country. Bayla endeavoured to excuse himself,
by saying, that he was instigated to treat us as he had done by
Almamy Bondoo; whose letters to that effect he was going to produce,
when he was told by Almamy Foota, that, as he was not a subject
of Bondoo, nor amenable, in any way, to the laws of that country,
he was unwarranted in carrying into effect the orders of its chief,
who should have been ashamed of his conduct towards us.
It was also decreed by the assembly, that every thing which had
either been given to Bayla as presents, or lost in the country from
his misconduct, should be restored or paid for, and that all those
who assisted him should receive one hundred lashes, or pay the ransom.
Such things as Bayla had then with him—namely, my horse, sword,
and a gun he had received as a present—were delivered to Charles
Joe, who, without delay, proceeded on his return, accompanied by
Almamy’s brother and son, who received orders to restore every
thing they could find belonging to the expedition, and to escort
Charles Joe to Baquelle. All this they did, and brought with them
the articles mentioned[25]; but, as many others were still missing,
I lost no time in furnishing Almamy’s brother with a list of them,
and having made him and those with him presents, despatched them. They
promised to use their utmost endeavours to find those things, but
I never saw them again, which arose, I believe, in a great measure,
from Almamy Biram having been soon deposed.
The latter end of November approached without any intelligence from
Mr. Dochard, or the arrival of the fleet (from Senegal), from which
I was in hopes of being able to procure a supply of the merchandise I
stood in need of, to enable me to move forward. To remedy the former,
at least as much as lay in my power, I despatched another messenger
to Sego on the 9th of December; but to procure the necessary supplies
without the arrival of vessels from the coast was impossible: I was
therefore obliged to wait until all things should combine to render
my moving likely to be productive of any benefit.
In addition to the deaths already mentioned since our arrival at
Baquelle, we had to deplore the loss of two of the most useful,
and hitherto most healthy Europeans of the mission; the one a
sergeant (Duffy), and the other a private (Dodds), of the royal
African corps. Nearly all had suffered more or less from the
effects of the rains which ceased about the latter end of October,
leaving behind them, however, swamps and stagnant pools, not less
deleterious in their effects on the constitution than the former,
and certainly more immediately unpleasant, by the effluvia arising
from such putrid reservoirs of the vegetable matter, which in that
country so profusely abounds in all low situations.
Our animals too, particularly those not bred in the country, died
rapidly. We had lost since our arrival three camels, six horses,
and eight asses.
We found much difficulty in procuring an adequate supply of provisions
during the rains, in consequence of the war between Senegal and Foota
and of some misunderstanding between Almamy Bondoo and the officer
commanding at Baquelle; and, to add to this difficulty, the Tonca
of Tuabo, at the instigation of Almamy Bondoo, put a stop to the
supplies from some of his towns, and seized a boat which had been
employed purchasing corn from the people of the towns on the river
side. As a pretext for such conduct he said that “_the whites, his
tributaries_,” had not made him sufficiently frequent and handsome
presents, or, in other words, had not fully satisfied his avarice.
This man who was very old and much debilitated in mental as well as
bodily faculties, was controlled in all his actions by a relation
of his own, who was one of those that first caused dissentions
in the country, and sanctioned Almamy’s views on it; which,
in this instance, he was most effectually forwarding, by partly
cutting off our supplies. In fact every means were resorted to by
Almamy and his associates to oppose not only our further progress,
but the French works at Baquelle, where he was aware the existence
of such an establishment would materially weaken his authority, and
eventually place that country in its former respectability. He had
another reason for not favouring a permanent factory (at least on the
principles of that carrying on there) in Galam, namely, the facility
it would afford his enemies, the Kaartans, and the inhabitants of
the upper state, of procuring supplies of arms and ammunition: in
fact, had he been able to do as he wished, not an article of European
merchandize would have passed Bondoo, nor an article of the production
of any of his neighbours have found its way to a European market.
The kingdom of Galam[26] extends from within a few miles of the
cataract of Feloo in the east (where it is bounded by Kasson),
about forty miles west of the Fa-lemme to the N. Geercer creek,
which divides it from Foota; on the south it is bounded by Bondoo;
and is at present composed of a string of towns on the south or
left bank of the Senegal. It formerly extended several miles in
the direction of Bondoo, Foota, and Bambouk, but has of late years
diminished to its present insignificant state, in consequence of
dissentions amongst the different branches of the royal family,
and the encroachments of their enemies. It is divided into upper and
lower; the river Fa-lemmê[27] is the line of separation. The upper is
governed by the Tonca of Maghana; and the lower by the Tonca of Tuabo;
those towns being the capitals to their respective divisions, and
neither acknowledging the supremacy of the other, although formerly,
and of right, it belonged to the former, near which are the ruins of
Fort St. Joseph. The succession to the crown is not hereditary; it
descends in a regular line to the eldest branch of a numerous family
called Batcheries, who are the undisputed chiefs of the country.
The face of the country is very mountainous, and much covered
with wood, a large proportion of which is well adapted to common
uses. Its vegetable productions are the same as those of Bondoo,
from which country it differs in nothing save its proximity to the
river, and its partial inundation during the season of the rains.
The commerce, like that of Bondoo, consists in the exchange of
the productions of the country for European goods. Those are again
exchanged with their neighbours of Kaarta, Kasson, and Bambouk, for
gold, ivory, and slaves, who are in their turn sold to the French
vessels from Senegal.
Their manufactures, although nearly the same as those of their
neighbours, have the advantage of them in some respects, particularly
that of weaving and dyeing the cotton; and whether it be that the
humidity of the soil on the banks of the river is more congenial to
the growth of the cotton and indigo, or that the manufacturers are
more expert, I cannot say; but certain it is, that they can dye a
much finer blue than I have before seen in Africa. The process is
precisely the same as that mentioned by Mr. Park to be followed by
the inhabitants of Iindey near the Gambia.
Their dress and manner of living is also nearly the same as those of
the people of Bondoo. The former is made rather larger in the same
shape, and the latter is more frequently seasoned with fish, in which
the river abounds. They are proverbially fond of animal food, which,
although arrived at a higher degree of keeping than would please the
palates of our most decided epicures, would not be rejected by them. I
have seen a dead hippopotamus floating down the river, and poisoning
the air with its putrid vapours, drawn to shore by them, and such was
their love of meat, that they nearly came to blows about its division.
From a state of Paganism these people are progressively embracing the
Mahometan faith; but many still despise its tenets, disregard its
ceremonies, and indulge freely in the use of strong liquors. Some
towns are wholly inhabited by priests, who are by far the most
wealthy and respectable members of the community. There is a mosque
in every town, and the times of worship are strictly attended to by
the priests and their converts.
From the long existence of a state of commercial intercourse (which
has been but partially interrupted by Foota) between these people
and the inhabitants of Senegal, arises a degree of respect which is
invariably paid by them to all Europeans who visit their country;
and although the exorbitant demands of the chiefs for presents (now
called customs) sometimes cause altercations and temporary quarrels
between them, they must nevertheless be considered as more friendly
to Europeans than any other of the surrounding tribes. Whether
this proceeds (as some pretend to think) from their being more in
the power of the vessels which come up to trade at their towns (all
which are situate on the river side, and exposed to much damage from
the smallest piece of cannon, in case of misconduct), or from a mild
and peaceable disposition, I will not venture to decide positively;
but I think I should not labour under a very great error, in saying
that the many advantages they derive yearly from such an intercourse
(and of which they acknowledge themselves sensible), leads them,
like the mass of mankind, to consult their own interest; and to
forward which they must in some cases submit to the desires (at
all times not very honourable) of those who trade with them. They
profess an attachment to and claim relationship with the inhabitants
of Senegal, and if hospitality can in any degree prove the sincerity
of the former, it must be allowed they have such attachment, as the
house of a Serrawolli, and every thing it contains, is at all times
at the service of the poorest inhabitant of that place.
Their local situation and the advantages they derive from it, render
them enemies to the people of Bondoo, who have nothing to do with
the river except through the medium of their country; hence, the
great exertions of the late Almamy Amady to subjugate the nation,
and which he may be said to have in some degree accomplished;
for he, by one means or other, gained such authority amongst them,
that of late years the vessels trading in the river were obliged to
pay him a large present before they could pass Yafrey[28]. He also
succeeded in sowing the seeds of discord between the chiefs of the
upper and lower States, the latter of whom he contrived to attach
to his own cause, or at least so much so that when Almamy attacked
the former, the latter, although closely related, afforded them no
assistance. Since the death of Almamy and the arrival of the French
to settle at Galam, they appear to be progressively approaching to
their former respectability.
The population of Galam has increased considerably within the
last two years, in consequence of many of the inhabitants of the
Gedumagh towns on the north bank of the river having settled there,
being obliged to quit their own country by the Kaartans, to whom
they were tributary, but whose exorbitant demands they had for some
years declined complying with, thereby bringing on themselves either
slavery or the absolute necessity of quitting their homes.
Great numbers of dates are grown in all the towns, which are
beautifully shaded with large trees of the fig and other kinds, and
being well walled, have a more respectable appearance than might be
expected from people whose means are so limited.
Their amusements, animals, household furniture, and musical
instruments are the same as those of Bondoo; but the people themselves
are neither so lively in their manners, nor so apparently active
in their occupations as those of that country. A Serrawolli is
seldom seen to run; a grave and sober deportment, and an apparent
indifference to all matters characterize those people. In stature
they are large, and in make more robust, yet less elegant, than the
Foolahs. Their colour is a jetty black, which they are at much pains
to preserve (particularly in the dry season) by using a profusion
of rancid butter. The women are, if possible, more fond of gaudy
articles of dress than their neighbours, and will make any sacrifice
at the shrine of finery.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 25: Article 11. Appendix.]
[Footnote 26: Called Kajaaga by the natives.]
[Footnote 27: Signifying “small river.”]
[Footnote 28: A large town ten miles west of the Fa-lemmê.]
CHAPTER XII.
Report of Mr. Dochard’s Arrival in Kaarta — My Departure for
St. Joseph, and Meeting with Mr. D. — Return to Baquelle —
Messenger sent to Sego — Arrival of Fleet from St. Louis —
Mr. D.’s Return to the Coast, and my final Determination — Visit
to St. Joseph — Conduct of Almamy Bondoo — Return from St. Joseph
— State of Affairs at Baquelle — Departure from thence — Delay
at St. Joseph — Assembly of Chiefs, &c. &c.
On the 30th of June I was informed by a Serrawolli merchant, who
came direct from Dhyage, the capital of Kaarta, that Mr. Dochard had
arrived at that place from Sego: but as I had found those people so
little worthy of credit on most occasions, I doubted the correctness
of his statement, particularly as he said he had seen Mr. Dochard,
but brought no letter from him, although he was aware he should
see me sooner than Mr. Dochard could himself. An opportunity
offering, however, for my going to Fort St. Joseph, by a boat,
on board which one of the French officers was proceeding to that
place, I took advantage of it, in order to ascertain beyond a doubt
whether Mr. Dochard had arrived, and if so to request Samba Congole
to despatch a messenger without delay, to render him any assistance
he might require.
I left Baquelle on the evening of the 6th of June, and arrived at
Fort St. Joseph at seven the following evening, when I was agreeably
surprised on finding that Mr. Dochard had reached there on the 4th,
but in so bad a state of health from a violent and protracted attack
of dysentery, that he could scarcely rise from the mat on which he
was lying to give me his hand, and which I apprehended he could not
long live to do. Although there was no occurrence, next to that of
being able to prosecute my journey, which I sighed for more ardently
or impatiently than the return of my friend and companion, I was but
half gratified by finding him so ill. He was dreadfully emaciated,
but in good spirits, and expressed a conviction that a little rest,
and the satisfaction he felt at meeting us all in comparatively good
health, would soon restore him.
My impatience to become acquainted with the result of his embassy
was so great that he observed it, and immediately imparted to me the
unpleasant intelligence that the only answer he could obtain was,
“that until the war terminated Dha could not allow us to pass.” So
that after waiting nearly two years for what this king’s messenger
informed us would be granted the moment we arrived in the country,
we were now told if we wished to await the issue of a war (and in
which the Bambarras were by no means successful), we should obtain
it. It now then remained for us to decide what steps we should take,
under all the circumstances of our case, as most likely to afford
prospects of success: but before coming to any determination, it was
necessary to wait the arrival of the vessels from Senegal to obtain
the supplies we so much wanted.
The first object, however, was to remove Mr. Dochard to Baquelle,
for which purpose Lieutenant Dusault (although not ready to return
himself) politely lent his boat.
On our arrival on board His Most Christian Majesty’s brig, the
officer commanding (Lieutenant Dupont, to whom, as well as to his
companion, I shall ever feel indebted for their attention to myself on
all occasions) added another link to the chain of obligations by which
I was already bound to them, in offering Mr. Dochard accommodation on
board his brig, where Lieutenant Dupont politely said, no exertions of
his to alleviate Mr. Dochard’s present sufferings, and, if possible,
erase the remembrance of the past, should be wanting. This offer,
like all others from those gallant officers, was made with such
really cordial warmth of heart, and such an evident wish on the
part of Lieutenant Dupont to minister personally to my friend’s
wants, that, although it was taking from myself the pleasure I had
anticipated, I complied; and having supplied him as well as my poor
wardrobe would allow with clean linen, left him to take that repose
of which he was so much in need.
As Mr. Dochard had left Bambarra without Dha’s permission, and had
left behind him three of his men who had been at Sego for some time
previous to his leaving Bamakoo, I feared that Dha might suppose I
had abandoned the hope of prosecuting my journey, and although he
had not as yet sanctioned our passing, I was in hopes that the cause
assigned for not doing so (namely, the war with the Massina Foolahs)
might soon be removed by its termination, and afford us the long
wished-for opportunity of following up the object we had in view. In
order therefore to assure Dha that, although Mr. Dochard had left his
country without his knowledge, we had not relinquished our proceedings
there, I despatched one of my own men, a native of N’Yamina, with
a letter to him and his ministers, accompanied with small presents,
requesting them to take especial care of the men left at Sego by
Mr. Dochard, and to send me, with as little delay as possible, a
decisive answer: my man accompanied a native merchant, named Usufe
(a cousin of Isaaco), who was going on a trading voyage to Sego,
and to whom I promised five pieces of baft, in case he should render
my messenger such assistance as he might require. They left Baquelle
on the 3rd of August.
Mr. Dochard continued extremely low, and what with the effects of the
complaint he had been so long labouring under, and frequent attacks
of fever since his return, he was reduced to that state from which
I much doubted the possibility of a recovery. He did not, however,
entertain the same apprehensions, and this alone enabled him to
support his complicated sufferings, much aggravated by the state of
the season, which was very wet and sultry.
On the 28th of August, a steam-boat arrived from St. Louis, having
a few days before parted from the fleet, which experienced much
difficulty and opposition in passing the Foota-Toro country, where the
inhabitants (who were armed with muskets, and had formed intrenchments
on the river side for the purpose,) attacked the vessels, on board
which several men were killed and wounded, and one of the Galam
Company’s sloops sunk in consequence of the confusion. It was
not, however, until the 21st of September that the fleet made its
appearance, when having fruitlessly endeavoured to procure the
supplies wanted, I saw the utter impossibility of proceeding with
the whole expedition, and therefore came to the determination of
sending to the coast Mr. Dochard, Mr. Partarrieau, and all the men,
except fifteen, with whom I decided on making another attempt to
proceed. Mr. Dochard wished much (notwithstanding his enfeebled state
of health) to accompany me, but I could not in justice to him, to
my own feelings, or indeed to the service in which I was so warmly
engaged, comply with his request. I was thus reduced to the very
last effort; and however reluctantly I parted with those officers
and men who had been my companions in privations, difficulties, and
anxiety since 1818, I felt a satisfaction in saying to them that the
circumstances I was then placed in could alone induce me to dispense
with the services which on all occasions, and in the most trying
cases, they had rendered with so much cheerfulness and patience. When
selecting from the party such men as I conceived best adapted to the
peculiarity of the service we were about to enter on, nearly every
man volunteered to accompany me to the very last moment; but my
means were then reduced to so limited a compass, and the necessity
of proceeding with a small party in such circumstances so decidedly
imperious, that I could not accept of their further services, and
therefore chose fifteen, among whom was my sergeant-major (Lee),
a man, who to the strictest sentiments of honor added those of cool
determined bravery and a strong impulse to render every possible
assistance in bringing our service to a favourable termination. All
the others were men of colour, either soldiers of the African corps
or inhabitants of Senegal; of the latter was Charles Joe, a mulatto
of respectable connexions, and a man who had in many instances evinced
much devotion to the interests of the expedition, and firm attachment
to my person. Many of his friends then at Baquelle used all their
influence and persuasion to induce him to leave me. He told them,
however, that he had given his word never to desert the cause,
and he would not break it.
Having made all the preparations necessary for the departure of those
officers and men, they embarked on the 29th of September on board the
fleet returning to St. Louis, the commandant of which, Mr. Le Blanc,
received at his table Mr. Dochard. The vessels did not sail until the
30th: I accompanied them to Tuabo. On taking leave of my companions
my feelings were such as I am unable to describe. I leave those who
have themselves parted from friends whom they had every probability
of never seeing more, to judge what mine must have been; suffice it
to say, that my spirits for the remainder of that day were at their
lowest ebb.
From that unpleasant state of mind I was awakened by the reflection
that the step I had taken was the only one which offered any prospect
of success. I took advantage of a boat going to Fort St. Joseph on
the 5th of October, for the purpose of soliciting the interest of
Samba Congole with Modiba King of Kaarta, for my passage through that
country. Contrary winds and strong currents prevented my arriving
there before the 8th, when having made known to Samba the object of
my visit, and made him a small present, he assured me that I might
depend on his forwarding my views in every way he could; he also
agreed to send a party of horse to escort me from Baquelle, which
place I purposed leaving in November. On my return to Baquelle,
I found the French commandant, Mr. Hesse, in dispute with the Tonca
of Tuabo, who having made some demands for customs, with which the
former did not think right to comply, declared hostilities. Angry
words and threats on both sides, however, were alone resorted to,
and continued to the 18th, during which time I was busily employed
in making preparations for our march. These being completed, on
the 31st of October I despatched a messenger to demand the promised
escort from Samba, whose brother arrived at Baquelle on the 6th of
November, accompanied by four horsemen and ten foot. He informed me
that having some business of his brother’s to transact at Tuabo,
he could not be ready to return before three or four days.
Almamy Bondoo, who by some means got information of my intended
movement, and supposing that we should proceed by water to Fort
St. Joseph, posted a strong party at Yafrey to oppose our passage;
thus proving that he had all along been determined to prevent our
proceeding eastward. He was, however, misinformed, for although I
intended (and did take advantage of a boat going to that place) to
send all my baggage thither, I had determined on proceeding with the
men and animals by a path on the north side of the river, where we
should not meet any of the people of Bondoo, and few, if any, of any
other tribes, as all the towns on that side had been either destroyed
by the Kaartans, or deserted by their inhabitants. Almamy’s arrival
with his army at Baquelle, prevented Dhyabê[29] from returning as
soon as he otherwise would have done: I was therefore compelled to
wait for him until the 16th, having sent off my baggage on the 9th.
We left Baquelle on the morning of the 17th, and travelled ESE. until
six P.M. when we halted for the night, all much fatigued, at a pool
of muddy water in the woods. The country over which we travelled
was low and flat, much covered with wood, and bore the marks of the
late inundation. We met several herds of wild hogs and antelopes,
and saw the recent footmarks of the elephant and hippopotamus in
the vicinity of the small creeks we crossed. The following morning
we moved forward in the same direction until we came to the river,
along the north bank of which we continued our march through deserted
and ruined towns until three P.M., when we reached Goosela, a small
walled town of Gidumagh, at which we halted for the night.
Goosela is one of a few Gidumagh towns which remain on the north
bank of the Senegal, tributary to the Kaartans and Moors, and which
makes itself very evident in the miserably wretched and poverty
struck appearance of the inhabitants, whose numbers do not exceed
one hundred and fifty. It is situate on an elevated spot about 500
yards from the river.
A march of two hours along the banks of the river brought us opposite
Fort St. Joseph, on the morning of the 19th, at eight o’clock,
when canoes having been provided by Samba Congole, we crossed without
delay, and found our baggage safely deposited in a square mud building
in his yard, where I was myself accommodated with quarters.
My first object was to despatch a messenger to Modiba, requesting
that one of his confidential servants might be sent without delay to
conduct us into that country. One of Samba’s brothers was selected
for that service, and proceeded on the 1st of December with directions
from Samba to make as little delay as possible.
Fotigue, the man whom I sent, in company with Isaacco’s brother,
to Sego in August, arrived at Fort St. Joseph on the 3rd of
December without having been able to proceed farther than Dhyage,
in consequence of the inundated state of the country between Galam
and Kasson. They lost every thing they had, in crossing one of the
innumerable torrents which intersect that country during the rains,
and where he, as well as his companions, must have perished had
it not been for the timely and providential assistance rendered
them by a canoe belonging to Safêrê, a prince of Kasson, which
accidentally passed by the tree where they had been perched for two
days without food or the prospect of release. He stated having seen
a Moor at Dhyage who came from Sego, and informed him that at the
time of his departure the men left there by Mr. Dochard were on the
point of being despatched, in company with one of Dha’s people
named Sitafa, to meet me.
The 1st of January 1821, now arrived, but without the appearance
of the messenger: I was informed, however, by some native merchants
who arrived from Kaarta, that he was on the point of leaving it.
On the 11th I witnessed at Dramanet an assembly of the chiefs of
Upper Galam, on the occasion of nominating a new Tonca, and to
regulate some matters relative to the then state of that country. I
accompanied Samba Congole, who was attended by his brothers and the
chiefs of Maghana and Magha-doo-goo.
On our arrival at the Bentang or assembly-tree, near which is
situate the mosque, by far the most respectable edifice I have seen
in the interior, we were presented with mats, on which we took our
seats among a large crowd of spectators and chiefs, who were, like
ourselves, all seated.
[Illustration: W. Gray del.
MOSQUE & PLACE OF ASSEMBLY, at Dramanet Galam.
_Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London._]
The Tonca, whose arrival all appeared anxiously awaiting, soon
approached the place, preceded by a number of drums and singers,
making a horrible noise. His majesty was on horseback, dressed in
yellow, with a large gold ring in each ear, and followed by about
one hundred men armed with muskets. When he dismounted a mat was
spread for his accommodation near the trunk of the tree, and the
place sprinkled with water from an earthern jar by an old woman;
this was intended to sanctify (or in other words to drive away any
evil spirits from) the place. This ceremony, which was performed
with much apparent awe and profound silence, being finished, and
the Tonca being seated, the proceedings commenced by a griot or
bard proclaiming in a loud voice the object of their meeting, and
desiring that all those who had any thing to say on the subject,
should do so. Each chief then paid his respects to the Tonca, by
calling aloud his surname (Batchirie) and wishing him a long and
prosperous reign. The chief of Dramanet, who is a priest and styled
Almamy, spoke much. He said that, during the late wars with Bondoo,
many of the chiefs present had either abandoned their towns to the
enemy and taken refuge in those on the west side of the Faleme,
there remaining inactive spectators of their country’s fall,
or openly assisted in its destruction, which their base conduct
had so nearly completed that it became absolutely necessary they
should adopt some decisive measure for its defence. He called on
them to take example by the hitherto unsubdued resistance made
by Samba Congole and the chiefs of Maghana and Magha-doo-goo, who
preferred risking their own lives and the liberty of their families
to a galling and disgraceful subjection to their enemies: that
the time was now arrived when an understanding must be established
between them; and he advised them strongly to return to their duty,
rebuild their towns, and support with him and his colleagues a
war which threatened their very existence. Tonca and Samba spoke
in their turn to nearly the same purpose. The end of each sentence
spoken by the former was followed by two or three strokes on a drum,
and every word the latter said was received with applause. All was
carried on in a manner that would not reflect disgrace on the most
enlightened senate. One person only presumed to speak at a time,
and that in a low voice, and the person speaking never received any
interruption before he announced his having finished, which, as well
as all that each had said, was repeated in a loud and distinct voice
by the respective bards, or griots of the chiefs.
I witnessed a similar assembly at Bondoo, but it was by no means
conducted with similar regularity, or respect to good order. The
assembly sat three hours, and was dismissed by the Tonca informing
the chiefs that having heard all that was advanced on either side,
it remained for those to whom the proposal of acting in unison with
the others for their country’s good was made, to decide whether they
would do so or abide the consequences, which he hinted might not be
very pleasant, as the king of Kaarta had made known his determination,
“God willing”, to visit their country in the course of that year.
I was much astonished at the shrewd remarks, specious motives,
and expressive language used by some of the chiefs present. Almaney
Dramanêt, a man advanced in years, possessing considerable influence
in the country, and, as he said, “only answerable to God and his
country for his actions”, used every argument, and brought forward
every instance of the noble conduct of their ancestors, to induce such
as had deserted the cause, to re-embrace it with hand and heart. He
expatiated at much length on the disgrace in the eyes of the world,
and the sin in the eyes of God, upon the line of conduct they had
adopted towards their country and their relatives would inevitably
draw down on them; and as an excitement to a return to their duty,
he painted in very pleasing colours, the happy and respectable state
of that country whose chiefs and inhabitants, having successfully
used their joint endeavours to defend it from the encroachments of
an inveterate enemy, enjoyed the fruits of their labours, with the
satisfaction of a good conscience, and the comforts of a social and
quiet life.
I could quote numerous other similar arguments made use of by many
of them, but as I suppose the object that I had in view in doing so
at all is gained by what I have just stated, I shall not weary my
reader with unnecessary matter, and shall therefore merely say that
these people are far from being that savage unsophisticated race of
mortals, which they are by many supposed to be; and, in my humble
opinion, want but long and uninterrupted intercourse with enlightened
nations, and the introduction of the Christian religion, to place
them on a level with their more wealthy northern fellow-creatures.
Samba’s messenger did not return from Kaarta until the 26th of
January, at so late an hour that, although my anxiety to be made
acquainted with the result of his embassy was great indeed, I was
obliged to exert my patience until the following morning, when Samba
came with him to my hut, and informed me that, after waiting several
days for an answer from Modiba, he at length received one to the
following effect, that a guide should be appointed immediately to
conduct me to Kaarta, and that every assistance and protection I might
require should be afforded me as far as Modiba’s arm (influence)
extended. This was (as far as words went) good; but the guide had
not arrived, and although the messenger was told he should join him
before he passed the frontier (where he waited two days for him),
he did not make his appearance. The messenger, however, said that I
might expect to see him in a few days. Patience again: for without
it nothing was to be done. On this occasion however (at least with
regard to his coming) it was not much tried, for he arrived on the
28th instant, after telling me that Modiba had sent him to conduct
me to Kaarta, where I should be received and treated as the friend
of Samba. He said that in consequence of the wilderness through which
our path lay being infested at that time by several bands of robbers
from Kasson under Hawah Demba, he could not undertake to lead me
into it, before he could (by returning to Kaarta) bring a force to
escort me. This was a disappointment indeed. I urged him to banish
his fears on my account; and told him that although I well knew such
robbers were on the road, and actually murdered and robbed several
people, I was nevertheless ready and anxious to proceed, as I felt
satisfied that no party of those people, were they even three times
our number, would dare to attack us. Remonstrance was vain. I was
obliged to submit to farther delay, which both Samba and the Guide
(Bokari) promised should not be longer than twelve days.
This unexpected procrastination was almost insupportable. I saw my
means fast diminishing, the fine weather as rapidly passing away,
and no more prospect of sincerity on the part of Modiba than I had
experienced from Almamy. The hope, however, that I might be deceived
in my opinion, and that the promised day would bring back Bokari
with an escort, rendered it passingly tolerable to one who, from
constant disappointment, had, in some measure, become insensible to
the anxiety incident to such a state; but to add to my annoyance on
that head, I could not get Bokari to move before the 4th of February,
in consequence of one of two Moors who had gone in search of game
for Samba, having been murdered by the party under Hawah Demba on
the 25th of January.
However, in order that no business of mine should delay me a moment
after the return of Bokari, I made the presents to Samba and the
chiefs of that part of Galam, which their attention to me and their
intercession with Modiba in my behalf deservedly merited.
From the 10th of February, the day on which Bokari promised I should
see him, to the 13th of March was spent by me in endeavours to induce
a travelling merchant then at Fort St. Joseph, and about to proceed
to Kaarta with a large caravan, to allow me to accompany him, to
no effect. He said, he dare not bring a white man into that country
without Modiba’s permission. This, however, was not his motive for
refusing; he thought, and justly enough, that, after my arrival in
that country, European goods, of which his venture chiefly consisted,
would fall in value, from the quantity I must unavoidably give in
presents and the purchase of provisions.
On that day Samba, who had been absent from his town since the
preceding night, came to tell me, that the Kaartans had gone into
Bondoo on a plundering excursion that morning, and would no doubt
be at Fort St. Joseph some hour during the night, when, after a
little rest, they were (in compliance with directions from Modiba)
to escort me to Kaarta. This was what I wanted; but it was matter
of much regret to me, that they should have taken advantage of the
opportunity which coming for me afforded them, of disturbing the
people of Bondoo, and of committing acts of rapine and cruelty,
to which civilised nations are, thank God, strangers. About eight,
P.M. they began to make their appearance in parties of from ten to
twelve horsemen, and continued doing so until midnight.
On the morning of the 14th of March, I hastened to an interview with
Samba, and the Kaartan chief whose name was Garran, a nephew of Modiba
and son of Sirabo, a former king of that country. After the usual
complimentary salutations, he told me by means of my interpreter
that at my own desire his father (for so he called Modiba) had
sent him with a detachment to escort me to his country, where I
should meet with kind and friendly treatment during my stay, and
receive the assistance I required in prosecuting my journey as far,
at least, as Modiba’s power reached. On my asking him to name an
early day for our departure, he said that he had some business to
transact with the chiefs of Upper Galam, but that if once settled,
he would not give me farther delay. He made much inquiry respecting
my transactions with Almamy Bondoo, and said that his conduct to
me was of a piece with all his former acts. He expressed his regret
that I had not demanded assistance from Modiba when I found it was
Almamy’s intention to deceive me, and was much surprised when I
told him that, although I was very badly treated by the princes and
chiefs of Bondoo, I did not consider myself authorized, much less
feel inclined, to bring war into their country. As only a part of the
Kaartan force was bivouacked near our huts, I went to the adjoining
towns for the purpose of ascertaining their numbers, which I found to
amount to about one thousand, all horse. They had made one hundred and
seven prisoners, chiefly women and children, and had taken about two
hundred and forty head of cattle. Many of these unfortunate beings
were known to me. The men were tied in pairs by the necks, their
hands secured behind their backs; the women by the necks only, but
their hands were not left free from any sense of feeling for them,
but in order to enable them to balance the immense loads of pangs,
corn or rice, which they were forced to carry on their heads, and
the children (who were unable to walk or sit on horseback behind
their captors) on their backs.
The chiefs of the adjacent towns were summoned to attend an assembly
on the 16th of March, when it was matter of discussion whether
another attack should not be made on Bondoo before the departure of
the Kaartans. It was, however, decided (much to my satisfaction)
that nothing more should be done in that way, and the 18th of
March was fixed for our departure. Having taken leave of Samba,
and returned him thanks for his kindness in obtaining from Modiba
the assistance I required, I lay down at a late hour on the night
of the 17th of March, to take a little rest; but my impatience to
see that day break, which was about to give me the opportunity of
another attempt towards accomplishing the object of the expedition,
prevented my doing so: I therefore employed the time in packing
up some dry provisions for our use until we could reach Kaarta. At
day-light we commenced passing the animals and baggage to the north
bank of the river, where, with the assistance of a canoe, all was
safely landed soon after eight o’clock.
The animals were immediately loaded, and we moved forward to the
ESE., along the bank of the river through corn-grounds, until a
quarter after eleven, when we reached Maghem-Yaghere, a small and
miserably poor walled town, inhabited by a few Gidumaghs, who prefer
leading a most precarious and slave-like life under the Moorish and
Kaartan despots, to abandoning their native soil. We halted at a
short distance east of the town, in order to await the arrival of
the army, and to adjust some loads which from the asses’ lying
down under them had been disarranged.
I had an opportunity of witnessing during this short march the
new-made slaves, and the sufferings to which they are subjected in
their first state of bondage. They were hurried along (tied as I
before stated) at a pace little short of running, to enable them to
keep up with the horsemen, who drove them on as Smithfield drovers
do fatigued bullocks. Many of the women were old, and by no means
able to endure such treatment. One in particular would not have
failed to excite the tenderest feelings of compassion in the breast
of any, save a savage African; she was at least sixty years old, in
the most miserable state of emaciation and debility, nearly doubled
together, and with difficulty dragging her tottering limbs along;
to crown the heart-rending picture, she was naked, save from her
waist to about half way to the knees. All this did not prevent her
inhuman captors from making her carry a heavy load of water, while,
with a rope about her neck, he drove her before his horse, and,
whenever she shewed the least inclination to stop, he beat her in
the most unmerciful manner with a stick. Had any of those gentlemen
(if any there be) who are either advocates for a revival of that
horrid and unnatural traffic in human flesh, or so careless about
the emancipation of this long degraded and suffering people as to
support their cause (if they do it at all) with little ardour, been
witness to the cruelties practised on this and similar occasions
(to say nothing of their sufferings in the middle passage), they
would soon change their minds, and be roused to make use of all
their best exertions, both at home and abroad, to abolish in toto
the slave trade, which, although it has received a mortal blow from
the praiseworthy and truly indefatigable exertions of Africa’s
numerous and philanthropic friends in England, must exist as long
as any of the states of Europe give it their support.
I endeavoured to purchase from Garran the freedom of the poor old
woman, but although I told him to fix his own price, I could not
induce him to comply. He told me that nothing could be disposed
of before the king had seen all that was taken. I, to no purpose,
represented to him the more than probability of this poor creature’s
falling a victim to the hardships she must necessarily undergo before
she could reach Kaarta. Those savages only ridiculed my compassion,
and asked me if I was gratified in seeing the people of Bondoo thus
punished. My reply in the negative only excited their laughter,
and drew a remark from Garran, “That people so sensible to the
sufferings of their enemies could not be good warriors.” Alas! what
an error, and what consequent scenes of distress and misery!!
We left Maghem-Yaghere at six on the morning of the 10th, passed a
small village called Gakoro, close to the river, at half after six,
and arrived at the ruins of N-gany-n-gorē at noon. This had been a
considerable town, and was destroyed about two years before by the
very people who were now escorting us. Having halted during the heat
of the day under some large shady trees, that had formerly afforded
a cool and pleasing retreat from the scorching rays of the sun to
the inhabitants of the town, and now to us, and the destroyers of
their peace, we moved forward at half after four in the afternoon,
and continued to do so until eight, when we halted for the night
at the ruins of another Gidumagh town, called Soman Keeté. The
first part of this day’s march lay through corn grounds, and
open wood, close to the river side, for about thirteen miles,
ESE. In the latter part of it we were much impeded by the steep and
rocky state of the dry beds of several torrents, which in the rainy
season convey the waters collected by the mountains in the NE. to
the Senegal, which at Soman Keeté runs for some hundred yards over
a shelving bed of solid rock, and on which there was at that season,
only eighteen inches water. On the south bank immediately opposite,
stands Dhyagh-an-dappé, a large town of Galam.
There being no water at the next halting-place, we filled all
our soofras, and at one, P.M. on the 20th, entered the wilderness,
through which we travelled without any path until nine, having passed
the dry beds of several streams, and three extraordinary piles of
rocks. They were each nearly one hundred feet high, and composed of
enormous round masses of stone (granite, I believe) heaped together
in the form of an irregular cone. They are situated in an immense
plain thinly covered with wood, and are at a very considerable
distance from any mountains or other eminences.
The sufferings of the poor slaves during a march of nearly
eight hours, partly under an excessively hot sun and east wind,
heavily laden with water, of which they were allowed to drink but
very sparingly, and travelling barefoot on a hard and broken soil,
covered with long dried reeds and thorny underwood, may be more easily
conceived than described. One young woman who had (for the first time)
become a mother two days only before she was taken, and whose child,
being thought by her captor too young to be worth saving, was thrown
by the monster into its burning hut, from which the flames had just
obliged the mother to retreat, suffered so much from the swollen
state of her bosom, that her moans might frequently be heard at the
distance of some hundred yards, when refusing to go on she implored
her fiend-like captor to put an end to her existence; but that would
have been too great a sacrifice to humanity, and a few blows with a
leathern horse fetter, soon made the wretched creature move again. A
man also lay down, and neither blows, entreaties, nor threats
of death could induce him to move. He was thrown across a horse,
his face down, and with his hands and feet tied together under the
animal’s chest, was carried along for some distance. This position,
however, soon caused difficulty of breathing, and almost suffocation,
which would certainly soon have ended his miserable existence had
they not placed him in a more easy posture, by allowing him to
ride sitting upright; but he was so exhausted that to keep him on
the horse, it was necessary to have him supported by a man on each
side. Never did I witness (nor indeed did I think it possible that
a human being could endure) such tortures as were inflicted on this
man. When he first refused to go on, they had recourse to a mode
of compulsion which I have been told is common on those occasions,
but of too disgusting a nature to be described. I did not see the
old woman, nor could I ascertain, what had become of her.
We moved forward at three o’clock on the morning of the 21st,
and travelled east, through woods until half after seven, when we
reached the foot of a high range of rocky mountains, running north
and south, said by the Kaartans to be a continuance of those which
break the course of the Senegal at Feloo, forming the falls of that
name. Their western sides are steep, much broken, and very difficult
of access; and their tops where we crossed them, a flat table land
thinly covered with stunted wood, and in many places forming a surface
of solid flat rock, bearing a brown metallic polish, so smooth that
the animals were constantly slipping. The descent on the eastern
side was scarcely perceptible, and as we advanced, the soil began
to bear a more fertile, and less rocky appearance. At half after ten
we reached Conian-gee, or the water of Conian, where a town formerly
stood, but of which no vestige remained. It belonged to Kasson, and
was destroyed by the Kaartans. The place appeared to be the resort
of numerous herds of elephants and other wild animals, drawn there in
search of water, in which, though muddy and of a bad taste, the place
abounded. Some of our asses that had fallen and thrown their loads,
in scrambling up those mountains fell to the rear, and were, with
the men attending them, attacked by so dense a swarm of bees, that
the former ran into the woods throwing their loads, and the latter
were obliged to seek safety in flight. It was not without much labour
and loss of time that the loads were brought up, or the asses found.
Having made a scanty meal with some of our dried provisions, and
filled our soofras with putrid water, we moved forward to the ENE.,
at five P.M., and, travelling through close woods until eight, arrived
at a place called Mama Niarra, where, to our no small mortification,
the supply of muddy water we expected to meet was dried into mud
itself. To increase the unpleasantness of our situation, some of
the Kaartans who had gone on before set fire to the grass, which,
being to windward of us, made rapid progress towards the spot where
we had halted. It providentially did not reach us, and we had only
to complain of a restless night, and much anxiety, to say nothing
of our labour in clearing the ground around our bivouac.
Four o’clock on the morning of the 22d again found us moving
to ENE. At seven we passed the Kolle-m-bimee, or black creek,
nearly dry and running south; it joins the Senegal a little above
Feloo. Our path then changed to due east, and over a swampy soil
through an immense forest of lofty ron-trees[30], which continued
all the way to Kirrijou, the first town of Kasson, where we arrived
at half after ten.
Garran here left us, and gave us into the care of Bojar (Modiba’s
eldest son), at whose town his father wished us to remain during
our halt in that country, and whither I should have proceeded the
following morning, but the men and animals were so much fatigued,
that I found it necessary to give them a day’s rest.
Kirrijou is beautifully situated on an eminence overlooking an
extensive plain bounded by forests of ron-trees, and covered with
the most luxuriant verdure nearly all the year round, except when
inundated, which is the case yearly for four months, from July to
October. Large quantities of corn, rice, ground-nuts and onions are
grown there, and the people are well and abundantly supplied with
milk and butter from large herds of horned cattle and sheep. The only
disadvantage the place labours under is the bad quality of the water,
which they obtain from wells about four feet deep, on the borders
of a narrow stagnant lake.
The chief (Saféré) who with his followers and slaves composed a
part of the Kaartan forces, received us kindly, provided us with
huts, and furnished us with an excellent supper of rice and mutton,
the first good one we had made since leaving Galam.
I paid him a complimentary visit at his palace, where I found him
seated in an open court surrounding his own hut, but separated from
the others, composing the palace, by a clay wall eight feet high. He
was attended by a few of his domestic slaves and favourites. He
accommodated me with a seat on his own mat, and asked many questions
about the country of the white people, as they call us, our mode of
warfare, government, laws, and revenue, and appeared much astonished
at some of my answers, particularly when I said that we fought on
firm ground and on horseback, and which he acknowledged he could
scarcely credit, as it was his belief in common with all the natives
of the interior, that we live exclusively on the sea in ships, where
we subsist entirely upon fish, to which they attribute the whiteness
of our skins. He pressed me much to spend a few days with him, and,
as an inducement, said he would make his wives and daughters exert
their musical and dancing abilities to amuse me, but my time was
too precious to be spent in amusements.
[Illustration: MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.]
Having made Saféré a small present in acknowledgement of his
attention to our wants, we left Kirrijou at four o’clock on
the morning of the 24th of March, and travelled north, through
corn-grounds, until half after five, on the road leading to Jaffnoo,
when we turned off to the right, and continued marching due east
through a wood without any path until two P.M., at which hour
we reached Moonia, the residence of Bojar, and the place named
by Modiba for our halt. The animals were all very much fatigued,
particularly the camels, owing to the excessive heat of the day
and the roughness of the latter part of our path, which lay over
hilly and broken ground covered with sharp loose stones; in fact,
ten hours’ march is too much for either man or animals in that
country, particularly during the heat of the day.
Bojar who accompanied us from Kirrijou, furnished us, on our
arrival, with an excellent dinner of cous cous, milk, and honey,
and abundance of fine water, such as we had not tasted since we left
the Senegal. Huts were provided for our use until (as Bojar said)
some could be erected for us at a short distance from the town. As
this indicated our being likely to make a long halt at Moonia, I
made known to Bojar my displeasure at the very idea of our being
detained there long enough to admit of their completion, and was
told by him that two or three days were sufficient for that purpose.
Anxious that a moment should not be lost in making known to Modiba
my desire of proceeding to Sego without delay, I wished to despatch
Giboodoo to Dhyage the day after our arrival, with presents to him
and his head men, but his Majesty’s _drinking day_ being Monday,
when no business is ever transacted, I was obliged to wait for
Tuesday. Bojar who, like his father, always made a sacrifice of
one or more days in each week to the ruby-lipped god, came to see
me, bringing with him a large calabash of a sort of beer, made by
themselves from fermented corn, but which is by no means palatable,
being more insipid than the worst table-beer made in England, but from
no bitter being used it immediately sours and becomes intoxicating,
which effect it soon had on Bojar and all his followers. They were,
however, very good humoured, and so great was the prince’s wish
to make me comfortable and feel at home (as he said) that he sent
for one of his sisters and presented her to me as a companion to
cheer my idle hours, and teach me to speak Bambarran. My want of
gallantry upon this occasion was remarked by all present, and I was
asked if I had a wife in my own country, or if I did not think the
one presented to me handsome enough for my acceptance. An effort
to extricate myself from a repetition of such favours, and at the
same time to avoid insulting her sable Highness, obliged me to say
that I was married, and dare not infringe the laws of my country,
which punished with death any man who took unto himself more than one
wife. This answer excited more than common remarks on the part of the
prince, who said he had been told that white women were so completely
mistresses of the men, that the whole care and labour of supporting
our families depended on the latter, who dare not even speak to any
woman save their wives. Another question of his, namely, should he
come to England, would the king give him one of his daughters to
wife? drew from me an answer, of which I much doubted the truth,
but which, in this instance, I must be excused for not adhering to,
as it would not have been proper to hurt the pride of a man who
appeared to possess not a small share of it, at least, in his own
way, and who thought he was conferring a high favour on the lady,
let her be who she may, who might be solicited to partake of his
royal protection. After many such questions and answers (by which
time Bojar was so satiated with his African beverage that he could
not rise from the ground without assistance), he took his leave, and,
wishing me a good night, staggered home in company with attendants
who were equally overcharged.
Giboodoo, accompanied by Bokari, departed for Dhyage on the morning
of the 27th, and took with him a handsome plated tureen, as an
introductory present to his Majesty, to whom I sent my compliments,
and requested that he would name an early day for my departure, and
send people forthwith to receive a present I had brought him. They
returned at a very late hour on the night of the 28th, and were
accompanied by Modiba’s head maraboo, and one of his chief slaves. I
did not see them, before the morning of the 29th, when they informed
me that Modiba was much pleased with the present I had sent him, and
had despatched them to see the other things I intended giving him,
and to assure me that I should meet with no delay whatever from him.
I laid out for their inspection the things stated in the Appendix,
and having made them a small present each, desired them, in laying
those things before the king, to say, that my only wish was to be
provided with a guide to Bangassi, in Foolidoo, and to be allowed
to depart immediately. As I was aware of the influence some of the
head slaves and two or three of Modiba’s wives had over him, I
sent a present by Giboodoo to four of the former and three of the
latter, requesting them to impress on their royal master’s mind
the necessity of letting me proceed on my journey without delay, and
promising them a farther reward, in case they obtained for me what
I wanted. They returned on the 1st of April, to say that Modiba was
much pleased with the present, to which he requested I would add some
silver, amber, and beads; but, in consequence of the road to Foolidoo
being said to be then infested by Moorish banditti, he had despatched
some horsemen to ascertain the fact, and as soon as they returned,
which would be in two or three days, he would allow me to proceed, if
not by that road, by one whereon, although there existed a scarcity
of water, we should not have any thing to fear from robbers. This
answer was perplexing in the extreme, and, from what had already
happened in Bondoo, I began to doubt the sincerity of this chief;
but still in order that obstacles should not arise on my part, I sent
him the articles he requested, and desired Giboodoo to say that if
he would only send a party of twenty horsemen with me to Bangassi,
I would run all risks of robbers or other impediments, and make a
farther addition to his present by the return of those people. As
nothing, however, was to be done without securing the interest of
the head slaves, I sent them an additional present each, in hopes
of stirring them up to exertions in my favour. Giboodoo took those
presents to Dhyage on the 3d of April, and returned on the 4th with
answer, that his Majesty was satisfied with my conduct towards him,
and would immediately settle my business to my satisfaction. With
people whose time is not very precious, immediately often means weeks
or more; and as I could ill brook such delay, at least in perspective,
I despatched Giboodoo to remain at the king’s elbow until he would
give a decisive answer one way or other.
In the mean time, I made presents, large and small, to a host of
royal personages, amongst whom were two of Modiba’s nephews, men
possessing considerable influence with him, and to whose care I was
particularly recommended by Samba Congole. One of them named Ely,
or Ali, assured me (if such assurance valued any thing) that he would
make Modiba do all I wanted; but these fine promises were made only
to induce me to make more presents. Isaaco also paid me a visit,
and wished much to be employed, but he was in too little repute,
not to say worse, with both Modiba and Dha, to admit of my having any
thing to do with him; the former having taken, but a few days before,
nearly all his goods and slaves from him, and the latter was so much
displeased at his leaving Sego without his permission, that Isaaco
dare not return there. His object in wishing to have a hand in (or,
as he thought, the management of) my affairs, was to replenish his
own empty purse, and, by having a voice in my business before Modiba,
once more ingratiate himself into his good graces. That I was not more
faithfully served by those already employed than I should be by him,
I was satisfied: but one, and one only, advantage did Giboodoo possess
over him, namely, that of his being (through his brother Samba) on the
best terms with Modiba, with whom I found it impossible to communicate
in any other way than through this man, who, for all I either knew
or could ascertain, appropriated a part of the presents sent by him
to his own use: but, remedy I had none. Modiba would neither see me,
nor any of my men, in consequence of his being led to believe, by
the Mahomedan priests about him, that should he ever look on a white
man he must die. I in vain offered to send two of my _black_ men: it
would not do; the superstition of those people made them all white,
although not in outward appearance, at least in inward disposition.
Precluded as I thus was from a possibility of ascertaining what might
be the conduct of Giboodoo at the Kaartan court, I took advantage
of the only resource left me, namely, that of appearing to place
the utmost confidence in him, and to hold out to him the prospect
of a large reward, should he obtain from Modiba the desired escort
and permission to proceed. He returned from Dhyage on the 7th,
saying, that the king promised to settle my business without delay,
for which purpose his head maraboo would come to me the following
day: he did not, however, make his appearance until the 10th, when,
judge my surprise at being told that Modiba was not yet satisfied
with what I had given him.
In this state of continued procrastination from day to day, under
some pretence or other, was I delayed till the 14th, when Giboodoo,
whom I had sent to the capital with a farther addition to the
present, returned to say that the king had at length consented to
my proceeding, and would send, in a few days, some people belonging
to Bangassi to accompany me to that place, but complained of my not
having sent him the parting present. This I immediately complied with,
adding a few small articles for the head slaves.
For some days previous to that date, great preparations were making
for the departure of an expedition into some of the neighbouring
states. Bojar and his brothers had proceeded to the capital at the
head of their several divisions, and nothing was to be seen but armed
parties hastening from all quarters to the general rendezvous. Ali
(the prince before mentioned as a friend of Samba’s), on passing
through Monia, at the head of his division, which consisted of about
six hundred horse and one thousand foot, all armed with muskets,
called at my hut to return thanks for the present I had given him;
and to say, that on his arrival at Dhyage, he would strongly urge
Modiba to terminate my business favourably, which, he assured
me, was all along his intention, although he had been advised to
the contrary. I replied, that such might have been the case, but
I doubted it; and therefore desired Ali to tell his uncle, that
I relied with confidence on his fulfilling the promise made me by
Garran, in his name, when he first saw me at Galam, and which alone
could have induced me to come into his country.
Giboodoo returned from the capital on the 18th, and said that the
Bangassi people were to leave it the following day, and that Modiba
had appointed Bokari to accompany me as far as Badoogoo. This was
all I wanted; and although I had been much longer detained than I
could have wished, I nevertheless forgot all my disappointments in
the prospect of once more moving eastward.
The Bangassi people did not arrive until the 20th. They were
introduced to me by the maraboo, who said that Modiba, in handing
me over to those people, desired him to state, that his reason for
having detained me so long originated in nothing but a wish to send
me forward in safety, and which the preparations he had been making
for the war, prevented his doing sooner, and begged me to believe
that his most sincere good wishes followed me.
It was my intention to have proceeded on the 21st, but that being on
a Saturday, which as well as Sunday is looked on by the Kaartans as
an unlucky day to commence a journey eastward, I could not prevail
on either the Bangassi people or the guide to move until Monday,
when we left Moonia and travelled ESE. over a well cultivated and
thickly inhabited country for three hours, which brought us to the
foot of a rocky precipice, extending as far as the eye could reach in
a north-east and south-west direction. The path by which we ascended
it, was narrow and steep, and so much intercepted with huge fragments
of broken rocks that we found it necessary to unload the asses before
they could pass. The summit presented an extensive plain sloping
gently to the east and south-east, bounded in all directions by
high distant hills, and thinly covered with stunted under-wood. The
path which led to the SSE. lay over a barren soil composed, for the
most part, of a slate-like stone, in diagonal strata, resembling in
point of colour the slates of North Wales. The sun having set we were
soon enveloped in darkness. We however continued marching, or rather
groping our way, in the same direction until nine o’clock, when we
reached a small walled town under some lofty hills, round the base of
which the path turned to the SSW., and soon brought us to Sanjarra,
where we halted for the night with the intention of moving forward
the next evening, but were prevented from doing so, in consequence
of the guides having reported the distance to the next town as being
too great, and the path which led over the mountains too difficult
to admit of our reaching it that night; and as, from the want of
water on the mountains, it would be dangerous to halt there during
the heat of the day, we decided on leaving Sanjarra at two o’clock
the next afternoon, by which means we should be enabled to pass all
the difficult places before dark; and having filled our soofras, halt
until the moon should rise the following morning. More difficulties,
however, were at hand: for on the 25th, we had but just commenced
loading the animals, when Garran came to tell me that a messenger had
arrived from Dhyage with orders from Modiba, that I should halt at
Sanjarra until I again heard from him. My surprise and disappointment
at this unexpected arrest, were greater than I had before experienced;
for I really thought all was arranged to the king’s satisfaction,
and I was so convinced that a short time would enable me to feast my
eyes with a view of the Niger, that I had entirely given away to the
pleasing delusion, the removal of which completely electrified me;
but, as I must have submitted, I did so with an apparent good grace.
The messenger could (or most probably would) not give me
any information on the cause of such treatment; and as it was
uncertain when Modiba might again condescend to favour me with
farther communication on the subject, I despatched Giboodoo (who
accompanied me to Sanjarra) to ascertain, if possible, what could
give rise to such repeated hindrances, and to inform his Majesty
that after what his maraboo had told me at Moonia I was the more
surprised and displeased at the present detention.
He returned the following evening (the 26th), and reported having
found much difficulty in obtaining an interview with Modiba, who
accused him, in common with me, of having deceived him by not giving
him his share of an ass-load of silver, which, he said, he had been
assured by good authority I had with me; and until I would do so,
I must remain where I was; desiring me to consider his having given
me permission to proceed as a very great obligation, for in doing
so he was giving assistance to his enemies, the people of Bambarra
(Sego), who (although he had acted otherwise) would most probably
treat me as they had Mr. Dochard.
This was an obstacle to be surmounted which was utterly out of my
power, at least to the extent Modiba demanded: a few dollars[31]
were all the silver I had; but to convince him that was difficult
in the extreme, if not impossible.—I however delivered to Giboodoo
some other articles, which (if not what he demanded) would at least
convince him that as far as my means went I was willing to please
him, and directed Giboodoo to say, that the ass-load supposed
by the informant to be silver, from its great weight and small
size, was our ammunition, and which I would readily submit to the
inspection of any person he pleased. He did not return before the
29th at night, when, instead of bringing any satisfactory answer,
he said that it was useless for me to think of proceeding farther,
as Modiba, although he did not positively say I should not go on,
expressed his opinion that my doing so could not be attended with
any good, and therefore strongly advised my return, but directed
Giboodoo to ascertain my decision and return immediately to acquaint
him therewith. I began to suspect that this man was deceiving me,
and therefore sent with him on this occasion two of my own coloured
men, who spoke and understood the Bambarra language, to be present at
any interview he might have with either Modiba or the chief slaves,
for whom I again sent small presents. The 2d of April brought them
back with as little prospect of success as before: they did not even
see Modiba, but were told by one of the head slaves that he was very
much displeased with Giboodoo for bringing _white_ men to his town. In
vain did they shew their colour, and state that they were natives of
the interior of Africa, the one a Joloff and the other a Jallonkey:
they were told Modiba would not see either them or Giboodoo, and would
send his maraboo, who would make known to me his will and pleasure.
This man arrived on the 3d, and informed me that the king consented
to my going forward, but could not protect me any further than his
own frontier, from whence I was to consider myself under the care
and guidance of the Bangassi prince. I complained of this breach of
the promise made me at Moonia, to which the maraboo only answered
by telling me his only business was to repeat to me Modiba’s
orders. The Bangassi prince was present and requested that, as he had
not any of his own men with him, orders might be given to Bokari to
collect fifteen or twenty at the frontier and with them escort us
to Bangassi: to this the maraboo consented, and having received a
small present for himself and one for his master, departed, assuring
me that I should not meet with any more opposition in Kaarta—but
of this I had my doubts.
We moved forward at half after three on the evening of the 4th
to the ENE., along the foot of the mountains which enclose the
valley of Sanjarra on the south and east, and at half after five
entered a gully or ravine formed by those mountains: this led us
to the SSE. along the then dry bed of a considerable torrent for
an hour, when we arrived at the junction of two mountains, where
an extremely steep and rugged path was to be ascended, and which
we with much difficulty and fatigue effected within an hour: it was
without exception the most difficult path I had ever travelled. The
mountains, notwithstanding their apparent sterility, are covered
with shrubs, and in some places present the most wildly grotesque
appearance: strata of a kind of slate, shew themselves in the ravine,
the bottom of which is covered with large stones, which from their
circular form appear to have been rolled along by the force of the
torrents. We had scarcely reached the summit when it became dark,
and bore every appearance of approaching rain, which obliged us to
halt for the night in the woods.
We were on foot at four o’clock on the morning of the 5th,
and marched to the ESE. over a rocky and broken path in a valley,
along which we continued moving until nine o’clock, when the path
changed to the SE. and in half an hour brought us to a small walled
town, Gunning-gedy, inhabited by Serrawoollis. We had some rain in
the morning, and the weather bore much the appearance of an early
wet season.
The chief of the town accommodated us with huts, in return for which
I made him a small present, and at six o’clock on the morning of
the 6th of May resumed our route to the ESE., and passing the dry
beds of several streams travelled over a well cultivated country
until ten, when we reached, and halted during the heat of the
day, at Asamangatary, a large walled town, beautifully situated
in an extensive plain, thinly covered with baobabs, tamarinds,
and fig-trees. The walls of the town were much higher, stronger,
and better constructed than I had before seen in Africa. About half
a mile from it to the south stands a large Foolah village, in the
rear of which are seen the tops of some lofty hills from whence
the plain takes its name. This plain is famous for its earthenware,
which is manufactured by the women, and for the large quantities of
rice and onions raised there yearly, for both of which, the soil,
a dark brown mould, is well calculated. Here begins Kaarta, properly
so called. All that part already mentioned as such formerly belonged
to Kasso, and was conquered and taken possession of only a few years
since by Modiba, who has subjugated not only that country but a great
part of Gidumagh and Jaffnoo. We left Asamangatary at four P.M. and
following the same course as in the morning, until half after six,
reached Somantāré, another walled town, formerly the residence
of Garran, and now belonging to his cousin. It was my intention to
move on early the following morning, but Bokari requested me to
wait until the afternoon, in order to give him an opportunity of
sacrificing to the remains of his father who was burnt there. I
would have positively refused to comply with the request had the
fellow not made it with tears in his eyes. I found out, however,
that he had only adopted this line of conduct to delay me until the
arrival of Bojar and a part of the army, which took place about two
o’clock on the afternoon of the 1st, on their return from Fooledoo,
where they had been sent at the request of Kanjia, chief of Bangassi,
to destroy the towns of his brother, with whom he was at enmity, and
which they did so effectually, that eight out of nine were burnt,
and their inhabitants either murdered or made slaves; four hundred
of the unfortunate beings passed through with Bojar’s division,
and I was informed that three times that number had been taken to
the capital by the other divisions of the army. I now found, to my
deep regret, that my fears were but too justly founded, for Bojar
had no sooner arrived than he sent for me and told me I could not
proceed any further, as they had destroyed all the towns between
the frontier and Bangassi, and had rendered it impossible not only
for me, but for any force, to reach that place.
I must here acknowledge my patience almost forsook me. I told
Bojar that his father had deceived me, and had brought me into his
country with fair promises, which it was now evident he never had
any intention of performing, or he would have allowed me to proceed,
on my first coming to Moonia. Bojar then said that words were of
no avail; his father had directed him, on meeting me, to bring me
back with him, in complying with which I should save myself much
trouble. The guide and the Bangassi princes were both present, and
had been with Bojar some time previous to my being sent for. The
former, when I called upon him to fulfil the orders of the Maraboo,
with respect to the escort from the frontier towns, said, that his
master, pointing to Bojar, had just told me what remained for me to
do, and which took out of his power the possibility of remaining
with me any longer. The Bangassi prince, who was as anxious as
myself to proceed, in vain applied to Bojar for an escort, and at
length told me, he was sorry he was so situated, and that he could
neither afford me any assistance, nor even command the possibility
of his own return to that home which he had but a short time before
left as the ambassador of its chief, who was his own brother.
Here, then, vanished all hopes of being able to pass Kaarta, and
with them that of being able to accomplish my mission, which had for
three years occupied every thought, and drawn forth every exertion,
of which either myself, or those with me were capable.
Although this act of treachery on the part of Modiba was in itself
more than sufficient to make us relinquish every attempt to proceed
further, and the difficulties, dangers, and privations incident
to such a service in the interior of that country of such a nature
that I must allow them, as they appear on the face of those sheets,
to speak for themselves, we would nevertheless have cheerfully gone
on had not an obstacle so decidedly insurmountable presented itself
in the orders of Modiba to his son, to bring us back by force. But
before I decided on returning, I again waited on Bojar, and hinting my
disbelief of his father having again broken his promise, said I would
remain at Somantarê, and send one of my men to Dhyajê, to receive
the king’s final orders, and requested Bojar to accommodate us
with huts in the town until the return of my messenger, when, should
Modiba only say he could not protect me farther than Kaarta, and
not forcibly prevent my proceeding, I would go alone, at my own risk.
Bojar here got into a furious rage, asked me if I did not consider
him as Modiba’s son, or if I supposed he had less authority
in Kaarta than his father; and said, that although I appeared to
doubt his having received orders to stop me, he would prove to me
that neither fear of me, nor expectation from me, could induce him
to _lie_; and therefore informed me, that he could not admit of my
remaining at Somantarê after himself; nor allow me to send one of
my men to Dhyaje, where, he added, some of them had been too often
already. What he meant by the last phrase I could not imagine, nor
would he condescend to explain. I was therefore, however reluctantly,
obliged to submit, and turn my back on the East, and the objects
of my mission in that quarter, in the anxious, though unsuccessful
pursuit of which I had spent so much time, and to its interests so
exclusively devoted my attention.
Were I to hazard an opinion, as to the causes of such deceitful
conduct on the part of Modiba, I fear I should be liable to error, in
as much as that I could not support any of my ideas on the subject by
proof positive. Therefore I leave my readers to draw such conclusions
as the circumstances related will enable them.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 29: Samba’s brother.]
[Footnote 30: Of the palm kind.]
[Footnote 31: Seventy.]
CHAPTER XIII.
Retreat from Kaarta. — Difficulties and Annoyances there. —
Arrival at Fort St. Joseph. — Delay and Occurrences at Baquelle. —
Return to the Coast. — Arrival at Sierra Leone. — Visit to the
captured Negro Establishments.
We commenced our retreat at half after five, on the morning of the
8th of May, and at eleven reached Guninghedy, where we halted during
the heat of the day. We were accompanied by Bojar and his division,
with their prisoners, whose sufferings presented scenes of distress
which I am incapable of painting in their true colours. The women
and children (all nearly naked and carrying heavy loads) were tied
together by the necks, and hurried along over a rough stony path
that cut their feet in a dreadful manner. There were a great number
of children, who, from their tender years, were unable to walk, and
were carried, some on the prisoners’ backs, and others on horseback
behind their captors, who, to prevent them falling off, tied them
to the back part of the saddle with a rope made from the bark of
the baobab, which was so hard and rough that it cut the back and
sides of the poor little innocent babes so as to draw the blood. This
however, was only a secondary state of the sufferings endured by those
children, when compared to the dreadfully blistered and chafed state
of their seats, from constant jolting on the bare back of the horse,
seldom going slower than a trot or smart amble, and not unfrequently
driven at full speed for a few yards, and pulled up short. On these
occasions it was to me a matter of astonishment how the child could
support the strokes it must have received from the back of the saddle,
which, from its form, came in contact with the child’s stomach.
[Illustration]
We reached Sanjarra the following morning at half after nine, and
in the afternoon was joined by Giboodoo, who had been at Dhyaje;
he told me that Modiba desired him to say he was sorry the present
state of the country would not admit of my passing Kaarta, but was
glad I had returned with Bojar, thereby preventing the necessity he
should otherwise have been under of sending a detachment after me,
for the purpose of bringing me back. I was also met at Sanjarra by a
messenger from Ali, to say, that having heard something at Dhyaje,
with respect to Modiba’s intentions towards me, he advised my
moving without delay to his town, where I might remain in safety
until the king should send people to re-conduct me to Galam. I did
not believe this; supposing that his object was, in thus apparently
protecting me, to lay me under obligations, from which I should
be obliged to release myself by means of presents. I nevertheless
followed his advice, because my most direct path led there, and I
was not altogether so satisfied with Bojar’s treatment while at
his town, to induce me to return.
Giboodoo returned to Dhyaje on the 11th, for the purpose of paying
a parting visit to his majesty. He promised to be back on the 14th,
till which day I consented to wait at Sanjarra for him[32]; but as
he did not keep his time, I removed to Missira on the 15th, where I
was received by Ali. Giboodoo did not join me until the 17th, when,
having informed me that Modiba could not send people to escort us
to Galam before the ensuing week, I again despatched him to tell
the king that unless they joined me before the 23d, I should move
on before them to the frontier.
On the 20th, the maraboo, accompanied by Bokari, one of the head
slaves, and some of their followers, came to Missira, by Modiba’s
orders, to take us to Moonia, and whither, in case I refused to
proceed with them, they had orders to force me. Here then was what
I had long expected, namely, to be plundered of every thing, and
which I told them they could do at Missira, and not harass me as
well as my men by travelling all over the country.
The maraboo, as on a former occasion, said he was nothing more
than the bearer of Modiba’s orders, which he should carry into
execution. Remonstrance was vain, and refusal would have been equally
so (if not worse), as I plainly saw those people were prepared to act
forcibly. Giboodoo arrived in the afternoon, and was accompanied by
two more of the head slaves, sent by their master on the same errand
as the former. I had however rendered their interference unnecessary,
having consented to proceed to Moonia, with the almost certainty
of being plundered, and, under such a conviction, I laid out a part
of the few articles the rapacity of the Kaartans had spared me, in
redeeming from slavery two women of Bondoo, who had been taken in
the affair which took place before I left Galam. In taking this step
I had two motives; first, that of placing out of Modiba’s reach a
portion at least of my merchandize, which alone excited his avarice;
secondly, I had in view, by sending those women (who were related
to Almamy Bondoo) to their friends in that country, to convince that
chief that our intentions towards them were good indeed; and however I
might feel on the subject of the treatment I met with at his hands, I
was, nevertheless, deeply impressed with sentiments of compassion for
those of his people who had fallen victims to Kaartan power. One of
Ali’s sons was their possessor, and from him I had much trouble in
obtaining their freedom, which was the more difficult and expensive,
from its having been his intention to add them to the list of his
concubines, whose number already amounted to twelve.
Polygamy is carried to a frightful extent in Kaarta. Many private
individuals have ten wives, and as many concubines; the princes,
for the most part, not less than thirty of each, and Modiba himself
is said to have one hundred wives and two hundred concubines; and
I verily believe that one-third of the free inhabitants of Kaarta
are of the blood royal.
We left Missira at six on the morning of the 22d, and reached Moonia
at ten, but had scarcely unloaded the asses, when Bojar sent to inform
me that his father insisted on my paying the customary duty on the
merchandize I had brought into the country, in the same proportion
as paid by the native merchants, and desired to have my immediate
answer, which I gave, by saying, that I now plainly perceived what
their object was in bringing me back to Moonia; and that as I would
not willingly give any thing more to them, in the way of either
customs or presents, and was not able to prevent them from taking
what they wished, they might do so when they pleased. In about half
an hour they came to our huts, and having examined all our baggage
minutely, appeared much disappointed and surprised in not finding
a large quantity of silver, amber, and coral, and a great number
of fine guns, all which they said Modiba had been told I had in
abundance. Their disappointment was so great that they walked off
to the town without taking a single article. The maraboo was much
confused, and said, he could not help acknowledging that I had
been badly treated, but that I should not blame Modiba, as he had
been misinformed, both with respect to the object of my visit to
Sego, and the extent and nature of my baggage: the latter, although
reduced to that state which surprised Modiba’s messengers so much,
was still of value enough in their eyes to induce their return at
eight o’clock P.M.; when they again demanded the customs, and on
my refusing to give them with free will, they helped themselves to
the articles stated in the Appendix, Article 19.
On the following morning I despatched Giboodoo to inform Modiba of
the proceedings of his messengers, and to request that, if it was
really his intention to send people to escort us to Galam, he would
do so immediately.
From the 23d of May until the 8th of June was spent by us in a state
of suspense, which nothing but the hope we hourly entertained of
seeing Giboodoo return from Dhyage, and with him the promised escort,
could have rendered at all supportable. Every day was marked by
some act of plunder by the slaves of Bojar, and haughty insult by
himself, but we were incapable of resistance, and, however galling
to our feelings, patient submission was our only line of conduct,
to which we more strictly adhered in consequence of an intimation
from Giboodoo, that any other would have drawn down upon us the most
hostile treatment.
He arrived from Dhyage on the 8th, at night, without any escort,
but obtained permission for us to proceed to Galam, where we arrived
on the 18th. We were accompanied by some Serrawoollie merchants,
conducting to Baquelle a large coffle of slaves, each of whom
had to deplore being torn from some near and dear object of their
affections, and from their nakedness, want of proper nourishment,
and being exposed to almost constant rain for two days and nights,
they presented a group of beings reduced to the very lowest ebb of
human suffering.
I lost no time in repairing to Baquelle for the purpose of effecting
my speedy return from that place over land to the Gambia, but found
that such a step was rendered totally impossible by the state of
war and confusion in which all the surrounding countries were then
involved, both among themselves, and with the French at all their
settlements on the Senegal. They had a few days previous to my
leaving Kaarta totally destroyed the town of Baquelle in revenge
for the assassination of one of their officers, and were concerting
measures in conjunction with Bondoo for an attack on Tuabo[33]. I
was therefore necessitated to wait for the arrival of the fleet from
Saint Louis, the return of which would afford me the most expeditious
and safe means of reaching the coast. This however did not take place
before the 24th of September, when, having been accommodated with a
passage for my men and self on board one of the French steam ships,
we left Baquelle and descended the river which was then very much
swollen. We arrived at St. Louis on the 8th of October, and were
hospitably received by the French Governor, Captain Le Coupe, who
politely offered me every assistance I might require.
Here I waited a fortnight, in hopes of meeting a vessel going to
the Gambia or Sierra Leone, but none offering, I proceeded by
land to Goree, where I arrived on the 3d of November, and met
with a vessel ready to sail for the Bathurst Gambia. The rapid
improvement that had taken place since I left it in 1818, struck
me with pleasing astonishment, and as a description of the island
may not be uninteresting to some, I will endeavour to give it as
correctly as the time I spent there enables me to do; but I am aware
that it possesses many advantages beyond those which came under my
observation. See Article First, Appendix.
I returned to Sierra Leone on board his Majesty’s ship Pheasant,
Captain Kelly, whose politeness and attention to myself and men I
shall never forget.
His Excellency Sir Charles M‘Carthy, who had just arrived from
England, was then about visiting some of the liberated negro
establishments in the country towns, accompanied by all the civil
and military staff of the colony. I felt too much concern in the
welfare of those truly interesting objects not to make one of the
party, and therefore had an opportunity of witnessing the wonderful
improvements that had taken place in every town since I had before
seen them, indeed some having all the appearance and regularity of
the neatest village in England, with church, school, and commodious
residences for the missionaries and teachers, had not in 1817 been
more than thought of. Descending some of the hills, I was surprised
on perceiving neat and well laid out villages in places where, but
four years before, nothing was to be seen except almost impenetrable
thickets, but arriving in those villages the beauty and interesting
nature of such objects was much enhanced by the clean, orderly,
and respectable appearance of the cottages and their inhabitants,
particularly the young people and children, who, at all the towns,
assembled to welcome with repeated cheers the return of their Governor
and daddy (father), as they invariably stiled His Excellency,
who expressed himself highly pleased at their improvement during
his absence, in which short period large pieces of ground had been
cleared and cultivated in the vicinity of all the towns, and every
production of the climate raised in sufficient abundance to supply
the inhabitants, and furnish the market at Free-town.
His Excellency visited the schools at the different towns,
and witnessed the improvement which all the students had made,
but particularly those of the high-school at Regent-town, whose
progress in arithmetic, geography, and history, evinced a capacity
far superior to that which is in general attributed to the Negro,
and proves that they may be rendered useful members of society,
particularly so in exploring the interior of the country, having
previously received the education calculated to that peculiar service.
From the change which has taken place in those villages since I saw
them in 1817, I am satisfied, that a little time is alone necessary
to enable the colony of Sierra Leone to vie with many of the West
India islands, in all the productions of tropical climates, but
particularly in the article of coffee, which has been already raised
there, and proved by its being in demand in the English market to
be of as good (if not superior) quality to that imported from our
other colonies. That the soil on the mountains is well adapted
to the growth of that valuable berry has been too well proved by
the flourishing state of some of the plantations in the immediate
vicinity of Free-town to need any comment of mine. Arrow-root has
also been cultivated with advantage on some of the farms belonging to
private individuals, and there can be no doubt of the capability of
the soil to produce the sugar-cane, as some is already grown there,
but whether it is of as good a description as that of the West Indies
I cannot pretend to say, as the experiment had never been tried
at Sierra Leone, at least to my knowledge. The cultivation of all
these with the cotton, indigo, and ginger, could here be carried on
under advantages which our West India islands do not enjoy, namely,
the labour of free people, who would relieve the Mother Country from
the apprehensions which are at present entertained for the safety
of property in some of those islands, by revolt and insurrection
amongst the slaves, and from the deplorable consequences of such
a state of civil confusion; those people would, by receiving the
benefits arising from their industry, be excited to exertions that
must prove beneficial to all concerned in the trade, and conducive
to the prosperity of the colony itself.
The capital of the peninsula (Free-town) is of considerable extent,
and is beautifully situate, on an inclined plane, at the foot of some
hills on which stand the fort and other public buildings that overlook
it, and the roads, from whence there is a delightful prospect of the
town rising in the form of an amphitheatre from the water’s edge,
above which it is elevated about seventy feet. It is regularly laid
out into fine wide streets, intersected by others parallel with
the river, and at right angles. The houses, which a few years since
were for the most part built of timber, many of them of the worst
description, and thatched with leaves or grass, are now replaced by
commodious and substantial stone buildings, that both contribute to
the health and comfort of the inhabitants, and add to the beauty of
the place, which is rendered peculiarly picturesque by the numbers of
cocoa-nut, orange, lime, and banana trees, which are scattered over
the whole town, and afford, in addition to the pine-apple and gouava
that grow wild in the woods, an abundant supply of fruit. The Madeira
and Teneriffe vines flourish uncommonly well in the gardens of some
private individuals, and give in the season a large crop of grapes.
Nearly all our garden vegetables are raised there, and what with
yams, cassada, and pompions, there is seldom any want of one or
other of those agreeable and almost necessary requisites for the
table. There are good meat, poultry, and fish markets, and almost
every article in the house-keeping line can be procured at the shops
of the British merchants.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 32: See Appendix, Article 20.]
[Footnote 33: This event took place on the 4th August, by a smart
cannonade from the French brig, and an assault by the Bondoo army
(amounting to nearly three thousand men), a spirited sortie made by
about one hundred of the besieged, put the whole army of Bondoo to
flight and took several prisoners, whom they immediately butchered
in front of the brig, which, although moored within musket shot of
the shore, was not fired on by the people of the town, with whom
the French commandant found it necessary to make peace in a few
days afterwards.]
CONCLUSION.
Having now finished my narrative, it remains for me to fulfil my
obligations to the reader and the public, by briefly stating the
result of my experience, not only upon the habits and manners of
the people of Western Africa, but also as to the progress they have
made towards civilization, as to their political institutions and
religious improvement. In doing this I shall cautiously abstain
from entering into abstruse calculations, and religiously confine
myself to what my best judgement enables me to declare from practical
observation. I must here however state, that it has been too long the
custom to set little value on the African Negro, to consider him as
a being mid-way placed between the mere brute and man; as impervious
to every ray of intellectual light; and, in a word, as incapable of
enjoying the blessings of civil or religious liberty. This custom
is, to say the least of it, erroneous, and the notion on which it is
founded unjust. The Spaniards, after the discovery of South America,
affected to believe the South Americans of a species inferior to
themselves. They ruinously acted on that belief for centuries,
and the descendants of those Spaniards have lived to see the day,
when long observation has taught them, at a large expense, a very
different lesson. It is not however denied, that slaves must and
will be slaves, with all the cunning and treachery which their
condition engenders, and perhaps it may still be a question, if
persons enfranchised from a state of slavery can, by the fact of
such an enfranchisement, become at once, or even very speedily, fit
and useful members of a free and enlightened community. At the first
blush of the question the answer would be in the negative, but that
negative should not be left unqualified. The people amongst whom I
have travelled, and of whom only I would now be understood to write,
are illiterate and consequently superstitious; but the former arises
not from want of capacity or genius so much as from the want of means
to cultivate them; their mechanical like their agricultural knowledge
is extremely limited, but why from that argue their incapacity
to meet improvement, if improvement were happily thrown in their
way? They have beside, a civil polity and a diplomatic chicane in
their intercourse with each other, which is not usually to be found
in merely savage life. Like most half taught people their cunning
generally supersedes their wisdom, but then I am still prepared to
argue, that if you allow them the full exercise of their industry;
if you improve and protect it; if, by wise and judicious policy,
you lift the Negro in his own esteem, and teach his Chief, that what
is good was intended for all, though not in the same proportion,
for the servant as the master; if you abate their superstition by
the careful introduction of evangelical truths; if, in a word, you
realize those things, the condition of Africa will soon assume the
appearance of health, longevity, and happiness.
Their wants are, generally speaking, few and easily satisfied;
and their soil, though barren, yields a sufficiency of those common
necessaries of life which are required in tropical climates. They
have not, unfortunately, any common language to knit them together in
society, hence must their intercourse with each other be extremely
limited; their curiosity is not awakened by the contemplation of
new and remote objects, they know few artificial necessities to
induce the visits of strangers to supply them, and hence, except
in war, they seldom pass the boundaries of the hut that shelters,
and the field of rice or corn that feeds them. Nor are these the
only disadvantages, or, more properly speaking, difficulties to
their general improvement. It is a melancholy truth, that some of
the white men who were in the first instances sent ostensibly to
instruct them, were often actuated by different motives to suffer the
lust of interest and power to tempt them from the useful discharge
of the functions entrusted to them;—they, too, often meet cunning
by cunning, treachery by treachery, and rapine by rapine: and while
they thus conducted themselves,—why expect the Negro to view them in
the light of friends and Christian regenerators? The Negro absurdly
thinks the white man his enemy, and in how many thousand instances
has not the white man realised this absurdity into positive and
melancholy fact? The white inculcates principles whose practice he
violates, and then he turns round and smiles at the incredulity, or
affectedly weeps over the folly of those who will not yield to the
happy influence which, forsooth! he was destined to spread amongst
them. That this has been too much the case cannot be denied. That
a different conduct now prevails, I can with pleasure assert, and
I hope for the sake of mankind, that it may improve in proportion
as the field of our enquiries shall enlarge. This misconduct was
the beginning of all the evil which followed, and those erroneous
views destroyed the best intentioned labours. We as Englishmen
should consider that the prejudices of ages cannot be eradicated
in an hour, nor the light of truth communicated by instruction
at the mere will of man. To benefit our fellow creatures, we must
expend time, patience, money, resources and sedulous instruction,
because we know that cupidity, bigotry, and revenge, and all the
bad passions which spring from ignorance, are not to be destroyed
by any other effectual means. Many incidents have been stated in
the course of my narrative, which justify these remarks, exclusive
of those more prominent instances which are to appear in the sequel.
The principal difficulties which impeded my progress may be reduced to
a few heads. The cupidity and duplicity of the chiefs, the existence
of slavery as connected with our endeavours to abolish it, the idle
fears and apprehensions growing out of recent hostile transactions
in the Senegal, and, mainly, the rapid spread and dreadful influence
of the Mahomedan faith.
The duplicity of the chiefs is principally exemplified in the conduct
of the kings of Woolli, Bondoo and Kaarta, and either in the want of
inclination, or the fear of our approaching or passing Sego, by the
king of that country. At Woolli perhaps they were of too trivial a
nature, and the king so inadequate to prevent our passing by force,
that they scarcely merit attention. They serve however to shew, that
if he had not the power, he had at least the inclination to throw
every obstacle in the way of our proceeding eastward, but in which
direction, it is equally true, that none but his enemies resided. It
may be naturally supposed he did not wish such persons to be enriched
by sharing in the booty expected from our baggage, exaggerated reports
of whose value had been circulated through the interior long before
even the first expedition had left Senegal. At Bondoo the fairest
promises were in the first instance held out to us by Almamy; nay, an
apparent impatience was evinced by him to send us forward, but this we
soon discovered to have originated in a desire on his part to grasp at
those presents which he supposed we should make him in consideration
for so laudable an attention to our interests, but which (although
more than we could well afford) not being sufficiently valuable in
his eyes, were no sooner handed over to him, than the appearance of
things changed, and he made a demand for nearly as much more, under
the name of customs. The English name, and the liberality of the
British governors of St. Louis, and Senegal, to Almamy Bondoo were
well and long known to him previously to our entering his country,
but it appears that not only the recollection of their kindness to
him had vanished with our cession of that colony to the French, but
that he had been determined to crown his ingratitude with treachery,
deceit, and even want of common hospitality to the expedition, which
was unfortunately induced to prefer the road through his country for
the reasons already mentioned in p. 61, and in consequence of the very
apparently warm manner in which he expressed himself grateful for the
handsome presents he had received from Sir Charles M‘Carthy when
commanding at St. Louis. That every deference and respect for him as
the king of Bondoo, and indeed in some cases rather more than enough,
had been shewn him, is but too evident from the enormous sacrifices
we made at the shrine of his insatiable avarice, with a view of
conciliating his favour and protection, and of convincing him that
our object in going to the east was not only the mere solution of a
geographical question, but an endeavour at the eventual improvement
of the commercial and social interests of the countries we visited,
by opening a safe and direct communication between them and our
settlements, where I assured Almamy we should be most happy to see
himself and subjects as constant visitors. What could have induced
him to act as he did towards us I was really for a long time at a
loss to define, although he more than once hinted at having received
private information, and as he said from good authority, that we
had in view the destruction of his country, but which I could not
then believe, and supposed he only made that excuse a cloak to
hide some other motive with which I ineffectually strained every
nerve to become satisfactorily acquainted. The information which I
afterwards acquired with respect to the immense profits arising to
the native merchants from the trade, and barter of slaves, in the
transaction already mentioned of redeeming the Bondoo woman and her
daughter out of the hands of the Kaartans, led me, in considering
that subject minutely, to reflect on other circumstances connected
with the question, and that left no doubt on my mind as to his having
been thereby influenced: these shall be fully explained hereafter.
The king of Kaarta likewise, after tempting me under the most
flattering promises to enter his country, having even sent an escort
of one thousand horse to conduct me in safety, when he had received
from me to the full measure which inclination or duty prompted me
to give him, not only broke every promise he made me of assistance
in the prosecution of my journey, but literally plundered me of the
few articles which his avarice had hitherto spared. As on other
occasions, I was here at a loss to conjecture the cause of such
treatment, and upon the most mature and unprejudiced consideration,
can only attribute it to the same causes as operated on his brother
chiefs of Woolli and Bondoo.
The King of Sego was at war with the Massina Foulahs when Mr. Dochard
entered his country, and as his enemies were a powerful people, he
was unwilling to admit of our nearer approach, until, as he said,
they should either be defeated, or yield to terms of peace which he
should dictate to them. That Mr. Dochard’s delay might have been
caused by such a disposition, is not at all impossible, but it is
nevertheless evident, that the very great distance he ordered the
removal of Mr. Dochard, pending these negociations, affords room for
supposing that he was actuated by other motives than those which he
had previously assigned, namely, a superstitious fear of the too near
approach of a person who was supposed to possess supernatural powers,
and likely to become a troublesome neighbour. That the general
persuasion throughout the country of Bambarra, and particularly
at Sego, was of this nature, has been already proved by Mr. Park,
to whose appearance there the death of Mausong himself, and of
other great personages immediately after his passage through, was
industriously attributed by the Mahomedans. A second opportunity was
afforded to their malice against us, and their hatred of our faith,
upon the occasion of the subsequent death of some of Dha’s chief
men, particularly the governor of Bamakoo, who died suddenly a few
days after Mr. Dochard’s arrival at that town.
The existence of slavery as connected with the endeavours of England
to abolish it, tends in a material degree to awaken the jealousy of
the native chiefs, who, in common with the Moorish and Negro traders,
derived, and are still deriving, a very lucrative income from that
abominable traffic, which they designate by the softened appellation
of a lawful branch of commerce. In order to give an adequate idea
to my readers of the profits attending this trade in human flesh,
it will be necessary for me to state a few particulars.
I have already stated in page 326, that in order to save from the
fate which I had good reason to know awaited my baggage at Moonia,
I had released from slavery a Bondoo woman and her child, with the
intention of restoring them to their family, and had paid for each
of them a larger sum in merchandize than is generally considered the
ransom of a slave taken in war, but in reality amounting to a mere
trifle when put in competition with the liberty of a fellow-creature,
as will appear by the following statement:—
ARTICLES PAID FOR THE WOMAN AND HER CHILD.
Value in
England.
3 pieces of blue India equal in Kaarta each to 40
baft 75s. bars, of the nominal value
of 1s. 6d. ea. 120
30 lbs. trade gunpowder 30s. of the same bars 300
1000 common flints 12s. 10 one bar 100
1. yd coarse scarlet
cloth 16s. 50
A fine silk pang 15s. 50
------ ---
£7 8s. 500
Or the value of five prime slaves in that country. Had one of the
native merchants purchased those poor creatures, he would not have
paid more than two hundred of those bars for them, and probably not so
much, as he would first have changed those articles for cowries[34],
the current money of that country, with which he would have made the
bargain. He could next sell them to the traders in the Senegal, or as
profitably to their friends in Bondoo, for the following articles:—
Kaarta bars.
6 pieces baft each called 10 trade bars at Galam,
where 60 of those bars are given
for a slave equal to 240
4½ lbs. of powder, ¼ lb. a trade bar 30
2 common guns (each 10) 20 do. 80
480 flints 40 do. 48
120 sheets common paper 20 do. 24
1 card snuff-box 1 do. 2
1 scissors 1 do. 2
1 steel 1 do. 2
1 common looking-glass 1 do. 2
---- ----
120[35] equal to 430[36]
For which he could again purchase five slaves in Kaarta, where there
is no want of those wretched beings. Is it then to be wondered at
that those people view with a jealous eye our endeavours to suppress
that trade, or throw obstacles in the way of our penetrating into
the interior of their country, where they suppose we are attracted
with no other view than the ultimate subversion of their religion
and favourite traffic in their own flesh and blood; for it is
impossible to convince them (at least by words) that we have no such
intention: and as to think of persuading them that the extension
of our geographical knowledge in visiting unknown countries at
such risks and expense, or that the lawful increase of our commerce
alone attract our steps, we might as well tell them that a white man
never bought a slave. Whenever I spoke of the Niger, or my anxiety
to see it, they asked me if there were no rivers in the country
(we say) we inhabit; for the general belief is, as before stated,
that we live exclusively in ships on the sea. The Moors too, who
are general traders, and visit all the states of the interior in
their commercial pursuits, are aware that any encouragement given by
the native chiefs to our direct and friendly intercourse with them
must tend to undermine their own trade, and in the course of time
to remove from the eyes and understandings of those chiefs and their
subjects the veil of superstition by which they are now shrouded. They
therefore take advantage of the credit and respectability which in
their characters as Maraboos they so invariably enjoy, to circulate
reports prejudicial not only to our views in Africa (which they,
if they do not really believe like the negroes, represent in the
same way) but to our character as a people, whom they designate by
the degrading appellation of Kafér, or unbeliever.
From the simple calculation and exposé just now made, it must be
obvious that the native princes and traders have a strong and direct
interest to oppose the abolition of slavery; although as regards the
negro population it is equally clear that they have, if possible,
a stronger and more direct interest to promote it by every means in
their power. It is not my intention to enter into the very wide and
comprehensive question growing out of this position, namely, whether
the free negro, if independent of his master, could obtain sufficient
employment, or, obtaining, would be ready to accept it. The first
authorities of the present day, the ablest political economists of
this and every other country, have decided that labour should be free;
not only as conducive to the increased comforts of the labourer, but
as decidedly favourable to the pecuniary interests of the employer
and consumer. The African chiefs, like the owners of slaves in other
countries, think they have no security for their authority but the
maintenance of their people in slavery; and the prejudices of the
negroes are such, the custom has been so long continued and by time
become so inveterately strong, that no one having pretensions to
superiority will perform any of those useful occupations which the
best informed in civilised countries so usually attend to. There
is in the habit of slavery a something much more difficult of cure
than even in the oldest and most stormy passions of educated man:
there is within it a debasement not to be found in any other state,
and it seems as absolutely to chain men to the mere measure of their
length and breadth upon the soil, as if their existence had no other
object. The sun seems to roll his orbit without their observance,
and the earth to yield its fruits without their gratitude; and yet
they exhibit a deep sense of injury, and feel an insatiable thirst
for revenge: such opposite feelings all being generated from the
unwholesome effluvia of their religion—of which, however, more
hereafter.
Another and very plausible reason was afforded the chiefs and people
of the interior for not wishing our presence in their countries,
and for exciting them to jealous and fearful conjectures as to the
object of our visits. This was the forcible possession taken by the
French of a position on the Foota frontier of the Waallo country,
which although no doubt dictated by a laudable desire of improving the
condition of those people and giving a stimulus to their commerce,
was done in opposition to the wishes of the Foota chiefs and of
those of the Moorish tribes of Bracknar and Trarsar, all of whom
claimed a right to the place, and to defend which they made war on
the King of Waallo, whose permission alone to establish and occupy
a post on disputed ground was purchased by the Governor of Senegal.
The other chiefs remonstrated against this infringement of their
rights, but receiving no satisfactory answer, joined their forces, and
almost wholly destroyed the country, where all the horrors and misery
so appallingly attendant on African wars were inflicted on and borne
by the wretched inhabitants. A dreadful instance of the detestation in
which the actual state of slavery is regarded by the free-born negro,
so far as they are themselves concerned, occurred at the destruction
of one of those towns. The wives of some chiefs who had either
been killed or taken by the enemy determined not to survive their
husbands’ or their country’s fall, and preferring death, even
in its most terrifying shape, to slavery and the embraces of their
captors,—suffered themselves and their young children to be burnt
to death in a hut, where they had assembled with that determination,
and which was set on fire by themselves. This affair and some others
of a similar nature which took place about that time in the Senegal,
although rendered necessary by acts of plunder, breach of contract,
or treachery on the part of the chiefs, who are unfortunately much
addicted to such conduct, were unavoidably attended with circumstances
which, so far from being calculated to make those people regard the
visits of Europeans to their country in a favourable light, had the
effect of corroborating in a great measure the false and interested
reports already but too sedulously circulated by the Moors and other
native traders, and too credibly received by the several chiefs.
Another circumstance, which took place in Bambarra, must serve to
convince every impartial reader that fears were really entertained by
the chiefs as to the ultimate results of our communications with them.
At an interview which Mr. Dochard had with one of Dha’s head slaves
at Bamakoo, where all the occurrences in the Senegal were not only
known but much exaggerated, he was asked with a significant smile,
“in case the Niger terminated in the sea and was found navigable to
Sego, would our large vessels come up to that place, and our merchants
settle there as the French had done in the Senegal?” The object of
this question is too palpably evident to need any comment of mine,
and Mr. Dochard’s answer, “that he doubted the possibility of
large vessels ascending that river, or the wish of our merchants to
try it without even settling there,” although in my opinion the
best he could have given, did not remove from the minds of Dha and
his ministers their apprehension of the consequences.
The main difficulty to our success in Africa decidedly results from
the extent and influence of the Mohamedan religion. From the period
of its introduction as affecting the mode of African legislation,
which is scarcely a century since, the negroes, but particularly
the chiefs, have lost the little of honesty or natural feeling
which they before possessed. The doctrines of Mohamedanism are at
right angles with those of Christianity, or if the doctrines be
not so widely different, it is unquestionable that their influence
produces the most melancholy and opposite results. Mohamedanism
may direct the performance of moral duties, its theology may be
wise and its ethics sound; but no abstract rules, however good or
salutary, can operate upon the believers, while the interests of its
ministers are at open war with them. In truth, we need not recur to
Africa nor Mohamedanism to illustrate the truth of this position,
for experience much nearer home has, while even these sheets are at
the press, too forcibly proved it. Whatever then the written code of
Mohamedanism may teach, I have invariably discovered that in practice,
it countenances, if it does not actually generate, cunning, treachery,
and an unquenchable thirst of litigation and revenge. It produces no
good but from the meanest sense of fear, and its very profession is
of itself considered as sufficient absolution from every atrocity
committed to increase its disciples. But in Africa its pernicious
tendency is still more exemplified than in those quarters where it
has so long flourished with the rankest luxuriance.
The Africans in their pagan state were not liable to the same
superstitions as they are and have been since their proselytism,—if
it maybe so termed, because, their religion was not overloaded
with ceremonies, and their priests had but a narrow and contracted
influence. Mohamedanism has made them hypocrites as it keeps them
slaves, and, while it prevails to its present extent, they must
continue so. Essences are forgotten in the strict observance of a
miserable ritual, and truth has lost its value and its splendour
when only seen through the jaundiced instruction of peculating
Maraboos. These jugglers in morality make whatever use they please
of the victims of their sorcery, and if once they catch them in their
toils, escape is almost literally impossible. The enmity which those
ministers of false doctrine bear against our religion and ourselves
naturally induce them to represent us in colours most terrifying to
the converted negroes’ minds, by assuring them, that, although we
say our intentions towards them are good, we are only under that
cloak aiming at their total and eventual subjugation;—and, they
bring forward the continuance of the slave trade by the French in
the Senegal as a proof of _our_ want of sincerity.
The negroes, however, receive a sort of bonus by their conversion to
Mohamedanism. In the event of war waged on them by a Mohamedan power,
they are spared, or at all events not compelled to feel the horrors
which usually attend it.
But the crying sin of Mohamedanism and the main spring of its
pernicious tendency, is the toleration of polygamy. I confine my
observations to its effects in Western Africa, although if this
were the proper time and occasion, I should not dread being able
to demonstrate that wherever tolerated, its tendency must be evil
in the worst degree. Polygamy is the fruitful source of jealousy
and distrust, it contracts the parental and filial affections,
it weakens and disjoints the ties of kindred, and but for the
unlimited influence of the Maraboos and the fear of hell, if they
do not profit of the license of their great Apostle, must totally
unhinge the frame of all society. The father has many wives, the
wives have many children, favoritism in its most odious form sets
in, jealousy is soon aroused, and revenge unsheathes the sword which
deals forth destruction. But it is not to the domestic circle, it is
not to the family arrangements, it is not to the fearful mischiefs
it leads to upon social intercourse that I look alone; but to its
division of the soil and to its mutilation of the different states,
than which nothing can prove more destructive to any country. The
jealousies of the mothers, while exciting to domestic hatred,
lead to external civil war, and states rise and set with a sort of
harlequin operation, and when they are sought for vanish in the air,
and “leave not a wreck behind.” The consequence of these wars
is, that during the precarious conquests of these chiefs, their
whole employment is plunder, and where that cannot be procured the
forfeiture—is life. All order and morality is upset, all right is
unknown, and the effect must be the degradation of society and the
dismemberment of empire in that ill-fated portion of the world.
To this cause also may be attributed in a great measure the existence
(at least to the present extent) of slavery, for that religion not
only gives an apparently divine authority to the practice, but instils
into the minds of its proselytes a conviction or belief, that all who
are not or will not become Mohamedans were intended by Providence and
their Prophet to be the slaves and property of those who do. It is
much to be regretted that those valuable and indefatigable friends
of Africa who have been for years labouring towards civilization
on the coast, where much has been done by the pious labours and
example of the missionaries from the Church and other Societies,
are so circumstanced, from the many difficulties which the climate
itself presents and the rapid spread of the Mohamedan faith, that
they are unable to penetrate beyond the influence of our settlements
on the coast, and consequently excluded from all possibility (for the
present at least) of giving those misguided people an opportunity of
judging for themselves between the secure and happy state of those
whom the exertions of an enlightened country and the influence of
the Christian religion have redeemed from slavery and ignorance,
and the miserably precarious and blind condition to which they are
themselves subjected.
Having thus far stated the difficulties which have hitherto impeded,
and are still likely to impede our researches in, and our civilization
of Western Africa, it may not be considered as adventuring too much
if I place before my readers a few suggestions, which, if acted upon,
may have a tendency to diminish, if not to overcome them altogether.
I have adverted amongst others to the difficulty originating in the
fears which were entertained in consequence of the transactions on the
Senegal, but on that the remedy is obviously one to be administered by
the healing hand of time. The native chiefs had long received presents
which were originally granted for the accommodation and security
they afforded to the European and Senegal merchants who traded with
them. In the progress of time, however, those voluntary presents
were not only demanded as a right, but when refused (which was only
the case where a breach of faith on their part was committed), were
enforced by the prohibition of further commercial intercourse, and
this generally terminated in a compliance with their demand. This
peaceable, and even almost necessary mode of conciliation, at the
period I speak of, was afterwards continued as a matter of course. The
arrogance of the native chief was pampered by the yielding, and his
cupidity was fed by the necessity of doing so. And the evil did not
rest here, for as we conceded they advanced fresh claims, which,
even when admitted, afforded no certainty that their promises with
us would be fulfilled.
Immediately after our cession of that colony, the French authorities
there decided on convincing those people, that, although they were
willing, in a great degree, to submit to the custom which had so
long existed, yet, that they would not quietly bear the obstructions
thrown in the way of their commercial pursuits upon the Upper Senegal;
and prepared to meet force by force, which was eventually rendered
necessary by the hostile threats and actions of the natives. Time, and
time alone, can afford to those natives a proof that the resistance
forced upon the French was not an act of disrespect to them, or of
a disposition to invade their just pretensions or their rights; but
intended to shew them that the benefits of commerce should be mutual,
and that a present, unrefused as such, should not be converted into
a right, to be enforced for the future by prohibitions or by arms.
Another remedy at once presents itself to the mind, but,
unfortunately, that is a remedy which cannot, I fear, be speedily
administered, much less easily obtained; I allude to the general
concurrence of Europe in the abolition of slavery. England, however,
does not come in for any share of blame on this eventful subject:
every thing has been done by her which eloquence, treasure, influence,
humanity, or religion could unite in favour of so desirable a
consummation. It is to be hoped that her example will, sooner or
later, induce the other powers of Europe to imitate it, in which
event the most incalculable advantages would result to the suffering
negroes of Africa. It would be, perhaps, unbecoming in me to press
this important topic to an extremity; the wisest men as statesmen,
and the minutest calculators as political economists, all concur
in stating the general abolition of slavery (placing all humanity
and religion out of the question) to be a general good. After
the expression of such a very extensive and honourable feeling,
it is matter of regret that some of the powers of Europe cannot be
induced to aid in the great work which England had the honour of
commencing, and completing as far as she was concerned. It is a
heart-rending reflection that mistaken views of interest, or the
calls of avaricious clamour, should not only take precedence of,
but actually absorb all the obligations of good feeling, and all
the commands of the Most High. But we are to hope a new light may
break in upon the councils of those who are, perhaps, only mistaken,
or who, from some over-ruling necessity, are obliged to tolerate a
traffic at which not only our nature revolts, but which no one has
of late years had the hardihood to attempt a shadow of justification.
I am persuaded that a mode of disposal of some of the liberated
negroes similar to that which I adopted in the case of Corporal
Harrup, would be attended with the most beneficial results to Africa
and the Mother Country; to the former, by affording them a strong
proof of our good intentions towards them, and to the latter, by
extending our commercial intercourse by means of these people; who
would unquestionably, not only revisit our settlements themselves,
but would induce many of their fellow countrymen to accompany them. I
am, however, aware that many difficulties present themselves to the
accomplishment of such a step: first, from the almost impossibility
of ascertaining whether the person so disposed of belonged to a free
family, for few of them will acknowledge the fact of their having
been born in slavery; and secondly, from the very limited intercourse
between our colonies and the remote states of the interior, whence
those unfortunate beings were dragged into slavery; and during their
return whether they would, on most occasions, be exposed to a second,
and, if possible, a worse state of bondage. The latter difficulty,
however, is daily decreasing before the persevering endeavours of
Africa’s friends in this country, under the immediate and personal
direction of an active governor, who, in holding out every inducement
to the chiefs and people in the vicinity of our colonies to keep
up a direct and friendly intercourse with our commercial agents,
is adopting a plan likely to be attended with the most salutary
results[37].
The cupidity and duplicity of the chiefs has already obtained that
notice which it required, and to obviate them, it has occurred to
me there are no means more available, and, I may add, more speedily
practicable, than the enlargement of our intercourse with the people,
and the encouragement and protection of the internal commerce of
Africa. By this we can improve them in the way of example, by the
other we can benefit them and ourselves in the way of interchange of
commodity; our habits and our manners will gain upon them in time,
and our skill tend to stimulate and encourage theirs.
By increasing their commerce we also obtain another happy
consummation, we give them employment, and we consequently to a
certain extent, secure them from the incessant meddling of their
maraboos. We could congregate them in greater numbers together,
and therefore the more readily instruct them; and I may venture to
add, that, if a fair degree of zeal were used in such a delightful
employment, within a very few years they would prove themselves
not unfitted for the enjoyment of liberal institutions. When once
a people feel their moral power improving it is not difficult to
give it a degree of perfection, and when once the chief found his
former slave so far lifted in the scale of being, as to have some
notion of the place and duties assigned him here, it would not be
easy for him to continue his sway without limit or controul. While,
however, the negro dreams of nothing beyond a mere animal support,
he is admirably calculated for a slave; but give him an insight into
something higher—teach him an art or a trade, in the exercise of
which he finds comfort necessary to himself, and comfort flowing
from such an exercise to others; place him in this situation,
and without revolting against the authority of his chief, he will
still feel that he is not singled out to remain the unpitied and
the worthless slave. That there are powers of mind in the African,
it were quite idle to dispute; that the productions of the country
are capable of being beneficially employed, must, I think, be equally
incontestible to any one who has carefully perused the preceding
pages; and to act with honesty we should not allow both or either
to lie for ever dormant. Common charity, much less common interest,
forbids so unworthy a course, and, in truth, I cannot have the
slightest suspicion that it ever was contemplated.
Upon this important branch of my subject I might descant to a very
considerable extent, but that, fortunately, its magnitude is so
thoroughly felt as to spare me the labour on this occasion: let
me however look at the advantages of this increased commerce in
any point of view, with all the difficulties which rather appear,
than really do exist to impede it, I am fully convinced that to it
Africa will be at last mainly indebted for any social and political
enjoyments to which she may attain.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 34: Shells.]
[Footnote 35: Nominal value 2s. 6d. each.]
[Footnote 36: Nominal value 1s. 6d. each.]
[Footnote 37: The late unfortunate occurrences on the Gold Coast,
and the melancholy death of Sir Charles M‘Carthy, have been too
recently before the public to need any remark of mine. I must,
however, be permitted to say, that in that gallant, intelligent
and zealous commander, Africa has lost one of her best friends,
and society one of its greatest ornaments.]
=APPENDIX.=
* * * * *
ARTICLE I.
The town of Bathurst is situate on the south-eastern extremity of the
island of Saint Mary’s, at the mouth of the river Gambia, and lies in
16°. 6′. 3″. western longitude, and 13°. 28′. 20″. northern latitude.
The greatest extent of the island is about four miles from WNW. to
ESE., but its general breadth does not exceed a mile and a half, in
some places much less. The surface of the island is a low plain, with a
slight descent from the north and east sides towards the centre, where,
during the season of the rains, it is much inundated. Its north-east
shore, on which stands a part of the town, is not more than twelve or
fourteen feet above the level of high-water mark. The tides, however,
are very irregular, and are much influenced in their rise and fall by
the NW. and SE. winds.
The settlement, although in its infant state, has made a most rapid
progress in improvement. Many fine substantial government buildings
have been lately erected, and the British merchants resident there,
have vied with each other in the elegant and convenient arrangement
of their dwelling-houses and stores, all which are built with stone
or brick, and roofed with slates or shingles.
The soil of the island is a red or light coloured sand, with little
appearance of clay or mould, but from its having furnished the
natives of the adjacent country, and the inhabitants of a small
town which formerly stood on the island, with rice previously to
our taking possession of it, I am satisfied it would, by proper
management, bring all the productions of the country to perfection;
and, no doubt, be rendered as congenial to the culture of some of
our garden vegetables as Senegal or Sierra-Leone.
The edges of the creeks which intersect the island, and the low
grounds about them, are thickly covered with mangroves, which are
rapidly decreasing in being turned to advantage for fuel both in the
houses and for the burning of lime. The palm tree, the monkey-bread,
or baobab, and several other kinds of large trees, are thickly
scattered all over the high grounds, and with an abundance of
shrubs and ever-greens give the place a cool, refreshing, though
wild appearance.
Sarah Creek, so called by the natives, is from twenty-five to forty
yards wide, and at ebb tide contains no less than seven feet water
in the shallowest place, many places having twelve and upwards,
with a bottom of hard sand and clay.
Crooked Creek, which is about the same breadth, has only two feet
water at its mouth during the ebb, but its general depth in other
places is from three to six feet.
Turnbull Creek is likewise very shallow, having in no place more
than five feet water. It is possible that much benefit might result
from so shutting up the mouths of Newt and Crooked Creeks, and the
one adjoining the latter, as to prevent the high flood-tides in the
rainy season from entering them, as it would, if effectually done,
reclaim from inundation and its consequent bad effects, a large
space in the almost immediate vicinity of the town. But it remains to
decide whether the ground about them is lower than high-water mark,
in which case it would be impossible to remedy the present evil in
any other way than raising the level of the surface, a work that
would be attended with considerable expense and difficulty.
That this infant colony has answered, nay, exceeded the most sanguine
expectations of all concerned, is strongly proved by the very great
and rapid increase of its population, not only by the considerable
augmentation of the number of British merchants, but by an immense
influx of the inhabitants of Goree, who, not finding employment under
the French Government there, and being excluded from the trade of
the Gambia, except through the medium of Saint Mary’s, or a small
factory belonging to the French at Albreda (than which they are not
allowed to go higher up the river) are daily emigrating to Bathurst.
The troops, inhabitants, and merchants are abundantly supplied with
beef, mutton, poultry, fish, fruit, milk, butter, palm-wine, and
all the African vegetables by the natives of the surrounding towns,
who, feeling the advantage of such intimacy with the settlement,
flock to it in great numbers, and consume a large proportion of the
European articles imported into the colony.
Gold, ivory, bees-wax, and hides are brought thither in considerable
quantities by the natives, traders, and the inhabitants of Goree
who have settled there, and are annually shipped for England by the
British merchants; fine timber of the mahogany kind has been found on
the banks of, and islands in the river, and has likewise been sent to
the home market, where, I believe, it has met with some encouragement.
ARTICLE II.—See PAGE 59.
PRESENTS TO THE KING OF KATOBA, APRIL 18th, 1818.
One fine gilt dirk.
A stone of large amber.
Ten bars of glass beads.
Two bottles of rum.
One piece of blue baft.
One do. of white muslin.
Twenty bars of amber.
Twenty do. of coral.
Eighteen bars of tobacco.
Sixteen do. of red cloth.
ARTICLE III.—See PAGE 87.
PRESENTS MADE TO THE KING OF WOOLLI AND HIS CHIEFS.
TO THE KING.
One single gun.
One pound, No. 1, amber.
Forty dollars.
A piece of white baft.
A ditto of blue ditto.
Twelve stones, No. 1, coral.
TO HIS SON.
A common gun.
Five stones, No. 2, amber.
Five do. No. 2, coral.
TO THE CHIEFS.
One hundred and twenty-six bars in amber, coral, and bafts.
ARTICLE IV.—See PAGE 116.
PRESENTS MADE TO ALMAMY BONDOO, HIS CHIEFS, MINISTERS, &C. JUNE
13th, 1818.
A fine blue velvet saddle and bridle.
A large umbrella, gold laced and fringed.
A sabre.
A silver gilt cup.
Eight pieces of blue baft.
Two do. of white.
Two do. of blue cambric muslin.
Two do. of taffety.
Two do. of muslin.
Four pieces of white cambric muslin.
Four yards of scarlet cloth.
Five do. of yellow do.
Five do. of green do.
Two pounds of cloves.
Three double barrelled guns.
Four single do.
One pound amber, No. 1.
One string of large pipe coral.
Two do. small do.
One silver cup.
Two metal do.
One pair fine pistols.
Fifty pounds of tobacco.
Four morocco bound blank books.
Four cannisters of fine powder.
A small bale of flints.
One hundred and fifty pounds of powder.
Twenty-four dollars.
One yard red serge.
Seven do. of yellow.
Knives, scissors and snuff boxes, six each.
Two razors, two pair of spectacles.
Some worsted thread.
TO SAADA, HIS ELDEST SON.
One fine single gun.
Two pieces blue baft.
One do. white do.
One do. muslin.
One do. cambric muslin.
One yard scarlet cloth.
Ten stones of coral.
Twenty do. of amber, No. 1.
Fifty fine flints.
One morocco bound book.
Four canisters of fine powder.
Five yards of taffety.
Scissors, razors, snuff boxes, and knives, three each.
TO THE MINISTERS.
Four pieces blue baft.
Three do white do.
One do. muslin.
One do. taffety.
Four yards scarlet cloth.
One pound, No. 2, amber.
One string of coral.
Twenty-five pounds of powder.
Two pieces of blue cambric muslin.
Knives, scissors and snuff-boxes, twelve each.
Six razors.
AGREEMENT
ENTERED INTO
WITH ALMAMY BONDOO, AND PRESENTS MADE TO HIM AND THE PRINCES,
MINISTERS, ETC., ON THE 9TH MAY, 1819.
ARTICLE VI.—See PAGE 222.
TO ALMAMY MOOSA KING OF BONDOO, ETC.
FROM MAJOR WILLIAM GRAY, COMMANDING HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY’S MISSION
IN THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA,
GREETING,
Whereas it being my intention to make you a present suitable to
your exalted situation as King of Bondoo, in order to obtain your
friendship and assistance in prosecuting my journey; and to convince
you of the amicable intentions of our great King George towards
you and all your people, I have to demand from you in return the
following terms, viz.—
1st. That you give directions to the chiefs of all the towns or
villages in your kingdom, through which we may pass, to receive us
as the messengers of so great a king as ours should be received.
2d. That you supply us with guides as far as your power extends in
the direction we wish to proceed.
3d. That the presents given consist of the following articles, viz.
To complete the presents to Almamy Amady for the last year:
2 Double guns Two.
6 Single do. Six.
1 Fine double do. One.
160 Bottles of powder One hundred and sixty.
Present to Almamy Moosa this year:
2 Fine double guns Two.
1 Do. single do. One.
4 Pieces blue baft Four.
4 Do. white do. Four.
3 Yards of scarlet cloth Three.
5 Do. sprigged muslin Five.
5 Do. tamboured do. Five.
5 Do. taffety Five.
1 lb. Amber One.
50 lb. Powder Fifty.
1 Piece of cambric One.
20 Grains of coral Twenty.
500 Flints Five hundred.
500 Balls Five hundred.
1 lb. Cloves One.
TO THE QUEEN.
1 Pair of sprigged muslin pangs.
1 Do. fine worked do.
10 Stones large amber.
10 Do. coral.
9 Bunches of beads.
½ lb. Cloves.
3 Yards of serge.
WILLIAM GRAY, MAJOR.
I, Almamy Moosa, in consequence of the above presents, and
my wish to be of service to you, the messenger of your King George
of England, do hereby bind myself to render you the protection and
assistance required by the foregoing terms; In confirmation of which
I do hereby affix my signature, in the name of GOD the Most High,
this 9th day of May, 1819, at Boolebany.
(Signed) ALMAMY MOOSA YEORA.
THIERNO—MAMADOO.
Prince MAMADOO SAFIETTA.
ARTICLE VII.—SEE PAGE 222.
PRESENT TO SAADA, 9TH MAY, 1819.
One double gun.
One piece of blue baft.
One piece of white baft.
One do. of cambric muslin.
Fifteen pounds of powder.
Half a pound of No. 2, amber.
Ten stones of do. coral.
Two hundred flints.
TO PRINCE TOMANY.
One double gun.
One single do.
Two pieces of blue baft.
Two do. of white baft.
Four yards of scarlet.
One piece of cambric muslin.
Half a pound of No. 2, amber.
Ten stones of do. coral.
Twenty-five pounds powder.
Two hundred flints.
Four ounces of cloves.
* * * * *
ARTICLE VIII.—SEE PAGE 223.
TO PRINCE AMADY CAMA, 18TH MAY.
One double gun.
Half a piece of blue baft.
Half a do. of white baft.
Ten stones of No. 2, amber.
Five pounds of powder.
Fifty flints.
TO PRINCE ALI HOO, 18TH MAY, 1819.
Half a piece of blue baft.
Half a piece of white baft.
Half a yard of scarlet.
Ten stones of No. 2, amber.
Four do. of coral.
Three pounds of powder.
Fifty flints.
TO OSMAN CUMBA, CHIEF OF SAMBA CONTAYE.
One double gun.
Half a piece of blue baft.
Half a do. of white do.
Ten stones of No. 2, amber.
Four do. of coral.
One yard of scarlet.
Fifty flints.
Four ounces of cloves.
Five pounds of powder.
* * * * *
ARTICLE IX.—SEE PAGE 232.
PRESENT MADE TO THE GUIDES.
One double gun.
Four pieces of blue baft.
Two do. of white do.
Two do. of Manchester prints.
Three yards of scarlet cloth.
Four muslin pangs.
Three taffety do.
One pound of No. 2, amber.
Six yards of baize.
Ten bunches of beads.
Five hundred flints.
Six knives and scissors.
ARTICLE X.—SEE PAGE 284.
PRESENT SENT TO THE CHIEFS OF FOOTA.
Two pieces of blue baft.
Two pieces of white do.
One pound of No. 2, amber.
One blank book.
Two yards of scarlet cloth.
Twenty-five pounds of powder.
Two hundred flints.
One piece of Manchester print.
TO THE TWO FOOTA PEOPLE WHO ACCOMPANIED OUR MESSENGER.
One piece of white baft.
Half a do. of blue do.
Eight pounds of powder.
Fifty flints.
One yard of scarlet cloth.
Thirty grains of No. 2, amber.
ARTICLE XI.—SEE PAGE 261.
LIST OF THINGS RECEIVED FROM FOOTA OF THOSE LOST THERE.
Three horses.
Seventeen asses.
Three goats.
Four double guns.
Thirteen muskets.
One pair of pistols.
One sword.
Four spring guns.
Two tents.
One bale of 50 pounds of powder.
One do. of flints.
One bag of balls.
Three large saws.
Two small do.
Three old saddles.
One and a half do. of blue baft.
The books and boxes.
Cooking utensils.
Forty country cloths, in payment for two asses that died while
in their possession, and the two gold rings I had given Bayla.
ARTICLE XII.—SEE PAGE 288.
PRESENTS TO SAMBA CONGOLE AND THE CHIEFS OF FORT ST. JOSEPH.
TO SAMBA.
One double gun.
One single do.
One pair of pistols.
Twenty-five pounds of powder.
One yard of scarlet cloth.
Sixteen grains of No. 1, amber.
Sixteen do. of No. 2, corals.
Five pair of pangs.
Four bunches of beads.
One hundred flints.
Half a pound of cloves.
TO THE CHIEFS.
Two double guns.
Two pieces of baft.
Fifteen pounds of powder.
Two hundred and fifty flints.
Forty-six grains of No. 2, amber.
Forty-six do. of No. 3, coral.
Five ounces of cloves.
ARTICLE XIII.—SEE PAGE 305.
FIRST PRESENT TO MODIBA.
Two double guns.
Two single do.
One pair of pistols.
One sword.
Fifty pounds of powder.
Five thousand flints.
Two pieces of blue baft.
Two do. of white do.
One yard of scarlet cloth.
One do. of yellow do.
One do. of green do.
Five do. of muslin.
Five do. of taffety.
Two fine pangs.
Half a piece of print.
Half a do. of blue silk.
Two coloured silk handkerchiefs.
Ten large stones of No. 1, amber.
Eight do. of No. 1, coral.
Half a piece of India print.
One fine saddle cloth.
A handsome plated tureen and cover. To which was added on the
1st of April,
ARTICLE XIV.—SEE PAGE 305.
One pound of small amber.
One pound of cloves.
One dirk and belt.
Twelve dollars.
One pound of worsted thread.
Two bunches of beads.
One silver cup.
ARTICLE XV.—SEE PAGE 307.
PRESENT TO ALI.
One double gun.
Two yards of muslin.
Two do. of silk.
Six stones of No. 1, amber.
Six do. of No. 3, coral.
One piece of blue baft.
One piece of pang.
Seven pounds of powder.
Fifty flints.
Two ounces of cloves.
Quarter of a yard of scarlet cloth.
* * * * *
ARTICLE XVI.—SEE PAGE 309.
THIRD PRESENT TO MODIBA, ON THE 14TH OF APRIL.
One piece of blue baft.
One do. of white do.
One muslin pang.
One worsted do.
One silk do.
One pound of small amber.
Twenty-four stones, No. 3, coral.
Four ounces of cloves.
Fifteen pounds of powder.
Two hundred flints.
One silver medal.
ARTICLE XVII.—SEE PAGE 314.
FOURTH PRESENT TO MODIBA.
One double gun.
One pound of No. 3, amber.
Ten yards of callico.
Six yards of silk.
Some fine beads.
Ten pounds of powder.
Half a yard of scarlet.
One hundred flints.
* * * * *
ARTICLE XVIII.—SEE PAGE 316.
FIFTH PRESENT TO MODIBA.
One single gun.
Two pairs of fine pangs.
* * * * *
ARTICLE XIX.
LIST OF THINGS TAKEN BY MODIBA’S SLAVES AT MONIA.
One double gun.
Twenty pounds of powder.
Four yards of red silk.
Twelve do. of callico.
One do. of scarlet cloth.
One do. of yellow do.
Two pounds of amber.
One thousand flints.
A large quantity of beads.
Four ounces of small pipe coral.
Four yards of baize; a number of knives, scissors, snuff boxes,
looking glasses, and a ream of paper.
ARTICLE XX.—SEE PAGE 325.
I here witnessed an extraordinary ceremony performed by one of
the young princes, who was about undergoing the Mahometan rite
of circumcision. He was dressed in the manner shewn in figure 1,
plate 4; and accompanied by a host of musicians and young men,
visited several towns for the purpose of levying contributions on
the provisions and purses of the inhabitants, either by stealth (and
for which he could not be punished, not being amenable to the laws
for that period) or during his exhibitions in public, by seizing
on some of the spectators, whom he held fast and pretended to goad
with the horn attached to the wooden figure on his head, until he
received some offering which was never withheld, and which, together
with the intercession of his attendants, who fanned him with boughs
of trees, appeased his wrath, and induced him to sit down. In this
position he remained for some minutes, and in an apparent paroxysm
of rage recommenced his antics, which generally continued for two
or three hours during the heat of the day, leaving the person so
exhausted from his exertions and the weight of his dress, that he
did not again make his appearance until the following day. In this
manner I was told he continued acting for a _moon_.
DESCRIPTION AND SKETCHES ON BOTANICAL SUBJECTS.
Among the party who accompanied Major Peddie in the mission into
the interior of Africa, was Mr. Kummer, who was charged to make
collections in every department of natural history, with drawings
and descriptions of whatever was most interesting in that line, as
well as to keep a regular journal of general observations and events.
Many sketches of animals and plants, and several notes were made;
but these are of such a nature as to require an examination of the
specimens from which they were taken, before they can be valuable
to a naturalist who is not previously acquainted with the subjects
themselves. Unfortunately the individual articles were lost.
From the drawings, however, and descriptions, such as they are,
we have selected four of the most perfect, which relate to as many
plants, and which do not appear to us to have been noticed by former
naturalists. In doing this however, we cannot help regretting the
extremely imperfect state of the materials. Had all the collections
of Mr. Kummer been saved, they might have formed a most important
addition to our present unsatisfactory acquaintance with the natural
history of Western Africa.
The plants alluded to were found between Cape Verga, at the mouth
of Rio Nunez, and the establishment called Tingalinta.
It is with much pleasure I take this opportunity of acknowledging
my obligations to Dr. Hooker, Professor of Botany, at the Glasgow
University, for the following plates and their descriptions.
TAB. A.
ARUM APHYLLUM.
CLASS AND ORDER—MONŒCIA POLYANDRIA.
_Natural Order—Aroideæ._
GEN. CHAR. _Spatha_ monophylla, cucullata. _Spadix_ supra nudus,
inferne fœmineus, medio stamineus. _Willd._
Arum _aphyllum_; spadice apice magno subgloboso rugoso spatha
ovato-cucullata, breviore scapo aphyllo.
HAB. Locis mentosis saxosis Tingalinta. Fl. mense Februarii.
_Radix_, ut videtur, tuberosa.
_Folia_ omnino nulla.
_Bracteæ_ duæ, fere omnino subterraneæ, tres uncias longæ,
lanceolatæ, membranæ, pallidæ, ad basin scapi.
_Scapus_ palmaris ad spithamæus, parte superiore (2-3 uncias) e
terra emergens, teres, glaber, succulentus, inferne fere albidus,
superne roseus.
_Spatha_ diametro 3 ad 4 uncias, ovato-ventricosa, obliqua, obtusa
cum mucronula, marginibus involuta, basi etiam convoluta, pallide
rosea, lineis saturationibus pulcherrime picta.
_Spadix_, basi, ubi flores inserti, cylindraceus, apice magnus (duas
uncias latus) ovato-globosus, obliquus, carnosus, extus rugosus,
intense roseus, intus spongeosus, albus.
_Antheræ_ numerosæ, purpureæ, sessiles, apice loculis duobus
horizontalibus dehiscentes, purpurescentes.
_Pistilla_ sub antheras inserta, pauciora. _Germen_ globosum,
viride. _Stylus_ breviusculus, purpureus. _Stigma_ peltatum.
_Fig._ 1. Plant, _natural size_:—all below the line indicated by
the letters _a—b_ is subterraneous. _Fig._ 2. Front view of the
spatha. _Fig._ 3. Spadix removed from the spatha. c., the circle
of anthers, d. the circle of pistils. _Fig._ 4. Section of the
spadix. _Fig._ 5. Anther. _Fig._ 6. Pistil, of which the germen is
cut through vertically. The 5th and 6th figures are magnified.
Of this singular and beautiful plant I can find no description, yet
it appears to be not uncommon in Senegal. The Jolofs, particularly
in the country of Cayor, eat the root, when other and better kinds of
nourishment fail them. They dry the root and boil it, thus employing
heat to extract that poisonous juice with which all the individuals
of this natural family are known to abound. It is not, however,
eaten at Tingalinta, nor in the district of the Sousous where it is
found in equal plenty.
[Illustration: _G. Scharf Lithog:_
_Printed by C. Hullmandel._
_Arum aphyllum._
_London. Pubd. by J. Murray, Albemarle Street. 1825._]
TAB. B.
TABERNÆMONTANA GRANDIFLORA.
CLASS AND ORDER—PENTANDRIA MONOGYNIA.
_Natural Order—Apocyneæ._
GEN. CHAR. _Contorta_. _Corolla_ hypocrateriformis; _tubus_
angulato-strictus, basi subglobosus. _Folliculi_ 2, horizontales.
_Semina_ pulpæ immersa (_Fol. opposita_).
Tabernæmontana _Africana_, foliis ovato-lanceolatis oppositis,
floribus axillaribus solitariis: tubo corollæ spiraliter torto,
medio inflato.
HAB. Kacundy.
_Arbor_ mediocris vel _Frutex_, ramis subdeclinatis.
_Folia_ opposita, ovato-lanceolata, basi apiceque subalterneata,
integerrima, glabra, nervosa, nervis parallelis.
_Flores_ solitarii, axillares, versus apicem ramorum, pedunculati.
_Pedunculus_ longiusculus, crassus.
_Calyx_ quinquepartitus, inferus, persistens; segmentis ovatis,
obtusis.
_Corolla_ hypocrateriformis, magna, speciosa, alba. _Tubus_ spiraliter
tortus, versis medium inflatus. _Limbus_ quinquepartitus, segmentis
oblongo-lanceolatis, obtusissimis planis, oblique tortis: _ore_ nudo.
_Stamina_ quinque, medio tubi inserta. _Filamenta_ lata, tubo
adherentia, marginibus ciliatis. _Antheræ_ sagittatæ, flavæ,
circa stigma conniventes.
_Pistillum_ unicum, corollæ dimidio brevius. _Germen_ duplex.
_Styli_ duo, filiformes, basi distincti, apice unito, paululum
dilatati. _Stigma_ incrassatum, subcylindraceum, basi dilatatum,
apice quinquelobum, lobis erectis.
_Pericarpium_: Folliculi? vel potius baccæ duæ, ovato-rotundatæ,
patentes, acuminatæ, basi calyce cinctæ, uniloculares, polyspermæ.
_Semina_ plana, stricta, receptaculo centrali affixa.
_Fig._ 1. Branch, _natural size_. _Fig._ 2. Lower part of the
tube laid open to shew the stamens. _Fig._ 3. Pistil. _Fig._
4. Stigma. _Fig._ 5. Section of the upper part of the Style. _Fig._
6. Fruit (natural size). _Fig._ 7. Section of the same. _All but
figures 1 and 7 more or less magnified_.
This appears to be a very different species of _Tabernæmontana_,
if indeed it really belongs to that genus, from any hitherto
described. In the persistent calyx, this plant seems to depart from
the character of _Tabernæmontana_, as it is defined by Jussieu; and
also in the tube of the corolla, which is not inflated at the base,
but near the middle, and is moreover singularly spirally twisted
with deep furrows, if we may judge from the drawing.
[Illustration: _G. Scharf Lithog:_
_Printed by C. Hullmandel._
_Tabernæmontana grandiflora._]
TAB. C.
STROPHANTHUS PENDULUS.
CLASS AND ORDER—PENTANDRIA MONOGYNIA.
_Natural Order—Apocyneæ._
GEN. CHAR. _Corolla_ infundibuliformis. _Faux_ coronata squamulis
decem, indivisis.
_Limbi laciniæ_ candatæ. _Stamina_ medio tubi inserta. _Antheræ_
sagittatæ, aristatæ vel mucronatæ. Ovaria duo. _Stylus_ unicus,
filiformis, apice dilatato. _Stigma_ subcylindraceum. _Squamæ_
quinque, hypogynæ.
Strophanthus _pendulus_; foliis oppositis ovato-oblongis acutis,
floribus pendulis, antheris aristatis.
HAB. Santo Fallo.
_Caulis_ sarmentosus? cortice cinereo-fusca tectus.
_Folia_ opposita, breviter petiolata, duas, tres uncias longa, unciam
lata, oblongo-ovata, glabra, acuta, integerrima, juniora angustiora.
_Flores_ in racemos parvos terminales, solitarii vel bini, penduli.
_Pedunculus_ brevis, crassiusculus.
_Calyx_ profunde quinquepartitus, laciniis ovato-lanceolatis, acutis,
modice patentibus.
_Corolla_ infundibuliformis, flava, limbo quinquepartito, laciniis
longissimis, linearibus subundulatis; _fauce_ coronata squamis quinque
bipartitis, purpureis: segmentis lanceolato-subulatis subundulatis.
_Stamina_ quinque, versus medium tubi corollæ inserta. _Filamenta_
alba, breviuscula, curvata. _Antheræ_ sagittatæ, basi intus stigmati
adherentes, apice aristata.
_Pistillum_: _Germen_ ovato-rotundatum, biloculare: _Stylus_
filiformis, cylindraceus. _Stigma_ incrassatum, cylindraceum,
apice truncatum.
_Fig._ 1. Portion of a plant, _natural size_. _Fig._ 2. View of the
mouth of the corolla and the nectary. _Fig._ 3. Stamen. _Fig._ 4. Two
of the stamens, shewing the point of adhesion of the anthers with the
stigma. _Fig._ 5. Back view of a stamen. _Fig._ 6. Front view of the
same. _Fig._ 7. Section of the germen. _All more or less magnified_.
Of this plant Mr. Kummer has given but an unsatisfactory account,
as he only saw the specimen from which the drawing was made, and
which, in his journal, he says that the Cherif Sidi Mahommed (of
Foota Jallo), procured for him.
This species of _Strophanthus_ seems to offer a peculiar character
in its drooping flowers. I am also unable to find that the remarkable
circumstance of the anthers adhering by their base within, and being
firmly attached to the stigma, is mentioned by any author as existing
in other individuals of this curious genus.
Most of the species of _Strophanthus_ inhabit equinoctial Africa. The
_S. dichotomus_ which is a native of China, is the only one of
the genus, as far as I know, which has yet been introduced to our
gardens. There is an excellent representation of it in the _Botanical
Register_, tab. 469.
[Illustration: _G. Scharf Lithog:_
_Printed by C. Hullmandel._
_Strophantus pendulus._
_London. Pub: by J. Murray, Albemarle Stt. 1825._]
TAB. D.
PTEROCARPUS AFRICANUS. GUM KARI.
CLASS AND ORDER—DIADELPHIA DECANDRIA.
_Natural Order—Leguminosæ._
GEN. CHAR. _Calyx_ quinquedentatus. _Legumen_ falcatum, foliaceum,
varicosum, ala cinctum, non dehiscens. _Semina_ aliquot solitaria.
_Willd._
Pterocarpus _Senegalensis_; foliis pinnatis, foliolis ovalibus
fructibus lunato-orbiculatis pubescentibus.
HAB. Prope Kacundy et aliis locis montanis, vulgaris. Fl. mense
Decembri.
_Arbor_ mediocris, ramis diffusis, cortice pallida.
_Folia_ pinnata, decidua, foliolis ovalibus alternis integerrimis,
glabris, superne nitidis nervosis, nervis parallelis approximatis,
petiolis partialibus brevissimis.
_Racemi_ compositi, terminales.
_Flores_ numerosi, flavi. _Pedicelli_ breves curvati, basi bractealis,
bracteis parvis lanceolatis subulatis. _Calyx_ quinquedentatus,
pubescens, basi bracteis duabus parvis subulatis munitus; dentibus
subæqualibus, duobus superioribus apice rotundatis, reliquis
acutis. _Corolla_ papilionacea, cito caduca. _Vexillum_ rotundatum
margine undulatum, basi breve unguiculatum, alis majus. _Alæ_
carina majores. _Carina_ foliolis distinctis. _Stamina_ monadelpha
tubo superne fisso, filamentis alternatim longioribus. _Antheræ_
rotundatæ, flavæ. _Pistillum_ staminum longitudine. _Germen_
subovatum, pubescens, viride. _Stylus_ filiformis, curvatus. _Stigma_
simplex.
_Legumen_ majusculum, compressum, in orbiculum curvatum, pubescens,
monospermum.
_Fig._ 1. Flowering branch, after the leaves have fallen away. _a._
the red gum flowing from the wounded part. _Fig._ 2. Leaflet of
the compound pinnated leaf. _Fig._ 3. Calyx. _Fig._ 4. Standard of
the corolla. _Fig._ 5. One of the wings. _Fig._ 6. The Keel. _Fig._
7. Bundle of Stamens. _Fig._ 8. Pistil. _Fig._ 9. Legumen. _All but
figures_ 1, 2, and 9, _more or less magnified_.
This plant loses its leaves in the month of November, and in December
the flowers appear. The tree is known amongst the inhabitants by
the name of Kari, affording one of the best kinds of Gum Kino. Where
an incision is made, the juice flows out, at first of an extremely
pale red colour, and in a very liquid state; but it soon coagulates,
becoming of a deep blood red hue, and so remarkably brittle, that
its collection is attended with some difficulty.
[Illustration: _G. Scharf Lithog:_
_Printed by C. Hullmandel._
_Pterocarpus africanus._
_London. Pubd. by J. Murray, Albemarle Stt. 1825._]
METEOROLOGICAL TABLE.—FOOTA JALLO.
+-------------+------------+------------------------------+----------+
| DATE. | | THERMOMETER FAHRENHEIT. | |
+--------+----+ PLACE. +-------+-----+----------------+ REMARKS. |
| Month. |Day.| | Fore- |Noon.| Afternoon. | |
| | | | noon. | | | |
+--------+----+------------+-------+-----+--------+-------+----------+
| | | |h. ° | ° |h. ° |h. ° | |
|February| 8 |Tingalinta |6 68 | 87 | |10 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 9 | Do. |6 66 | 98 | |9 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 10 | Do. |6 58 | 92 |3 87 |9 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 11 | Do. |6 63 | 96 | |10 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 12 |Dindilicouri|4 53 |100* |4 89 |9 70 |* In the |
| | | | | | | |sun. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 13 |Near | | |6 83 |8 71 | |
| | |Sappacourie | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 14 | Do. |4½ 58 | 99 |4 98 | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 15 |Cogan and |3 53 | 98 | |10 70 | |
| | |Serrewoomba | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 16 |Serrewoomba |6 63 | 96 | |9 73 |Noon sun |
| | | | | | | |119°. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 17 | Do. |6 64 | 96 | |9 73 |Ditto |
| | | | | | | |109°. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 18 |Keeling |6 64 | 96 | |8 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 19 |Ditto and |6 56 |103* | |8 70 |* Sun. |
| | |Bontong Ko | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 20 |Poosa |6 58 | 97 | |8 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 21 | Do. |5½ 53 | 97 |5 90 |10 70 |2 P.M. in |
| | | | | | | |the tent |
| | | | | | | |100°. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 22 | Do. |7 68 | | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 23 | Do. |6 68 | 88 |6 83 |10 71 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 24 | Do. |8 70 | 91½ | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 25 |Dunso |6 64 | 98 | |9 70 |Noon sun |
| | | | | | | |120°. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 26 | | | 88 |3 94 |8 72 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 27 |Kaukeenhang |6 64 | 98 | |10 70 |A hot |
| | | | | | | |wind from |
| | | | | | | |S. at 8½ |
| | | | | | | |P.M. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 28 | |5½ 58 | |2 98 |10 70 |The same |
| | | | | | | |a little |
| | | | | | | |later. |
| | | | | | | | |
|March | 1 | |5½ 52 | 97 | |9 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 2 |Panjetta | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 3 | Do. |6 62 | 97 | |9 70 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 4 | Do. |6 59 | |2 98 |9 74 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 5 | Do. |6 58 | 96 |1 100 |9 73 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 6 | Do. |6½ 63 | 96 |2 108 |9 74 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 7 | Do. |6 58 | 96 |3 100 |8 76 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 9 | Do. |6 63 | 96 | |10 77 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 10 | Do. |5½ 59 | |2 96 |9 72 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 12 | Do. |6 67 | 98 | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 14 | Do. |5½ 58 | 96 | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 16 | Do. |6 69 | 95 |5 70 |8 68 |Rain at 5 |
| | | | | | | |P.M. fell |
| | | | | | | |from 91° |
| | | | | | | |to 70°. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 17 | Do. |6½ 74 | 97 | |8 68 |Ditto |
| | | | | | | |from 4 to |
| | | | | | | |8, fell |
| | | | | | | |from 90° |
| | | | | | | |to 69°. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 18 | Do. |7 70 | 92 |4 71 |9 69 |Light |
| | | | | | | |rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 19 | Do. |5 59 | 87 | |8 75 |Smart |
| | | | | | | |rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 20 | Do. |7 72 | 91 | |10 77 |Cloudy in |
| | | | | | | |the NE. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 22 | Do. |7 72 | 92 | |8 77 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 25 | Do. |6 65 | 87 |3 92 |8 82 |Thunder |
| | | | | | | |and |
| | | | | | | |lightning |
| | | | | | | |with |
| | | | | | | |heavy |
| | | | | | | |rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 28 | Do. |6 70 | 89 |3 92 |8 82 | |
| | | | | | | | |
|April | 1 | Do. |6 63 | 93 |3 93 |9 80 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 3 | Do. |6 68 | 93 |3 97 |9 78 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 5 | Do. |6 67 | 93 |3 96 |9 75 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 7 | Do. |6 66 | 92 |5 96 |9 77 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 11 | Do. |6 67 | 93 |3 96 |9 76 |Heavy |
| | | | | | | |clouds in |
| | | | | | | |the SE. |
| | | | | | | |with all |
| | | | | | | |appearance|
| | | | | | | |of rain. |
+--------+----+------------+-------+-----+--------+-------+----------+
METEOROLOGICAL TABLE.—KAYAYE.
+------------+------+-----------------------------+-----------------+
| DATE. | | THERMOMETER FAHRENHEIT. | |
+-------+----+PLACE.+-------+-----+---------------+ REMARKS. |
| Month.|Day.| | Fore- |Noon.| Afternoon. | |
| | | | noon. | | | |
+-------+----+------+-------+-----+--------+------+-----------------+
| | | |h. ° | ° |h. ° |h. ° | |
|March | 24 |Kayaye| | | |10 82 |Wind SW. |
| | | | | | | | atmosphere |
| | | | | | | | heavy. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 25 |Do. | | |1 103 | | NW. clear. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 26 |Do. |6 72 | 101 |6 96 | | SSE. ditto. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 27 |Do. |6 80 | 102 |6 82 | | Variable |
| | | | | | | | from SE. to |
| | | | | | | | NW. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 29 |Do. | | 92 | | | WNW. clear |
| | | | | | | | and cool. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 30 |Do. |6 71 | 81 |6 72 | | NNW. cloudy |
| | | | | | | | and cool. |
| | | | | | | | |
|April | 1 |Do. |6 70 | 87 |6 79 | | NW. hazy. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 3 |Do. |6 77 | 100 |6 81 | | NE. by E. |
| | | | | | | | very hot. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 5 |Do. |6 79 | 110 |5 95 |10 81 | NE. |
| | | | | | | | disagreeably|
| | | | | | | | hot and dry.|
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 6 |Do. |6 80 | 95 |3 99 |6 91 | Forenoon |
| | | | | | | | NW. after. |
| | | | | | | | NE. very |
| | | | | | | | hot. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 9 |Do. |6 80 | 109 | |6 91 | SSE. a very |
| | | | | | | | hot wind. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 11 |Do. |6 83 | 108 |6 81 |9 80 | SSE. ditto. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 13 |Do. |6 80 | 97 |6 79 | | SW. |
| | | | | | | | pleasantly |
| | | | | | | | cool. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 15 |Do. |6 79 | 99 |6 81 |8 80½| WNW. hazy. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 16 |Do. |6 80 | 101 |6 88 | | NE. by E. |
| | | | | | | | clear and |
| | | | | | | | hot. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 17 |Do. |6 85 | 102 |6 89 |10 86 | Forenoon |
| | | | | | | | NNW. after. |
| | | | | | | | NE. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 19 |Do. |6 81 | 102 |4 99 |6 80 | SSE. close |
| | | | | | | | and sultry. |
| | | | | | | | |
ON THE ROAD TO BONDOO.
+-----------+---------+-------------------------------+--------------+
| DATE. | | THERMOMETER FAHRENHEIT. | |
+------+----+ PLACE. +-------+-----+-----------------+ REMARKS. |
|Month.|Day.| | Fore- |Noon.| Afternoon. | |
| | | | noon. | | | |
+------+----+---------+-------+-----+--------+--------+--------------+
| | | |h. ° | ° |h. ° |h. ° | |
|April | 26 |Jaroomy |7 88 |93* |2 99* |6 88† |* At |
| | | | | | | |Lunain.—† At |
| | | | | | | |Coonting. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 29 |Tandi |5 83 |95* |2 99* | |* At Samu. |
| | |Cunda | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 30 |Wallia |8 90 |97 | 98 | |Heat of water |
| | |Creek | | | | |80°. |
| | | | | | | | |
|May | 4 |Madina |6 84 |100 |5 98 | |Wind ENE. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 10 |Bentangto|5 80 |101 |4 97 | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 14 |Sabee |9 94 |100 |5 90 | | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 17 |Loonchea |6 78 |100 |2 99 |6 96 | |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 23 |Ganado |6 85 |99 |4 96 |8 80 |The first |
| | | | | | | |rain fell at |
| | | | | | | |11 P.M. on |
| | | | | | | |the 22d. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 24 |Goodeerie|6 86 |104* |3 110 |4 113 |Oppressively |
| | | | | | | |hot and |
| | | | | | | |close—* Sun. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 27 | Do. |8 90 |106 |3 106 |10 99 | |
| | | | | | | | |
|June | 1 | Do. |6 86 |91 | |6 81† |† Slight rain |
| | | | | | | |and much |
| | | | | | | |lightning. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 3 | Do. |6 87 |98 |3 97 | |A tornado and |
| | | | | | | |heavy rain at |
| | | | | | | |9 P.M. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 5 | Do. |5 82 |92 | |7 89 |Much thunder |
| | | | | | | |and lightning |
| | | | | | | |with rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 7 | Do. | |91 | | |Heavy tornado |
| | | | | | | |with rain at |
| | | | | | | |midnight. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 9 | Do. |8 89 |94 | |7 89 |Ditto ditto |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 12 | Do. |3 78 |90 |2 91 | |Thunder and |
| | | | | | | |rain in the |
| | | | | | | |evening. |
| | | | | | | | |
BONDOO.
+-----------+---------+-----------------------------+----------------+
| DATE. | | THERMOMETER FAHRENHEIT. | |
+------+----+ PLACE. +-------+-----+---------------+ REMARKS. |
|Month.|Day.| | Fore- |Noon.| Afternoon. | |
| | | | noon. | | | |
+------+----+---------+-------+-----+-------+-------+----------------+
| | | |h. ° | ° |h. ° |h. ° | |
|June | 14 |Goodeerie|6 88 | 100 | |7 80 |Extremely close |
| | | | | | | |and sultry. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 19 |On the |6 95 | 101 | |9 90 |Tornado and |
| | |march | | | | |heavy rain at |
| | | | | | | |night. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 21 |Boolibany|9 88 | 100 |6 96 | |A tornado and |
| | | | | | | |rain at 9 P.M. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 23 | Do. |7 82 | 90 |2 98 | |Ditto ditto at |
| | | | | | | |7 A.M. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 26 | Do. |10 87 | 96 |2 96 |11 82 |Wind NW. cool |
| | | | | | | |and clear. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 27 | Do. |7 88 | 98 |4 96 |7 89 |Cloudy, |
| | | | | | | |thunder, and |
| | | | | | | |rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 29 | Do. |3 84 | 84 |2 88 | |A heavy tornado |
| | | | | | | |and rain at 3 |
| | | | | | | |A.M. from NE. |
| | | | | | | | |
|July | 2 |Samba | | 92 |5 88 |8 86 |Light clouds, |
| | |Contaye | | | | |appearance of |
| | | | | | | |rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 5 | Do. |5 85 | 99 |2 98 |6 90 |Cloudy and rain.|
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 7 | Do. | | 86 |4 88 |8 76 |Wind NW. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 10 | Do. |6 88 | 94 | |8 84 |Rain and |
| | | | | | | |tornado. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 15 | Do. |6 89 | 90 |2 90 |8 84 |Rain all day. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 20 | Do. |7 89 | 90 | |7 87 |Rain afternoon. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 24 | Do. |6 87 | 100 | |8 84 |Light rain all |
| | | | | | | |day. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 26 | Do. |8 90 | 97 | |8 80 |A violent |
| | | | | | | |tornado at |
| | | | | | | |night. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 29 | Do. |6 85 | 98 | |8 80 |Much heavy rain.|
| | | | | | | | |
|August| 1 | Do. | | 97 | |8 70 |Slight rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 3 | Do. |6 74 | 82 | |8 72 |Ditto all day. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 4 | Do. |6 73 | 83 | |6 80 |Ditto. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 5 | Do. |6 70 | 80 | |8 73 |A heavy tornado.|
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 6 | Do. |6 71 | 86 | |8 80 |Light rain. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 7 | Do. |6 71 | 82 |3 85 |8 80 |Ditto. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 10 | Do. |6 72 | 79 |4 85 |8 78 |Nearly calm. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 11 | Do. |6 73 | 84 | |8 77 |Rain at 8 P.M. |
| | | | | | | | |
| — | 14 | Do. |6 75 | 87 | |8 79 |Much rain. |
+------+----+---------+-------+-----+-------+-------+----------------+
METEOROLOGICAL JOURNAL, BONDOO, 1818.
+--------------+--------------------+--------------------+-----------+
| DATE. | THERM. FAHRENHEIT, | STATE OF THE | |
| | IN THE SHADE, | ATMOSPHERE. | |
+---------+----+----+-----+----+----+---------+----------+ REMARKS. |
| Month. |Day.| 6 |Noon.| 3 | 8 |Forenoon.|Afternoon.| |
| | |A.M.| |P.M.|P.M.| | | |
+---------+----+----+-----+----+----+---------+----------+-----------+
| | | ° | ° | ° | ° | | | |
|August | 16| 76 | 85 |87½ | 85 | Cloudy. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 17| 77 | 85 | 88 | 84 | Do.* | Rain. | * |
| | | | | | | | |Accompanied|
| | | | | | | | | by a |
| | | | | | | | | tornado. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 18| 75 | 79 | 81 | 85 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 19| 78 | 85 | 84 | 78 | Rain*. | Do. | * Very |
| | | | | | | | | heavy. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 20| 73 | 77 | 86 | 80 | Do. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 21| 74 | 84 | 83 | 82 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 22| 77 | 83 | 88 | 79 | Rain*. | Cloudy. | * |
| | | | | | | | |Accompanied|
| | | | | | | | |by tornado.|
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 23| 76 | 85 | 87 | 84 | Cloudy. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 24| 70 | 80 | 87 | 80 | Rain*. | Cloudy. | * Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 25| 73 | 82 | 86 | 85 | Cloudy. | Rain†. | † Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 26| 71 | 82 | 85 | 87 | Do. | Do. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 27| 74 | 85 | 85 | 88 | Do. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 28| 72 | 85 | 85 | 84 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 29| 79 | 81 | 86 | 83 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 30| 79 | 84 | 86 | 80 | Rain*. | Do. | * Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 31| 76 | 82 | 88 | 80 | Haze. | Rain†. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
|September| 1| 70 | 81 |88½ | 83 | Rain*. | Do. | * |
| | | | | | | | |Accompanied|
| | | | | | | | | by a |
| | | | | | | | | tornado. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 2| 75 | 80 | 79 | 76 | Rain. | Rain. | Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 3| 74 | 77 | 86 | 76 | Do. | Do. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 4| 78 | 80 | 83 | 77 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 5|78½ | 84 | 85 | 82 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 6| 73 | 79 | 81 | 70 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 7| 77 | 84 | 87 | 82 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 8| 76 | 82 | 88 | 80 | Cloudy. | Rain†. | † Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 9| 75 | 82 | 84 | 81 | Clear. | Do. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 10| 77 | 82 |87½ | 85 | Rain. | Do. | Heavy, |
| | | | | | | | | with |
| | | | | | | | | tornado. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 11| 71 | 77 | 79 | 74 | Do. | Cloudy. | Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 12| 75 | 80 | 83 | 78 | Cloudy. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 13| 72 | 80 | 86 | 83 | Rain. | Do. | Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 14| 78 | 71 | 75 | 72 | Do. | Rain. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 15| 75 | 80 | 85 | 81 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 16| 74 | 81 | 86 | 82 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 17| 75 | 69 | 71 |73½ | Rain. | Rain. | Heavy. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 18| 71 | 73 | 75 | 82 | Do. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 19| 72 | 84 | 85 | 80 | Cloudy. | Rain. | Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 20| 73 | 85 | 91 | 94 | Haze. | Do. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 21| 73 | 79 | 83 | 74 | Rain. | Rain. | Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 22| 70 | 81 | 82 | 80 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 23| 73 | 83 | 91 | 88 | Clear. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 24| 76 | 86 | 88 | 89 | Haze. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 25| 70 | 79 | 83 | 80 | Rain. | Rain. | Heavy. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 26| 74 | 86 | 90 | 86 | Do. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 27| 74 | 80 | 85 | 84 | Clear. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 28| 75 | 82 | 84 | 80 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 29| 72 | 80 | 83 | 82 | Cloudy. | Rain. | Slight. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 30| 73 | 83 | 84 | 83 | Rain. | Clear. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
|October | 1| 74 | 80 | 85 | 83 | Cloudy. | Rain. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 2| 71 | 80 | 82 | 83 | Rain. | Clear. | Do. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 3| 73 | 86 | 88 | 86 | Clear. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 4| 75 | 82 | 87 | 89 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 5| 70 | 78 | 84 | 85 | Cloudy. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 6| 72 | 86 | 90 | 87 | Do. | Rain. | Heavy. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 7| 74 | 81 | 84 | 80 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 8| 77 | 85 | 89 | 87 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 9| 80 | 88 | 92 | 89 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 10| 78 | 84 | 91 | 89 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 11| 79 | 87 | 90 | 88 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 12| 77 | 87 | 90 | 86 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 13| 78 | 89 | 90 | 87 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 14| 78 | 87 | 91 | 87 | Do. | Cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 15| 80 | 88 | 90 | 86 | Cloudy. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 16| 78 | 87 | 89 | 88 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 17| 79 | 91 | 94 | 89 | Rain. | Rain. | Heavy. |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 18| 77 | 90 | 92 | 87 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 19| 72 | 87 | 90 | 89 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 20| 74 | 89 | 93 | 90 | Do. | Hazy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 21| 75 | 88 | 92 | 91 | Hazy. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 22| 74 | 89 | 96 | 97 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 23| 79 | 90 | 95 | 54 | | | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 24| 79 | 91 | 93 | 90 |Dark and | Dark and | |
| | | | | | | hazy. | hazy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 25| 74 | 89 | 94 | 90 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | cloudy. | cloudy. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 26| 77 | 90 | 94 | 87 | Cloudy, | Cloudy | Slight. |
| | | | | | | rain. |and rain. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 27| 78 | 91 | 95 | 95 | Clear. | Clear. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 28| 75 | 90 | 94 | 91 | Do. | Do. | |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 29| 72 | 86 | 92 | 90 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 30| 73 | 87 | 93 | 86 | Do. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 31| 71 | 86 | 89 | 88 | Cloudy. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
|November | 1| 68 | 79 | 84 | 86 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 2| 67 | 84 | 90 | 86 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 3| 71 | 90 | 94 | 89 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 4| 70 | 90 | 95 | 90 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 5| 72 | 90 | 96 | 90 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 6| 70 | 97 | 90 | 87 | Do. | Do. } Winds |
| | | | | | | | } from SW. |
| — | 7| 70 | 90 | 90 | 85 | Do. | Do. } to W. |
| | | | | | | | } and NW. |
| — | 8| 71 | 92 | 92 | 83 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 9| 71 | 93 | 94 | 84 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 10| 70 | 90 | 92 | 87 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 11| 71 | 92 | 94 | 86 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 12| 71 | 92 | 93 | 85 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 13| 70 | 90 | 94 | 87 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 14| 71 | 89 | 92 | 89 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 15| 70 | 89 | 94 | 89 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 16| 70 | 88 | 92 | 89 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 17| 70 | 88 | 90 | 86 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 18| 70 | 89 | 90 | 84 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 19| 72 | 89 | 90 | 83 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 20| 71 | 88 | 89 | 82 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 21| 71 | 88 | 88 | 83 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 22| 72 | 89 | 87 | 82 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 23| 70 | 87 | 87 | 81 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 24| 71 | 86 | 87 | 82 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } Winds NE.|
| — | 25| 70 | 87 | 88 | 80 | Do. | Do. } and E. |
| | | | | | | | } occasion-|
| — | 26| 70 | 85 | 86 | 80 | Clear. | Clear. } ally NNW.|
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 27| 70 | 86 | 85 | 80 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 28| 71 | 88 | 87 | 79 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 29| 70 | 86 | 84 | 78 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 30| 71 | 87 | 86 | 78 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
|December | 1| 70 | 86 | 84 | 77 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 2| 71 | 85 | 84 | 78 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 3| 70 | 87 | 85 | 79 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 4| 69 | 84 | 84 | 74 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 5| 69 | 86 | 84 | 73 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 6| 70 | 86 | 86 | 75 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 7| 70 | 87 | 86 | 74 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 8| 69 | 86 | 85 | 72 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 9| 69 | 87 | 85 | 70 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 10| 68 | 88 | 87 | 71 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 11| 70 | 88 | 86 | 70 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 12| 69 | 86 | 84 | 69 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 13| 70 | 86 | 85 | 69 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } Winds N. |
| — | 14| 71 | 86 | 84 | 68 | Do. | Do. }to NE. and|
| | | | | | | | } E., occa-|
| — | 15| 69 | 86 | 84 | 65 | Do. | Do. } sionally |
| | | | | | | | } NNW. |
| — | 16| 70 | 88 | 87 | 66 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 17| 68 | 85 | 85 | 64 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 18| 68 | 85 | 84 | 65 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 19| 68 | 86 | 84 | 65 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 20| 69 | 87 | 87 | 68 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 21| 69 | 87 | 87 | 68 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 22| 70 | 87 | 87 | 66 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 23| 69 | 86 | 86 | 64 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 24| 70 | 84 | 84 | 66 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | | |
| — | 25| 70 | 86 | 85 | 63 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 26| 69 | 85 | 84 | 64 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 27| 69 | 85 | 85 | 64 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 28| 70 | 85 | 84 | 65 | Do. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 29| 69 | 85 | 84 | 65 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 30| 69 | 85 | 85 | 64 | Do. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 31| 68 | 84 | 84 | 62 | Clear. | Do. } |
| | | | | | | | } |
| 1819. | | | | | | | } |
|January | 1| 68 | 84 | 83 | 62 | Clear. | Clear. } |
| | | | | | | | }Winds from|
| — | 2| 69 | 85 | 84 | 64 | Do. | Do. } N. to E. |
| | | | | | | | } occasion-|
| — | 3| 69 | 86 | 85 | 64 | Do. | Do. } ally NW. |
| | | | | | | | } |
| — | 4| 70 | 87 | 87 | 66 | Do. | Do. }The only |
| | | | | | | | }thermometer|
| — | 5| 70 | 88 | 87 | 65 | Do. | Do. }I had, was|
| | | | | | | | }broken in |
| — | 6| 69 | 86 | 86 | 62 | Do. | Do. }moving to |
| | | | | | | | }Boolibany,|
| — | 7| 69 | 86 | 85 | 61 | Do. | Do. } and I was|
| | | | | | | | } unable to|
| — | 8| 69 | 86 | 84 | 61 | Do. | Do. } procure |
| | | | | | | | } another, |
| — | 9| 70 | 86 | 86 | 63 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. }the French|
| | | | | | | | } officers |
| — | 10| 70 | 87 | 87 | 64 | Do. | Do. } at Galam |
| | | | | | | | } having |
| — | 11| 70 | 87 | 87 | 64 | Clear. | Clear. } but one. |
+---------+----+----+-----+----+----+---------+----------+-----------+
METEOROLOGICAL TABLE.—GALAM.
+---------+--------+------------------+---------------+--------------+
| | | GREATEST AVERAGE | GREATEST | |
| MONTH. | PLACE. | HEIGHT.—REAUMUR. | AVERAGE FALL | REMARKS. |
| | +------------+-----+----------+----+ |
| | | Hour. | Deg.| Hour. |Deg.| |
+---------+--------+------------+-----+----------+----+--------------+
| 1819. | | | | | | |
|July |Baquelle| 3 P.M. | 29 | 4 A.M. | 18 |There were |
| | | | | | | eight days’ |
| | | | | | | rain, |
| | | | | | | accompanied |
| | | | | | | by tornados; |
| | | | | | | the winds |
| | | | | | | (with only |
| | | | | | | two days’ |
| | | | | | | variation) |
| | | | | | | were SE. and |
| | | | | | | S. |
| | | | | | | |
|August | Do. | 3 P.M. | 26½ | 3 A.M. | 17 |Nine days’ |
| | | | | | | rain, only |
| | | | | | | one tornado, |
| | | | | | | on the |
| | | | | | | 2d; winds |
| | | | | | | variable |
| | | | | | | from S. to |
| | | | | | | NW., and one |
| | | | | | | day NNW. |
| | | | | | | |
|September| Do. | 3 P.M. | 26 | When | 17 |Sixteen days’ |
| | | | | raining. | | rain, six |
| | | | | | | tornados, |
| | | | | | | wind |
| | | | | | | variable |
| | | | | | | from E. to |
| | | | | | | S. and W. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|October | Do. | { } | 29 | 4 A.M. | 18 |Three days’ |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | rain, two |
| | | | | | | tornados |
| | | | | | | without |
| | | | | | | rain, wind |
| | | | | | | variable, |
| | | | | | | mostly |
| | | | | | | easterly. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|November | Do. |*{ } | 28 | 4 A.M. | 17 |No rain or |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | tornado, |
| | | | | | | wind chiefly |
| | | | | | | easterly, |
| | | | | | | with a few |
| | | | | | | variations |
| | | | | | | to the N. |
| | | | | | | and W. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|December | Do. |†{ } | 27 | 4 A.M. | 13 |Wind from N. |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | to E. On the |
| | | | | | | 25th at 5 |
| | | | | | | A.M. 12°. |
| | | | | | | |
| 1820. | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|January | Do. |†{ } | 26½ | 4 A.M. | 14 |Same wind as |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | December, |
| | | | | | | with |
| | | | | | | occasional |
| | | | | | | changes to |
| | | | | | | NW. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|February | Do. |†{ } | 28 | 5 A.M. | 14 |Fine clear |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | weather, |
| | | | | | | very hot, |
| | | | | | | with |
| | | | | | | occasional |
| | | | | | | W. winds. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|March | Do. |†{ } | 31 | 5 A.M. | 15 |Strong E. |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | wind, |
| | | | | | | variable to |
| | | | | | | N. One day |
| | | | | | | therm. stood |
| | | | | | | an hour at |
| | | | | | | 34°. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|April | Do. |†{ } | 32 | 5 A.M. | 16 |Strong N. and |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | E. winds. |
| | | | | | | Therm. |
| | | | | | | varied from |
| | | | | | | 23° to 35°. |
| | | | | | | |
| | | { 10 A.M.} | | | | |
|May | Do. |†{ } | 33 | 4 A.M. | 17 |A tornado |
| | | { 3 P.M.} | | | | without rain |
| | | | | | | on the 10th; |
| | | | | | | wind from S. |
| | | | | | | to E. and |
| | | | | | | W.; three |
| | | | | | | days’ slight |
| | | | | | | showers. |
| | | | | | | |
|June | Do. | †3 P.M. | 32 | 4 A.M. | 16 |Winds |
| | | | | | | variable |
| | | | | | | in every |
| | | | | | | direction; |
| | | | | | | five |
| | | | | | | tornados, |
| | | | | | | and six |
| | | | | | | days’ rain. |
| | | | | | | |
+---------+--------+------------+-----+----------+----+--------------+
| * The east wind during the day, gave a rise of from 3° to 4°. |
| |
| Do. Do. the night, a fall of from 6° to 7°. |
| |
| During those months, the east wind, which is very hot in the day |
| and cool at night, and until sunrise, is often succeeded by |
| pleasant breezes from the west. |
| |
| The river, which commences rising in the first week of June, |
| reaches 40 feet above its lowest level, and, in 1820, began to fall|
| again about the middle of September. |
| |
| † _Ut suprà_, p. 412, _in notis_. |
+--------------------------------------------------------------------+
G. WOODFALL, ANGEL COURT, SKINNER STREET, LONDON.
Transcriber's note:
The changes indicated in the Errata have been done.
pg xii Changed: Visit to Katoha to: Katoba
caption of plate 1 Changed: TALABUUCHIA to: TALABUNCHIA
pg 13 (footnote 3) Changed: Diudilicouric to: Diudilicourie
pg 43 Changed: Visit to Katoha to: Katoba
pg 94 Changed: through the Simbarri Woods to: Simbani
pg 94 Changed: Arrive at Sausanding to: Sansanding
pg 94 Changed: in the Simbarri woods to: Simbani
pg 113 Changed: Sanda himself to: Saada
pg 132 Changed: almos the whole to: almost
pg 142 Changed: more vere fast to: were
pg 278 Changed: Touca of Tuabo to: Tonca
pg 281 Changed: nominating a new Touca to: Tonca
pg 309 Changed: answers by which time to: answers (by which time
pg 375 Changed: ARTICLE VII.—See Page 223 to: ARTICLE VIII
pg 392 Changed: sqamulis decem to: squamulis
pg 393 Changed _stylus_ fiiliformis to: filiformis
Botanical drawings moved from: after pg 396 to: next to each
species description
Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.
Other spelling errors or inconsistencies have been left unchanged.
*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "Travels in Western Africa, in the years 1818, 19, 20, and 21, from the river Gambia, through Woolli, Bondoo, Galam, Kasson, Kaarta, and Foolidoo, to the river Niger" ***
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