Title: Narrative of the Residence of Fatalla Sayeghir : Among the Wandering Arabs of the Great Desert
Author: Lamartine, Alphonse de
Language: English
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  DE LAMARTINE.


  NARRATIVE

  OF THE RESIDENCE OF

  FATALLA SAYEGHIR

  AMONG THE

  WANDERING ARABS OF THE GREAT DESERT:


  COLLECTED AND TRANSLATED BY THE CARE OF

  M. DE LAMARTINE.

  [Illustration]


  _PHILADELPHIA_:

  CAREY, LEA & BLANCHARD.

  1836.



ADVERTISEMENT

OF THE AMERICAN PUBLISHERS.


In presenting to the public the curious and interesting Narrative of
Fatalla Sayeghir, it is proper to explain that it formed an appendix to
the English edition of “De Lamartine’s Pilgrimage to the Holy Land;”
but having no immediate connexion with it, the publishers thought, it
proper to defer the publication of this work (as mentioned in their
advertisement) until they should know what reception the “Pilgrimage”
would meet with. A second edition being called for and nearly expended,
it has induced the publication of the “Narrative” in a separate volume,
which they hope will be acceptable to the public.



INTRODUCTION.

BY ALPHONSE DE LAMARTINE.


We were encamped in the midst of the desert which extends from
Tiberias to Nazareth, and were speaking of the Arab tribes we had met
in the day, of their manners, and the connexions between them and
with the great population by whom they are surrounded. We endeavoured
to elucidate the mystery of their origin, their destiny, and that
astonishing endurance of the spirit of race, which separates this
people from all other human families, and keeps them, like the Jews,
not without the pale of civilization, but within a civilization of
their own, as unchangeable as granite.

The more I have travelled, the more I am convinced that races of men
form the great secret of history and manners. Man is not so capable of
education as philosophers imagine. The influence of governments and
laws has less power, radically, than is supposed, over the manners
and instincts of any people, while the primitive constitution and the
blood of the race have always their influence, and manifest themselves,
thousands of years afterwards, in the physical formations and moral
habits of a particular family or tribe. Human nature flows in rivers
and streams into the vast ocean of humanity: but its waters mingle but
slowly, sometimes never; and it emerges again, like the Rhone from
the Lake of Geneva, with its own taste and colour. Here is indeed an
abyss of thought and meditation, and at the same time a grand secret
for legislators. As long as they keep the spirit of race in view,
they succeed; but they fail when they strive against this natural
predisposition: nature is stronger than they are. This sentiment is
not that of the philosophers of the present time, but it is evident
to the traveller; and there is more philosophy to be found in a
caravan journey of a hundred leagues, than in ten years’ reading and
meditation. I felt happy in thus wandering about among deserts and
unknown countries, with no route before me but my caprice; and I told
my friends, and M. Mazolier, my interpreter, that if I were alone and
without family ties, I would lead this manner of life for years and
years. I would never sleep where I had arisen: I would transport my
tent from the shores of Egypt to the Persian Gulf, and wish no aim for
the evening but evening itself. I would wander on foot, and dwell with
eye and heart on these unknown lands, these races of men so different
from my own, and contemplate humanity, this most beautiful work of
God, under all its forms. To effect this, what would be requisite?--a
few slaves or faithful servants, arms, a little gold, two or three
tents, and some camels. The sky of these countries is almost always
warm and pure, life easy and economical, and hospitality certain and
picturesque. I should prefer, a hundred times, years passed under
different skies, with hosts and friends ever new, to the barren and
noisy monotony of the life of our capitals. It is undoubtedly more
difficult to lead the life of a man of the world in Paris or London,
than to visit the universe as a traveller. The results of two such
lives are, however, very different. The traveller either dies, or
he returns with a treasure of thoughts and wisdom. The domesticated
inhabitant of our capitals grows old without knowledge, without
experience, and dies as much entrammelled, as much immersed in false
notions, as when he first begins to exercise his senses. I should like,
said I to my dragoman, to cross those mountains, to descend into the
great desert of Syria, accost some of the large unknown tribes that
traverse it, receive their hospitality for months, pass on to others,
study their resemblances and differences, follow them from the gardens
of Damascus to the banks of the Euphrates and the confines of Persia,
and raise the veil which still hangs over the civilization of the
desert,--a civilization where our chivalry had its birth, and where
it must still exist: but time presses, and we may see but the borders
of that ocean whose whole no one has yet crossed. No traveller has
penetrated amidst those innumerable tribes, whose tents and flocks
cover the plains of the patriarchs; one only man attempted it, but he
is no more, and the notes which he had collected during ten years’
residence amongst the people were lost with himself. I desired to
introduce M. de Lascaris to my readers: the following is a sketch of
his character.

M. de Lascaris was born in Piedmont, of one of those Greek families
which settled in Italy after the conquest of Constantinople: he was
a knight of Malta when Napoleon conquered the island. M. de Lascaris
was then a very young man; he followed him to Egypt, attached himself
to his fortunes, and was fascinated by his genius. Highly gifted
himself, he was one of the first to perceive the lofty eminence
reserved by Providence for the young man who was imbued with all
the spirit of Plutarch, when the human character seemed worn out,
shattered, or false. He perceived more: he perceived that the great
work to be accomplished by his hero was not perhaps the restoration
of power in Europe; an effect which the reaction of men’s minds
rendered necessary, and therefore easy; he felt that Asia presented
a far wider field for the renovating ambition of a hero; that that
was the scene for conquering, for founding, and for renovating on a
scale incomparably more gigantic; that despotism, brief in Europe,
would be lasting, eternal, in Asia; that the great man who could there
apply the principles of organization and unity would effect more than
Alexander,--more than Bonaparte in France. It appears that the young
warrior of Italy, whose imagination was luminous as the East, undefined
as the desert, wide as the world, held some confidential conversations
with M. de Lascaris on this subject; and directed one ray of thought
towards that horizon which was opening to him his destiny. It was but
a ray, and I lament it: it is evident that Bonaparte was the man for
the East, not the man for Europe. This will provoke a smile; it will
appear paradoxical to the world. But consult travellers. Bonaparte,
who is looked upon as the man of the French revolution and of liberty,
never understood liberty, and wrecked the French revolution. History
will prove it in every page, when written under other impulses than
those which at present dictate it. He was the incarnation of reaction
against the liberty of Europe: glorious and brilliant, it is true; but
no more. What proof shall I advance? Ask what remains of Bonaparte in
the world, beyond a page of warfare, and a page to record an unskilful
restoration. But as for a monument, a basis for expectation, a future,
a something that may live after him besides his name--nothing exists
but an immense reminiscence. In Asia he would have stirred men by
millions; and, himself a man of simple ideas, he would with two or
three facts have built up a monument of civilization which would have
survived him a thousand years. But the mistake was made: Napoleon chose
Europe; he only chose to leave behind him one explorer to examine what
might be done, and to trace out the road to India, if ever fortune
should lay it open to him. M. de Lascaris was the man; he set out with
secret instructions from Bonaparte, received the necessary sums for
his undertaking, and established himself at Aleppo, to complete his
knowledge of Arabic. Being a man of merit, talent, and knowledge, he
feigned a sort of enthusiasm to account for his continuance in Syria,
and his unceasing intercourse with the Arabs of the desert who came
to Aleppo. At length, after some years’ preparation, he commenced
his grand and perilous enterprise; he passed with various risks, and
under different disguises, through all the tribes of Mesopotamia and
of the Euphrates; and returned to Aleppo, rich in the knowledge he had
acquired, and in the political relations he had prepared for Napoleon.
But whilst accomplishing the mission, fortune overthrew his hero; and
he learned his downfall the very day on which he was about to bring him
the fruits of seven years’ danger and devotion. This unforeseen stroke
was fatal to M. de Lascaris; he went into Egypt, and died at Cairo,
alone, unknown, abandoned, and leaving behind him his notes, his only
bequest. It is said that the English consul obtained these valuable
documents, which might have become injurious to his government, and
that they were either destroyed or sent to London.

“What a pity,” said I to M. Mazolier, “that we should have lost the
result of so many years’ labour and patience!” “There is something yet
remaining,” said he; “I was attached at Latakia, my country, to a young
Arab, who accompanied M. de Lascaris during all his travels. After his
death, being without resources, and deprived even of the arrears of his
small salary, which M. de Lascaris had promised him, he returned poor
and plundered to his mother. He is now living in some small employ with
a merchant of Latakia. I knew him there, and he has often spoken to me
of a series of notes that he wrote at the instigation of his patron
in the course of their wandering life.” “Do you think,” said I to M.
Mazolier, “the young man would consent to sell them?” “I should think
so,” he replied; “and the more so, as he has often expressed his desire
to present them to the French government. But nothing is so easy as to
know this; I will write to Fatalla Sayeghir, which is the name of the
young Arab. Ibrahim Pacha’s Tartar will deliver him my letter, and we
shall have an answer on his return to Said.” “I commission you,” said
I, “to negotiate the affair, and to offer him two thousand piastres for
his manuscript.”

Some months elapsed before the answer of Fatalla Sayeghir reached me.
Returning to Byrauth, I sent my interpreter to negotiate directly for
the MS. at Latakia. The terms were accepted, the sum was paid, and the
Arabic MS. brought me by M. Mazolier. In the course of the winter, I
got them translated with infinite difficulty into the Frank language,
and thence translated them into French myself; the public are thus
enabled to enjoy the fruits of a ten years’ journeying, which no other
traveller has hitherto effected. The extreme difficulty of this triple
translation must be an excuse for the style of the notes. The style
indeed is of little importance in such works; facts and manners are
everything. I am fully satisfied that the first translator has altered
nothing; he has only suppressed some tedious details consisting of idle
repetitions which availed nothing.

Should this recital possess any interest in a scientific, a
geographical, or a political point of view, I have only one wish to
form; it is that the French government, which such a period of peril
and exile was intended to enlighten and serve, should show a tardy
gratitude towards the unfortunate Fatalla Sayeghir, whose services
might even still be useful. In this wish I include too the young and
skilful interpreter, M. Mazolier, who has translated these notes from
the Arabic, and who accompanied me for a year in my travels in Syria,
Galilee, and Arabia. Versed in the knowledge of Arabic, the son of an
Arab mother, nephew of one of the most powerful and revered sheiks of
Lebanon, having already traversed all those countries with me, familiar
with the manners of the tribes, a man of courage, intelligence and
honour, heartily devoted to France, this young man might be of the
utmost service to the government in our relations with Syria. French
nationality terminates not with our frontiers. Our country has sons as
attached upon shores whose name she scarcely knows. M. Mazolier is one
of those sons. France should not forget him. No one could serve her
better than he, in countries in which the effects of our activity of
civilization, protection, and even of policy, must soon be necessarily
felt. The following is the narrative of Fatalla Sayeghir, literally
translated.



NARRATIVE

OF

FATALLA SAYEGHIR.


At eighteen years of age I quitted Aleppo, my country, with a stock of
merchandise, to establish myself in Cyprus. Being tolerably fortunate
in the first year of my commercial speculations, I took a liking
to the business, and adopted the fatal idea of taking to Trieste a
cargo of the productions of the island. In a short time my goods were
embarked; they consisted of cotton, silk, wine, sponge, and colocynth.
On the 18th March, 1809, my ship, commanded by Captain _Chefalinati_,
set sail. I was already calculating the profits of my venture, and
rejoicing at the idea of the gross returns, when, in the midst of my
delightful illusions, the fatal news arrived of the capture of the
vessel by an English ship of war, which had taken her to Malta. In
consequence of such a loss, I was obliged to strike my balance, and
retire from trade; and I quitted Cyprus totally ruined, and returned to
Aleppo. Some days after my arrival I dined at one of my friends’ with
several persons, amongst whom was a stranger, very ill-dressed, but
to whom much consideration was shown. After dinner there was music;
and the stranger sitting beside me, conversed with much affability: we
spoke of music, and after a long conversation, I rose to ask him his
name. I learned that it was M. Lascaris de Ventimiglia, and that he was
a knight of Malta. The following day, I saw him coming to my house,
holding in his hand a violin. “My good young man,” said he on entering,
“I remarked yesterday how much you like music; I already look upon you
as my son, and bring you a violin, of which I beg your acceptance.” I
received with much pleasure the instrument, which was exactly to my
taste, and gave him very many thanks. After an animated conversation of
two hours, during which he questioned me upon all sorts of subjects,
he retired. The next day he returned, and continued in this manner his
visits for a fortnight; he then proposed to me to give him lessons
in Arabic for an hour every day, for which he offered me a hundred
piastres a month. I gladly accepted this advantageous proposal; and
after six months’ teaching he began to read and speak Arabic tolerably
well. One day he said to me, “My dear son, (he always addressed me
thus,) I see that you have a great inclination for commerce; and as I
wish to remain some time with you, I should like to employ you in a
manner agreeable to yourself. Here is money: purchase goods, such as
are saleable at Homs, at Hama, and the neighbourhood. We will trade in
the countries least frequented by merchants; you will find we shall
succeed well.” My desire of remaining with M. de Lascaris, and the
persuasion that the undertaking would be successful, determined me
to accept the proposal without hesitation; and I began, according to
a note which he sent me, to make the purchases, which consisted of
the following articles: red cloth, amber, corals in chaplets, cotton
handkerchiefs, silk handkerchiefs black and red, black shirts, pins,
needles, box combs and horn, rings, horses’ bits, bracelets of glass
beads, and other glass ornaments; to these we added chemical products,
spices, and drugs. M. Lascaris paid for these different articles eleven
thousand piastres, or two thousand tallaris.

The people of Aleppo, who saw me purchasing the goods, told me that M.
Lascaris was become mad. Indeed his dress and his manners made him pass
for mad. He wore his beard long and ill-combed, a white turban very
dirty, a shabby robe or _gombaz_, with a vest beneath, a leather belt,
and red shoes without stockings. When spoken to, he pretended not to
understand what was said. He spent the greater part of the day at the
coffee-house, and ate at the bazaar, which was never done by the higher
people. This behaviour had an object, as I afterwards discovered; but
those who knew it not thought his mind was deranged. As to myself, I
found him full of sense and wisdom; in short, a superior man. One day
when all the goods were packed, he called me to him, to ask what was
said of him at Aleppo. “They say,” replied I, “that you are mad.” “And
what do you think yourself?” said he. “I think that you are full of
sense and knowledge.” “I hope in time to prove it so,” said he; “but I
must have you engage to do all I shall order, without reply or asking
a reason; to obey me in every thing; in short, I must have a blind
obedience; you will have no occasion to repent.” He then told me to
fetch him some mercury; I instantly obeyed: he mixed it with grease
and two other drugs, of which I was ignorant, and assured me, that a
thread of cotton dipped in this preparation and tied round the neck was
a security against the bite of insects. I thought to myself there were
not insects enough at Homs, or at Hama, to require such a preservative;
that therefore it was destined for some other country; but as he had
interdicted every remark, I merely asked him on what day we should
depart, that I might order the moukres (camel drivers.) “I allow you,”
he replied, “thirty days to divert yourself; my chest is at your
disposal; enjoy yourself, spend what you like, spare nothing.” This is,
thought I, for a farewell to the world which he wishes me to make: but
the strong attachment I already felt for him stifled this reflection; I
thought no longer but of the present, and availed myself of the time he
allowed to enjoy myself. But alas! the time for pleasure soon passes!
it soon came to an end. M. Lascaris pressed me to depart; I submitted
to his orders, and profiting by a caravan that set out for Hama,
Thursday the 18th of February, 1810, we left Aleppo, and arrived at
the village of Saarmin, after twelve hours’ march. The next day we set
out for Nuarat el Nahaman, a pretty little town, distant six hours.
It is celebrated for the salubrity of the air and the goodness of its
waters; it is the native place of the celebrated Arabian poet Abu el
Hella el Maari, who was blind from his birth. He had learned to write
by a singular method. He remained in a vapour bath while they traced on
his back the form of the Arabic letters with iced water. Many are the
traits of sagacity related of him; among others the following:--Being
at Bagdad with a calife, to whom he was continually boasting of the
air and water of his native place, the calife procured some water from
the river Nuarat, and without any intimation gave it him to drink. The
poet, immediately recognising it, exclaimed, “Here is its limpid water,
but where its air so pure!” To return to the caravan: it remained
two days at Nuarat, to be present at a fair that was held there on
Sundays. We went to walk about, and in the multitude I lost sight of
M. Lascaris, who had disappeared in the midst. After looking for him
a long while, I at last discovered him in a solitary spot conversing
with a ragged Bedouin. I asked him with surprise what pleasure he found
in the conversation of such a person, who could neither understand his
Arabic, nor make him understand his. “The day,” said he, “when I have
first had the honour of speaking with a Bedouin, is one of the happiest
days of my life.” “In that case,” I replied, “you will often be at the
summit of happiness, for we shall be continually meeting with this sort
of people.”

He made me buy some _galettes_ (the bread of the country) and some
cheese, and gave them to Hettall, (the name of the Arab,) who thanked
us and took leave. The 20th February we left Nuarat el Nahaman,
and, after six hours’ march, we arrived at Khrau Cheikhria, and the
next day, after nine hours, at Hama, a considerable town, where
we were known to nobody, as M. Lascaris had brought no letters of
recommendation. We passed the first night in a coffee-house; and, the
next day, hired a room in the khan of Asshad Pacha. As I was beginning
to open the bales, and prepare the goods for sale, M. Lascaris said to
me with a dissatisfied air, “You are only thinking of your miserable
commerce! If you knew how many more useful and interesting things
there are to be done!” After that I thought no more of selling, and
went to survey the town. On the fourth day, M. Lascaris, walking by
himself, proceeded as far as the castle, which is falling to ruins.
Having examined it attentively, he had the imprudence to begin taking
its dimensions. Four vagabonds, who were concealed under a broken arch,
threw themselves upon him with threats to denounce him for wishing to
carry off treasures, and introduce the giaours into the castle. With a
little money all might have been ended without noise; but M. Lascaris
defended himself, and with difficulty escaped from their hands and came
to me. He had not finished telling me his adventure, when we saw two
men from the government enter with one of the informers. They took the
key of our room, and led us away, driving us with sticks like felons.
Being brought into the presence of the mutzelim, Selim Beg, known
for his cruelty, he thus questioned us: “Of what country are you?”
“My companion is from Cyprus,” I replied, “and myself from Aleppo.”
“What object leads you to this country?” “We are come to trade.” “You
lie; your companion was seen about the castle, taking its dimensions
and drawing plans; it is to obtain treasure, and deliver the place to
the infidels.” Then turning to the guards, “Take the two dogs,” said
he, “to the dungeon.”--We were not allowed to say another word. Being
brought to the prison, we were loaded with chains from the neck to
the feet, and shut up in a dark dungeon, which was so small that we
could hardly turn. After a time we obtained a light, and some bread,
for a tallari; but the immense quantity of bugs and other insects that
infested the prison prevented us from closing our eyes. We had scarcely
courage to think of means to get out of the horrible place. At length I
recollected a Christian writer, named Selim, whom I knew by reputation
as a useful person. I gained over one of our guards, who went for him;
and the following day Selim arranged the matter by means of a present
of sixty tallaris to the mutzelim, and fifty piastres to his people. At
this price we obtained our liberty. This imprisonment procured for us
the acquaintance of Selim, and several other persons at Hama, with whom
we passed three weeks very agreeably.

The town is charming; the Orontes crosses it, and renders it gay and
animated; its abundant waters keep up the verdure of numerous gardens.
The inhabitants are amiable, lively, and witty. They admire poetry and
cultivate it with success. They have been well characterised with the
epithet of speaking birds. M. Lascaris having asked Selim for a letter
of recommendation to a man of humble condition at Homs, who might serve
us as guide, he wrote the following note: “To our brother Yakoub,
health! They who will present you this letter are pedlers, and come
to you to sell their wares in the neighbourhood of Homs; assist them
as far as you are able. Your pains will not be lost; they are honest
people. Farewell!”

M. Lascaris, well satisfied with this letter, wished to take advantage
of a caravan that was going to Homs. We departed on the 25th March,
and arrived after six hours at Rastain, which is at present only the
ruin of an ancient considerable town. It contains nothing remarkable.
We continued our route, and at the end of another six hours we
reached Homs. Yakoub, to whom we delivered our letter, received us
admirably, and gave us a supper. His trade was making black cloaks,
called machlas. After supper, some men of his own rank came to pass
the evening with him, drinking coffee and smoking. One of them, a
locksmith named Naufal, appeared very intelligent. He spoke to us of
the Bedouins, of their manner of living and making war; he told us that
he passed six months of the year with these tribes to arrange their
arms, and that he had many friends among them. When we were alone, M.
Lascaris said to me that he had that night seen all his relatives; and
as I expressed my wonder at learning that there were any of the people
of Ventimiglia at Homs, “My meeting with Naufal,” said he, “is more
valuable to me than that with my whole family.”

It was late when we retired, and the master of the house gave a
mattress and covering for us both. M. Lascaris had never slept with any
one; but, out of kindness, he insisted that I should share the bed with
him: not wishing to contradict him, I placed myself beside him; but as
soon as the light was out, wrapping myself in my machlas, I crept out
to the ground, where I passed the night. The next morning, on waking,
we found ourselves lying in the same manner; M. Lascaris having done as
I had. He came and embraced me, saying, “It is a good sign that we had
the same idea, my dear son; for I like to call you so, as it pleases
you, I hope, as well as me.” I thanked him for the interest he showed
me, and we went out together to prevail on Naufal to accompany us
through the town, and show us what curiosity it contained, promising to
pay him for the loss of the day. The population of Homs is about eight
thousand. The character of the people is quite different from that of
the inhabitants of Hama. The citadel, situated in the centre of the
town, is falling to ruins; the ramparts still preserved are watered by
a branch of the Orontes. The air is pure. We bought for forty piastres
two sheep-skin cloaks like those of the Bedouins: these cloaks are
water-proof. To be the more at liberty, we hired a room at the khan,
and begged Naufal to stay with us, engaging to pay him as much as he
would have earned in his shop,--about three piastres a day. He was of
the greatest use. M. Lascaris questioned him dexterously, and obtained
from him all the information he wished: getting him to describe the
manners, usages, and character of the Bedouins, their mode of receiving
strangers and treating them. We stayed thirty days at Homs, to wait the
return of the Bedouins, who commonly quit the neighbourhood of that
city in October, to proceed to the south, according to the weather, and
the water and pasturage; progressing one day, and halting five or six.
Some go as far as Bagdad, others to Chatt el Arab, where the Tigris and
the Euphrates join. In February they commence their return to Syria,
and at the end of April they are found again in the deserts of Damascus
and Aleppo. Naufal gave us all this intelligence, and told us that the
Bedouins made constant use of cloaks like ours, black machlas, and
above all of cafiés. M. Lascaris accordingly made me buy twenty cloaks,
ten machlas, and fifty cafiés, of which I made a bale. This purchase
amounted to twelve hundred piastres. Naufal having proposed to us to
visit the citadel, the recollection of the adventure at Hama made us at
first hesitate; but, on his assurance that nothing disagreeable could
happen, and that he would be responsible, we consented, and went with
him to view the ruins seated at the top of a small hill in the middle
of the town. The castle is in better preservation than that of Hama. We
observed in it a deep and concealed grotto, in which was an abundant
spring; the water escaped by an opening four feet by two, and passed
through bars of iron into a second opening. It is excellent. An old
tradition was told us, that the passage being once stopped up, there
came a deputation from Persia, which, for a considerable sum paid to
the government, procured it to be re-opened, and that for the future
the water should not be obstructed. The entrance into the grotto is now
forbidden, and it is very difficult to get in.

Returning home, M. Lascaris asked me, if I had noted down what we had
seen, and what had occurred since our departure; and on my answer in
the negative, he begged that I would do so, making me promise to keep
an exact journal in Arabic of all that had occurred, that he might
himself translate it into French. From that time I took notes, which he
carefully transcribed every day and returned to me the day following.
I have now put them together in the hope that they may one day prove
useful, and obtain for me a slight compensation for my fatigues and
sufferings.

M. Lascaris having determined to go to the village of Saddad, I engaged
Naufal to accompany us; and joining some other persons, we quitted
Homs with all our merchandise. After five hours’ march, we passed a
large brook running from north to south towards the castle of Hasné.
This castle, commanded by an aga, is a halting-place to the caravan
from Mecca to Damascus: the water is excellent for drinking, and we
filled our skins with it. This was a necessary precaution, for we found
no more on our seven hours’ march from thence to Saddad. We arrived
there at sunset. Naufal took us to the sheik, Hassaf Abu Ibrahim,
a venerable old man, and father of nine children, all married, and
living under the same roof. He received us most kindly, and presented
us to all his family, which, to our great astonishment, amounted to
sixty-four persons. The sheik having asked us if we wished to establish
ourselves in the village, or travel into other countries, we told him
we were merchants; that war between the powers having interrupted the
communication by sea with Cyprus, we had been desirous of settling at
Aleppo, but finding in that city richer merchants than ourselves, we
had determined to carry our goods to less frequented places, hoping
to make larger gains. Having then told him in what our merchandise
consisted, “These articles,” said he, “are only useful to the Arabs
of the desert; I am sorry to tell you so, but it will be impossible
to get to them; and even if you should, you run the risk of losing
everything, even your lives. The Bedouins are greedy and audacious;
they will seize your goods, and, if you offer the least resistance,
will put you to death. You are people of honour and delicacy; you could
never put up with their grossness; it is for your sake that I speak
thus, being myself a Christian. Take my advice: expose your goods here,
sell all that you can, and then return to Aleppo, if you would preserve
your property and your lives.” He had hardly left off speaking, when
the principal people of the village, who had assembled to see us,
began telling us alarming stories. One of them said, that a pedler
coming from Aleppo, and going into the desert, had been plundered by
the Bedouins, and had been seen returning quite naked. Another had
learned that a merchant from Damascus had been killed. All agreed as
to the impossibility of penetrating amongst the hordes of Bedouins,
and endeavoured by every possible means to deter us from the dangerous
enterprise.

I saw that M. Lascaris was vexed; he turned to me, and said in Italian,
not to be understood by the others, “What say you to this account,
which has much discouraged me?” “I do not believe,” said I, “all these
stories; and even if they were true, we ought still to persevere in our
project. Ever since you announced to me your intention to go among the
Bedouins, I have never hoped to revisit my home. I regarded the thirty
days you allowed me at Aleppo to enjoy myself, as my last farewell of
the world; I consider our journey as a real campaign; and he who goes
to war, being well resolved, should never think of his return. Let us
not lose our courage: though Hassaf is a sheik, and has experience, and
understands the cultivation of land and the affairs of his village, he
can have no idea of the importance of our business: I therefore am of
opinion that we should speak to him no more of our journey into the
desert, but place our trust in God, the protector of the universe.”
These words produced the effect upon M. Lascaris, who embraced me
tenderly, and said, “My dear son, I put all my hope in God and in
you; you are a man of resolution, I see; I am most satisfied with the
strength of your character, and I hope to attain my object by the aid
of your courage and constancy.” After this conversation, we went to
sleep, equally satisfied with one another.

We passed the next day in walking about the village, which contains
about two hundred houses and five churches. The inhabitants, Syrian
Christians, fabricate machlas and black abas, and pay little attention
to agriculture, from want of water, which is sensibly felt. There is
only one little spring in the village, the distribution of the water
being regulated by an hour-glass. It scarcely suffices to water the
gardens, which, in a climate where it seldom rains, are unproductive
without watering. Some years there does not fall a drop of rain. The
produce of the soil is hardly enough for six months’ consumption;
and, for the remainder of the year, the inhabitants are obliged to
have recourse to Homs. In the middle of the village there arises an
ancient tower of prodigious height. It dates from the foundation of
a colony whose history the sheik told us. The founders were natives
of Tripoli in Syria, where their church still exists. At the most
flourishing period of the Eastern empire, the Greeks, full of pride
and rapacity, tyrannised over the conquered people. The governor of
Tripoli overwhelmed the inhabitants with exactions and cruelty; these,
too few to resist, and unable to bear the yoke, concerted together to
the number of three hundred families; and having secretly collected
together all the valuables they could carry away, they departed without
noise in the middle of the night, went to Homs, and from thence moved
towards the desert of Bagdad, where they were overtaken by the Greek
troops sent in pursuit of them by the governor of Tripoli. They made
an obstinate and sanguinary resistance; but too inferior in numbers to
conquer, and resolved on no account to submit any longer to the tyranny
of the Greeks, they entered into negotiation, and obtained permission
to build a village on the spot of the battle, agreeing to remain
tributary to the governor of Tripoli. They established themselves at
this place, at the entrance of the desert, and called their village
Saddad (obstacle.) This is all that the Syrian chronicle contains
worthy of remark.

The inhabitants of Saddad are brave, but gentle. We unpacked our goods,
and spent some days with them, to prove that we were really merchants.
The women bought much of our red cotton cloth, to make chemises. The
sale did not detain us long, but we were obliged to await the arrival
of the Bedouins in the environs. One day, having been told that there
was four hours from the village a considerable ruin, and very ancient,
in which was a natural vapour bath, the wonder excited our curiosity;
and M. Lascaris, desirous of seeing it, begged the sheik to give us an
escort. After marching four hours to the southeast, we arrived in the
midst of an extensive ruin, in which there remains only one habitable
room. The architecture is simple; but the stones are of prodigious
size. On entering the room, we perceived an opening two feet square,
from which issued a thick vapour; we threw into it a handkerchief, and
in a minute and a half, by the watch, it was thrown out and fell at our
feet. We repeated the experiment with a shirt, which, at the end of ten
minutes, returned like the handkerchief. Our guides assured us that a
machlas, which weighs ten pounds, would be thrown up in the same manner.

Having undressed, and placed ourselves around the opening, we were in a
short time covered with perspiration, which trickled down our bodies;
but the smell of the vapour was so detestable, that we could not remain
a long time exposed to it. After half an hour we put on our clothes,
and experienced a most delightful sensation. We were told that the
vapour was really very sanative, and cured numbers of sick. Returning
to the village, we supped with an excellent appetite; and never,
perhaps, did I enjoy a more delicious sleep.

Having nothing more to see at Saddad, or the neighbourhood, we
determined to set out for the village of Corietain. When we spoke of
this to Naufal, he advised us to change our names, as our own would
create suspicion in the Bedouins and the Turks. From that time M.
Lascaris took the name of Sheik Ibrahim el Cabressi (the Cyprian,) and
gave me that of Abdallah el Katib.

Sheik Hassaf having given us a letter of recommendation to a Syrian
curate named Moussi, we took leave of him and our friends at Saddad,
and set off early. After four hours, we came between the two villages
of Mahim and Haourin, ten minutes apart: each contains about twenty
houses, mostly ruined by the Bedouins, who come from time to time
to plunder them. In the midst of these villages is a lofty tower of
ancient construction. The inhabitants, all Mussulmans, speak the
language of the Bedouins, and dress like them. After having breakfasted
and filled our water-bottles, we continued our journey for six hours,
and about nightfall arrived at Corietain, at the curate Mouss’s, who
afforded us hospitality. The next day he conducted us to the Sheik
Selim el Dahasse, a distinguished person, who received us very kindly.
Having learned the motive of our journey, he made the same observation
as the Sheik of Saddad. We answered him, “that, aware of the
difficulties of the enterprise, we had given up the idea of penetrating
into the desert, and should be satisfied with going to Palmyra, to
dispose of our merchandise.”--“That will be still too difficult,” added
he, “for the Bedouins may still meet you and pillage you.” He then
began, in his turn, to repeat a thousand alarming things about the
Bedouins. The curate confirming all he said, contributed to damp our
spirits; when breakfast was served, which changed the conversation, and
gave us time to recover.

Sheik Selim is one of those who are bound to supply the wants of the
great caravan to Mecca, in conjunction with the Sheik of Palmyra: and
his office gives him some influence over the Arabs: his contingent
consists of two hundred camels and provisions. On our return home,
Sheik Ibrahim, addressing me, said, “Well, my son, what do you think
of all we have heard from Sheik Selim?”--“We must not,” said I, “pay
too much regard to all that the inhabitants of these villages tell
us, who are always at war with the Bedouins; there cannot exist
much harmony between them. Our position is very different; we are
merchants,--we go to sell them our goods, and not to make war: by
acting honourably towards them, I do not apprehend the least danger.”
These words reassured Sheik Ibrahim.

Some days after our arrival, in order to support our character of
merchants, we opened our bales in the middle of the village, before
the doors of the sheik: I sold to the women some articles, which were
paid for in money. The idle people were standing around us to talk; one
of them, very young, named Hessaisoun el Katib, helped me to take the
money, and settle the accounts with the women and children: he showed
great zeal for my interests. One day, finding me alone, he asked me
if I was able to keep a secret. “Be careful,” said he; “it is a great
secret that you must trust to nobody, not even to your companion.”
Having given him my word, he told me that one hour from the village was
a grotto, in which was a large jar filled with sequins; he gave me one,
assuring me that he could not employ the money, which was not current
at Palmyra. “But you,” continued he, “are going from city to city, and
can change it easily; you have a thousand ways of profiting by the
treasure that I have not: however, I will not give you the whole, but I
shall leave the division to your generosity: you shall come with me to
reconnoitre the spot; we can remove the gold by degrees and in secret,
and you shall give me my share in the current coin.” Having seen and
handled the sequin, I believed in the truth of the story, and gave him
a meeting early the following morning outside the village.

The next morning by daylight I arose, and went from the house as if
to walk. At some paces from the village I found Hessaisoun, who was
waiting for me: he was armed with a gun, a sabre, and pistols; I had
no other arms than a long pipe. We proceeded onwards for an hour. With
what impatience did I look out for the grotto!--at last I perceived
it. We soon entered: I looked on all sides to discover the jar; and
not seeing any, I turned towards Hessaisoun--“Where is the jar?” said
I,--I saw him grow pale--“Since we are here,” exclaimed he, “learn
that thy last hour is come. Thou shouldst have been dead already, were
I not afraid of soiling thy clothes with blood. Before I kill thee, I
will despoil thee; so give me thy bag of money: I know thou hast it
about thee: it must contain more than twelve hundred piastres, which I
counted myself, the price of the goods sold. Thou shalt see no more the
light of day.”

“Give me my life,” said I, in a supplicating tone, “and I will give
thee a much larger sum than that in the sack, and will tell no one
of what has passed--I swear to thee.”--“That cannot be,” said he;
“this grotto shall be thy grave. I cannot give thee thy life without
exposing my own.”

I swore to him a thousand times that I would be silent: I offered to
give him a bill for whatever sum he should fix;--nothing could move him
from his fearful project. At length, tired by my resistance, he placed
his arms against the wall and darted upon me like an enraged lion, to
undress me before killing me. I entreated him again--“What harm have I
done you?” said I,--“what enmity is there between us? You do not know,
then, that the day of judgment is at hand--that God will demand the
blood of the innocent?”--But his hardened heart listened to nothing.
I thought of my brother, my parents, my friends; all that was dear
to me came to my mind;--desperate, I no longer prayed for protection
but from my Creator. “O God! protector of the innocent! help me! give
me strength to resist!” My assassin, impatient, snatched my clothes:
although he was much bigger than I, God gave me strength to struggle
with him for more than half an hour: the blood flowed abundantly from
my face--my clothes were torn to rags. The villain, seeing me in this
state, endeavoured to strangle me, and raised his arm to grasp my neck.
I took advantage of the liberty this movement allowed me, to give him
with both fists a violent blow in the stomach: I knocked him backwards,
and seizing his arms, I darted out of the grotto, running with all my
might. I could scarcely believe the happiness of being saved. Some
moments afterwards I heard a running after me: it was the assassin. He
called to me, begging me to wait in the most conciliating tone. Having
all his arms, I no longer feared to stop, and turning towards him,
“Wretch,” said I, “what is it you ask?--you would have assassinated
me in secret; but it is you who will be strangled in public.” He
answered me by affirming with an oath, that it had all been a jest on
his part; that he had wanted to try my courage, and see how I would
defend myself. “But I see,” added he, “that you are but a child, since
you take it so.”--I answered, raising the gun, that if he came a step
nearer I would shoot him. Seeing that I was determined to do it, he
fled across the desert, and I returned to the village.

In the meantime, Sheik Ibrahim, the curate, and Naufal, not finding
me return, began to be alarmed. Sheik Ibrahim above all, knowing that
I never went to a distance without acquainting him, after two hours’
delay went to the sheik, who, participating in his anxiety, sent out
all the village in search of me. At last Naufal, perceiving me, cried
out: “There he is!” Selim thought he was mistaken. I drew nearer: they
could with difficulty recognise me. M. Lascaris embraced me and wept:
I was unable to speak. They took me to the curate’s, bathed my wounds
and put me to bed. At length I found strength to relate my adventure.
Selim sent horsemen in pursuit of the assassin, giving to the negro the
rope that was to strangle him; but they returned without being able to
overtake him, and we soon learned that he had entered the service of
the Pacha of Damascus. He never returned to Corietain.

At the end of a few days my wounds began to heal, and I soon recovered
my strength. Sheik Selim, who had conceived a great friendship for me,
brought me a telescope that was out of order, telling me I should be a
clever fellow if I could mend it. As there was only a glass to replace,
I restored it and brought it to him. He was so pleased with my skill,
that he gave me the surname of “the industrious.”

In a short time we learnt that the Bedouins were approaching Palmyra:
some were seen even in the environs of Corietain. Presently there came
one, named Selame el Hassan. We were at Selim’s when he entered: coffee
was brought, and while we were taking it, many of the inhabitants came
to the sheik, and said: “Eight years ago, at such a place, Hassan
killed our relative; and we are come to demand justice.” Hassan denied
the fact, and asked if they had witnesses. “No,” they replied; “but
you were seen passing alone on the road, and a little after we found
our relative lying dead. We know that there existed a cause of hatred
between you: it is therefore clear that you are his assassin.” Hassan
still denied the charge: and the sheik, who from fear was obliged to
exercise caution with the Bedouins, and besides had no positive proof
in the case, took a piece of wood and said, “By Him who created this
stem, swear that you have not killed their relation.” Hassan took the
wood, looked at it some minutes, and bent down his head; then raising
it towards his accusers, “I will not have,” said he, “two crimes on
my heart,--the one of being the murderer of this man, the other of
swearing falsely before God. It is I who have killed your kinsman: what
do you demand for the price of his blood?”[A] The sheik, from policy,
would not act according to the full rigour of the law; and the persons
present being interested in the negotiation, it was decided that Hassan
should pay three hundred piastres to the relations of the dead. When
it came to the payment of the money, he said he had it not about him,
but that he would bring it in a few days; and as some difficulty was
made of letting him go without security, “I have no pledge,” said he,
“to give; but He will answer for me whose name I would not profane by
a false oath.” He departed; and four days afterwards returned with
fifteen sheep, each worth above twenty piastres.--This trait of good
faith and generosity at once charmed and surprised us. We wished to
make acquaintance with Hassan: Sheik Ibrahim invited him, gave him
a few presents, and we became intimate friends. He told us that he
belonged to the tribe El-Ammour, whose chief was Sultan el Brrak. This
tribe, composed of five hundred tents, is considered as constituting
part of the country, because it never quits the banks of the Euphrates
when the great tribes retire. They sell sheep, camels, and butter, at
Damascus, Homs, Hama, &c. The inhabitants of these different cities
have often a concern in their flocks.

We one day said to Hassan that we were desirous of going to Palmyra
to sell our remaining merchandise, but that we had been alarmed by
the dangers of the road. Having offered to conduct us, he made a note
before the sheik, by which he made himself responsible for all the
disasters that might happen. Being satisfied that Hassan was a man of
honour, we accepted his proposal.

Spring was come, and the desert, lately so arid, was all at once
covered with a carpeting of verdure and flowers. This enchanting
spectacle induced us to hasten our departure. The night before, we
deposited at the curate Moussi’s a part of our goods, in order not to
awaken either curiosity or cupidity. Naufal wished to return to Homs,
and M. Lascaris dismissed him with a liberal recompense; and the next
day, having hired some moukres, with their camels, we took leave of the
people of Corietain, and having provided water and provisions for two
days, we departed betimes, carrying a letter of recommendation from
Sheik Selim to the Sheik of Palmyra, whose name was Ragial el Orouk.

After a ten hours’ march, always towards the east, we stopped at a
square tower, extremely lofty and of massive construction, called
Casser el Ourdaan, on the territory El Dawh. This tower, built in the
time of the Greek empire, served for an advanced post against the
Persians, who came to carry off the inhabitants of the country. This
bulwark of the desert has preserved its name till these times. After
having admired its architecture, which belongs to a good period, we
returned to pass the night at our little khan, where we suffered much
from the cold. In the morning, as we were preparing to depart, M.
Lascaris, not yet accustomed to the movements of camels, mounted his
without care; which rising suddenly, threw him down. We ran to him: his
leg appeared to be dislocated; but, as he would not be detained, after
having done what we could, we replaced him on his seat, and continued
our route. We proceeded for two hours, when we observed at a distance
a cloud of dust approaching us, and soon were able to distinguish six
armed horsemen. Hardly had Hassan perceived them, when he threw off his
cloak, took his lance and ran to meet them, crying out to us not to go
forward. Having come up to them, he told them that we were merchants
going to Palmyra, and that he had engaged before Sheik Selim and all
his village to conduct us thither in safety. But these Bedouins, of
the tribe El Hassnnée, without listening to him, came up to us: Hassan
threw himself forward to stop the road; they attempted to drive him
back, and a battle began. Our defender was known for his valour, but
his opponents were equally brave. He sustained the attack for half an
hour, and at length, wounded by a lance which pierced his thigh, he
retired towards us, and soon fell from his horse. The Bedouins were
beginning to plunder us, when Hassan, extended on the ground, the blood
flowing from his wound, apostrophised them in these terms:--

“What are you about, my friends?--will you then violate the laws of
Arabs, the usages of the Bedouins? They whom you are plundering are my
brethren--they have my word; I am responsible for all that may befall
them, and you are robbing them!--is this according to honour?”

“Why,” said they, “did you undertake to convey Christians to Palmyra?
Know you not that Mehanna el Fadel (the sheik of their tribe) is chief
of the country? Why did you not ask his permission?”

“I know,” replied Hassan; “but these merchants were in haste; Mehanna
is far from this. I have pledged my word--they believed me; they know
our laws and our usages, which never change. Is it worthy of you to
violate them, by despoiling these strangers, and leaving me wounded in
this manner?”

At these words the Bedouins, ceasing their violence, answered, “All
that you say is true and just; and as it is so, we will take from thy
protégés only what they choose to give us.”

We made all haste to offer them two machlas, a cloak, and a hundred
piastres. They were satisfied, and left us to pursue our route. Hassan
suffered a great deal from his wound; and as he could not remount his
horse, I gave him my camel, and took his mare. We proceeded for four
hours; but the sun being set, we were obliged to halt at a place called
Waddi el Nahr (Valley of the River.) However, there was not a drop of
water in it, and our skins were empty: the attack in the morning had
detained us three hours, and it was impossible to go further that
night.

Notwithstanding all we had to suffer, we were still very happy at
having escaped the Bedouins, and preserved our clothes, which secured
us a little from the cold wind, that affected us sensibly. In short,
between pleasure and pain, we watched with impatience for the dawn of
day. Sheik Ibrahim suffered from his foot, and Hassan from his wound.
In the morning, having disposed of our sick in the best manner we
could, we again set forward, and still towards the east. At an hour and
a quarter from Palmyra we found a subterraneous stream, the spring of
which is entirely unknown, as well as the place where it is lost. The
water is seen to flow through openings of about five feet, forming a
sort of basins. It is unnecessary to say with what delight we quenched
our thirst:--the water appeared excellent.

At the entrance of a pass formed by the junction of two mountains, we
at length perceived the celebrated Palmyra. This defile forms for a
quarter of an hour an avenue to the city; along the mountain on the
south side extends for almost three hours a very ancient rampart.
Facing you to the left is an old castle, built by the Turks after the
invention of gunpowder. It is called Co Lat Ebn Maâen.--This Ebn Maâen,
a governor of Damascus in the time of the Khalifs, had built the castle
to prevent the Persians from penetrating into Syria.--We next arrived
at a vast space, called Waddi el Cabour (Valley of the Tombs.) The
sepulchres that cover it appear at a distance like towers. On coming
near, we saw that niches had been cut in them to enclose the dead.
Every niche is shut up by a stone, on which is carved a portrait of its
occupant. The towers have three or four stories, communicating by means
of a staircase, commonly in good preservation. From thence we came
into a vast enclosure inhabited by the Arabs, who call it the Castle.
It contains, in fact, the ruins of the Temple of the Sun. Two hundred
families reside in these ruins. We immediately presented ourselves
to Sheik Ragial el Orouk, a venerable old man, who received us well,
and made us sup and sleep with him. This sheik, like the sheik of
Corietain, furnishes two hundred camels to the great caravan of Mecca.

The following day, having hired a house, we unpacked our goods. I
attended to the foot of Sheik Ibrahim, which was in reality dislocated.
He had long to suffer the pain. Hassan found friends at Palmyra who
took care of him; and being soon recovered, he came to take leave of
us, and went away delighted with the manner in which we recompensed him.

Being obliged to keep at home for several days on account of Sheik
Ibrahim’s foot, we set about selling some articles, to confirm our
mercantile character. But as soon as M. Lascaris was in a fit state to
walk, we went to visit the temple in all its minutiæ. Other travellers
have described the ruins: therefore we will only speak of what may have
escaped their observation relating to the country.

We one day saw many people engaged in surrounding with wood a
beautiful granite column. We were told it was to burn it, or rather
to cause it to fall, in order to obtain the lead which was in the
joinings. Sheik Ibrahim, full of indignation, addressing me, exclaimed,
“What would the founders of Palmyra say if they beheld these barbarians
thus destroying their work? Since chance has brought me hither, I
will oppose this act of Vandalism.” And having learned what might be
the worth of the lead, he gave the fifty piastres they asked, and the
column became our property. It was of the most beautiful red granite,
spotted with blue and black, sixty-two feet in length, and ten in
circumference. The Palmyrians, perceiving our taste for monuments,
pointed out to us a curious spot, an hour and a half distant, in which
the columns were formerly cut, and where there are still some beautiful
fragments. For ten piastres three Arabs agreed to take us there. The
road is strewed with very beautiful ruins, described, I presume, by
other travellers. We observed a grotto, in which was a beautiful white
marble column cut and chiselled, and another only half finished. One
might say that Time, the destroyer of so much magnificence, was wanting
to place up the first, and to finish the second.

After having been into several grottoes, and visited the neighbourhood,
we came back by another road. Our guides pointed out a beautiful
spring, covered with blocks of stone. It is called Ain Ournus. The name
struck Sheik Ibrahim. At last, calling me, he said: “I have discovered
what this name Ournus means. Aurelianus, the Roman emperor, came to
besiege Palmyra and take possession of its riches. It is he probably
who dug this well for the wants of his army during the siege, and the
spring may have taken his name, changed by the lapse of time into
Ournus.” According to my feeble knowledge of history, Sheik Ibrahim’s
conjecture is not without foundation.

The inhabitants of Palmyra are but little occupied about agriculture.
Their chief employment is the working of a salt-mine, the produce of
which they send to Damascus and Homs. They also make a great deal of
Soda. The plant that furnishes it is very abundant: it is burnt, and
the ashes are also sent to those towns to make soap. They are even
sent sometimes as far as Tripoli in Syria, where there are many soap
manufactories, and which supply the Archipelago.

We were one day informed of a very curious grotto; but the entrance
to it, being dark and narrow, was hardly practicable. It was three
hours from Palmyra. We felt a wish to see it; but my adventure with
Hessaisoun was too recent to commit ourselves without a strong escort:
therefore we begged Sheik Ragial to furnish us with trusty people.
Astonished at our project, “You are very curious,” said he: “what does
the grotto signify to you? Instead of attending to your business, you
pass your time in this trifling. Never did I see such merchants as
you.”--“Man always profits,” said I, “by seeing all the beauties that
nature has created.” The sheik having given us six men well armed, I
provided myself with a ball of thread, a large nail, and torches, and
we set out very early in the morning. After two hours’ march we reached
the foot of a mountain. A great hole that they showed us formed the
entrance of the grotto. I stuck my nail into a place out of sight, and
holding the ball in my hand, followed Sheik Ibrahim and the guides who
carried the torches. We went on, sometimes to the right, sometimes to
the left, then up and then down; in short, the grotto is large enough
to accommodate an entire army. We found a good deal of alum. The vault
and the sides of the rock were covered with sulphur, and the bottom
with nitre. We remarked a species of red earth, very fine, of an acid
taste. Sheik Ibrahim put a handful into his handkerchief. The grotto is
full of cavities cut out with a chisel, whence metals were anciently
taken. Our guides told us of many persons who had lost themselves in
it and perished. A man had remained there two days in vain looking for
the outlet, when he saw a wolf: he threw stones at him; and having put
him to flight, followed him, and so found the opening. My length of
cord being exhausted, we would not go further, but retraced our steps.
The charm of curiosity had, without doubt, smoothed the way, for we had
infinite difficulty in gaining the outlet.

As soon as we were out, we hastened our breakfast, and took the road to
Palmyra. The sheik, who was expecting us, asked us what we had gained
by the journey. “We have learned,” said I, “that the ancients were more
skilful than we; for it may be seen by their works that they could go
in and out with ease, whilst we had great difficulty in extricating
ourselves.”

He set up a laugh, and we quitted him to go and rest ourselves. At
night Sheik Ibrahim found the handkerchief, in which he had put the red
earth, all in holes and rotten. The earth had fallen into his pocket.
He put it into a bottle,[B] and told me that probably the ancients had
obtained gold from this grotto. Chemical experience proves that where
there is sulphur there is often gold; and besides, the great works we
had remarked could not have been made merely to extract sulphur and
alum, but evidently something more precious. If the Arabs had suspected
that we were going to search for gold, our lives would not have been
safe.

From day to day we heard of the approach of the Bedouins, and Sheik
Ibrahim was as rejoiced as if he was about to see his countrymen.
He was enchanted when I announced to him the arrival of the great
Bedouin prince, Mehanna el Fadel. He wished immediately to go to meet
him: but I represented to him, that it would be more prudent to wait
a favourable opportunity of seeing some one of the emir’s (prince’s)
family. I knew that, ordinarily, Mehanna sent a messenger to the Sheik
of Palmyra to announce to him his approach. In fact, I witnessed the
arrival one day of eleven Bedouin horsemen, and learned that the Emir
Nasser was amongst them, the eldest son of Mehanna. I ran to carry
the intelligence to Sheik Ibrahim, who seemed at the height of joy.
Immediately we went to Sheik Ragial, to present us to the Emir Nasser,
who gave us a kind reception. “These strangers,” said Ragial to him,
“are honest merchants, who have goods to sell useful to the Bedouins;
but they have so frightened them, that they dare not venture into the
desert unless you will grant them your protection.”

The emir, turning towards us, said:--“Hope for all sorts of prosperity:
you shall be welcome; and I promise you that nothing shall befall you
but the rain which descends from heaven.” We offered him many thanks,
saying, “Since we have had the advantage of making your acquaintance,
and you will be our protector, you will do us the honour of eating with
us?”

The Arabs in general, and above all the Bedouins, regard it as an
inviolable pledge of fidelity to have eaten with any one--even to have
broken bread with him. We therefore invited him, with all his suite,
as well as the sheik. We killed a sheep, and the dinner, dressed in
the manner of the Bedouins, appeared to them excellent. At dessert we
offered them figs, raisins, almonds, and nuts, which was a great treat
to them. After coffee, when we began to speak of different things, we
related to Nasser our adventure with the six horsemen of his tribe. He
wished to punish them and restore our money. We earnestly conjured him
not to do so, assuring him we attached no value to what we had given.
We would have departed with him the next day, but he induced us to
await the arrival of his father, who was at eight days’ distance. He
promised to send us an escort, and camels to carry our merchandise.
For a greater security, we begged him to write by his father, which he
engaged to do.

The second day after, there arrived at Palmyra a Bedouin of the tribe
El Hassnnée, named Bani; and some hours after, seven others of the
tribe El Daffir, with which that of Hassnnée is at war. These having
learned that there was one of their enemies in the city, resolved to
wait for him out of the town to kill him. Bani having been told this,
came to us, tied his mare to our door, and begged us to lend him a
felt. We had several which wrapped our merchandise; I brought him one.
He put it to soak in water for half an hour, and then placed it, wet as
it was, on his mare’s back, underneath the saddle. Two hours afterwards
she had a strong diarrhœa, which lasted all the evening, and the next
day seemed to have nothing in her body. Bani then took off the felt,
which he returned, well girthed his seat, and departed.

About four hours after noon we saw the Bedouins of the tribe El Daffir
return without booty. Some one having asked them what they had done
with the mare of Bani, “This,” said they, “is what has happened to us.
Not wishing to commit an insult towards Ragial, a tributary of Mehanna,
we abstained from attacking our enemy in the city. We might have waited
for him in a narrow pass; but we were seven to one: we therefore
resolved to wait for him in the open plain. Having perceived him, we
ran upon him; but as soon as he was in the midst of us, he uttered a
loud cry, saying to his horse, ‘_Jah Hamra!_--It is now thy turn,’--and
he flew off like lightning. We followed him to his tribe without being
able to catch him, astonished at the swiftness of his mare, which
seemed like a bird cleaving the air with its wings.” I then told them
the history of the felt, which caused them much wonder, having, said
they, no idea of such sorcery.

Eight days after, three men came to us from Mehanna el Fadel: they came
to us with the camels, and put into our hands a letter from himself;
these are the contents:--

“Mehanna el Fadel, the son of Melkhgem, to Sheik Ibrahim and Abdalla el
Katib, greeting. May the mercy of God be upon you! On the arrival of
our son Nasser, we were informed of the desire you have to visit us.
Be welcome! you will shed blessing upon us. Fear nothing; you have the
protection of God, and the word of Mehanna; nothing shall touch you but
the rain of heaven! Signed, MEHANNA EL FADEL.”

A seal was appended by the side of the signature. The letter gave great
pleasure to Sheik Ibrahim: our preparations were soon made, and early
the next morning we were out of Palmyra. Being arrived at a village
watered by an abundant spring, we filled our skins for the rest of the
route. This village, called Arak, is four hours from Palmyra. We met a
great number of Bedouins, who, after having questioned our conductors,
continued their road. After a march of ten hours, the plain appeared
covered with fifteen hundred tents: it was the tribe of Mehanna. We
entered into the tent of the emir, who ordered us coffee at three
different intervals; which, amongst the Bedouins, is the greatest proof
of consideration. After the third cup, supper was served, which we were
obliged to eat _a la Turque_: it was the first time this had occurred,
so that we burnt our fingers. Mehanna perceived it.

“You are not accustomed,” said he, “to eat as we do.”--“It is true,”
replied Sheik Ibrahim; “but why do you not make use of spoons? it is
always possible to procure them, if only of wood.”--“We are Bedouins,”
replied the emir, “and we keep to the customs of our ancestors, which,
besides, we consider well founded. The hand and the mouth are the parts
of the body that God has given us to aid each other. Why then make use
of a strange thing, whether of wood or of metal, to reach the mouth,
when the hand is naturally made for that purpose?” We were obliged to
approve these reasons, and I remarked to Sheik Ibrahim that Mehanna was
the first Bedouin philosopher that we had encountered.

The next day the emir had a camel killed to regale us, and I learned
that that was a high mark of consideration, the Bedouins measuring the
importance of the stranger by the animal they kill to welcome him. They
begin with a lamb, and finish with a camel. This was the first time we
had eaten the flesh of this animal, and we thought it rather insipid.

The Emir Mehanna was a man of eighty years of age, little, thin, deaf,
and very ill-clothed. His great influence among the Bedouins arises
from his noble and generous heart, and from being the chief of a very
ancient and numerous family. He is entrusted by the Pacha of Damascus
with the escort of the grand caravan to Mecca, for twenty-five purses
(twelve thousand five hundred piastres,) which are paid him before
their departure from Damascus. He has three sons, Nasser, Faress, and
Hamed, all married, and inhabiting the same tent as their father.
This tent is seventy-two feet long, and as many wide; it is of black
horsehair, and divided into three partitions. In the further one is
kept the provisions, and there the cookery is performed; the slaves,
too, sleep there. The middle is kept for the women, and all the family
retire to it at night. The fore part is occupied by the men: in this
strangers are received: this part is called Rabha.

After three days devoted to enjoying their hospitality, we opened our
bales, and sold many articles, upon most of which we lost more or
less. I did not understand this mode of dealing, and said so to Sheik
Ibrahim. “Have you then forgot our conditions?” said he. I excused
myself, and continued to sell according to his pleasure.

One day we saw arrive fifty well-mounted horsemen, who, having stopped
before the tents, dismounted and sat on the ground. The Emir Nasser,
charged with all the affairs since his father had become deaf, went to
join them, accompanied by his cousin Sheik Zamel, and held a conference
with them for two hours, after which the men remounted their horses
and departed. Sheik Ibrahim, anxious about this mysterious interview,
knew not how to ascertain the motive of it. Having already been often
with the women, I took a coral necklace, and went to Naura, the
wife of Nasser, to present it to her. She accepted it, made me sit
near her, and offered me in her turn dates and coffee. After these
reciprocal acts of politeness, I came to the object of my visit, and
said, “Excuse my importunity, I entreat you, but strangers are curious
and timid; the little merchandise we have here is the remnant of a
considerable fortune, which misfortunes have deprived us of. The Emir
Nasser was just now holding conference with strangers--that excites
our apprehension; we would know the subject.”--“I will satisfy your
curiosity,” said Naura; “but on condition that you will keep my secret,
and appear to know nothing. Know that my husband has many enemies
among the Bedouins, who hate him for humbling the national pride by
exalting the power of the Turks. The alliance of Nasser with the
Osmanlis greatly displeases the Bedouins, who hate them. It is even
contrary to the advice of his father, and the heads of the tribe, who
murmur against him. The object of this meeting was to concert a plan of
attack. To-morrow they will assail the tribe El Daffir, to take their
flocks, and do them all the mischief possible: the God of battle will
give the victory to whom he pleases: but as to you, you have nothing
to fear.” Having thanked Naura, I withdrew well satisfied with having
gained her confidence.

Sheik Ibrahim, informed by me of all the wife of Nasser had told me,
said that it caused him the greatest vexation. “I was endeavouring,”
added he, “to attach myself to a tribe hostile to the Osmanlis, and
here I am with a chief allied to them.” I did not dare ask the meaning
of these words, but they served to set me thinking.

About sunset three hundred horsemen assembled beyond the encampment,
and marched early in the morning, having at their head Nasser, Hamed,
and Zamel. Three days afterwards a messenger came to announce their
return. A great number of men and women went out to meet them; and when
they had reached them, they sent up on both sides loud shouts of joy,
and in this manner made their triumphal entry into the camp, preceded
by a hundred and eighty camels, taken from the enemy. As soon as they
had alighted, we begged them to recount their exploit.

“The day after our departure,” said Nasser, “having arrived about noon
at the place where the shepherds feed the flocks of Daffir, we fell
upon them, and carried off a hundred and eighty camels: however, the
shepherds having fled, gave the alarm to their tribe. I then detached
a part of my troops to conduct our booty to the camp by another road.
Aruad-Ebn-Motlac, the chief of the tribe El Daffir, coming to attack
us with three hundred horsemen, the battle lasted two hours, and night
alone separated us. Every one then returned to his tribe, the enemy
having lost one of his men, and we having two men wounded.”

The tribe of Nasser feigned a participation in his triumph, whereas in
reality they were very dissatisfied with an unjust war against their
natural friends, to please the Osmanlis. Nasser, having visited all the
chiefs, to recount his success, came to Sheik Ibrahim and addressed him
in Turkish; Sheik Ibrahim having observed to him that he spoke only
Greek, his native tongue, and a little Arabic, Nasser began to extol
the language and customs of the Turks, saying it was not possible to be
truly great, powerful, and respected, without being on a good footing
with them. “As for me,” added he, “I am more Osmanli than Bedouin.”
“Trust not the promises of the Turks,” replied Sheik Ibrahim, “any more
than their greatness and magnificence: they favour you that they may
gain you over, and injure you with your countrymen, in order to employ
you to fight against the other tribes. The interest of the Turkish
government is to destroy the Bedouins: not strong enough to effect this
themselves, they wish to arm you against each other. Take care that you
have not some day cause to repent. I give you this advice as a friend
who takes a lively interest in you, and because I have eaten your bread
and partaken of your hospitality.”

Some time after, Nasser received from Soliman, the pacha of Acre and
Damascus, a message, engaging him to come and receive the investiture
of the general command of all the desert, with the title of Prince of
the Bedouins. This message overwhelmed him with joy, and he departed
for Damascus with ten horsemen.

Mehanna having ordered the departure of the tribe, the next morning
by sunrise not a single tent was to be seen standing; all was folded
up and loaded, and the departure began in the greatest order. Twenty
chosen horsemen formed the advanced guard, and served as scouts. Then
came the camels with their loads, and the flocks; then the armed men,
mounted on horses or camels; after these the women; those of the chiefs
carried in howdahs, (a sort of palankin,) placed on the backs of the
largest camels. These howdahs are very rich, carefully lined, covered
with scarlet cloth, and ornamented with different coloured fringe. They
hold commodiously two women, or a woman and several children. The women
and children of inferior rank follow directly after, seated on rolls
of tent-cloth, ranged like seats, and placed on camels. The loaded
camels, carrying the baggage and provision, are behind. The line was
closed by the Emir Mehanna, mounted on a dromedary by reason of his
great age, and surrounded by his slaves, the rest of the warriors, and
the servants, who were on foot. It was truly wonderful to witness the
order and celerity with which the departure of eight or nine thousand
persons was effected. Sheik Ibrahim and I were on horseback, sometimes
ahead, sometimes in the centre, or by the side of Mehanna. We proceeded
ten hours successively: all at once, three hours after noon, the order
of march was interrupted; the Bedouins dispersed themselves in the
midst of a fine plain, sprang to the ground, fixed their lances, and
fastened their horses to them. The women ran on all sides, and pitched
their tents near their husbands’ horses. Thus, as if by enchantment,
we found ourselves in a kind of city, as large as Hama. It is the duty
of the women alone to pitch and to strike the tents, and they acquit
themselves with surprising address and rapidity. All the labours of the
encampment generally fall to the lot of the women. The men take charge
of the flocks, kill and skin the beasts. The costume of the women is
very simple; they wear a large blue chemise, a black machlas, and a
sort of black silk scarf, which, after covering the head, passes twice
round the neck, and falls over the back. They have no covering for the
legs; except the wives of the sheiks, who wear yellow boots. Their
great ambition and luxury is to have a great many bracelets; they have
them of glass, of coral, coin, and amber.

The plain on which we rested was called El Makram. It is not far from
Hama. The place is rather agreeable, and its rich pasturage renders it
suitable to the Bedouins.

The fourth day we had an alarm: four hours after noon the shepherds
came running in haste, crying “To arms! the enemy are seizing our
flocks.” It was the tribe of Daffir, who, watching the opportunity
to revenge themselves on Nasser, had sent a thousand horse to carry
off the flocks at nightfall, to allow no time for a pursuit. Our men,
expecting an attack, were prepared; but it was necessary to find out
on which side the enemy were. Night coming on, four men dismounted
from their horses, took opposite directions, and crouching down, their
ears close to the ground, heard at a great distance the steps of the
plunderers. Night passed without being able to reach them; but in the
morning the troop of Hassné (that of Mehanna) having joined them,
they gave battle. After four hours’ fighting, half the flocks were
recaptured; but five hundred camels remained in the hands of the tribe
El Daffir. We had ten men killed and several wounded. At the return,
the affliction was general; the Bedouins murmured, attributing all that
had happened to the caprice and vanity of Nasser.

Mehanna sent off a courier to his son, who immediately returned from
Damascus, accompanied by a chokedar, (an officer of the pacha,) in
order to make an impression on the Bedouins. On his arrival he read a
letter from the pacha, to the following effect:--

 “We make known to all the emirs and sheiks of the desert, great and
 small, encamped on the territory of Damascus, that we have appointed
 our son, Nasser Ebn Mehanna, Emir of all the Anazes (Bedouins of
 the desert,) inviting them to obey him. The tribe that shall have
 the misfortune to show itself rebellious, shall be destroyed by
 our victorious troops, and, as an example, their flocks shall be
 slaughtered, and their women delivered up to the soldiers. Such is our
 will.

                                                     Signed,
                                  “SOLIMAN, Pacha of Damascus and Acre.”

Nasser, proud of his new dignity, affected to read the order to every
body, and to talk Turkish with the officer of the pacha, which still
further increased the disgust of the Bedouins. One day whilst we were
with him, there arrived a very handsome young man, named Zarrak,
the chief of a neighbouring tribe. Nasser, as usual, spoke of his
appointment, vaunted the greatness and power of the vizier of Damascus,
and of the sultan of Constantinople “of the long sabre.”[C] Zarrak,
who listened with impatience, changing colour, rose and said, “Nasser
Aga,[D] learn that all the Bedouins detest thee: if thou art dazzled by
the magnificence of the Turks, go to Damascus; adorn thy forehead with
the caouk;[E] become the minister of the vizier; dwell in his palace;
perhaps thou mayest strike terror into the Damascenes; but we Bedouins
care no more for thee, thy vizier and thy sultan, than camel dung.
I shall depart for the territory of Bagdad, where I shall find the
Drayhy[F] Ebn Chahllan; him will I join.”

Nasser, in his turn growing pale with anger, transmitted the
conversation in Turkish to the chokedar, who thought by violent menaces
to alarm Zarrak. But he, looking at him fiercely, said, “It is enough:
though you have Nasser on your side, I could, if I would, prevent you
from ever eating bread more.” In spite of these offensive words, all
three preserved their coolness; and Zarrak, mounting his horse, said
to Nasser, “_Salam aleik_ (peace to thee); display all thy power; I
await thee.” This challenge caused Nasser much trouble; but he still
persevered in his alliance with the Turks.

The following day we learned that Zarrak had set out with his tribe
for the country of Geziri, and a combination of the Bedouins against
Nasser was talked of in all quarters. Mehanna, having learned what was
passing, called his son to him, and said, “Nasser, will you then break
the pillars of the tent of Melkhgem?” and taking his beard in his hand,
“Will you,” added he, “bring contempt upon this beard at the end of my
days, and tarnish the reputation I have acquired? Unhappy man, thou
hast not invoked the name of God. What I had foreseen, has happened.
All the tribes will unite with the Drayhy. What then will become of us?
It will only remain for us to humble ourselves before Ebn Sihoud, that
enemy of our race, who styles himself king of the Bedouins; he alone
can defend us from the terrible Drayhy.”

Nasser endeavoured to tranquillize his father, assuring him that
matters were not so bad as he feared. However, the Bedouins began to
take part with one or the other; but the greater part sided with the
father, who was in their true interest.

Sheik Ibrahim was very dissatisfied; he wished to penetrate farther
into the desert, and proceed as far as Bagdad; and he found himself
bound to a tribe that remained between Damascus and Homs. He thus lost
all the summer, being able to remove only with danger of his life. He
desired me to obtain some knowledge respecting the Drayhy, to learn his
character, the places where he passed the summer, where he wintered, if
he received strangers, and many other particulars; in short, he told me
he had the greatest interest in being rightly informed.

These details were difficult to obtain without exciting suspicion: it
was necessary to find some one not of the tribe of El Hassnnée. At
length I became acquainted with a man named Abdallah el Chahen (the
poet.) Knowing that poets are sought after by the great, I asked him
about all the tribes he had visited, and learned with pleasure that he
had been for a long time with the Drayhy. I obtained from him all the
information I had desired.

One day Nasser made me write to Sheik Saddad, and him of Corietain, to
demand from each a thousand piastres and six machlas. This claim is
called right of fraternity: it is an arrangement between the sheiks of
villages and the more powerful chiefs of the Bedouins, to be protected
against the ravages of the other tribes. This is an annual tax. These
unhappy villages are ruined to satisfy two tyrants--the Bedouins and
the Turks.

Mehanna holds this fraternity with all the villages of the territories
of Damascus, Homs, and Hama, which brings him in a revenue of about
fifty thousand piastres. The pacha of Damascus pays him twelve thousand
five hundred, and the cities of Homs and Hama furnish him besides a
certain quantity of corn, rice, dried grapes, and stuffs. The small
tribes bring him butter and cheese. In spite of all, he never has any
money, and is often in debt, without having any expenses to incur;
which greatly astonished us. We learned that he gave all away in
presents to the most distinguished warriors, either of his own tribe or
to others, and that he had thus raised for himself a powerful party. He
is always ill-clothed, and when he receives a handsome pelisse or other
article for a present, he gives it to the person who happens to be near
him at the moment. The Bedouin proverb, that _generosity covers all
defects_, is amply verified in Mehanna, whose liberality alone renders
the conduct of Nasser bearable.

A short time after this event we went to encamp, three hours from the
Orontes, upon lands called El Zididi, on which there are many springs.

Mehanna having one day been with ten horsemen to visit the Aga of Homs,
returned loaded with presents from all the merchants, who cultivate his
friendship, because, wheresoever dissatisfied with them, he intercepts
their commerce and plunders the caravans.--Immediately upon his return,
Nasser set forth on an expedition against the tribe Abdelli, which is
commanded by the Emir El Doghiani, and encamped near Palmyra, on two
small hills of equal size, called Eldain (the breast;) he returned
after three days with five hundred camels and two hundred sheep. In
this affair we lost three men, and Zamel’s mare was killed under him.
On the other hand, we took three mares, killed ten men, and wounded
twenty more. Notwithstanding this success, the Bedouins were indignant
at Nasser’s want of faith, who had no cause of hatred against this
tribe.

On all sides measures were taken with the Drayhy, to destroy the tribe
El Hassnnée. The news reached the Emir Douhi, the chief of the tribe
Would Ali, a kinsman and intimate friend of Mehanna, and who, as well
as himself, is charged with the escort of the grand caravan; and he
came with thirty horsemen to make known the danger with which he was
threatened. The heads of the tribe went out to meet Douhi: having
entered the tent, Mehanna ordered coffee; the emir stopped him and
said, “Mehanna, thy coffee is drunk already! I come here neither to
eat nor drink, but to inform thee that the behaviour of thy son Nasser
Pacha (for so he styled him in derision) is bringing down destruction
upon thee and thine: know that all the Bedouins have leagued together,
and are about to declare against thee a war of extermination.” Mehanna,
changing colour, exclaimed, “Well, art thou now satisfied, Nasser? Thou
wilt be the last of the race of Melkghem.”

Nasser, still obstinate, replied that he should make head against all
the Bedouins; and that he should have the support of twenty thousand
Osmanlis, as well as that of Mola Ismael, the chief of the Kurdish
cavalry, who bears the schako. Douhi passed the night in endeavouring
to turn Nasser from his projects, but without succeeding: the day
following, he departed, saying, “My conscience forbids me to join you.
Our relationship, and the bread we have eaten together, prevent me from
declaring war against you. Farewell; I leave you with sorrow.”

From this moment our time passed very disagreeably with the Bedouins.
We could never quit them, for all the people who went to a distance
from the tents were massacred. There were continual attacks on both
sides, sudden changes of the encampment for greater security, alarms,
reprisals, incessant disputes between Mehanna and his son; but the
old man was so kind and so credulous, that Nasser always succeeded in
persuading him that he was in the right.

We were told a thousand traits of his simplicity: amongst others,
that being at Damascus whilst Yousouf Pacha, the grand vizier of the
Porte, was holding his court there on his return from Egypt after the
departure of the French, Mehanna was presented to him, as well as the
other grandees; but, being little acquainted with Turkish etiquette, he
accosted him without ceremony and with the Bedouin mode of salutation,
and placed himself on the divan by his side without being invited.
Yousouf, equally unaccustomed to the usages of the Bedouins, and
ignorant of the dignity of the little shabby old man who treated him
with such familiarity, ordered him to be taken from his presence and
beheaded. The slaves took him out, and were preparing to execute the
order, when the Pacha of Damascus cried aloud, “Hold! what is it you
are doing? If there should fall a hair of his head, with all your
power, you will never send another caravan to Mecca.” The vizier
instantly had him brought back, and placed him by his side; he gave him
coffee, had him invested with a rich Cachemire turban, a rich gombaz
(robe,) and a pelisse of honour, and presented him with a thousand
piastres. Mehanna, deaf, and besides not understanding Turkish, knew
nothing of what was passing; but taking off the fine clothes, he gave
them to three of his slaves who accompanied him. The vizier asked
him, through the dragoman, if he was not satisfied with the present.
Mehanna replied, “Tell the vizier of the sultan, that we Bedouins seek
not to distinguish ourselves by fine clothes: I am ill clad, but all
the Bedouins know me; they know that I am Mehanna el Zadel, the son of
Melkghem.” The pacha, not daring to offend him, affected to smile, and
to be much pleased.

The summer passed away. By the month of October the tribe was in the
vicinity of Aleppo. My heart beat on finding myself so near my home;
but, according to our agreement, I could not even send news of myself
to my friends. Sheik Ibrahim desired to pass the winter at Damascus--no
Bedouin durst conduct us. We obtained with great difficulty an escort
as far as a village, two days from Aleppo, called Soghene (the hot.)
The hospitable inhabitants contended for the pleasure of receiving
us. A natural warm bath accounts for the name of the village; and the
beauty of its inhabitants may probably be attributable to its warm
springs. From thence we reached Palmyra, but with a difficulty for
which we were indemnified by the pleasure of seeing Sheik Ragial
again. After passing a fortnight with our friends, we went back to
Corietain, where Sheik Selim and the curate Moussi welcomed us with
genuine kindness;--they were never tired of hearing our accounts of the
Bedouins.--Sheik Ibrahim satisfied their friendly concern about our
affairs, by saying that our speculation was wonderfully advantageous;
that we had gained more than we had expected; whilst in reality,
between presents and losses, we only had remaining the goods deposited
with Moussi.--We lost thirty days at Corietain in preparing for our
departure. Winter was rapidly coming on, and no one durst furnish
us with cattle, being convinced we should be plundered on the road.
At last, Sheik Ibrahim bought a bad horse, I hired an ass, and in
miserable weather, with a freezing wind, we set off, accompanied by
four men on foot, for the village of Dair Antié. After some hours we
arrived at a defile between two mountains, named Beni el Gebelain. At
this spot, twenty Bedouin horsemen came upon us. Our guides, far from
defending us, hid their guns and remained spectators of our disaster.
The Bedouins stripped us, and left us nothing but our shirts. We
implored them to kill us rather than expose us to the cold. At last,
touched at our condition, they had the generosity to leave each of us
a gombaz. As for our beasts, they were too sorry to tempt them. Being
hardly able to walk, they would have only uselessly detained them.
Night came on, and the cold was excessive, and deprived us of the use
of speech. Our eyes were red, our skin blue; at the end of some time I
fell to the ground, fainting and frozen. Sheik Ibrahim in despair made
gesticulations to the guides, but was unable to speak. One of them, a
Syrian Christian, took pity upon me and the grief of Sheik Ibrahim; he
threw down his horse, which was also half dead with cold and fatigue,
killed it, opened the belly, and placed me without consciousness in the
skin, with only my head out. At the end of half an hour, I regained
my senses, quite astonished at finding myself alive again, and in so
strange a position. Warmth restored my speech; and I earnestly thanked
Sheik Ibrahim and the good Arab. I took courage, and found strength to
proceed. A little after, our guides cried out, “Here’s the village!”
and we entered the first house. It belonged to a farrier, named Hanna
el Bitar. He showed a lively sympathy in our situation, set about
covering us both with camel-dung, and gave us a little wine--a few
drops at a time: having thus restored our strength and warmth, he
withdrew us from our dunghill, put us to bed, and made us take some
good soup. After a sleep, which was indispensable, we borrowed two
hundred piastres to pay our guides and carry us to Damascus, which we
reached the 23d December, 1810.

M. Chabassan, a French physician, the only Frank at Damascus, received
us; but as we were to pass the winter here, we afterwards took up our
quarters in the Lazarist Convent, which was abandoned.

I will not describe the celebrated city of Sham (Damascus), the Gate of
Glory (Bab el Cahbé), as the Turks style it. Our long residence has
enabled us to know it minutely; but it has been too often visited by
travellers to offer any new interest. I return to my narrative.

One day, being at the bazaar to pass away the time in the Turkish
fashion, we saw running towards us a Bedouin, who embraced us, saying,
“Do you not recollect your brother Hettall, who ate your bread at
Nuarat el Nahaman?” Delighted with meeting him, we took him home, and
having regaled him, and asked him many questions, we learned that the
affairs of the tribe Hassnnée were in a bad condition, and that the
league against them was extending daily. Hettall told us that he was
of the tribe of Would Ali, whose chief, Douhi, was known to us. This
tribe winters in the territory of Sarka and Balka; it reaches from
the country of Ismael to the Dead Sea, and returns to Horan in the
spring. He proposed to us to visit it, promising a good sale for our
merchandise. Having consented, it was agreed that he should come for us
in the month of March.

Sheik Ibrahim having received, through the intervention of M.
Chabassan, a group of a thousand tallaris from Aleppo, desired me to
make new purchases. When they were completed, I showed them to him,
and asked whether any thing would remain for us at our return? “My
dear son,” he replied, “the gratitude of every chief of a tribe brings
me more than all my merchandise.--Be under no concern. You also shall
receive your return in money and in reputation. You shall be renowned
in your time; but I must know all the tribes and their chiefs. I depend
upon you to get to the Drayhy, and for that purpose you must absolutely
pass for a Bedouin. Let your beard grow, dress like them, and imitate
their usages. Ask no explanations--remember our terms.” My only reply
was, “May God give us strength!”

Twenty times was I on the point of abandoning an enterprise of which
I perceived all the dangers without knowing the object. This silence,
this blind obedience, became insupportable. However, my wish to come to
the issue, and my attachment to M. Lascaris, gave me patience.

At the time agreed, Hettall arrived with three camels and two guides,
and we set out the 15th March, 1811, one year and twenty-eight days
after our first departure from Aleppo. The tribe was at a place called
Misarib, three days from Damascus. Nothing remarkable happened on
the road. We passed the nights under a starry sky; and on the third
day, by sunset, we were in the midst of the tents of Would Ali. The
_coup d’œil_ was delightful. Every tent was surrounded by horses,
camels, goats, and sheep, with the lance of the horseman planted at
the entrance: that of the Emir Douhi arose in the centre. He received
us with all possible consideration, and made us sup with him. He is a
man of understanding, and is equally loved and feared by his people.
He commands five thousand tents, and three tribes, which are joined to
his; those of Benin Sakhrer, of El Serhaan, and El Sarddié. He had
divided his soldiers into companies or divisions, each commanded by one
of his kinsmen.

The Bedouins are fond of hearing stories after supper. This is one
that the emir told us: it depicts the extreme attachment they have for
their horses, and the self-love they manifest with regard to their own
qualities.

One of his tribe, named Giabal, possessed a very celebrated mare.
Hassad Pacha, then vizier of Damascus, made him on various occasions
all sorts of offers to part with it, but in vain, for a Bedouin loves
his horse as he does his wife. The pacha then employed threats, but
with no better success. At length, another Bedouin, named Giafar,
came to the pacha, and asked what he would give him if he brought him
Giabal’s mare? “I will fill thy barley sack with gold,” replied Hassad,
who felt indignant at his want of success. This took place without
transpiring; and Giabal fastened his mare at night by the foot with an
iron ring, the chain of which passed into his tent, being held by a
picket fixed in the ground under the very felt which served him and his
wife as a bed. At midnight, Giafar creeps into the tent on all-fours,
and, insinuating himself between Giabal and his wife, gently pushes
first the one, and then the other: the husband thought his wife was
pushing, the wife thought the same of the husband; and each made more
room. Giafar then, with a knife well sharpened, makes a slit in the
felt, takes out the picket, unties the mare, mounts her, and, grasping
Giabal’s lance, pricks him slightly with it, calling out, “It is I,
Giafar, who have taken thy noble mare; I give thee early notice!”
and off he goes. Giabal instantly darts from the tent, calls his
friends, mounts his brother’s mare, and pursues Giafar for four hours.
Giabal’s brother’s mare was of the same blood as his own, though not
so good. Outstripping all the other horsemen, he was on the point of
overtaking Giafar, when he cried out, “Pinch her right ear, and give
her the stirrup.” Giafar did so, and flew like lightning. The pursuit
was then useless: the distance between them was too great. The other
Bedouins reproached Giabal with being himself the cause of the loss
of his mare.[G] “I would rather,” said he, “lose her, than lower her
reputation. Would you have me let it be said in the tribe of Would Ali,
that any other mare has outrun mine? I have at least the satisfaction
of saying that no other could overtake her.” He returned with this
consolation, and Giafar received the price of his address.

Some one else related that in the tribe of Nedgde there was a mare of
equal reputation with that belonging to Giabal, and that a Bedouin of
another tribe, named Daher, was almost mad with longing to possess her.
Having in vain offered all his camels and his riches, he determined to
stain his face with the juice of an herb, to clothe himself in rags, to
tie up his neck and legs like a lame beggar, and, thus equipped, to
wait for Nabee, the owner of the mare, in a road by which he knew he
must pass. When he drew near, he said to him in a feeble voice: “I am
a poor stranger: for three days I have been unable to stir from this
to get food: help me, and God will reward you.” The Bedouin offered to
take him on his horse, and carry him home; but the rogue replied: “I am
not able to rise, I have not strength.” The other, full of compassion,
dismounted, brought the mare close, and placed him on her with great
difficulty. As soon as he found himself in the saddle, Daher gave her a
touch with the stirrup, and went off, saying--“It is I, Daher, who have
got her and am carrying her off.”

The owner of the mare called out to him to listen: sure that he could
not be pursued, he returned, and stopped at a short distance, for Nabee
was armed with his lance. He then said to him, “Thou hast my mare;
since it pleases God, I wish thee success: but, I conjure thee, tell no
one how thou hast obtained her.” “Why not?” said Daher. “Because some
one really ill might remain without aid: you would be the cause why no
one would perform an act of charity more, from the fear of being duped
as I have been.” Struck with these words, Daher reflected a moment,
dismounted from the horse and gave her back to her master, and embraced
him. Nabee took him home. They remained together three days, and swore
fraternity.

Sheik Ibrahim was enchanted with these stories, which gave him to
understand the character and the generosity of the Bedouins. The tribe
of Douhi is richer and more rapacious than that of Mehanna; their
horses are finer. We stayed with them a fortnight. Sheik Ibrahim gave
presents to all the chiefs, and sold some articles to the women, to
keep up our character of merchants. We then went to visit the three
tributary sheiks of the Emir Douhi.

Sheik Ibrahim told me that he had no other object in staying among the
Bedouins than that of giving me an opportunity of studying more closely
their language and their customs; that it was necessary for his own
purposes to get to the Drayhy; but that I must avail myself of our
roamings amidst the tribes to take exact notes of their names and their
numbers, which it was most important to him to know.

Their manner of speech is extremely difficult to acquire, even for an
Arab, although in fact it is the same language. I applied myself with
success. I also learned, in the course of our long wanderings, the
names of all the sheiks and the numbers of all the tribes, a thing
which had never been accomplished before: I shall give the list at the
end of my journal.

The numerous tribes are often obliged to divide themselves into
detachments from two hundred to five hundred tents, and to occupy a
large space, in order to procure water and pasturage for their flocks.
We went successively through their encampments, until we could find
means to transport ourselves to the Drayhy, who was at war with the
tribes of the territory of Damascus. We were universally well received.

In one tribe it was a poor widow who showed us hospitality. In order
to regale us, she killed her last sheep and borrowed bread. She
informed us that her husband and her three sons had been killed in the
war against the Wahabees, a formidable tribe in the neighbourhood of
Mecca. Expressing our astonishment that she should rob herself on our
account:--“He that enters the house of the living,” said she, “and does
not eat, it is as though he were visiting the dead.”

One tribe already considerable had been lately formed in the following
manner:--A Bedouin had a very beautiful daughter, whom the chief of his
tribe demanded in marriage; but he would not give her, and in order to
avoid his solicitations he went away furtively with all his family. The
sheik being told of what had happened, some one said: “Serah (he is
gone).” “Serhan[H] (he is a wolf),” replied he; meaning by that, that
he was a savage. From that time the tribe of which this Bedouin became
chief, has been always called the tribe El Serhan (the wolf.) Whenever
the Bedouins are courageous and have good horses, they in a short time
become powerful.

At last we heard of the arrival of the Drayhy in Mesopotamia. At this
period Sheik Ibrahim was obliged to go to Damascus for merchandise
and money, which were both equally wanting. We had made acquaintance
there with a Bedouin of one of the tribes near the Euphrates, which
had preserved a neutrality in the affair of Nasser. This Bedouin,
whose name was Gazens el Hamad, had come with others to Damascus to
sell butter. He engaged to carry our goods on his camels, and take us
to the Drayhy: but alas! we were not destined to reach him so easily.
Scarcely were we come to Corietain, to take back our goods left at the
depot, when we received news of a victory gained by Zaher, the son of
the Drayhy, over Nasser; a victory which gave renewed violence to the
war. All the tribes ranged themselves on one side or the other. That
of Salkeh, our guide’s tribe, had been attacked by the Drayhy, who was
following up his advantages with great inveteracy, and no one dared to
cross the desert. M. Lascaris was in despair. He could neither eat nor
sleep: in short, exasperated to the highest degree at finding himself
stopped in his projects, he even found fault with me. I then said to
him,--“It is now time we should understand one another. If you wish to
get to the Drayhy for the purpose of trading, it is utter madness, and
I decline to follow you. If you have other projects or motives adequate
to the exposure of your life, let me know them, and you shall find me
ready to sacrifice myself to serve you.” “Well then, my dear son!” said
he, “I will trust you: know that this commerce is merely a pretence
to conceal a mission with which I was charged at Paris. These are my
instructions, reduced to ten heads.

1. To set out from Paris to Aleppo.

2. To find a zealous Arab, and to attach him to me as interpreter.

3. To acquire a knowledge of the language.

4. To go to Palmyra.

5. To penetrate amongst the Bedouins.

6. To become acquainted with all the chiefs, and to gain their
friendship.

7. To unite them together in the same cause.

8. To induce them to break off all alliance with the Osmanlis.

9. To get acquainted with the whole desert, the halting-places, and
where water and pasturage are to be found, as far even as the frontiers
of India.

10. To return to Europe, safe and sound, after having accomplished my
mission.”

“And after that?” said I;--but he imposed silence. “Recollect our
conditions,” added he; “I will let you know all by degrees. At present
let it suffice to know that I must reach the Drayhy, even though it
should cost me my life.”

This half-confidence vexed me, and prevented sleep in my turn: to find
difficulties almost insurmountable, and to perceive but very confusedly
the advantages of my devotion, was sufficiently disheartening.
However, I took the resolution of persevering to the end, as I was
so far engaged, and I dwelt only on the means of success. My beard
had sprouted; I was perfectly versed in the language of the Bedouins;
I resolved to go alone and on foot to the Drayhy: it was the only
possible chance to be attempted. I went to seek my friend Wardi, who
had recalled me to life by putting me into his horse’s belly, and
communicated to him my intention. After having endeavoured to divert
me from it, by telling me that the fatigue would be great; that there
would be ten painful nights’ march; that we must hide ourselves by day,
not to be seen on the road; that we should be unable to carry with us
what was strictly necessary: seeing that nothing could make me retract,
he engaged to go with me as guide, in consideration of a large sum of
money. Having told my resolution to M. Lascaris, he also made many
friendly objections on the score of the dangers I should incur; but, in
reality, I perceived that he was well pleased with me.

We settled all our matters; I agreed to write to him by the return of
my guide, after having arrived at the Drayhy; and the night was far
advanced when we threw ourselves on our beds. I was very much agitated;
my sleep evinced it, and I soon woke M. Lascaris by my cries. I dreamt
that being at the top of a steep rock, at the foot of which flowed a
rapid river that I was unable to pass, I had lain down at the brink of
the precipice, and that all at once a tree had taken root in my mouth;
that it grew, and spread its branches like a green tent, but in growing
it tore my throat, and its roots penetrated into my entrails; and I
uttered violent cries. Having related my dream to Sheik Ibrahim, he was
in great wonder at it, and declared that it was an excellent omen, and
prognosticated after many difficulties important results.

It was essential that I should be covered with rags, in order not to
excite suspicion or cupidity if we were discovered on the road. This
was my costume for the journey: a coarse cotton shirt pieced; a dirty
torn gombaz; an old caffié, with a bit of linen, once white, for a
turban; a sheep-skin cloak with half the wool off, and shoes mended
to the weight of four pounds: besides these, a leather belt, from
which hung a knife worth two paras, a steel, a little tobacco in an
old bag, and a pipe. I blackened my eyes, and dirtied my face, and
then presented myself to Sheik Ibrahim to take my leave. On seeing
me, he shed tears:--“May God,” said he, “give you strength enough
to accomplish your generous design! I shall owe every thing to your
perseverance. May the Almighty be with you and preserve you from all
danger! may he blind the wicked, and bring you back that I may reward
you!” I could hardly refrain from tears in my turn. At last, however,
the conversation becoming more cheerful, Sheik Ibrahim said smilingly,
that if I were to go to Paris in this costume, I should get much money
by showing myself.--We supped; and at sunset we departed. I walked
without fatigue till midnight: but then my feet began to swell. My
shoes hurt me, and I took them off; the thorns of the plants the camels
browse on pricked me, and the small stones wounded me. I tried to put
on my shoes; and in continual suffering I walked on till morning. A
little grotto gave us shelter for the day. I wrapped my feet in a piece
of my cloak that I tore off, and slept without having strength to take
any nourishment. I was still asleep when my guide called me to depart:
my feet were much swollen--my heart failed me--I wished to wait till
the following day. My conductor reproached me for my weakness:--“I knew
well enough,” said he, “that you were too delicate for such a journey.
I before told you that it was impossible to stop here: if we pass the
night, we must also pass the next day; our provisions will be consumed,
and we shall die of hunger in the desert. We had better give up our
undertaking while there is yet time.”

These words reanimated me, and we set off. I dragged myself along
with difficulty till near midnight, when we came to a plain, in which
the sand rose and fell in undulations: here we rested ourselves till
day. The first dawn enabled us to perceive at a distance two objects,
which we took for camels. My guide, alarmed, dug a hole in the sand,
to conceal us; we got in up to the neck, leaving only our heads out.
In this painful situation we remained with our eyes fixed on the
supposed camels, when, about noon, Wardi exclaimed, “God be praised!
they are only ostriches.” We got out of our grave with joy, and for
the first time since our departure I ate a little cake and drank a
drop of water. We remained there till night, awaiting the time to move
forward. Being then in the midst of the sands, I suffered less in
walking. We passed the next day in sleeping. We were opposite Palmyra,
to the south. Daybreak, after the fourth night, overtook us at the
bank of a large river called El Rahib, running from south to north;
my guide stripped, and carried me on his back to the other side, and
then returned for his clothes. I wished to rest myself, but he told
me it would not be prudent to stop where the river was fordable. In
fact, we had not proceeded half an hour, when we saw five hundred
well-mounted Bedouins approaching the river, going from the east to
the west. Having found some low bushes, we halted amongst them till
night. The sixth night brought us within some hours of the Euphrates.
The seventh day, the great difficulty was over; and if I had not
suffered so much in my feet, I could have forgotten all my fatigues
at the sight of the sunrise on the banks of that magnificent river.
Some hospitable Bedouins, whose occupation it is to take people over
from one side to the other, took us into their tents, where for the
first time we made a hearty meal. We obtained intelligence respecting
the Drayhy: he was at three days’ distance between Zaite and Zauer.
He had made peace with the Emir Fahed, imposing tribute on him; they
spoke to me of his military talents and his extreme courage, of his
intention to annihilate Mehanna and Nasser, and to return to his desert
near Bassora and Bagdad. These details were just as I was wishing: I
took my resolution immediately. I asked for a guide to take me to the
Drayhy, telling the Bedouins that I was a merchant of Aleppo, having
a correspondent at Bagdad, who owed me twenty-five thousand piastres,
and who had just become bankrupt: that the war between the Bedouins had
intercepted the communications, and I had no other resource than to
risk myself alone, and put myself under the protection of the Drayhy to
get to Bagdad, where all my fortune was at stake. These kind Bedouins
offered vows to Allah that I might recover my money; and Wardi himself
took more interest in my journey, when he understood its importance.
After having passed the day in examining the tribe Beni Tay, we
departed the next day well escorted; and nothing interesting occurred
on our march. We saw the setting sun of the third day gild the five
thousand tents of the Drayhy, which covered the plain as far as the eye
could reach. Surrounded by camels, horses, and flocks, which concealed
the earth, never had I seen such a spectacle of power and wealth.
The emir’s tent in the centre was a hundred and sixty feet long. He
received me very politely, and without any question proposed to me to
sup with him. After supper, he said to me: “Whence do you come, and
whither are you going?” I replied as I had done to the Bedouins of the
Euphrates. “You are welcome, then,” said he; “your arrival will cause a
thousand benedictions. Please God you will succeed; but, according to
our custom, we cannot speak of business till after three days devoted
to hospitality and repose.” I made the customary thanks, and retired.
The next day I despatched Wardi to M. Lascaris.

The Drayhy is a man of fifty, tall, and of a handsome countenance, with
a small beard entirely white; his aspect is stern; he is considered as
the most able of all the chiefs of tribes; he has two sons, Zaer and
Sahdoun: they are married, and dwell in the same tent as himself. His
tribe, called El Dualla, is numerous and very rich. Chance favoured me
wonderfully from the first day of my arrival. The emir was in want of
a secretary; I offered to assist him for the moment, and I soon gained
his confidence by the hints and the information I was able to give
him regarding the tribes I had studied. When I spoke to him of my own
business, he expressed so much regret at seeing me about to depart,
that I feigned to yield to his wishes. He said, “If you will remain
with me, you shall be like my son; all that you say shall be done.”
I availed myself of this confidence, to induce him to pass over the
Euphrates, in order to bring him nearer to Sheik Ibrahim: I suggested
to him all the influence he might gain over the tribes of the country,
by withdrawing them from Nasser: I represented to him all the presents
they would be obliged to offer him; the terror with which he would
inspire the Osmanlis, and the mischief he would do his enemies by
consuming their pasturage. As it was the first time he was quitting the
desert of Bagdad to come into Mesopotamia, my advice and my information
were a great resource to him, and he followed them. The departure was
superb to witness. The horsemen before, on horses of high pedigree;
women on howdahs magnificently draped, and on dromedaries, surrounded
by negress slaves. Men, loaded with provisions, were running throughout
the caravan, calling out: “Who is hungry?” and distributing bread,
dates, &c. Every three hours, a halt was made, to take coffee; and at
night the tents were raised as if by enchantment. We followed the banks
of the Euphrates, whose clear waters gleamed like silver: I myself was
mounted on a mare of pure blood; and the whole journey appeared like a
triumphal march, presenting a strong contrast with my former passage
over the same country, in my rags and with my tortured feet.

On the fourth day, the Emir Zahed met us with a thousand horse. All
sorts of sports ensued on horseback and with lance. At night, the
Drayhy, his sons, and myself, went to sup in the tribe of Zahed.
The day following, we crossed the river, encamped on the Damascus
territory, and kept advancing westward. We then encamped at El Jaffet,
in the pachalik of Aleppo. The report of the arrival of the Drayhy was
quickly spread, and he received from Mehanna a letter beginning with
their respective titles, and continuing thus:

“In the name of God most merciful, health! We have learnt with surprise
that you have passed the Euphrates, and are advancing into the
provinces left us by our fathers. Do you then think that you alone can
devour the pasture of all the birds? Know that we have so many warriors
that we are unable to number them. Besides, we shall be supported by
the valiant Osmanlis, whom nothing can resist: we counsel you to return
by the road by which you came; otherwise all conceivable misfortunes
will befall you, and repentance will come too late.”

On reading this letter, I saw the Drayhy growing pale with anger; his
eyes flashed fire. After a momentary silence, “Katib,” said he, in a
terrible voice, “take your pen, and write to this dog!”

This was the answer:--“I have read your menaces, which with me do not
weigh a grain of mustard. I shall lower your flag, and purify the earth
from you and your renegade of a son, Nasser. As for the territory
you claim, the sword shall decide it. Soon will I set forward to
exterminate you. Prepare yourself. War is declared.”

Then addressing myself to the Drayhy: “I have some advice to give
you,” said I. “You are a stranger here; you know not which party the
tribes of the country will espouse. Mehanna is loved by the Bedouins,
and supported by the Turks; you are about to undertake a war, without
knowing the number of your enemies. If you experience a single defeat,
all will combine against you, and you will not be strong enough to
resist. Send then a message to the neighbouring sheiks to tell them
that you are come to destroy the tents of Melkghem, in order to free
them from the yoke of the Osmanlis; and demand of them to declare
themselves. Thus, being aware of your force, you may compare it
with theirs, and act in consequence.”--“You are truly a man of sage
counsel,” said the Drayhy, delighted with my suggestion. “I am nothing
of myself,” I replied: “it is by the favour of my master, if I know
any thing: it is he who is the man of wisdom and knowledge, and well
skilled in affairs: he alone is capable of giving you advice. You
would be enchanted with him, if you could know him. I am sure that if
you had him with you, and were aided by his sagacity, you would become
chief of all the Bedouins of the desert.” “I will instantly send a
hundred horsemen to bring him,” said the Drayhy, with alacrity. “We are
still too far off,” said I; “the journey would be painful; when we get
nearer to Corietain I will bring him to you.”

I was fearful of some untoward accident to the Sheik Ibrahim; and
wished to be near him, to present him myself. I was so attached to him,
that I could have sacrificed myself a thousand times to do him service.

But to return to our council of war. The Drayhy gave me a list, to
write to ten of the principal sheiks of the tribes. This was his letter:

“I have left my country to come and deliver you from the tyranny of
Nasser, who wishes to become your master by the power of the Turks;
to change your usages, destroy your manners, and subject you to the
Osmanlis. I have declared war against him; tell me frankly if you
are for him or for me; and let those who will aid me come and join
me.--Health!”

The next day, having despatched ten horsemen with these letters, we
advanced into the extensive and beautiful territory of Chaumerie,
thirty hours from Hama. After a short absence, our messengers returned.
The Emir Douhi, and the Sheik Sellame, answered that they should
preserve a neutrality; Sheik Cassem, the kinsman of Mehanna, declared
for him; the remaining seven tribes came and encamped around us, their
sheiks promising the Drayhy to partake his dangers for life or for
death. However, our spies brought intelligence that Mehanna in alarm
had sent Nasser to Hama to obtain assistance from the Turks. The Drayhy
immediately assembled his army, eight thousand strong, six thousand
horse, and a thousand deloulmardoufs,--that is to say, a thousand
camels, each carrying two men armed with matchlocks,--and began to
march on the fourth day; leaving orders for the rest of the tribe
to follow the second day after, in order the more to stimulate the
courage of his warriors in the battle, by the vicinity of their wives
and children. I remained with the latter, and we went to encamp at El
Jamié, one hour from the tribe El Hassnnée, and two days from Hama.
On the fifth day, the Drayhy announced to us a brilliant victory; and
shortly afterwards arrived the camels, sheep, horses and arms, taken
from the enemy. The men, who had been obliged to remain at the tents
in charge of the baggage, went out to meet the conquerors, and demand
their share of the spoil, to which they are entitled; and the army soon
appeared in triumph.

The Drayhy had taken Mehanna rather by surprise, during the absence
of Nasser; but the tribe of Hassnnée having shouted their war-cry,
the combatants proved nearly equal in numbers; the battle lasted till
night. Our warriors lost twenty-two men; but they killed twice as many
of the enemy, and took possession of their flocks. Zaher also took
the mare of Fares, the son of Mehanna, which amongst the Bedouins is
reckoned a glorious exploit.

After his defeat, Mehanna crossed the Orontes at the north of Hama,
and encamped near Homs, to await the Osmanlis and return with them to
take his revenge. In fact, on the fifth day, the shepherds ran crying
that the Turks headed by Nasser were taking possession of the flocks.
Immediately our warriors flew in pursuit, and overtook them, when a
more terrible battle than the first was fought, during which the enemy
drove off a great part of our cattle towards his camp. The advantage
remained with our men, who carried off a considerable spoil from the
Turks; but the loss of our flocks was considerable. We had to regret
the loss of only twelve men, but amongst them was the nephew of the
Drayhy, Ali, whose death was universally lamented. His uncle remained
three days without eating; and swore by Almighty God that he would kill
Nasser, to revenge the death of Ali.

Attacks were taking place every day; the Osmanlis of Damascus, Homs,
and Hama were in a state of consternation, and attempted to collect
together the Arabs of Horam and Idumea. Several tribes of the desert
arrived, some to reinforce the Drayhy, others Mehanna. No caravan could
pass from one city to another; the advantages were almost all on the
side of the Drayhy. One day, by a singular coincidence, Fares took from
us a hundred and twenty camels that were pasturing two leagues from the
tents; while at the same instant Zaher carried off the like number
of theirs. This simultaneous movement prevented either the one or the
other from being pursued. They also had time to secure their capture.
But this war of reprisals of cattle and plunder was about to assume a
character of ferocity and extermination. The signal for it was given
by the Dallati Turks, under the conduct of Nasser, who, having taken
from the tribe of Beni Kraleb two women and a girl, carried them to
the village of Zany-el-Abedin. Nasser gave the women to the soldiers;
and assigned to the aga the young girl, who in the middle of the night
revenged her honour by poniarding the Turk in his sleep. Her vigorous
arm pierced his heart and left him dead; and then escaping without
noise, she rejoined her tribe, and spread indignation and rage among
the Bedouins, who swore to die or slay Nasser, and to fill vessels
with his blood, to distribute among the tribes as a memorial of their
vengeance.

This penalty was not long postponed; an engagement having taken place
between a party commanded by Zaher, and another under the orders of
Nasser, the two chiefs, whose hatred was mutual, sought each other
out, and fought together with fury. The Bedouins remained spectators
of the battle between these warriors, equal in valour and skill. The
contest was long and terrible: at length their tired horses no longer
able promptly to obey the motions of their riders, Nasser received the
thrust of Zaher’s lance, which pierced him through and through: he
fell; his men ran away, or gave up their horses:[I] Zaher cut the body
of Nasser to pieces, put it in a couffe (wicker basket), and sent it to
Mehanna’s camp by a prisoner, whose nose he cut off. He then returned
to his tribe exulting in his revenge.

Mehanna sent to ask aid of the Bedouins of Chamma, of Neggde, and
of the Wahabees: they promised to come to his support the following
year, the time being then come for their return to the East. As we
were encamped very near Corietain, I proposed to go and fetch Sheik
Ibrahim. The Drayhy accepted my offer with eagerness, and gave me a
strong escort. I cannot describe the happiness I felt at again seeing
M. Lascaris, who received me with great warmth of heart;--as for me,
I embraced him as my father, for I had never known mine, who died in
my early infancy. I spent the night in relating to him all that had
passed. The next day, taking leave of our friends, the curate Moussi
and Sheik Selim, I took away Sheik Ibrahim, who was received with the
highest distinction by the Drayhy. A grand feast of camel’s flesh was
prepared, which I found less disagreeable than the first time, for I
was beginning to be accustomed to the food of the Bedouins. The camels
intended for killing are as white as snow, and are never either worked
or fatigued; the meat is red and very fat. The female gives great
abundance of milk; the Bedouins drink it continually, and give the rest
to their horses of pedigree, which greatly strengthens them: in this
way they consume all the milk, as it is not suited to make into butter.
We came at last to think the taste preferable to that of goat’s or
sheep’s milk.

An attack of the Wahabees a short time after the arrival of M. Lascaris
cost the Drayhy some horsemen and much cattle. The next day Sheik
Ibrahim took me aside and said, “I am pleased with the Drayhy; he is
just the man I want; but it is indispensable that he should become
the chief of all the Bedouins from Aleppo to the frontiers of India.
It is to you I look to arrange the matter, by friendship, by threats,
or by artifice; this must be effected.” “You are imposing a difficult
undertaking,” I replied. “Every tribe has its chief; they are enemies
of dependence, and never have they submitted to any yoke. I fear,
if you should engage in any such project, that something disastrous
will happen to you.” “Still it must absolutely be done,” replied M.
Lascaris; “exert all your capacity; without that we shall not succeed.”

I reflected a long time upon the best means of setting about the
business. The first point was to inspire the Bedouins with a high
idea of Sheik Ibrahim; and to effect this, as they are superstitious
and credulous to excess, we got up a few chemical experiments
with phosphorus and fulminating powder, hoping to astonish them.
Accordingly, at night, when the chiefs of the tribe were met together
under the tent of the Drayhy, Sheik Ibrahim, with a majestic air and
admirable dexterity, produced effects that struck them with surprise
and amazement. From that moment he appeared to them a sorcerer, a
magician, or rather a divinity.

The next day the Drayhy called me and said, “Oh, Abdallah! your master
is a god!” “No,” replied I, “but rather a prophet: what you witnessed
yesterday is nothing compared to the power he has acquired by his
profound science; he is the remarkable man of the age. Learn that, if
he would, he is capable of making you king of all the Bedouins: he
discerned that the comet which appeared some time ago was your star,
that is, is superior to that of the other Arabs, and that if you will
follow his advice in every point, you will become all-powerful.”
This idea pleased him extremely. The desire of command and of glory
sprang up with violence in his breast; and, by a coincidence truly
extraordinary, I had divined the object of his superstition, for he
exclaimed, “Oh, Abdallah, I see that you speak truth, and that your
master is really a prophet. I had a dream some time ago, in which some
fire, separating from a comet, fell upon my tent and consumed it, and
I took this fire in my hand and it did not burn me. That comet surely
was my star.” He then called his wife, and begged her to relate herself
the dream as he had told it her on awaking. I availed myself of the
circumstance to confirm still more effectually the superiority of Sheik
Ibrahim, and the Drayhy promised me to follow all his advice for the
future. M. Lascaris, delighted at this fortunate commencement, selected
from his goods a handsome present, to give to the Drayhy, who accepted
it with the greatest pleasure, and perceived in it a proof that it was
not to enrich ourselves that we were endeavouring to counsel him. From
that time he made us eat with his wife and daughters-in-law, in the
interior of their tent, instead of eating with strangers in the rabha.
His wife, a descendant of a great family, and sister of a minister of
Ebn Sihoud, is named Sugar: she enjoys a high reputation for courage
and generosity.

Whilst we were establishing our influence over the Drayhy, a minor
enemy was working in the shade to destroy our hopes and ruin us. There
is in every tribe a pedler, who sells to the women various articles he
brings from Damascus. The one belonging to our tribe, whose name was
Absi, filled besides the office of scribe to the Drayhy; but ever since
our arrival he had lost both his office and his custom. He naturally
felt a great antipathy for us, and sought every possible means to
calumniate us before the Bedouins, beginning with the women, whom he
persuaded that we were magicians; that we wanted to carry off their
daughters into a far country, and throw a spell round the women that
they might have no more children; that thus the race of the Bedouins
would become extinct, and that Frank conquerors would come and take
possession of the country. We soon felt the effects of his calumnies,
without knowing their cause. The girls fled at our approach; the women
called us opprobrious names; the elderly ones even threatened us.
Amongst an ignorant and credulous people, where the women possess great
influence, such a danger might have become serious. At last we found
out these intrigues of Absi, and acquainted the Drayhy with them, who
would have put him to death on the spot. We had great difficulty in
getting him only dismissed from the tribe, which in fact only gave him
further opportunity to extend his malice. A village called Mohadan,
hitherto tributary to Mehanna, had become so to the Drayhy since his
victories. This chief having demanded a thousand piastres that were due
to him, the inhabitants, at the instigation of Absi, maltreated the
Emir’s messenger, who punished them by carrying off their flocks. Absi
persuaded the village chiefs to come with him to Damascus, and declare
to the Capidji Bashi that two Frank spies had gained the confidence
of the Drayhy, had made him commit all kinds of injustice, and were
endeavouring to make him withdraw the Bedouins from their alliance with
the Osmanlis. This denunciation was made before the Vizier Solyman
Pacha, who sent a chokedar to the Drayhy, with a threatening letter,
concluding with ordering him to deliver up the two infidels to his
officer, that they might be led in chains to Damascus, where their
public execution would operate as an example.

The Drayhy, enraged at the insolence of this letter, said to the
Mussulman officer, “By Him who has raised the heavens, and lowered the
earth, if thou wert not beneath my tent, I would cut off thy head, and
tie it to my horse’s tail; and thus should he bear my answer to your
vizier. As to the two strangers who are with me, I shall never deliver
them up while I live. If he wants them, let him come and take them by
the power of his sword!”

I then took the Drayhy aside, and entreated him to compose himself, and
leave it to me to settle the affair.

I knew that M. Lascaris was intimately connected with Solyman Pacha,
and that a letter from him would produce an effect that the Drayhy
little expected. M. Lascaris, whilst with the French expedition in
Egypt, had married a Georgian, brought with the women of Murad Bey, who
proved to be cousin to Solyman Pacha. Subsequently he had occasion to
go to Acre; his wife made known her relationship to the pacha, and was
loaded by him with kindness and presents, as well as her husband.

M. Lascaris therefore wrote to Solyman Pacha, informing him that
the pretended spies were no other than himself and his dragoman,
Fatalla Sayeghir; that all that had been said against the Drayhy was
false; that it was, on the contrary, for the interest of the Porte to
cultivate his friendship, and to favour his preponderance over the
other Bedouins. The chokedar, who was trembling for his life, hastened
to bear the letter to Damascus, and returned in two days with a most
friendly answer to Sheik Ibrahim, and another for the Drayhy, of which
these are the contents.--After many compliments to the emir, he adds:
“We have received a letter from our dear friend, the great Sheik
Ibrahim, which destroys the calumnies of your enemies, and gives most
satisfactory testimony regarding you. Your wisdom is made known to us.
Henceforward we authorize you to command in the desert, according to
your good pleasure. From us you shall receive only acts of friendship.
We rate you above your equals. We commend to you our well-beloved Sheik
Ibrahim, and Abdallah: their satisfaction will increase our regard for
you,” &c. The Drayhy and other chiefs were greatly astonished at the
great credit of Sheik Ibrahim with the pacha. This incident crowned
their consideration towards us.

I have said that the Drayhy was surnamed the Exterminater of the Turks;
I inquired the origin of this epithet. This is what Sheik Abdallah told
me. The Drayhy having once plundered a caravan that was going from
Damascus to Bagdad, the pacha was extremely enraged; but not daring
openly to avenge himself, dissembled, according to the practice of the
Turks, and induced him by fair promises to come to Bagdad. The Drayhy,
frank and loyal, suspected no treachery, and went to the pacha with
his ordinary train of ten horsemen. He was immediately seized, bound,
thrown into a dungeon, and threatened with the loss of his head, if he
did not pay for his ransom a thousand purses, (a million piastres,)
five thousand sheep, twenty mares of the kahillan breed, and twenty
dromedaries. The Drayhy, leaving his son as hostage, went to raise
this enormous ransom; and as soon as he had discharged it, he resolved
on taking his revenge. The caravans and the villages were plundered;
and Bagdad was itself blockaded. The pacha, having collected his
troops, came out with an army of thirty thousand men and some pieces
of cannon against the Drayhy, who, supported by the allied tribes,
gave him battle, which lasted three days; but finding that he was
gaining no decisive advantage, retired silently in the night, turned
the pacha’s army, and placing himself between it and Bagdad, attacked
it unexpectedly on several points at the same time. Surprised by night,
and on the quarter which was without defence, a panic seized the
enemy’s camp. The confusion became general among the Osmanlis; and the
Drayhy made a great slaughter of them, remaining master of an immense
booty. The pacha escaped alone and with difficulty, and shut himself up
in Bagdad. This exploit spread such terror among the inhabitants, that
even after the peace, his name continued an object of dread. Abdallah
recounted many other achievements of the Drayhy, and ended with saying
that he loved grandeur and difficulties, and wished to subject all to
his dominion.

These were precisely the qualities that Sheik Ibrahim desired to find
in him: he therefore devoted himself more and more to the project
of making him master of all the other tribes; but the Wahabees were
formidable adversaries, who a few days afterwards fell upon the
tribe Would Ali, and spread themselves over the desert to force
the Bedouins to pay them a tenth. Alarmed at the approach of these
terrible warriors, many tribes were about to submit, when Sheik Ibrahim
persuaded the Drayhy that it was for his own honour to take the field,
and declare himself protector of the oppressed.

Encouraged by his example, all the tribes, with the exception of that
of El Hassnnée, and Beni Sakhrer, made alliance with him to resist
the Wahabees. The Drayhy marched with an army of five thousand horse,
and two thousand mardouffs. We were ten days without receiving any
intelligence. The anxiety in the camp was excessive; symptoms of
dissatisfaction against us were becoming apparent, for being the
instigators of the perilous expedition; our lives might possibly have
paid the penalty of our temerity, if the uncertainty had lasted much
longer. On the next day, at noon, a horseman arrived at full speed,
waving his white belt at the end of his lance, and shouting aloud, “God
has given us the victory!” Sheik Ibrahim gave magnificent presents to
the bearer of this good news, which relieved the tribe from serious
alarm, and ourselves from no small peril. Shouting and dancing round
lighted fires, cattle slain, and preparations for a festival to welcome
the warriors, set the camp in an unusual agitation; and all this active
arrangement executed by the women, presented a most original spectacle.
At night, all the camp went forth to meet the victorious army, the
dust they raised being seen in the distance. As soon as we met, the
cries were redoubled. Jousting, racing, firing, and all possible
demonstrations of joy, accompanied us back to the camp. After our
repast we obtained a recital of the exploits of the warriors.

The Wahabees were commanded by a doughty negro, a half-savage, whose
name was Abu-Nocta. When he prepares for battle, he takes off his
turban and boots, draws up his sleeves to his shoulders, and leaves his
body almost naked, which is of prodigious size and muscular strength.
His head and chin, never being shaved, are overshadowed by a bushy head
of hair and black beard, which cover his entire face, his eyes gleaming
beneath the shade. His whole body, too, is hairy, and affords a sight
as strange as it is frightful. The Drayhy came up to him three days
from Palmyra, at a spot called Heroualma. The battle was most obstinate
on both sides, but ended in the flight of Abu-Nocta, who removed to the
country of Neggde, leaving two hundred slain on the field of battle.
The Drayhy searched out among the spoils all that had been taken from
the tribe Would Ali, and restored it. This act of generosity still
further attached to him the affection of the other tribes, who were
coming daily to put themselves under his protection. The report of this
victory gained over the terrible Abu-Nocta was disseminated everywhere.
Solyman Pacha sent the conqueror a pelisse of honour, and a magnificent
sabre, with his congratulations. Soon after this exploit we encamped on
the frontiers of Horan.

One day, a Turkish mollah arrived at the Drayhy’s; he wore the large
green turban that distinguishes the descendants of Mahomet, a white
flowing robe, his eyes blackened, and an enormous beard; he wore also
several rows of chaplets, and an inkstand in the form of a dagger at
his belt. He rode on an ass, and carried in his hand an arrow. He was
come to instil his fanaticism into the Bedouins, and excite in them a
great zeal for the religion of the Prophet, in order to attach them
to the cause of the Turks. The Bedouins are of great simplicity of
character, and remarkable for their frankness. They do not understand
differences of religion, and do not willingly allow them to be spoken
of. They are deists; they invoke the protection of God in all the
events of life, and refer to him their success or their failures with
humble resignation; but they have no ceremonies or obligatory ritual,
and make no distinction between the sects of Omar and of Ali, which
divide the East. They never inquired what was our religion. We told
them that we were Christians; their answer was, “All men are equal in
the sight of God, and are his creatures; we have no right to inquire
what is the creed of other men.” This discretion on their part was much
more favourable to our projects than the fanaticism of the Turks; so
that the arrival of the mollah gave some anxiety to Sheik Ibrahim, who
went to the tent of the Drayhy, where he found the conference already
begun, or rather the preaching, to which the chiefs were listening
with a dissatisfied air. As they all arose at our entrance to salute
us, the mollah inquired who we were, and having learnt that we were
Christians:--“It is forbidden,” said he, “by the laws of God, to rise
before infidels; you will be cursed for holding intercourse with them;
your wives will be illegitimate, and your children bastards. Such is
the decree of our lord, Mahomet, whose name be for ever venerated!”

The Drayhy, without waiting for the end of his speech, got up in a
rage, seized him by the beard, threw him down, and drew his sabre;
Sheik Ibrahim sprang forward, withheld his arm, and conjured him to
moderate his anger: at length, the emir consented to cut off his beard
instead of his head, and drove him away with ignominy.

The Drayhy having attacked the tribe of Beni-Sakhrer, the only one
which still opposed him, beat it completely.

However, as the autumn was now come, we commenced our return towards
the east. As we approached Homs, the governor sent the Drayhy forty
camels loaded with corn, ten machlas, and a pelisse of honour. Sheik
Ibrahim addressed me in private and said, “We are going into the
desert; we have exhausted all our stock; what must we do?” “Give me
your orders,” I replied; “I will go secretly to Aleppo, and get what we
want, and I will engage not to make myself known to my family.” It was
agreed that I should rejoin the tribe at Zour; and I went to Aleppo.
I took up my station in a khan but little frequented, and remote from
all my acquaintances. I sent a stranger to the correspondent of M.
Lascaris to get five hundred tallaris. The precaution was unnecessary,
for with my long beard, my costume, and my Bedouin accent, I ran no
risk of being known; I proved this sufficiently on purchasing some
goods at the Bazaar. I met many of my friends there, and amused
myself with behaving rudely to them. But to these moments of careless
gaiety, painful ones succeeded; I passed and repassed continually
before the door of my house, hoping to get a glimpse of my brother or
my poor mother. My desire of seeing her above all was so great that I
was twenty times on the point of breaking my word; but the conviction
that she would not again allow me to return to M. Lascaris restored
my courage, and after six days I was obliged to tear myself away from
Aleppo, without obtaining any news of my relatives.

I overtook the tribe on the banks of the Euphrates opposite
Daival-Chahar, where there are still some fine ruins of an ancient
city. I found the Bedouins engaged, before crossing the river, in
selling cattle, or changing them for goods with the pedlers from
Aleppo. They have no idea of the value of fictitious money; they will
not receive gold in payment, recognising nothing but silver tallaris.
They would rather pay too much, or not receive enough in change, than
admit of fractions. The merchants, aware of this foible, dexterously
profit by it. Besides the exchanges, the tribes sold to the amount of
twenty-five thousand tallaris; and every man put his money into his
sack of flour, that it might not sound on loading and unloading.

A tragical accident happened at the passage of the Euphrates. A
woman and two children, mounted on a camel, were carried down by the
current before it was possible to give them any assistance. We found
Mesopotamia covered with the tribes of Bagdad and Bassora. Their
chiefs came daily to congratulate the Drayhy on his victory, and to
make acquaintance with us, for the renown of Sheik Ibrahim had reached
them. They felt indebted to him for having counselled the war against
the Wahabees, whose rapacity and exactions were become intolerable.
Their king, Ebn-Sihoud, was accustomed to send a mezakie to count the
flocks of each individual, and to take the tenth, always choosing the
best: he then had the tents taken down, from that of the sheik to that
of the poorest wretch, to find his money, of which they also exacted a
tenth. He was still more odious to the Bedouins, because in his extreme
fanaticism, he exacted ablutions and prayers five times a day, and
punished with death those who refused to submit. When he forced a tribe
to make war for him, instead of sharing the gains and the losses, he
kept all the plunder, and only left his allies to bewail their dead.
And thus, by degrees, the Bedouins were becoming the slaves of the
Wahabees, for want of a chief capable of making head against Ebn-Sihoud.

We encamped at a spot called Nain-el-Raz, three days from the
Euphrates. Here the Emir Fares el Harba, the chief of the tribe El
Harba, of the territory of Bassora, came to make an offensive and
defensive alliance with the Drayhy. When the chiefs have to discuss
any important affair, they quit the camp and hold their conference at
a distance; this is called _dahra_,--secret assembly. Sheik Ibrahim
having been called to the dahra, showed some mistrust of Fares,
fearing that he was a spy of the Wahabees. The Drayhy said to him,
“You judge of the Bedouins by the Osmanlis: know that the characters
of the two people are directly opposed--treason is unknown among us.”
After this declaration, all the sheiks present at the council mutually
pledged their word. Sheik Ibrahim took advantage of this disposition
to propose to them to conclude a treaty in writing, to be signed and
sealed by all those who would successively enter into the alliance
against Ebn-Sihoud. This was a great step in the interest of Sheik
Ibrahim, and I drew up the treaty in the following terms:--

“In the name of the God of mercy, who by his might will help us against
traitors. We praise him for all his goodness, and return thanks to him
for having given us to distinguish good from evil--to love liberty and
to hate slavery; we acknowledge that he is the only and Almighty God,
alone to be adored.

“We declare that we are confederated by our own free will without any
constraint, that we are all sound in body and mind, and that we have
unanimously resolved to follow the advice of Sheik Ibrahim and Abdallah
el Katib, for the interest of our prosperity, of our glory, and of our
liberty. The articles of our treaty are:--

“1st. To separate ourselves from the Osmanlis.

“2d. To wage a war of extirpation against the Wahabees.

“3d. Never to speak upon the subject of religion.

“4th. To obey the orders of our brother, the great Drayhy, Ebn Chahllan.

“5th. To oblige each sheik to answer for his tribe and to keep this
engagement secret.

“6th. To combine against those tribes who should not subscribe to it.

“7th. To march to the assistance of those who sign the present treaty,
and to combine against their enemies.

“8th. To punish with death those who should break this alliance.

“9th. To listen to no calumnies against Sheik Ibrahim and Abdallah.

“We the undersigned accept all the articles of this treaty; we will
maintain them in the name of God and of his prophets Mahomet and Ali;
declaring by these presents that we are determined to live and die in
this holy alliance.

                              “Dated, signed, and sealed, the 12th of
                                           November, 1811.”

All who were present approved and signed it.

Some time afterwards, being encamped in the large and fine plain of El
Rané, the Drayhy sent couriers to the other tribes, to invite them to
sign this treaty. Several chiefs set their seals to it, and those who
had no seal fixed on it the impression of their finger. Among these
chiefs I noticed a young man who from the age of fifteen had governed
the tribe of El Ollama, which bears a character very superior to those
of the other Bedouins. They cultivate poetry, are well informed, and in
general very eloquent. This young sheik thus related the origin of his
tribe:--

A Bedouin of Bagdad was held in high reputation for sagacity. A man
one day came to him, saying:--“My wife disappeared four days ago; I
have sought her ever since in vain: I have three weeping children,
and I am in despair; assist me with your advice.” Aliaony consoled
the unfortunate man, recommended him to stay with his children, and
promised him to seek his wife for him, and bring her back dead or
alive. In collecting all sorts of intelligence upon the subject, he
learnt that the woman was remarkably beautiful; he himself had a
libertine son, who had also been some days absent: a ray of light broke
upon his mind--he mounted his dromedary and searched the desert. He
perceived from afar an assemblage of eagles, hastened towards them, and
found at the entrance of a grotto the dead body of a woman. Examining
the spot, he discovered the track of a camel, and part of the trimming
of a wallet: he brought away this dumb witness and retraced his steps.
On returning to his tent, he found his son arrived: his torn wallet
wanted the fatal trimming. Overwhelmed by his father’s reproaches, the
young man confessed his crime: Aliaony cut off his head, sent for the
husband, and said to him:--“My son killed your wife--I have punished
him and revenged you; I have a daughter, and give her to you in
marriage.” This trait of barbarous justice enhanced the reputation of
Aliaony: he was elected chief of his tribe, which from his name assumed
that of El Ollama, signifying wise,--an appellation which the tribe has
always justified.

As we approached Bagdad, our treaty daily received a number of
additional signatures.

After quitting El Rané, we encamped at Ain el Oussada, near the river
El Cabour. During our sojourn there, a courier despatched by the Drayhy
to the Sheik Giandal, chief of the tribe of Wualdi, having been very
ill received, returned, bearing an offensive message to the Drayhy. His
sons were desirous of taking immediate vengeance. Sheik Ibrahim opposed
them, representing that it was always time enough to make war, and
that it was right first to try persuasion. I proposed to the emir to
go myself with explanations to Giandal. At first he refused the offer,
saying:--“Why should you take the trouble of going to him? Let him
come himself, or my sabre shall compel him.” He yielded, however, at
length to my arguments, and I set out escorted by two Bedouins. Giandal
received me with anger, and learning who I was, said to me:--“If I
had met you anywhere but under my tent, you should never have eaten
bread again: be thankful to our customs, which forbid my killing
you.”--“Words do not kill,” said I; “I am your friend, and have your
good at heart. I am come to ask a private interview with you. If what I
have to say to you does not satisfy you, I shall return by the way that
I came.” Seeing my _sang-froid_, he stood up, called his eldest son,
conducted me beyond the tents, where we sat down upon the ground, and I
thus opened the conference:--

“Which do you prefer, slavery or liberty?”

“Liberty, undoubtedly!”

“Union or discord?”--“Union!”

“Greatness or abasement?”--“Greatness!”

“Poverty or riches?”--“Riches!”

“Good or evil?”--“Good!”

“All these advantages we are desirous of securing to you: we wish to
release you from slavery to the Wahabees, and from the tyranny of the
Osmanlis, by a general confederation which shall make us powerful
and free. Why do you refuse to join us?” He answered: “What you say
is plausible, but we shall never be strong enough to resist Ebn
Sihoud!”--“Ebn Sihoud is a man like yourself; he is moreover a tyrant,
and God does not favour oppressors: it is not numbers, but intelligence
which gives the superiority; power does not rest in the sabre which
strikes, but in the will which directs it.” The conference lasted some
time longer; but in the end I convinced him, and persuaded him to
accompany me to the Drayhy, who was highly satisfied with the issue of
my negotiation.

We next encamped near the mountains of Sangiar, which are inhabited by
the worshippers of an evil spirit. The principal tribe of the country,
commanded by Hammond el Tammer, is fixed near the river Sagiour, and
does not wander like the others. Hammond refused at first to enter into
the alliance. I had a long correspondence with him on this subject, and
having at length persuaded him to join us, great rejoicings took place
on both sides. Hammond invited the Drayhy to visit him, and received
him magnificently. Five camels and thirty sheep were slaughtered for
the entertainment, which was served on the ground without the tents.
Large dishes of tinned copper, resembling silver, were borne each by
four men, containing a mountain of rice six feet high, surmounted by
an entire sheep or the quarter of a camel. In other dishes not so
large, was a roast sheep or a camel’s ham; and a multitude of little
dishes, filled with dates and other dried fruits, were distributed
in the intervals. Their bread is excellent. They bring their corn
from Diabekir, and their rice from Marhach and Mallatia. When we were
seated, or rather squatted, round this feast, we could not distinguish
the persons opposite to us. The Bedouins of this tribe dress much more
richly than the others: the women are very pretty; they wear silk
dresses, many bracelets and ear-rings of gold and silver, and a golden
ring in the nose.

After some days passed in festivities, we continued our journey and
approached a river, or rather an arm of the Euphrates, which connects
it with the Tigris. Here we were joined by a courier, who in five
days had travelled on a dromedary a distance which takes thirty at
the pace of a caravan. He came from the district of Neggde, sent by a
friendly sheik to warn the Drayhy of the rage into which his projects
and alliances had thrown Ebn Sihoud. He despaired of seeing him ever
able to make head against the storm, and strongly recommended him to
make peace with the Wahabees. I wrote, in the name of the Drayhy, that
he felt no more concern about Ebn Sihoud than he should about a grain
of mustard; placing his confidence in God, the sole giver of victory.
Then, by a diplomatic _ruse_, I gave him to understand that the armies
of the Grand Signior would support the Drayhy, who was desirous, above
all things, of opening the road to the caravans and delivering Mecca
from the power of the Wahabees. The next day we crossed the great arm
of the river in boats, and encamped at the other side, in the vicinity
of the tribe of El Cherarah, celebrated for its courage, and also for
its ignorance and obstinacy.

We had foreseen the extreme difficulty of gaining it over, not only on
account of these faults, but because of the friendship which existed
between its chief Abedd, and Abdallah, the principal minister of
King Ebn Sihoud. Accordingly he refused to join the alliance; and in
this state of things, the Drayhy, supposing all negotiation useless,
declared that the sabre must decide between them. The following day
Sahen was sent, with five hundred cavalry, to attack Abedd. He returned
in three days, having taken one hundred and forty camels, and two mares
of great value: eight men only were killed, but a great number wounded
on both sides. I witnessed on this occasion a very extraordinary cure.
A young man, a relation of Sahen, was brought back, having his skull
broken by a stroke of the djerid, seven sabre wounds in the body,
and a lance still fixed in his side. The extraction of the lance
was immediately set about, and it was brought out from the opposite
side: during the operation the patient turned to me and said--“Do not
distress yourself about me, Abdallah, I shall not die;” and extending
his hand, he took my pipe and began smoking as tranquilly as if the
seven gaping wounds had been in another body.

In about twenty days he was completely cured, and was on horseback
as before. The only medicine they gave him was camel’s milk mixed
with fresh butter, and his only food was dates dressed in butter.
Every third day his wounds were washed in camel’s urine. I doubt if a
European surgeon, with all his apparatus, would have made so complete a
cure in so short a time.

The war became daily more serious: Abedd collected his allies to
surround us, which obliged us to encamp upon the sands of Caffera,
where there is no water. The women were obliged to fetch it daily from
the river, in leathern budgets carried by camels. The great quantity
necessary for watering the cattle rendered this a very heavy labour.
On the third day the terrified drivers came to announce that eight
hundred camels had been carried off by Abedd’s followers, while they
were leading them to the river. The Drayhy, to revenge this outrage,
gave orders to strike the tents and to make a rapid advance on the
tribe of Cherarah, which he resolved to attack with his whole force. We
marched a day and night without halting, and pitched ten thousand tents
at about half a league from the camp of Abedd. A general and murderous
battle seemed inevitable; but I determined to hazard a last effort to
prevent it if possible.

The Bedouins hold women in great respect, and consult them on all
their plans. In the tribe of El Cherarah their influence is even more
extensive than elsewhere; there the women hold the actual command.
They have generally much more sense than their husbands; and Arquia,
wife of the Sheik Abedd, in particular passes for a very superior
woman. I determined to go to her, to take her some presents of
ear-rings, bracelets, necklaces, and other trifles, and to endeavour
thereby to bribe her to our interests. Having secretly made all the
necessary inquiries to direct my proceedings, I introduced myself to
her in the absence of her husband, who was holding a council of war
with one of his allies. By dint of compliments and presents, I led her
to enter herself on the subject of the war,--the real purpose of my
visit, though I did not choose to confess it. I took the opportunity
of explaining to her the advantages of an alliance with the Drayhy,
solely as a subject of conversation, and by no means as authorised
to consult with her upon it: I told her that my visit was solely
induced by a natural curiosity to see so celebrated a woman, who
governed warriors redoubtable for their courage, but in need of her
superior understanding rightly to direct their brutal force. During
this conversation her husband returned to the camp, was informed of
my arrival, and sent orders to Arquia ignominiously to dismiss the
spy she had with her; that as the rites of hospitality would withhold
his arm from taking vengeance upon the threshold of his own tent,
he should not enter it till the traitor was gone. Arquia haughtily
replied, that I was her guest, and that she should not suffer the law
to be laid down to her. I got up to take leave of her, asking pardon
for the embarrassment I had caused; but she seemed to make a point
of convincing me that I had not gratuitously attributed to her an
influence which she did not possess, for she detained me by force while
she went to confer with her husband. She soon returned, accompanied
by Abedd, who treated me very politely, and requested me to explain
the intentions of the Drayhy. I gained his entire confidence, by the
assistance of his wife, and, before the end of the day, he himself
solicited permission to accompany me to the Drayhy; which I opposed,
telling him that I should not dare to present him to the emir without
notice, because he was so highly irritated against him; but that I
would plead his cause and send him an immediate answer. I left them at
least as desirous of joining the confederacy as I had been to persuade
them to do so.

By the invitation of the Drayhy, Abedd went a few days afterwards
to set his seal to the treaty, and to exchange the camels which had
been reciprocally taken during the war. This difficult affair thus
terminated in so satisfactory a manner, we left the sands to pass eight
days in the district of Atteria, at three hours’ distance from the
Tigris, near the ruins of the castle El Attera, where the pasturage
is abundant. Having here refreshed the cattle, we continued our route
eastwards.

We one day met a Bedouin, mounted on a fine black dromedary: the sheiks
saluted him with an air of concern, and inquired what had been the
issue of his unfortunate adventure of the preceding year. I asked his
history, and found the recital sufficiently interesting to give it a
place in my journal. Aloian (this was the name of the Bedouin,) while
hunting the gazelle, arrived at a spot where broken lances, bloody
sabres, and unburied corpses indicated a recent battle. A plaintive
sound, which scarcely reached his ear, attracted him to a pile of dead
bodies, in the midst of which a young Arab still breathed. Aloian
hastened to his assistance, placed him upon his dromedary, led him to
his tent, and by his paternal cares restored him to life. After four
months’ convalescence, Faress (the wounded man) began to talk of his
departure; but Aloian said to him:--“If we must absolutely separate,
I will conduct you to your tribe, and there take leave of you with
regret; but if you will remain with me, you shall be my brother, my
mother shall be your mother, and my wife your sister: consider my
proposal, and give it a deliberate answer.”--“Oh! my benefactor,”
replied Faress, “where shall I find such relations as you offer me?
But for you, I should not now be living; my flesh would have been
devoured by birds of prey, and my bones by the beasts of the desert:
since you are willing to keep me, I will live with you and serve you
to the end of my life.” A motive less pure than he dared to avow had
prompted Faress’s decision: love for Hafza, the wife of Aloian, who had
been his nurse, was beginning to agitate his bosom, and was returned.
Aloian, who entertained no suspicion, one day charged Faress to escort
his mother, his wife, and two children to a new encampment, while he
went hunting. Faress could not resist this fatal opportunity: he laded
a camel with the tent, placed the mother and two children upon it, and
sent them forward, saying that he would follow with Hafza on horseback.
But the old woman looked back in vain: Hafza did not appear; Faress
had carried her away upon an extremely swift mare to his tribe. In the
evening Aloian arrived, fatigued with the chase, and searched in vain
for his tent among those of his tribe. The old mother had been unable
to pitch it without assistance, and he found her seated upon the earth
with the two children. “Where is Hafza?” said he.--“I have neither seen
Hafza nor Faress,” replied she: “I have been expecting them since the
morning.” Then, for the first time, he suspected the truth; and having
assisted his mother to fix the tent, he mounted his black dromedary and
rode two days till he came up to the tribe of Faress. At the entrance
of the camp he stopped to speak to an old woman who was alone. “Why
do you not go to the sheik?” said she; “there is a feast in the tribe
to-day: Faress Ebn Mehidi, who had been wounded on a field of battle
and wept for dead, is returned, bringing with him a beautiful woman;
this evening their wedding is to be celebrated.” Aloian dissembled, and
waited for the night: then, while all the camp slept, he introduced
himself into the tent of Faress, separated his head from his body
by a stroke of his sabre, and having carried the corpse out of the
encampment, returned upon his steps, found his wife asleep, and woke
her, saying,--“It is Aloian who calls thee; follow me.” She rose in
terror and said,--“Save thyself, imprudent man! Faress and his brothers
will kill thee.”--“Traitress!” replied he, “what have I done to be
thus treated? Have I ever contradicted or reproached thee? Hast thou
forgotten all the cares I have lavished upon thee? Hast thou forgotten
thy children? Come, rise, call upon God and follow me: accursed be
the devil who has tempted you to commit this folly!” But Hafza, far
from being moved by this mildness of Aloian, exclaimed, “Go hence!
or I shall give the alarm and call Faress to kill thee.” Seeing that
there was nothing to be gained by remonstrance, he seized her, stopped
her mouth, and in spite of her resistance placed her on a dromedary,
which never paused till they were out of hearing of the camp. Then
placing her _en croupe_ behind him, he more leisurely continued his
route. At day-break the corpse of Faress and the disappearance of his
wife set the whole camp in a tumult. His father and brothers followed
and overtook Aloian, who defended himself with heroic courage. Hafza,
breaking off her bonds, joined the assailants and threw stones at him,
one of which struck him on the head and made him stagger. Aloian,
however, though covered with wounds, conquered his adversaries: he
killed the two brothers, and disarmed the father, saying it would be
disgraceful to him to kill an old man; he restored him his mare, and
advised him to return home; then, seizing his wife anew, he pursued his
route and reached his tribe without having exchanged a word with her.
He immediately assembled all her relations, and placing Hafza in the
midst of them, said to her,--“Relate, thyself, all that has passed: I
refer my cause to the judgment of thy father and brother.” Hafza told
the tale truly, and her father, full of indignation, raised his sabre
and laid her at his feet.

Having proceeded stage by stage to within four hours of Bagdad, M.
Lascaris secretly repaired thither to see the French consul, M. Adrien
de Correncé, and negotiate with him for a large sum of money.

The next day, after crossing the Tigris at Machad, we established
ourselves near the river El Cahaun, and learned there that a sanguinary
war was raging between the Bedouins, who took part for or against
our alliance. Sheik Ibrahim persuaded the Drayhy not to lose time,
but to form a junction with our allies as expeditiously as possible.
We consequently advanced, and encamped near many little springs, at
twenty hours’ distance from Bagdad; and the next day crossed a great
chain of mountains: we then took the necessary precaution of filling
our water budgets, having a march of twelve hours to make over burning
sands, where neither water nor herbage is to be found. On reaching the
frontiers of Persia we met a messenger of the tribe of El Achgaha,
bearing a letter from the chief Dehass, who demanded the assistance of
_the Father of Heroes--the chief of the most redoubtable warriors--the
powerful Drayhy_, against enemies who number fifteen thousand tents.
We were then at six days’ journey from this tribe; but the Drayhy
having given orders to quicken the march, we accomplished this distance
in three times twenty-four hours, without halting even to eat. The
greatest fatigue of this forced march fell upon the women, who were
obliged to make the bread and milk the camels, without delaying the
caravan.

The organization of this ambulatory kitchen was very curious. At
certain regulated distances women were placed, who were employed
without relaxation. The first, mounted on a camel laden with wheat, had
a handmill before her. The corn once ground, she passed the meal to her
neighbour, whose business it was to knead it with water, carried in
budgets suspended on the sides of her camel. The dough was then handed
to a third woman, who baked it in the form of cakes on a chafing-dish,
with charcoal and straw. These cakes she distributed to the division
of warriors, whose food she was charged to provide, and who came every
minute to demand their portion.

Other women walked beside the camels to milk them into
_cahahs_,--wooden pails, containing four litres: these were passed from
hand to hand to slake the thirst of the troops. The camels ate as they
marched, from bags hung round their necks; and when their riders wished
to sleep, they lay at their length on the camels, their feet secured
in the sacks to protect them from falling. The slow and measured step
of the camels invites to sleep, and I have never slept better than on
this march. The wife of the Emir Faress was delivered in her howdah of
a son, who received the name of Harma, from the place we were passing
when he came into the world: it is at the confluence of the Tigris
and Euphrates. We were soon after joined by three tribes: El Harba,
El Suallema, and El Abdalla. We reckoned seven thousand tents when
Dehass joined us. This imposing succour reassured him; we gave him a
magnificent supper, after which he affixed his seal to our treaty.

The enemy was still at the distance of a day’s journey. Our men and
horses being in great need of repose, the Drayhy commanded a two days’
rest; but the assailants did not allow us the desired truce. As soon
as the report of our approach reached them, they began their march,
and the next day thirty thousand men were encamped an hour from us.
The Drayhy immediately advanced his army to the banks of the river,
fearing that our supply of water might be intercepted; and we took up a
position near the village of El Hutta.

The next day, the Drayhy sent a letter to the chiefs of the five tribes
who were come to attack us: Douockhry, chief of El Fedhay; Saker Ebn
Hamed, chief of El Modianu; Mohdi Ebn Hud, of El Sabha; Bargiass, of
Mouayega; and Amer Ebn Noggies, chief of Mehayeda. This attempt was
wholly unsuccessful: the answer was a declaration of war, the style of
which clearly proved that our intentions had been misrepresented, and
that the chiefs acted under foreign influence.

Sheik Ibrahim proposed to send me to them with presents, to endeavour
to come to an explanation. My embassies had hitherto succeeded so
well, that I accepted this with pleasure, and set out with a single
guide: but scarcely had we reached the tent of Mohdi, who lay nearest
to us, when their advanced guard came upon us like wild beasts, robbed
us of our presents and our clothes, put irons on our feet, and left us
naked on the burning sands. In vain I entreated permission to explain;
I was threatened with instant death if I persisted in remonstrating.
Some moments afterwards, I saw the perfidious Absi advancing to me:
I then understood the cause of the inconceivable treatment of which
I had been the victim; he had been travelling from tribe to tribe to
raise enemies against us. I was so enraged at the sight of him, that
my fallen courage revived, and I determined to die bravely if I could
not live to take vengeance. He approached, and, spitting in my face,
cried, “Dog of an infidel! in what manner do you choose that I should
separate your soul from your body?”--“My soul,” I replied, “is not in
your power; my days are numbered by the great God: if they are to end
now, it signifies little in what manner; but if I am still to live,
you have no power to kill me.” He then withdrew to excite the Bedouins
against me afresh, and men, women, and children came to overwhelm me
with outrages: some spit in my face, others threw sand in my eyes;
several pricked me with their djerids. I was kept twenty-four hours
without eating or drinking, and suffering a martyrdom it is impossible
to describe. Towards the evening of the second day, a young man, named
labour, came to me, and drove away the children who were tormenting
me. I had already remarked him; for, of all those I had seen during
this day, he alone had not insulted me. He offered to bring me bread
and water at nightfall. “Hunger and thirst,” I replied, thanking him,
“are of little consequence; but if you could assist me to escape hence,
I would reward you generously.” He promised to attempt it, and in the
middle of the night brought me the key of my fetters, which he had
had the address to procure while the chiefs were at supper. He opened
them without noise; and without taking time to throw on my clothes,
we ran back to my tribe. All were asleep in the camp, except the four
negroes who kept guard at the entrance of Drayhy’s tent: they uttered a
cry on seeing me, and in great haste woke their master, who came with
Sheik Ibrahim: they embraced me with tears, and handsomely rewarded my
liberator. The Drayhy expressed the most lively grief at the treatment
I had experienced, and the greatest indignation at this violation of
the rights of nations. He immediately gave orders for battle, and at
sunrise we perceived that the enemy had done the same. On the first
day, there was no marked advantage on either side. Auad, chief of the
tribe Suallema, lost his mare, for which he had refused twenty-five
thousand piastres. All the Bedouins participated in his affliction,
and the Drayhy gave him one of his best horses, very inferior however
to the superb animal he had lost. The next day the battle was renewed
with increased fury, and our loss was more considerable than that of
the enemy. We were obliged to act with extreme caution, having only
fifteen thousand troops to oppose to him. Forty of our men fell into
their hands, while we made only fifteen prisoners; but amongst these
was Hamed, son of the chief Saker. The captives on both sides were put
in irons.

To these two days of fighting succeeded a tacit truce of three,
during which the two armies continued to face each other without any
demonstration of hostility. On the third day, the chief Saker, with
a single attendant, came to our camp. He was uneasy for his son, a
valiant young man, adored by his father and by all the Bedouins of his
tribe; and he came to ransom him. Hamed had been very well treated by
us; I had myself bound up his wounds. The Drayhy received Saker with
great distinction. The latter, after the customary civilities, spoke of
the war--expressed his astonishment at the Drayhy’s ardour against the
Wahabees, and said that he could not credit so much disinterestedness,
under which some secret motives or personal views must needs be
couched. “You cannot take it ill,” added he, “that I do not engage with
you without knowing your object. Take me into your confidence, and I
will second you to the utmost of my power.” We replied, that we were
not in the habit of admitting to our secrets those of whose friendship
we had no assurance; but that if he chose to sign our treaty, we should
have no concealments from him. He then asked to be made acquainted
with this engagement, and after having listened to a lecture of the
different articles, with which he seemed to be very well content,
he assured us that things had been very differently represented to
him, and repeated the calumnies that Absi had spread concerning us.
He ended by affixing his seal to the treaty, and afterwards pressed
us to explain the object we were aiming at. Sheik Ibrahim told him
that our intention was to open a passage from the coasts of Syria to
the frontiers of India, to an army of a hundred thousand men, under a
powerful conqueror, who would relieve the Bedouins from the yoke of the
Turks, restore to them the sovereignty of the country, and enable them
to obtain possession of the treasures of India. He affirmed that there
was nothing to be lost, but every thing to gain, in the execution of
this project, the success of which depended upon the union of forces
and the harmony of inclinations. He promised that their camels should
be paid at a high price for the transport of the provisions for this
great army, and made him look to the commerce of these vast countries
as likely to become a source of inexhaustible riches to them.

Saker entered fully into our views; but it was still necessary to
explain to him that the Wahabee[J] might counteract our plans; that his
religious fanaticism would naturally be opposed to the passage of a
Christian army; that his spirit of domination, which had already made
him master of Yemen, Mecca and Medina, would extend his pretentions to
Syria, where the Turks could not offer him any serious resistance:
that, on the other hand, a great maritime power, enemy to the one we
favoured, would infallibly make an alliance with him, and would send
forces by sea to cut us off from the road of the desert. After much
debate, in which Saker showed both judgment and sagacity, he entirely
acquiesced in our arguments, and promised to use all his influence with
the other tribes. It was agreed that he should be chief of the Bedouins
of the country we were then in, as the Drayhy was of those of Syria
and Mesopotamia: he engaged between this time and the same period in
the next year to unite the different tribes under his orders, while we
should pursue our route; and promised that at our return all should
be made easy to us. We separated, enchanted with each other, after
loading his son with presents, and liberating all the other prisoners.
Saker, on his part, sent back our forty men; and the next day wrote
us word that Mohdi and Douackhry no longer opposed our projects, and
that they were about to remove to hold a conference with Bargiass, at
three hours’ distance. In fact, they broke up their camp, and we did
the same; for the assemblage of so large a number of men and cattle had
covered the earth with filth, and rendered our continuance in the place
quite intolerable.

We encamped at six hours’ distance, at Maytal el Ebbed, where we rested
eight days. Saker came there to us, and it was agreed that he alone
should undertake to raise the Bedouins of these districts, while
we should return into Syria, lest by too long abandoning our first
conquest, our enemies should take advantage of our absence to embroil
our affairs and detach the tribes from our alliance.

Besides, the spring was already advanced, and it behooved us to
hasten thither, lest the pasturages of Syria and Mesopotamia should
be occupied by others. We deferred then, till the year following, the
project of pushing our recognizance as far as the frontiers of India.
By that period, Saker would have had time to prepare the tribes of his
neighbourhood to second us; “for,” said he, “the tree is uprooted by
one of its branches.”

Some days’ march brought us back to Mesopotamia. In two more we crossed
the Euphrates near Mansour and the desert called El Hamad. We encamped
in a place where water is only to be had by digging deep holes, and is
at last only fit for the beasts. Man cannot drink of it. The place is
called Halib El Dow, because milk is here the only beverage.

We went from thence to El Sarha, a district abundantly supplied
with water and herbage, and here expected to be indemnified for our
privations; but a particular circumstance speedily dashed our hopes.
The soil is covered with an herb called _Kraffour_, which the camels
eat with avidity, and which has the property of inebriating them to the
point of madness. They run to the right and left, breaking every thing
they encounter, overthrowing the tents, and pursuing the men.

During four-and-twenty hours no one could get any rest; the Bedouins
were constantly employed in mastering the camels and in calming their
fury. I should have preferred actual war to this continual struggle
with animals whose prodigious strength, and delirious exaltation
presented incalculable dangers. But it appears that the triumphs of
skill over force has great charms for these children of nature; for,
when I went to the Drayhy to deplore the state of fever in which this
novel revolution held us, he only laughed, and assured me it was one of
the greatest amusements of the Bedouins. While we were talking, a camel
of the largest size made straight towards us, with his head erect, and
kicking up the dust with his great feet. The Drayhy, seizing one of the
stakes of his tent, waited for the furious animal, and struck him a
violent blow on the head. The weapon broke, and the camel turned away
to exercise his ravages elsewhere. A dispute then arose as to which was
the strongest, the camel or the sheik. The latter averred, that if his
club had resisted, he should have cleft the skull of his adversary; the
attendants maintained the superiority of the animal, who had broken
the obstacle opposed to him; and my decision, that their strength was
equal, because it was a drawn battle, excited the mirth of the whole
audience.

The next day we broke up our camp, and were overtaken on the road by a
messenger from Saker, who sent us an account of the ill-success of his
negotiation with Bargiass. Our enemy Absi, who was high in favour with
the latter chief, had exasperated him against us; had persuaded him to
join Mehanna, and then to form an alliance with the Wahabees, who were
to send an army for our destruction. The Drayhy answered, that this
was no cause for uneasiness--that God was stronger than they were, and
could with ease give the victory to the good cause. After this incident
we continued our journey.

We next learned that the tribe El Calfa was encamped at Zualma. The
Drayhy considered it important to secure the co-operation of this
powerful and courageous tribe. Its sheik, Giassem, was an old friend
of the Drayhy; but he could neither read nor write, and it therefore
became dangerous to address a letter to him, which would be read by a
Turk, and might be essentially injurious to our affairs, as experience
had taught us in the instance of the scribe Absi. Again, then, the
negotiation was committed to me; and I was sent to him, with an escort
of six men mounted on dromedaries. We arrived, after a journey of three
days, at the spot indicated, and were greatly disconcerted to find that
the tribe had removed their camp, leaving no trace of the road they had
taken. We passed the night without eating or drinking, and deliberated
the following day on what we were to do. The affair of most immediate
necessity was to find water; for it is well known that thirst is more
insupportable than hunger, and we might also reasonably expect at the
same time to meet both with the springs and the tribe. We wandered
three entire days without finding either water or food. My palate was
so perfectly dry, that I could neither move my tongue nor articulate a
sound; I had exhausted all the artificial means of mitigating thirst,
as keeping pebbles and balls of lead in my mouth; my face was become
black, and my strength was forsaking me, when suddenly my companions
cried out, “Gioub el Ghamin!” (the name of a well in the desert,) and
darted forward. These men, inured to fatigue, sustained privations
in a manner inconceivable to me, and were far from imagining to what
a deplorable condition I was reduced. On seeing them run from me,
the irritation of my nerves, excited by fatigue, made me despair of
reaching the well, where I fancied they would not leave a single drop
of water for me; and I threw myself on the ground weeping. Seeing me
thus overcome, they returned, and encouraged me to make an effort to
follow them. We arrived at length at the well, and one of them leaning
over the parapet, drew his sabre, declaring he would cut off the head
of the first man who dared approach. “Be governed by my experience,”
said he, “or you will all perish.” The authoritative tone he assumed
had its effect upon us, and we all obeyed in silence. He called us one
by one, beginning with me, and made us first lean over the margin of
the well to inhale some of its moisture. Then drawing a small quantity
of water, he wetted our lips with his fingers; by degrees he allowed
us to drink a few drops, then a small cup full; and having pursued
this rational treatment for three hours, he said, “You may now drink
without risk; but if you had not listened to me, you would have been
all dead men; for drinking without precaution, after long privation,
is certain destruction.” We passed the night on this spot, drinking
continually, as much for nourishment as to slake our thirst, which,
notwithstanding this indulgence, seemed insatiable. In the morning we
climbed an eminence that we might see farther round us; alas! nothing
but the boundless desert met our view. At length, however, one of
the Bedouins thought he descried an object in the distance, and soon
asserted that it was an howdah covered with scarlet cloth, and borne by
a camel of great size. His companions saw nothing, but having no better
guide to follow, we turned our steps in the direction indicated; and,
in fact, soon afterwards we found ourselves approaching a great tribe,
and distinctly saw the howdah which had served us for a pharos: happily
it proved to be the tribe we were in quest of.

Giassem received us kindly, and did his best to remedy our fatigue. I
satisfactorily accomplished the object of my mission to him, and he
dictated a letter to the Drayhy, in which he undertook to place his
men and goods under his orders, saying that the alliance between them
ought to be of the closest kind, on account of their long-standing
friendship. I set out on my return, provided with this important
document, but, on the other hand, much interested in the news he had
imparted to me of the arrival of a princess, daughter of the King of
England, in Syria, where she was displaying the luxuries of royalty,
and had been received with all sorts of honours by the Turks. She had
made magnificent presents to Mehanna el Fadel, and had been escorted
by him to Palmyra, where she had profusely distributed her largesses,
and had made a formidable party among the Bedouins, who had proclaimed
her queen.[K] Sheik Ibrahim, to whom I carried this intelligence, was
greatly disturbed by it, believing it to be an intrigue to ruin our
plans.

The Drayhy, perceiving our misgivings, reassured us by declaring that
if they sowed sacks of gold from Hama to the gates of India, they would
be unable to detach a single tribe from the solemn engagement which had
been contracted.

“The word of a Bedouin is sacred,” he added; “follow up your projects
without uneasiness. For my part, my campaign is planned. I am going to
the Horan to watch the proceedings of Ebn Sihoud, whom alone we have
cause to fear. I shall then return, and encamp in the environs of Homs.”

Sheik Ibrahim, having no longer either money or merchandise, determined
to send me immediately to Corietain, whence I should despatch a
messenger to Aleppo to procure a supply of cash. I went joyfully, as
the expedition gave me a prospect of visiting my friends and reposing
some time amongst them. My first day’s journey was performed without
accident; but on the following day, about four o’clock, at a spot
named Cankoum, I fell into the midst of what I believed to be a
friendly tribe, but which proved to be that of Bargiass. It was now too
late to recede; I therefore made for the tent of the sheik, preceded
by my negro Fodda: but scarcely had I set foot on the ground, when he
was massacred before my eyes, and I saw the same weapons which had
despatched him raised upon me. The shock was so great, that I have no
recollection of what followed, except that I cried out, “Stop! I claim
the protection of the daughter of Hedal!” and fainted. When I re-opened
my eyes, I found myself lying on a couch in a tent, surrounded by a
score of females, who were endeavouring to recall me to life: some were
holding burnt hair, vinegar, and onions to my nostrils; while others
bathed me in water, and introduced melted butter between my dry and
contracted lips. As soon as I had perfectly recovered my consciousness,
the wife of Bargiass took me by the hand, saying:

“Fear nothing, Abdallah: you are in the tent of the daughter of Hedal,
and no one has a right to injure you.”

Bargiass presenting himself shortly afterwards at the entrance of the
tent, to make his peace, as he said, with me,--“By the head of my
father,” cried she, “you shall not cross my threshold till Abdallah is
entirely cured!”

I remained three days under Bargiass’s tent, tended in the most
affectionate manner by his wife, who was negotiating meanwhile a
reconciliation between her husband and me; but I felt so rancorous a
resentment at his brutality that I found it difficult to pardon him: at
length, however, I consented to bury the past in oblivion, on condition
of his signing the treaty with the Drayhy. We then embraced and entered
into an oath of fraternity. Bargiass presented me with a negro, saying,
“I have sacrificed your silver, but in return I give you a jewel;”
a play of words upon the names of the two negroes, _Fodda_, silver,
and _Gianhar_, jewel. He afterwards gave an entertainment in honour
of our reconciliation. In the midst of the feast a courier arrived
at full speed from the Drayhy, bringing to Bargiass a declaration of
exterminating war, and full of the most opprobrious epithets. “Oh! thou
traitor,” he wrote, “who violatest the sacred law of the Bedouins! thou
wretch for ever infamous, who massacrest thy guests! thou Ottoman under
a black skin! know that all the blood of thy tribe would not suffice to
compensate for that of my dear Abdallah! Prepare thyself for battle,
for my courser will rest no more till I have destroyed the last of
thy race!” I hastened my departure, to prevent any collision, and to
comfort Sheik Ibrahim and the Drayhy. I cannot describe the joy and
astonishment which my presence caused; and so miraculous did my return
appear, that they could scarcely credit the evidence of their eyes,
till I had related all my adventures.

The next morning I again took the road to Corietain, where I waited
for twenty days the return of the messenger I had sent to Aleppo,--a
respite which I found very seasonable both for repose and for the
repair of my tattered wardrobe; but necessity protracted my stay beyond
my inclination, for news was spread that the Wahabees had invaded
the desert of Damascus and ravaged several villages, massacreing men
and children without exception, and pillaging the women, whom alone
they spared. The Sheik of Corietain, too weak to offer the smallest
resistance, caused the gates of the town to be closed, forbade any
egress from it, and tremblingly awaited the issue. We soon learned
that the enemy having attacked Palmyra, the inhabitants had retired
within the precincts of the temple, and there successfully defended
themselves; and that the Wahabees, unable to force their position,
had contented themselves with killing the camel drivers and carrying
off their camels. From thence they proceeded to ransack the village
of Arack, and had dispersed themselves throughout the environs. This
sinister intelligence alarmed me for the fate of my messenger, who
however arrived safe and sound with Sheik Ibrahim’s money. He had taken
refuge for a short time at Saddad, the inhabitants of which having paid
a pretty heavy contribution, had for the moment nothing more to fear.
Profiting by this circumstance, I laid aside my Bedouin habiliments,
and dressing myself as a Christian of Saddad, made my way to that
village, where I obtained news of the Drayhy, who was encamped with the
tribe of Bargiass at Ghandah el Cham. I rejoined him the first possible
opportunity, and learned with chagrin that a formidable coalition had
been effected between Mehanna el Fadel and the tribe established at
Samarcand; and that by their intrigues with the governors of Hems and
Hama, some Turks and Bedouins had been drawn into the alliance against
us. In this critical conjuncture I bethought myself of our friend the
Pacha Soliman, and persuaded Sheik Ibrahim to visit Damascus for the
purpose of consulting with him. We set out at once, and alighted at
the house of his prime minister, Hagim, from whom we learned the name
of the supposed English princess: he informed us that it was through
the influence of Lady Stanhope’s presents that Mehanna had acquired
so powerful a party amongst the Turks. These details confirmed our
suspicions that England, aware of our projects, was subsidizing the
Wahabees on one hand, while on the other she endeavoured, through
the intervention of Lady Stanhope, to unite the Bedouins of Syria
with the Turks. An Englishman, whom we met at the house of M.
Chabassan, assuming the name of Sheik Ibrahim, added strength to these
conjectures: he endeavoured to extract something from us, but we were
too much upon our guard. Having obtained what we wished from Soliman
Pacha, we hastened to rejoin our tribe.

The Drayhy’s courage was not diminished; he assured us he could make
head against a much stronger array. The firman granted us by Soliman
Pacha required the governors of Hems and Hama to hold in respect his
faithful friend and well-beloved son, the Drayhy Ebn Challan, who ought
to be obeyed, being supreme chief of the Desert of Damascus; and that
any alliance in opposition to him was contrary to the will of the
Porte. Furnished with this document, we advanced towards Hama; and
some days afterwards Sheik Ibrahim received an invitation from Lady
Hester Stanhope to pay her a visit in company with his wife, Madame
Lascaris, who was still at Acre; an invitation that annoyed him the
more, as he had for three years avoided sending any intelligence to his
wife, in order to conceal from the world the place of his residence and
his intimacy with the Bedouins. It was necessary, however, to send an
answer to Lady Stanhope; he therefore wrote that he would do himself
the honour of visiting her as early as circumstances would permit, and
despatched at the same time a courier to his wife, desiring her to
decline the invitation. But it was too late; Madame Lascaris, anxious
to ascertain the existence of her husband, had instantly obeyed Lady
Stanhope’s summons to Hama, in hopes of gaining some traces of him
from that lady: M. Lascaris thus found himself under the necessity of
rejoining her.

Meanwhile Mehanna advanced nearer and nearer, fancying himself certain
of co-operation from the Osmanlis; but the Drayhy, judging the time
arrived for producing the pacha’s firman, sent it to Hems and Hama
by the hands of his son Saher, who was received with the greatest
honours. After inspecting the order of which he was the bearer, the
two governors placed their troops at his disposal, declaring Mehanna a
traitor for calling in the Wahabees, the most inexorable enemies of the
Turks.

Lady Hester Stanhope sent an invitation to Saher, and overwhelmed him
with presents for himself, his wife, and mother; gave a saddle and
boots to every horseman of his suite, and announced her intention of
shortly visiting his tribe. M. Lascaris’ visit ended less agreeably:
Lady Stanhope having vainly endeavoured, by questions ingeniously
contrived, to draw from him some explanation of his connexion with
the Bedouins, finally assumed a tone of authority which afforded M.
Lascaris a pretext for a rupture. He sent his wife back to Acre, and
quitted Lady Stanhope at open variance with her.

Mehanna made his dispositions for commencing the struggle: but finding
the Drayhy by no means intimidated by his approach, he judged it
prudent to secure a reinforcement of Osmanlis, and sent his son Fares
to Hems, to claim the governor’s promised assistance; who, however,
instead of investing him with the command of a body of troops, had him
loaded with irons and thrown into prison; and the dismayed Mehanna,
at this afflicting intelligence, beheld himself precipitated in a
moment from the supreme command, to the sad and humiliating necessity,
not only of submission to the Drayhy, but of even soliciting his
protection against the Turks. The unfortunate old man, overwhelmed by
so unexpected a reverse, was obliged to implore the mediation of Assaf
Sheik of Saddad, who promised him to negotiate a peace; and actually
accompanied him with a hundred horsemen within a short distance of our
camp. There leaving Mehanna with his escort, he advanced alone to the
tent of the Drayhy, who received him very cordially, but refused at
first to accept the submission of Mehanna, till we interposed in his
behalf. Sheik Ibrahim represented the hospitality with which he had
received us on our arrival in the desert, and Saher, twice kissing
his father’s hand, united his solicitations to ours. The Drayhy
yielding at last, the principal men of the tribe marched forward to
meet Mehanna,--an attention due to his years and rank. As soon as he
alighted, the Drayhy assigned him the seat of honour in the corner of
the tent, and ordered coffee to be brought. Mehanna hereupon rose: “I
will drink none of thy coffee,” said he, “till we shall be completely
reconciled, and have buried the seven stones.” At these words the
Drayhy also rose; they drew and mutually presented their sabres to be
kissed; after which they embraced, and the example was followed by
their attendants. Mehanna with his lance made an opening in the ground,
in the centre of the tent, about a foot in depth; and choosing seven
small stones, he said to the Drayhy, “In the name of the God of peace,
for your guarantee and mine, we thus for ever bury our discord.” As
the stones were cast into the hole, the two sheiks threw earth over
them, and trod it down with their feet; the women signalizing the
ceremony with deafening shouts of joy: at its termination the chiefs
resumed their seats, and coffee was served.[L] From that moment it was
no longer allowable to revert to the past, or to mention war. I was
assured that a reconciliation, to be according to rule, ought always
to be solemnized in this form. After a plentiful repast, I read aloud
the treaty, to which Mehanna and four other chiefs of tribes affixed
their seals.[M]

Their united forces amounted to seven thousand six hundred tents; and,
what was far more important still, the Drayhy became by this alliance
chief of all the Bedouins of Syria, where he had no longer a single
enemy. Saher went to Hems to solicit the deliverance of Fares, whom
he brought back, attired in a pelisse of honour, to take part in the
general rejoicing; after which the tribes dispersed, and occupied with
their several stations the whole country from the Horan to Aleppo.

We now only waited the end of the summer to return towards the east,
in order to conclude the negotiations we had commenced the preceding
year with the tribes of Bagdad and Bussora; and this interval of calm
and leisure was filled up with preparations for a marriage between
Giarah, son of Fares, chief of the tribe El Harba, and Sabha, daughter
of Bargiass, the most beautiful maiden of the desert. I was peculiarly
interested in the affair, having known the bride during my residence
with her mother. Fares begged the Drayhy to accompany him to Bargiass
to make his proposals; and the chiefs of the tribe, in the richest
attire, were in attendance. We reached the tent of Bargiass without
any one being sent to meet us; Bargiass did not even rise to receive
us: such is the usual form on such occasions; the smallest sign of
forwardness would be considered unbecoming.

After a few moments’ silence the Drayhy spoke;--“Why,” said he, “do
you receive us so indifferently? If you are resolved to offer us no
refreshment, we will return home.” During this time Sabha, withdrawn
within that part of the tent reserved for the women, observed her
suitor through the opening of the curtain; for custom exacts that the
lady should signify her satisfaction at the appearance of her lover,
before any negotiation is entered upon; and if, after the secret
survey I have just mentioned, she gives her mother to understand that
the intended bridegroom does not please her, the matter rests there.
On this occasion, however, a young and handsome man, of a proud and
noble presence, presented himself, and Sabha gave the requisite token
of satisfaction to her mother, who then responded to the Drayhy’s
inquiry,--“You are all welcome! Not only will we heartily afford you
refreshment, but we will grant all that you can desire.”--“We come,”
returned the Drayhy, “to demand your daughter in marriage for the
son of our friend: what do you require for her dowry?”--“A hundred
nakas,”[N] replied Bargiass, “five horses of the race of Nedgde, five
hundred sheep, three negroes, and three negresses to attend upon Sabha;
and for the _trousseau_, a saddle embroidered with gold, a robe of
damask silk, ten bracelets of amber and coral, and yellow boots.”
The Drayhy made some remonstrances on the exorbitance of the demand,
saying, “Thou art minded to realize the Arab proverb: ‘If thou wouldst
not marry thy daughter, increase her price.’ Be more reasonable if thou
desirest the conclusion of this marriage.”

The dowry was finally settled at fifty nakas, two horses, two hundred
sheep, one negro, and one negress. The _trousseau_ remained as dictated
by Bargiass; saddles and yellow boots for the mother and some other
members of the family were even added above his demand. Having written
these articles, I read them aloud. Then the assistants at the ceremony
recited the prayer _Fatiha_--the Pater Noster of the Mussulmans, which
confers its sanction on the contract,--and camel’s milk was handed
round, as lemonade had been at a town in Syria. After this refreshment
the young people mounted their horses and amused themselves with the
djerid,[O] and other games. Giarah, desirous to ingratiate himself
with his bride, was particularly distinguished, and she remarked
with pleasure his agility and grace. We separated at nightfall, and
preparations for the nuptials now employed the thoughts of all.

By the evening of the third day, the dowry, or rather the price of
Sabha, was ready, and a numerous procession moved with it in the
following order:--A horseman led the van, with a white flag pendent
from the point of his lance, and crying, “I bear the spotless honour
of Bargiass.” After him followed the camels, decorated with garlands
of flowers and foliage, attended by their drivers; then the negro
on horseback, richly clothed, and surrounded by men on foot singing
popular airs. Behind them marched a troop of warriors, armed with
muskets, which they frequently discharged. A woman followed, sprinkling
with incense a large vessel of fire which she carried. Then the milch
ewes, under the guidance of their shepherds, who were singing like
Chibouk, the brother of Antar, two thousand years earlier; for the
manners of the Bedouins never change. After these came the negress,
mounted upon a horse and evironed by two hundred women on foot,
constituting not the least noisy of the groups; for the joyous shouts
and nuptial songs of the Arab women are shrill beyond expression. The
procession was closed by the camel which bore the _trousseau_, and
formed a splendid spectacle. The embroidered housings were spread out
on all sides and covered the animal; the yellow boots hung from his
sides, and the jewels, arranged in festoons, completed his trappings. A
child of one of the most distinguished families, mounted on this camel,
repeated with a loud voice, “May we be ever victorious! May the fire
of our enemies be extinguished for ever!” Other children accompanied
him, crying, “Amen!” For my part, I ran from one side to the other, to
enjoy the whole spectacle to the utmost.

This time Bargiass came out to meet us, attended by the horsemen and
women of his tribe; the cries and chants then became truly deafening;
and the horses galloping about on all sides, soon enveloped us in a
whirlwind of dust.

When the presents were all displayed and ranged in order around the
tent of Bargiass, coffee was made in a monstrous caldron, and every one
took some, while waiting for the feast.

Ten camels, thirty sheep, and a prodigious quantity of rice formed the
staple of the meal; after which a second caldron of coffee was emptied.
The dowry accepted, the ceremony was concluded by a repetition of the
prayer; and it was agreed that Giarah should come at the expiration of
three days to fetch his bride. Before my departure, I visited the women
in their apartments, to introduce Sheik Ibrahim to a more intimate
acquaintance with Bargiass’s wife, and to reiterate my thanks for her
care of me. She replied by expressing her readiness to increase my
obligations by bestowing her niece on me in marriage; but Sheik Ibrahim
deferred taking advantage of her favourable intentions towards me till
the following year.

On the eve of the day fixed for the wedding, a rumour arose that a
formidable army of Wahabees had appeared in the desert: couriers
flew from tribe to tribe, exhorting them to unite three or four in a
company, that the enemy might find them prepared on all points to
receive them; and the espousals had nearly been consummated by a mortal
combat, instead of the sham fight which is customary on such occasions.

The Drayhy and the other chiefs set out very early in the morning with
a thousand horsemen and five hundred women to achieve the conquest of
the beautiful Sabha. At a short distance from the camp, the procession
halted: the women and old men alighted and awaited the issue of a
combat between the young people who came to carry off the betrothed,
and those of her tribe who opposed their design. These contests have
sometimes fatal results; but the bridegroom is not permitted to take
part in them, lest his life should be exposed to hazard from the
machinations of his rivals. On this occasion the combatants came off
with about a score of wounds; and victory, as was reasonable, decided
for our party, who carried off the bride in triumph and consigned
her to the women of our tribe. Sabha’s train was composed of a score
of maidens with three well-laden camels; the first carrying her
howdah covered with scarlet cloth, trimmed with fringes and tufts
of various-coloured worsted, and adorned with ostrich-feathers: the
interior was decorated by festoons of shells and strings of coloured
glass, forming a sort of frames to small mirrors, which, placed at
intervals, reflected the scene on all sides; and furnished with silken
cushions for the reception of the bride. The tent formed the burden
of the second camel, and the carpets and kitchen utensils that of
the third. The queen of the festival being placed in her howdah,
surrounded by the wives of the chiefs mounted on their camels, and by
other women on foot, the procession commenced its retrograde march.
Horsemen prancing in the van announced its progress to the tribes we
might meet, who were expected to greet us by throwing incense and
killing sheep under the feet of the bride’s camels. It is not possible
to convey a very exact idea of this scene, nor of that which lasted
during the whole day and night; nor to describe the dances, the songs,
the bonfires, the banquets, the tumult, and the cries of all sorts,
which her arrival occasioned. Eight tribes were entertained by the
hospitality of Fares. Two thousand pounds of rice, twenty camels, and
fifty sheep, furnished out the feast; and in the middle of the night
the cry was still, “Let him who is hungry come and eat.” So great was
my reputation among them, that Giarah begged a talisman from me to
insure the happiness of this union: I accordingly wrote his cipher and
that of his spouse in European characters; placed the charm solemnly in
his hands; and no one doubted the efficacy of it, when they observed
the satisfaction of the new-married couple.

Some days afterwards, hearing that the Wahabees, ten thousand strong,
were besieging Palmyra, the Drayhy gave orders for marching against
them. We encountered them at El Dauh, and exchanged some musket-shots
till nightfall, but without coming to a pitched battle. I had here
leisure to appreciate the advantage of the _mardouffs_, in these wars
of the desert, in which it is always necessary to carry about the
commissariat of the army, and often for a considerable time. These
camels, mounted each by two soldiers, are like moving fortresses,
provisioned with everything necessary for the nourishment and defence
of their riders. A budget of water, a sack of flour and another of
dried dates, a jar of sheep’s butter, and the munitions of war, are
formed into a sort of square tower on the animal’s back. The men,
conveniently placed on each side on seats composed of cordage, thus
carry with them everything of which their temperate habits have need.
When they are hungry, they knead a little of the meal with butter,
and eat it in that state without baking; a few dates and a small
quantity of water completing their moderate repast: nor do they quit
their post to sleep, but throw themselves across the camel in the
manner I have already described. The next day’s engagement was more
serious. Our Bedouins fought with more inveterate obstinacy than their
adversaries, because their women and children were in their rear, while
the Wahabees, far from home, and with no other object than pillage,
were little disposed to risk their lives in the cause. Night separated
the combatants, but with the earliest dawn the battle recommenced: at
length, towards evening, victory declared in our favour; the enemy
having lost sixty men killed, took to flight and left us in possession
of the field of battle, besides twenty-two prisoners, forty beautiful
mares, and sixty camels. This victory still enhanced the reputation of
the Drayhy, and filled Sheik Ibrahim with joy; in the exuberance of
which he exclaimed, “Thanks be to God, our affairs prosper!”

Having no longer any enemies to fear in the Syrian desert, Sheik
Ibrahim parted company for a time from the Drayhy, and went to Hems
to purchase merchandise and write to Europe. During our stay in that
place he left me perfectly at liberty to seek amusement, and to recover
from all my fatigues; and I made daily excursions into the country
in company with some of my young friends, doubly enjoying this life
of pleasure from its contrast with that which I had led amongst the
Bedouins. But, alas! my joy was to be of short duration, and was soon
converted into bitter anguish. A messenger, who had been to Aleppo to
fetch remittances for M. Lascaris, brought me a letter from my mother,
couched in terms of the deepest affliction, and announcing the death
of my elder brother by the plague. Grief made her writing almost
incoherent. She had been ignorant of my destiny for nearly the last
three years, and conjured me, if still in existence, to go to her.

This dreadful intelligence deprived me of the use of my senses, and for
three days I was unconscious where I was, and refused all nourishment.
Thanks to the attentive care of M. Lascaris, I gradually recovered my
recollection; but all that I could obtain from him was permission to
write to my poor mother. Neither was I allowed to despatch my letter
till the eve of our departure, for fear she should come herself to seek
me. But I pass over the detail of my personal feelings, in which the
reader can have no interest, to return to our travels.

The Drayhy having advertised us that he would shortly set out for the
east, we hastened to join him, with three camels, two mares, and four
guides, whom he had placed at our disposal. The day of our departure
from Hems, I felt so extraordinary a weight upon my heart that I was
tempted to regard it as a fatal presentiment. It struck me that I was
advancing to a premature death. I made the best use, however, of my
reasoning powers, and at length persuaded myself that the oppression
I experienced resulted from the dejection into which my mother’s
afflicting letter had plunged me. We set out on a journey of twenty
hours, and though wearied by travelling the whole day, were persuaded
by our guides not to halt till we had completed it. Nothing particular
occurred till midnight; when growing drowsy from fatigue and the
monotonous movement of the march, we were alarmed by a sudden cry from
the advanced guide--“Rouse yourselves, and look well about you, for we
are on the brink of a tremendous precipice!” The road was but a foot
in breadth; on the right was a perpendicular mountain, and on the left
the precipice called Wadi el Hail. I woke in surprise, rubbed my eyes,
and reseized the bridle, which I had allowed to hang loosely over the
neck of my mare. But this precaution, which ought to have saved me, was
the very thing that had nearly caused my death; for the animal having
stumbled against a stone, fear made me draw the reins too hastily. She
reared, and in coming down lost her footing, stepped only on vacancy,
and rolled over with her rider to the bottom of the precipice. What
passed after that moment of agony I know only from Sheik Ibrahim, who
has since told me, that he dismounted in terror, and endeavoured to
distinguish the nature of the gulf in which I had disappeared; but the
night was too dark,--the noise of my fall was the only notice he had
of it, and he could discern nothing but an abyss beneath his feet. He
then betook himself to weeping, and conjuring the guides to go down
the precipice. But this they declared impossible in the darkness,
assuring him moreover, that it would be useless trouble, since I must
not only be certainly dead, but dashed to pieces against the points of
the rocks. Whereupon he announced his resolution not to stir from the
spot till the daylight should enable him to make his researches, and
promised a hundred tallarins to whoever should recover my body, however
mutilated it might be, as he could not, he said, consent to leave it a
prey to wild beasts. He then sat down on the edge of the gulf, waiting
in mournful despair for the first glimmerings of daylight.

No sooner were they perceptible, than the four men descended the
abyss with much difficulty, and found me, insensible, suspended by
my sash, my head downwards. The mare lay dead a few toises below, at
the extremity of the ravine. I had ten wounds on my head, the flesh
torn from my left arm, my ribs broken, and my legs scratched to the
bone. I was deposited, without any sign of life, at the feet of Sheik
Ibrahim, who threw himself upon me in tears. But having a little
knowledge of medicine, and carrying always some valuable remedies about
with him, he did not long abandon himself to a useless grief. Having
satisfied himself, by the application of volatiles to the nostrils,
that I was not absolutely dead, he placed me carefully on a camel,
and retraced his steps as far as the village of El Habedin. During
this short journey my body swelled prodigiously, without giving any
other sign of life. The village sheik having placed me on a mattress,
sent to Hems for a surgeon. For nine whole hours I remained perfectly
insensible; and at the end of that time opened my eyes without the
smallest perception of the objects around me, or recollection of what
had befallen me. I felt as if under the influence of a dream, but
without being sensible of pain. In this state I lay for four-and-twenty
hours, and recovered from my lethargy only to suffer such indescribable
agonies that I fancied it would have been better a hundredfold to have
remained at the bottom of the precipice.

Sheik Ibrahim never quitted me for an instant, and offered the highest
rewards to the surgeon in case he should succeed in saving me. The
latter was zealous, but by no means skilful; and no amendment appearing
at the expiration of thirty days, gangrene was apprehended. The
Drayhy had visited me immediately on being informed of my accident;
and he also wept over me, and offered rich presents to stimulate the
surgeon’s efforts: but at the highest point of his sensibility he could
not suppress his regret for the loss of his mare Abaige, who was of
pure blood, and worth ten thousand piastres. Nevertheless, he was in
real distress, as was Ibrahim; for they not only feared my loss, but
foresaw in it the miscarriage of all their operations. I endeavoured
to encourage them, telling them that I did not believe myself dying.
But it was too true, that though, I should be spared, there was no
probability of my being for a long while in a condition to travel.

The Drayhy was obliged to take leave of us to pursue his migration
eastwards; and Sheik Ibrahim was in despair at seeing me grow daily
worse. Hearing at length that a more skilful surgeon resided at El Dair
Attia, he sent for him. The surgeon refused to come, requiring that
the patient should be taken to him. I was therefore put upon a sort of
litter in the best manner that could be contrived, and carried to him,
at the hazard of expiring on the road. The new surgeon entirely changed
the dressing of my wounds, and washed them with warm wine. Three months
I stayed with him, suffering martyrdom, and a thousand times regretting
the death I had escaped. I was then transported to the village of
Nabek, where for three months longer I kept my bed. From that period
I may date the actual commencement of my recovery, though it was
retarded by frequent relapses. Upon the sight of a horse, for example,
I fainted, and continued for a month in a state of extreme nervousness,
which at length, and by degrees, I conquered: but I am bound to confess
that to this moment the presence of that animal causes me a shudder;
and I made a resolution never again to mount a horse, except in a case
of absolute necessity.

My illness cost Sheik Ibrahim five hundred tallarins. But how shall I
estimate his attentions, his paternal care! I am assuredly indebted to
him for my life.

During my convalescence he learnt that our friend the Pacha of Damascus
had been replaced by another, Soliman Selim. This news greatly
disconcerted us, as it appeared indicative of the loss of our credit
with the Turks.

Ten months had elapsed--a second spring was come, and we were expecting
with impatience the arrival of the Bedouins, our allies, when, to our
great joy, a courier announced their approach. We forwarded him in
haste to the Drayhy, who liberally rewarded him for the good news he
brought of my recovery, which produced universal joy in the camp, where
I had long been supposed dead. We waited some days longer, till the
tribe advanced nearer; and in the interval a singular story came to my
knowledge, which I think worthy of insertion, as an illustration of
Arab manners.

A merchant of Anatolia, escorted by fifty men, was leading ten thousand
sheep to be sold at Damascus. On the road he made acquaintance with
three Arabs, with one of whom he formed a close intimacy, and at
parting was desired to swear fraternity with him. The merchant could
not discover in what respect he, who was the proprietor of ten thousand
sheep, and was escorted by fifty soldiers, could be benefitted by
having a brother amongst the poor Bedouins; but the Bedouin, whose
name was Chatti, was so importunate, that, to satisfy him, he consented
to give him two piastres and a handful of tobacco as pledges of
fraternity. Chatti divided the two piastres between his companions,
saying, “Be ye witnesses that this man is become my brother.” They then
separated, and the merchant thought no more of the matter, till, at a
place called Ain el Alak, a party of Bedouins, superior in number to
his escort, attacked and routed them, took possession of his sheep, and
stripped him to his shirt; in which pitiable condition he arrived at
Damascus, imprecating curses upon the Bedouins, and especially upon his
pretended brother Chatti, whom he accused of betraying and selling him.

Meanwhile the news of so rich a capture was quickly spread in the
desert, and reached the ears of Chatti, who, having with some
difficulty found his two witnesses, brought them before Soultan el
Brrak, chief of the tribe of El Ammour, to whom he declared that he
was brother to the merchant who had just been robbed, and called
upon the chief to enable him to fulfil the duties of fraternity, by
restoring the property. Soultan, having taken the depositions of the
two witnesses, was obliged to accompany Chatti to El Nahimen, the
sheik of the tribe which had carried off the sheep, and to reclaim
them in conformity with their laws. The sheik was under the necessity
of restoring them; and Chatti, having first ascertained that none
were missing, took the road to Damascus, with the flocks and their
shepherds.

Leaving them outside the town, he entered it in search of his brother,
whom he found seated in a melancholy mood in front of a coffee-room of
the Bazaar. He went straight to him with a joyful air; but the other
turned angrily away, and Chatti had great difficulty in obtaining a
hearing, and still greater in persuading him to believe that his sheep
were waiting for him outside the walls. He apprehended a new snare, and
would not for a long while consent to follow the Bedouin. Convinced at
last by the sight of his sheep, he threw himself on Chatti’s neck, and
after giving full expression to his gratitude, vainly exerted himself
to induce him to accept a recompense proportioned to such a service.
The Bedouin could only be persuaded to receive a pair of boots and a
_cafia_ (handkerchief), not worth above a tallarin at the utmost, and,
after partaking of his brother’s bread, returned to his tribe.

Our first interview with the Drayhy was truly affecting. He came
himself, with the principal members of his tribe, to seek us at the
village of Nabek, and took us back in a sort of triumph to the camp.
By the way he gave us the history of the wars he had waged in the
territory of Samarcand, and his good fortune in vanquishing four of the
principal tribes,[P] and afterwards inducing them to sign the treaty.
It was important to have detached these tribes in time from their
alliance with the Wahabees, to whom they were formerly tributary; for
it was reported that our enemies were preparing a formidable army, and
flattered themselves with obtaining the supremacy of all Syria. Soon
afterwards we heard that the army was on its march, spreading terror
and devastation everywhere on its passage.

The Pacha of Damascus despatched orders to the governors of Hems
and Hama, to keep guard day and night, and to hold their troops in
readiness for battle: while the inhabitants fled towards the coast, to
escape the sanguinary Wahabees, whose name alone sufficed to drive them
from their homes.

The Drayhy was invited by the pacha to a conference with him at
Damascus; but fearing some treason, he excused himself under pretence
of the impossibility of deserting his post at so critical a moment.
He even requested from him some auxiliary troops, hoping by their
assistance to be able to keep the enemy in check.

While waiting for the expected reinforcement, the Drayhy caused a
solemn declaration of war to be made, according to the custom of the
Bedouins on very particular occasions, in the following form:--A
white female camel was selected, and blackened all over with soot and
oil; reins made of black hair were then put over her, and she was
mounted by a young maiden dressed in black, with her face and hands
also blackened. Ten men led her from tribe to tribe, and on reaching
each she proclaimed aloud three times,--“Succour! succour! succour!
Which of you will make this camel white? she is a relic from the tent
of the Drayhy menacing ruin. Fly, fly, noble and generous defenders!
The Wahabees are coming! they will carry away your allies and your
brothers: all you who hear me, address your prayers to the prophets
Mahomet and Ali, the first and the last!”

Saying which, she distributed amongst the tribe handfuls of black hair,
and letters from the Drayhy, indicating the place of rendezvous on the
banks of the Orontes. Our camp was in a short time augmented by the
coalition of thirty tribes, assembled in the same plain, and so thickly
encamped that the ropes of our tents touched. The Pacha of Damascus
sent ten thousand men to Hama, commanded by his nephew Ibrahim Pacha,
there to wait for other troops which the Pachas of Acre and Aleppo were
to furnish. Scarcely had they met, when the arrival of the Wahabees
at Palmyra was announced by the inhabitants, who fled to take refuge
in Hama. Ibrahim Pacha wrote to the Drayhy, who repaired to him, and
they arranged together their plan of defence. The Drayhy, who took me
with him as his counsellor, acquainted me with the stipulations agreed
upon; when I pointed out to him the danger of uniting Bedouins and
Turks in the same camp, the latter having no means of distinguishing in
the confusion of battle their friends from their enemies. The Bedouins
themselves, indeed, recognize each other in the heat of the fight only
by their war-cries, each tribe incessantly repeating its own,--“Khrail
el allia Doualli,--Khrail el bionda Hassny,--Khrail el hamra Daffiry,”
&c.;--Khrail signifying horsemen; allia, bionda, hamra, indicating
the colour of their favourite mare; Doualli, Hassny, Daffiry, are the
names of the tribes. This war-cry, therefore, is equivalent to the
words, _horsemen of the red mare of Daffir_, &c. Others invoke their
sister, or some other beauty; hence the Drayhy’s war-cry is, Ana Akhron
Rabda,--I the brother of Rabda; that of Mehanna,--I the brother of
Fodda: both have sisters renowned for their beauty. The Bedouins pride
themselves greatly in their war-cries, and would consider that man a
coward who should hesitate to pronounce it in the moment of danger.
The Drayhy saw the force of my argument, and persuaded Ibrahim Pacha,
though with difficulty, to consent to a division of their forces.

The next day we returned to the camp, followed by the Mussulman army,
composed of Dalatis, Albanese, Mogrebins, Houaras, and Arabs; in all,
fifteen thousand men. They had with them some pieces of ordnance, a few
mortars and bombs, and pitched their tents half an hour’s march from
ours: the pride of their bearing, the variety and richness of their
costumes, and their banners, altogether formed a magnificent spectacle;
but, in spite of their fine appearance, the Bedouins jested upon them,
and asserted that they would be the first to fly.

In the afternoon of the second day a broad cloud was observable towards
the desert, spreading itself like a thick fog as far as the eye could
reach: by degrees the cloud cleared up, and the enemy’s army appeared
in view.

This time they brought their wives, their children, and their camels,
and established their camp, composed of fifty tribes, forming
seventy-five thousand tents, at an hour’s march from ours. About
each tent, camels and a great number of sheep were tied; presenting,
together with the horses and warriors, a formidable mass to the eye.
Ibrahim Pacha was in consternation, and sent in great haste in search
of the Drayhy, who, having succeeded in reanimating his courage a
little, returned to the camp, to order the necessary entrenchments.
For this purpose all the camels were assembled, bound together by
their knees, and placed in double files in front of the tents; and, to
complete the rampart, a trench was dug behind them. The enemy on his
part did the same, and the Drayhy ordered the hatfé to be prepared.
This singular ceremony consists in selecting the most beautiful amongst
the Bedouin girls, to be placed in a houdah, richly ornamented, borne
by a tall white camel. The choice of the maiden who is destined to
occupy this honourable but perilous post is very important, for the
success of the battle depends almost entirely upon her. Placed opposite
to the enemy, and surrounded by the bravest warriors, it is her duty
to excite them to the combat: the principal action always takes
place around her, and prodigies of valour defend her. All would be
lost should the hatfé fall into the enemy’s hands; and, to avoid so
irreparable a misfortune, half the army must always be stationed about
her. Warriors succeed each other on this point, where the battle is
always hottest, and each comes to gather enthusiasm from her looks. A
girl named Arkia, uniting in an eminent degree courage, eloquence and
beauty, was chosen for our hatfé. The enemy also prepared his, and the
battle soon afterwards commenced. The Wahabees divided their army into
two corps: the first and most considerable, commanded by Abdallah el
Hedal, the general-in-chief, was opposed to us; the second, under the
command of Abou Nocta, to the Turks. Both the character of the latter,
and their mode of fighting, are totally different from those of the
Bedouins, who, prudent and cool headed, begin the action calmly, but
growing gradually animated, become at last furious and irresistible.
The Turk, on the contrary, proud and arrogant, rushes impetuously upon
the enemy, and fancies he has only to appear and conquer: his whole
energy is thus expended on the first shock.

The Pacha Ibrahim, seeing the Wahabees attack coldly, deemed himself
sufficiently strong to disperse their entire army without assistance;
but, before the end of the day, he had learned by dear-bought
experience to respect his enemy, and was forced to permit his troops to
fall back, leaving us to sustain the whole weight of the action.

Sunset suspended the engagement, but not till both parties had suffered
a severe loss.

The next morning brought us a reinforcement, in the tribe of El Hadidi,
four thousand strong, all mounted on asses, and armed with muskets.
We numbered our forces, which amounted to eighty thousand men; but
the Wahabees had a hundred and fifty thousand, and this day’s battle
terminated in their favour. Our defeat, exaggerated, as always happens
in similar cases, was reported at Hama, and filled the inhabitants with
dismay; but two days afterwards their fears for us were removed, and
for three weeks we were alternately discomfited and successful. The
actions became daily more sanguinary; and on the fifteenth day of this
trying campaign, a new enemy, more formidable than the Wahabees, arose
in the shape of famine. The town of Hama, which alone could furnish
subsistence to either army, was exhausted, or concealed its resources.
The Turks took to flight; our allies dispersed, to avoid perishing with
hunger; the camels, forming the rampart of our camp, began to devour
one another. Amidst such frightful calamities, the courage of Arkia
never for an instant wavered. The bravest of our warriors were slain
by her side; but she ceased not to encourage them, and to excite and
applaud their efforts. She animated the old by extolling their valour
and experience; the young, by the promise of marrying him who should
bring her the head of Abdallah el Hedal. Keeping my station near her
houdah, I saw all the warriors present themselves to her for some words
of encouragement, and then rush to the combat, excited to enthusiasm
by her eloquence. I confess I preferred hearing these compliments to
receiving them myself, for they were almost uniformly the forerunners
of death.

I one day saw a fine young man, one of our bravest soldiers, present
himself before the houdah: “Arkia,” said he, “O thou fairest amongst
the fair, allow me a sight of thy face, for I go to fight for thee!”
Arkia, unveiling, replied: “Behold, O thou most valiant! Thou knowest
my price; it is the head of Abdallah!” The young man brandished his
spear, put spurs to his courser, and rushed into the midst of the
enemy. In less than two hours he sank covered with wounds. “Heaven
preserve you!” said I to Arkia, “this brave man is killed.”--“He is not
the only one who has never returned,” she sorrowfully replied. At this
moment a warrior made his appearance, armed from head to foot; even
his boots were defended with steel, and his horse covered with a coat
of mail, (the Wahabees reckoned twenty such warriors amongst them; we
had twelve.) He advanced towards our camp, challenging the Drayhy to
single combat: this has been the custom amongst the Bedouins from time
immemorial; he who is thus defied, cannot without forfeiting his honour
refuse to fight. The Drayhy, hearing his name, prepared to answer to
the challenge: but his kinsmen joined with us to prevent it. His life
was of too much importance to be thus risked; for the loss of it would
have entailed the total ruin of our cause, and the destruction of the
two allied armies. Persuasion becoming useless, we were obliged to have
recourse to coercion. We bound him with cords hand and foot to stakes
driven into the ground in the middle of his tent: the most influential
chiefs supported him, and entreated him to calm himself, urging the
imprudence of risking the welfare of the army for the purpose of
answering the insolent bravado of a savage Wahabee. Meanwhile, the
latter incessantly exclaimed: “Let the Drayhy come forth! this shall be
his last day; I am waiting to terminate his career.” The Drayhy, who
heard him, becoming more and more furious, foamed with rage and roared
like a lion; his blood-shot eyes almost starting from his head, while
he fought with terrible strength to disencumber himself of his bonds.
This tumult attracted a considerable multitude around the tent, when
suddenly a Bedouin, making his way through the crowd, presented himself
before the Drayhy. His sole clothing was a shirt bound round his loins
with a leathern girdle, and a turban on his head; he was mounted upon a
bay horse, and armed only with a spear; and thus singularly equipped,
he came to ask, in the following metrical style, permission to fight
the Wahabee instead of the sheik: “This day, I, Tehaisson, have become
master of the horse Hadidi: it has long been the object of my ambition;
I wished to receive upon his back the praises due to my valour. I am
about to fight and to vanquish the Wahabee, for the beautiful eyes
of my betrothed, and to render myself worthy of his daughter who was
always conqueror.” So saying, he rushed to combat the hostile warrior.
No one imagined that he could for one half hour resist his formidable
antagonist, whose armour rendered him invulnerable; but if the blows
he dealt were thus robbed of their murderous power, he avoided with
wonderful dexterity those that were aimed at himself during the two
hours that the struggle lasted. Meanwhile, all was suspense; the
deepest interest was manifested on both sides. At length our champion
turned round, and apparently took to flight. All hope was now lost;
the enemy was about to proclaim his triumph. The Wahabee pursued, and,
with a hand strengthened by the assurance of success, flung his lance;
but Tehaisson, foreseeing the blow, stooped even to his saddle-bow,
and the weapon flew whizzing above his head; then, suddenly returning,
he thrust his spear into the throat of his adversary, taking advantage
of the moment when the latter, being obliged to curb his horse hastily
before him, was in the act of raising his head. This movement leaving a
space between the helmet and the cuirass, the spear passed through from
side to side, and killed him on the spot: but his armour supporting
him in the saddle, he was carried by his horse into the midst of his
followers; and Tehaisson returned in triumph to the tent of the Drayhy,
where he was enthusiastically received. All the chiefs embraced him,
loading him with eulogies and presents; and Sheik Ibrahim was not
backward in testifying his gratitude.

Meanwhile, the war and the famine continued to rage: even in the
Drayhy’s tent we were two days without food; on the third, he received
a considerable supply of rice, which Mola Ismael, chief of the
Dallatis, sent him as a present. Instead of husbanding it as a last
resource, he ordered that the whole should be dressed, and invited all
present to sup with him. His son Saher would not sit down to table;
but, being importuned by his father, he requested that his portion
might be given to him, and carried it to his mare, declaring that he
had rather suffer himself, than see her die for want of food.

We had now arrived at the thirty-seventh day from the commencement of
the war: on the thirty-eighth, the battle was terrible. The camp of the
Osmanlis was taken and pillaged: the pacha had scarcely time to escape
to Hama, whither he was pursued by the Wahabee, who there besieged him.

The defeat of the Turks was the more fatal to us, as it left the second
corps of the hostile army, commanded by the famous Negro Abou Nocta,
at liberty to unite with Abdallah, and make a combined attack upon us.
The following day witnessed the commencement of a frightful struggle,
which lasted eight days without intermission. The combatants were
so intermingled together, that it was impossible to distinguish one
party from another. They fought with the sabre man to man; the entire
plain was deluged with blood, the colour of the ground being totally
invisible: never perhaps was such a battle fought. The inhabitants of
Hama, fully persuaded that we were utterly exterminated, no longer sent
us those occasional supplies of provisions which, coming at our utmost
need, had hitherto preserved us from starvation. At length the Drayhy,
finding his misfortunes accumulate, assembled his chiefs, and addressed
them thus: “My friends, it now becomes necessary that we should make
a last effort. To-morrow we must either conquer or die. To-morrow,
by God’s permission, I will destroy the enemy’s camp: to-morrow we
will feast upon its spoils.” This harangue was received with a smile
of incredulity; until one, more daring than the rest, replied: “Give
but the word, and we will obey.”--“This night,” he continued, “you
must noisely transplant your tents, your wives, and your children, to
the other side of the Orontes. The whole must have disappeared before
sunrise, without the cognisance of the enemy. Then, having no longer
any care to trouble us, we will make a desperate attack upon them, and
will exterminate them, or perish ourselves in the attempt: but God will
be on our side, and we shall conquer.” Every one hastened to execute
the commands thus given, with incredible order, celerity, and silence.
The next day, the efficient warriors alone remained. The Drayhy divided
them into four corps, ordering a simultaneous attack upon the four
sides of the enemy’s camp. The troops, in desperation, threw themselves
upon their prey like hungry lions; and the impetuous but well-concerted
onset was attended with all the success which could have been wished.
Confusion and disorder spreading rapidly amongst their unexpectedly
enclosed ranks, the Wahabees took to flight, abandoning their women
and children, their tents and their baggage. The Drayhy, without
allowing his men time to seize upon the booty, obliged them to pursue
the fugitives to Palmyra, and gave them no respite until they had
accomplished the total dispersion of the enemy.

No sooner had victory declared itself in our favour, than I departed
with Sheik Ibrahim to announce the joyful intelligence at Hama; but
nobody there would give credit to it, and the inhabitants would
fain have treated ourselves as fugitives. They exhibited the utmost
perturbation: some climbed the heights, whence they could perceive
nothing but clouds of dust; others prepared their mules for flight
towards the coast. The defeat of the Wahabees being, however, speedily
confirmed, the most extravagant demonstrations of joy succeeded to this
terrible alarm. A Tartar was despatched to Damascus, and brought back
with him forty loads of wheat, twenty-five thousand piastres, and a
sabre and a robe of honour for the Drayhy, who made his triumphal entry
into Hama, escorted by all the chiefs of the allied tribes. He was
received by the governor, the agas, the pacha, and all his court, in
the most splendid manner.

After four days of rejoicings we quitted Hama, to rejoin our tribes,
and conduct them to the east before the approach of winter. The Drayhy
was personally attended by a company of twelve; the others, in groups
of five or six, dispersed themselves in the desert of Damascus. Our
first stay was at Tall el Dehab, in the territory of Aleppo, where we
encountered four tribes who had taken no part in the war. The chiefs
came forward to meet the Drayhy, penetrated with respect for his
recent exploits, and soliciting the favour of being admitted to sign
the treaty of alliance with us.[Q] From thence we marched without
interruption to join our friend, the Emir Faher, who received us with
the most lively demonstrations of joy. In company with his, and several
other tribes, proceeding like ourselves to Mesopotamia, we crossed the
Euphrates, some establishing themselves in the neighbourhood of Hamad,
others in the desert of Bussora.

On the road we received a letter from Fares el Harba, announcing that
six considerable tribes, who had fought on the side of the Wahabees
against us, were encamped in the Hebassia, near Machadali, and were
well disposed to enter into alliance with us; and that if the Drayhy
would send me to him furnished with full powers to treat, he believed
himself certain of success. I lost not a moment in availing myself
of this invitation, and, after a journey of six hours, reached him
without accident. Fares el Harba immediately broke up his camp, and
conducted me to the distance of a day’s journey from the tribes.[R]
I then wrote in his name to the Emir Douackhry, chief of the tribe
El Fedhan, exhorting him to make an alliance with the Drayhy, and
promising oblivion of the past. Douackhry came in person to Fares el
Harba, and we were soon agreed; but he disclaimed answering for more
than his own tribe, considering that it would be extremely difficult to
succeed with the others. He proposed, however, that I should accompany
him back, when he would assemble the chiefs of all the tribes, and
exert his utmost influence with them. I accepted the invitation, and
departed with him; but when arrived in the centre of what ought to
have been an encampment, I was painfully affected to behold hordes of
Arabs crouching on the ground under the full blaze of the sun: having
lost their tents and baggage in the battle, their only bed was the bare
ground, their only canopy the sky. A few rags suspended here and there
upon pikes did indeed afford a semblance of shade to these unfortunate
beings, who, having stripped themselves of their only garments to
furnish this slender shelter from the fervent heat of the sun, were
exposed to the sting of insects, and to the thorny points of the plants
on which their camels browse. Many were wholly destitute of any defence
either from the heat of day or the cold of night, at that autumnal
season, when the contrasts of temperature are most fatal.

Never had I conceived an idea of wretchedness so complete: the sad
spectacle oppressed my heart and drew tears from my eyes, and it was
some time before I could recover from the agitation it occasioned me.

The next day Douackhry assembled the chiefs and old men to the number
of five hundred. Alone in the midst of them, I despaired of making
myself heard, and especially of being able to unite them in one
counsel. Independent in their character and manners, and irritated by
misfortune, they all mooted different opinions; and if neither hoped
to make his own prevail, at least each made it a point of honour to
maintain it obstinately, leaving all the others at liberty to do the
like. Some proposed removing to the Nedgde country, others to retire to
Samarcand: these vociferated imprecations against Abdallah, chief of
the Wahabee army; those denounced the Drayhy as the author of all their
misfortunes. Amid the conflict of voices, I armed myself with patience,
and endeavoured to conciliate all parties. I began by shaking their
confidence in the Wahabees; showing them that Abdallah must necessarily
have become their enemy, since they had abandoned him on the last day
of the battle, and that he was now seeking vengeance upon them: that in
going to Nedgde they voluntarily threw themselves under the domination
of Ebn Sihoud, who would extort from them oppressive contributions, and
compel them to bear the whole burden of a disastrous war: that having
once deserted his cause, and effected their withdrawal from his power,
they should not follow the example of the foolish bird, who no sooner
escapes the sportsman’s shot than he falls into the fowler’s net.
At last, the fable of the bundle of sticks occurred to my mind; and
thinking so simple a demonstration would make an impression on their
unsophisticated minds, I determined to make a practical application of
it before their eyes. Having exhorted them to be united, and by their
union to resist all oppression, I took from the hands of the sheiks
about thirty djerids, and presented one to the Emir Fares, requesting
he would break it, which he effected with ease. I then presented him
with two, and afterwards with three, all of which he broke in the same
manner, for he was a man of great muscular strength. I then placed
in his hand the whole bundle, which he could neither break nor bend.
“Machala,” said I, “thy strength is not sufficient;” and I then passed
the united spears to another, who succeeded no better. A general
murmur now arose in the assembly: “Who could split such a mass?” cried
they unanimously. “I take you at your word,” said I; and in the most
energetic language I could command, I applied the apologue to their
reasoning faculties,--adding, that so powerfully had I been affected by
their destitute condition, without clothing or shelter, that I pledged
myself to solicit from the Drayhy the restitution of their baggage and
tents, and that I was sufficiently acquainted with his magnanimity to
answer for the success of my application, if they entered heartily into
the alliance, of which I had just proved the advantages. Upon this they
all exclaimed with one voice: “Thou hast conquered, Abdallah; we are
thine in life and in death!” and all ran forward to embrace me. It was
then determined that they should give the Drayhy the rendezvous in the
plain of Halla, to affix their seal to the treaty.

Recrossing the Euphrates the next morning, I rejoined our tribe on the
fifth day, and found my friends uneasy at my protracted absence; but
the report of my fortunate negotiation filled them with joy. I have
already so frequently detailed meetings, feasts, and rejoicings of
every kind, that I shall not repeat the same narrative by describing
those which took place on this occasion.

The Emir Douackhry buried the seven stones, and thus consummated the
alliance; and after dinner I witnessed for the first time the ceremony
of swearing fidelity over bread and salt. The Drayhy then declared that
he was ready to fulfil the engagement I had contracted in his name, by
restoring the booty taken from the six tribes who had just united their
cause with his. But the generous will was insufficient--the means of
its execution were still to be provided. In the pillage of the Wahabee
and allied camp, the plunder of fifty tribes was confounded, and to
identify the property of each was no easy matter. It was decided that
the women alone were competent to the task; and it would be impossible
to form an idea of the exertion and fatigue of the five days employed
by them in recognising the cattle, tents, and baggage of the various
tribes. Every camel and sheep has two ciphers stamped with a hot iron
on the leg, those of the tribe and the proprietor. But when, as it
often happens, the ciphers are similar, or half effaced, the difficulty
of identifying them is extreme; and under the exhausting task of
reconciling such various pretensions, and deciding such harassing
controversies, which it required something more than generosity to
endure with patience, I was sometimes tempted to repent my momentary
impulse of compassion and my imprudent promise.

At this time a great caravan from Bagdad to Aleppo passed, and was
plundered by the Fedans and Sabhas. It was very richly laden with
indigo, coffee, spices, Persian carpets, Cashmires, pearls, and other
valuable articles, which we estimated at ten millions of piastres. No
sooner was the capture known, than merchants flocked to the desert,
some from a great distance, to purchase these treasures from the Arabs,
who sold, bartered, or rather gave them away almost for nothing.
For instance, they exchanged a measure of spices against an equal
measure of dates; a Cashmire shawl, worth a thousand francs, against
a black saddle-cloth; a chest of indigo for a linen dress; entire
pieces of India muslin for a pair of boots. A merchant from Moussoul
bought, for a shirt, a saddle-cloth, and a pair of boots, goods worth
fifteen thousand piastres; and a diamond ring was sold for a roll of
tobacco. I might have made my fortune on the occasion, but M. Lascaris
prohibited my either purchasing or receiving any thing as a gift, and I
scrupulously obeyed. Every day tribes arrived from the Nedgde country,
deserting the Wahabees to join us; some attracted by the Drayhy’s
extraordinary reputation, others driven by dissensions with King Ebn
Sihoud. One circumstance of that nature brought us five tribes in a
body. The emir of the tribe Beny Tay had a very beautiful daughter,
named Camara (the moon); Fehrab, son of the chief of a neighbouring
tribe, and a relative of the Wahabee, became enamoured of her, and
contrived to gain her affection; but the girl’s father discovering
their passion, forbade her speaking to the prince, and himself refused
to receive him or listen to his proposals, designing Camara for her
cousin Tamer; for it is a custom amongst the Bedouins, which reminds
one of those transmitted to us by the Bible, for the nearest kinsman
to be preferred to all other suitors when a maiden’s marriage is in
question.

Camara, however, neither swayed by the usages of her people, nor
intimidated by her father’s menaces, positively refused to espouse
her cousin; and her attachment acquiring strength in proportion to
the obstacles opposed to it, she lost no opportunity of corresponding
with her lover. The latter, seeing no hope of obtaining her parent’s
consent, resolved to run away with her, and opened the proposition to
her through an old woman whom he had gained. She gave her consent;
and he introduced himself into the tribe Beny Tay in the disguise of
a mendicant, and arranged with her the hour and circumstances of the
elopement. In the middle of the night the maiden stole fearfully out
of her father’s tent, to the prince, who was waiting for her at the
entrance of the camp. He placed her behind him on his mare, and dashed
across the plain; but the celerity of their flight could not conceal
them from the jealous eye of Tamer: enamoured of his cousin, and
determined to maintain his right, he had long watched the proceedings
of his rival, and every night mounted guard near Camara’s tent. At the
moment the lovers escaped, he was making his circuit; but immediately
perceiving them, he galloped in pursuit. Fehrab’s mare, endowed by
nature with all the fleetness of the Nedgdian race, and stimulated to
greater exertions by her master’s impatience, urged her course to its
highest speed; but, pressed by a double burden, she could at length no
longer give her wonted aid to her master--she fell; and Fehrab, seeing
himself on the point of being overtaken by Tamer, lifted his beloved
from the horse, and prepared for her defence. The combat was terrible,
and its sequel tragical. Tamer was victor, slew Fehrab, and seized his
cousin; but, exhausted by fatigue, and now in full security, he fell
asleep for a moment by her side. Camara, who had watched the influence
of slumber stealing over his senses, snatched up his sabre, stained
with the blood of her lover, and cut off the head of her ravisher;
then precipitating herself upon the point of his lance, pierced her
own heart. The three dead bodies alone were found by those who went in
search of them.

A murderous war between the two tribes was the consequence of this
melancholy event;--that of Fehrab, supported by the Wahabees, forced
Beny Tay to a retreat; and the latter, with four other tribes,[S] its
allies, came to solicit protection from the Drayhy, whose power was
henceforth unrivalled. Five hundred thousand Bedouins, allied in our
cause, formed but one camp, and overspread Mesopotamia like a cloud of
locusts.

While we remained in the neighbourhood of Bagdad, our allies pillaged
another caravan coming from Aleppo, laden with productions of European
manufacture; cloths, velvets, satins, amber, coral, &c.; and although
the Drayhy took no part in these spoliations, he was too well versed
in Bedouin habits to think of offering any opposition. The Pacha of
Bagdad demanded satisfaction, but obtained none; and perceiving that
to enforce justice would require an army of at least fifteen thousand
men, he renounced his claim, happy to continue in friendship with the
Bedouins at any sacrifice.

Sheik Ibrahim now saw his hopes realized beyond even his most sanguine
anticipations; but as long as any thing remained to be done, he would
allow himself no repose: crossing the Tigris, therefore, at Abou el
Ali, we continued our march, and entered Persia. Here, also, the
reputation of the Drayhy had preceded him, and the tribes of the
country came continually to fraternize with us; but in our vast plan of
operations, these partial alliances were insignificant,--we required
the co-operation of the great prince, chief of all the Persian tribes,
the Emir Sahid el Bokhrani, whose command extends to the frontiers of
India. The family of this prince has for many years reigned over the
errant tribes of Persia, and claims its descent from the kings Beni el
Abass, who conquered Spain, and whose descendants still call themselves
the Bokhrani. We learned that he was in a very distant province.
The Drayhy having convoked all the chiefs to a general council, it
was decided to traverse Persia, keeping as near as possible to the
sea-coast, notwithstanding the probable scarcity of water, in order to
avoid the mountains which intersect the interior of this country, and
to find pasturage. In the itinerary of a tribe, a plentiful supply of
grass is more important than water: the latter may be transported, but
nothing can remedy a deficiency of food for the cattle, on which the
very existence of the tribe itself depends.

This march occupied fifty-one days. During the whole time we
encountered no obstacle on the part of the inhabitants, but were
often seriously incommoded by the scarcity of water. On one of these
occasions, Sheik Ibrahim, having observed the nature of the soil and
the freshness of the grass, advised the Drayhy to dig for water. The
Bedouins of the country treated the attempt as madness, saying that no
water had ever been known in those parts, and that it was necessary
to send for it to a distance of six hours. But the Drayhy persevered:
“Sheik Ibrahim is a prophet,” said he, “and must be obeyed.”

Holes were accordingly dug in several places, and at the depth of four
feet excellent water was found. Seeing this happy result, the Bedouins
by acclamation proclaimed Sheik Ibrahim a true prophet, his discovery
a miracle, and, in the excess of their gratitude, had well nigh adored
him as a god.

After journeying several days among the mountains and valleys of the
Karman, we reached the deep and rapid river Karassan; and having
crossed it, proceeded in the direction of the coast, where the road
was less difficult. We made acquaintance with the Bedouins of the
Agiam Estan, who received us in a very friendly manner; and on the
forty-second day after entering Persia, we arrived at El Hendouan,
where one of their greatest tribes was encamped, commanded by Hebiek
el Mahdan. We hoped that our long pilgrimage was drawing towards its
close; but the sheik informed us that we were still distant nine long
days’ journeys from Merah Fames, the present residence of the Emir
Sahid, on the frontiers of India. He offered us guides to conduct us
thither, and described the points where it would be necessary to lay in
a provision of water; without which information, we should have been
exposed to great danger in this last expedition.

We despatched couriers before us, to give notice to the grand prince
of our approach, and of our pacific intentions. On the ninth day he
came to meet us, at the head of a formidable army. It did not at first
appear very clear whether this demonstration of strength was to do
us honour or to intimidate us. The Drayhy began to repent of having
ventured so far from his allies. However, he showed no symptom of fear,
but placing the women and the baggage behind the troops, he advanced
with the choicest of his cavalry, accompanied by his friend the Sheik
Saker,--the same to whom in the preceding year he had delegated the
command of the desert of Bassora, and who had negotiated all our
alliances there during our stay in Syria.

The prince soon satisfied them respecting his intentions; for,
detaching himself from this numerous host, he advanced with a small
train of horsemen to the middle of the plain which separated the two
armies; the Drayhy did the same; and the two chiefs, on meeting,
alighted and embraced with every expression of cordiality.

If I had not so frequently described the hospitality of the desert, I
should have much to say on the reception we experienced from the Emir
Sahid, and the three days’ festivities with which he welcomed us: but,
to avoid repetitions, I shall pass over this scene, only remarking,
that the Bedouins of Persia, more pacific than those of Arabia, entered
readily into our views, and fully understood the importance of the
commercial intercourse we were desirous of establishing with India.
This was all that it was needful to explain to them of the nature of
our enterprise. The emir promised us the co-operation of all the tribes
of Persia under his dominion, and offered his influence with those of
India, who hold him in high consideration, on account of the antiquity
of his race, and of his personal reputation for wisdom and generosity.
He entered into a distinct treaty with us, which was drawn up in the
following terms:--

“In the name of the clement and merciful God, I, Sahid, son of Bader,
son of Abdallah, son of Barakat, son of Ali, son of Bokhrani, of
blessed memory: I hereby make a declaration of having given my sacred
word to the powerful Drayhy Ebn Chahllan, to Sheik Ibrahim, and to
Abdallah el Katib. I declare myself their faithful ally; I accept all
the conditions which are specified in the general treaty now in their
hands. I engage to assist and support them in all their projects, and
to keep their secrets inviolably. Their enemies shall be my enemies;
their friends, my friends. I invoke the great Ali, the first of men,
and the well-beloved of God, to bear witness to my word.

“Health.”

                                           (Signed and sealed.)

We remained six days encamped with the tribe of Sahid, and had thus
an opportunity of observing the difference between the customs of
these Bedouins and those of our provinces. The Persians are milder,
more sober, and more patient; but less brave, less generous, and less
respectful to the women: they have more religious prejudices, and
follow the precepts of the sect of Ali. Besides the lance, the gun, and
the sabre, they use the battle-axe.

Prince Sahid sent to the Drayhy two beautiful Persian mares, led by
two negroes: the latter, in return, made him a present of a black mare
of great value, of the race of Nedgdie, named Houban Neggir, and added
some ornaments for his wives.

We were encamped not far from Menouna, the last town of Persia, twenty
leagues from the frontiers of India, on the banks of a river which the
Bedouins call El Gitan.

On the seventh day we took leave of Sahid, and recommenced our march,
in order to reach Syria again before the heats of summer set in. We
marched rapidly, and without precautions, till one day, while we were
passing through the province of Karman, our beasts were carried off;
and the next day we were ourselves attacked by a powerful tribe,
commanded by the Emir Redaini, an imperious man, and jealous of his
authority, who constitutes himself the guardian of the caliphate
of Persia. These Bedouins, very superior in number, were as much
our inferiors in courage and tactics: our troops were vastly better
commanded. Our position was, however, extremely critical--we were lost
if the enemy gained the smallest advantage; for all the Bedouins of
the Karman would at once have surrounded us, and hemmed us in as with
a net, from which there would have been no possibility of escaping.
The necessity, then, of inspiring them with respect by a decisive
victory, which should at once cure them of any inclination to try
their strength with us for the future, was imperative; and the Drayhy
made the most skilful and best combined dispositions for ensuring the
triumph of courage over numbers: he displayed all the resources of his
military genius and long experience, and himself performed prodigies
of valour,--he had never commanded more calmly, nor fought more
impetuously: accordingly, the enemy was obliged to retreat, leaving us
at full liberty to pursue our homeward journey. The Drayhy, however,
considering that it would not be prudent to leave behind him a hostile
though beaten tribe, slackened his march, and sent a courier to the
Emir Sahid, to give him intelligence of what had passed. The messenger
returned in a few days, bringing a very friendly letter to the Drayhy,
enclosing a second, addressed in the following terms to Redaini:

“In the name of God the supreme: Be homage and respectful prayers ever
addressed to the greatest, the most powerful, the most honorable, the
wisest, and the handsomest of prophets! the bravest of the brave,
the greatest of the great, the caliph of caliphs, the master of the
sabre and of the red ruby, the converter of souls, the Iman Ali. This
letter is from Sahid el Bokhrani, the grandee of the two seas and of
the two Persias, to his brother the Emir Redaini, the son of Kronkiar.
We give you to know that our brother the Emir Drayhy Ebn Chahllan, of
the country of Bagdad and Damascus, is come from far to visit us and
form an alliance with us. He has marched on our land and eaten of our
bread; we have granted him our friendship, and moreover have entered
into particular engagements with him, from which great good and general
tranquillity will result. We desire that you do the same: take care
that you do not fail in this point, or you will lose our esteem, and
act in opposition to the will of God, and of the glorious Iman Ali.”

Here followed many citations from their holy books, the Giaffer el
Giameh, and the customary salutations.

We sent this letter to the Emir Redaini, who thereupon came to us,
accompanied by five hundred horsemen, all richly dressed in gold
brocades: their arms were mounted in chased silver, and the Damascus
blades of their sabres exquisitely worked. Some amicable explanations
having passed, Redaini copied with his own hand the particular treaty
of the Emir Sahid, and signed it: he then took coffee, but refused
to dine with us, the fanatics of the sect of Ali being prohibited
from eating either with Christians or Turks. To ratify his contract,
however, he swore upon bread and salt, and then embraced the Drayhy
with great protestations of fraternity. His tribe, called El Mehaziz,
numbers ten thousand tents. After taking leave of him, we continued
our journey by forced marches, advancing fifteen leagues a day without
halting. On reaching Bagdad, Sheik Ibrahim went into the city to take
up money; but the season requiring expedition, we lost as little time
as possible. In Mesopotamia we got news of the Wahabees. Ebn Sihoud
had given a very ill reception to his general, Hedal, after his
defeat, and had sworn to send a more powerful army than the former,
under his son, to take vengeance upon the Drayhy, and exterminate the
Bedouins of Syria; but after having obtained more correct information
respecting the resources and personal reputation of the Drayhy, he
changed his tone, and resolved to make an effort towards concluding
an alliance with him. Foreign events also gave an air of probability
to these rumours; for the Pacha of Egypt, Mehemet Ali, was preparing
an expedition to invade Arabia Petrea, and to take possession of the
riches of Mecca, which, for the present, were in the hands of Ebn
Sihoud. Either of these prospects was agreeable to our projects, which
would have been equally forwarded, whether his proposed alliance
took effect, or whether he was weakened by a foreign power. We were
continually meeting on our route tribes which had not yet signed the
treaty, but which eagerly took advantage of the opportunity of doing
so.[T] On arriving in Syria, we received a courier from the King of
the Wahabees, who brought us a little bit of paper, about three fingers
in breadth, and twice as long. They affect to use these diminutive
missives in contrast to the Turks, who write their firmans upon
large sheets of paper. The Arabian character takes so little room,
that in this small space was written a very long and sufficiently
imperious letter. It commenced with a sort of confession of faith, or
declaration, that God is one, universal, and without equal; then came
all the titles of the king whom God has invested with his sabre to
maintain his unity against the idolaters (the Christians) who affirm
the contrary. And it continued thus:--

“We, Abdallah, son of Abdel Aziz, son of Abdel Wahabs, son of Sihoud:
We give you to know, O son of Chahllan, (may the only adorable God
direct you in the right way!) that if you believe in God, you must obey
his slave Abdallah, to whom he has delegated his power, and come and
see us without fear. You shall be our well-beloved son; we will pardon
the past, and treat you as one of ourselves. But beware of obstinacy
and resistance to our call; for he who listens to us is reckoned in the
number of the inhabitants of paradise.

“Health.

                                            “Signed,
                               El Manhoud Menalla Ebn Sihoud Abdallah.”

On the reception of this letter we held a great council of war; and
after having deliberately weighed all the perils of the journey against
the advantages of the alliance of Ebn Sihoud, the Drayhy determined to
comply with this authoritative invitation. Sheik Ibrahim having asked
me if I felt my courage equal to undertaking a visit to this fanatic, I
replied:

“I am well aware that my risk is greater than that of others, on
account of his hatred of all Christians; but I put my confidence in
God. I must die once, and having already made a sacrifice of my life, I
am willing to undertake any task likely to promote the entire execution
of the enterprise upon which I have entered.”

A desire of seeing this extraordinary man and his curious country also
excited my courage, and having earnestly recommended my poor mother
to the protection of M. Lascaris, if I should die in this expedition,
I set out with the Drayhy, his second son Sahdoun, his nephew, his
cousin, two of the principal chiefs, and five negroes, all mounted on
dromedaries. During his father’s absence, Saher was to command the
tribe, and conduct it to Horran, to meet the Drayhy, who proposed
returning by the Hegiaz. We made our first halt among the Bedouins
Beny Toulab, whose sole wealth consists in a few asses, and who live
by hunting gazelles and ostriches. They wear the skins of gazelles
coarsely sewed together, forming long robes with very large sleeves;
and the fur being outside, their appearance much resembles that of
wild beasts: I have never seen anything so savage as their aspect.
They showed us an ostrich hunt, in which I was greatly interested.
The female ostrich lays her eggs in the sand, and takes up her station
at some distance, looking fixedly upon them: she covers them as it
were, with her eyes, which she never turns from the nest. She remains
thus immovable for half the day, until the male comes to relieve her.
She then goes in search of food whilst her mate keeps guard in his
turn. The hunter, when he has discovered the eggs, constructs a sort
of shed with stones to conceal himself, and waits behind it for the
favourable moment. When the female is left alone, and the male at a
sufficient distance to prevent his taking alarm at the report, he draws
his trigger, runs to pick up the unfortunate bird who has received her
mortal wound, wipes away the blood, and replaces her in her former
position near the eggs; the male, on his return, approaches fearlessly
to assume his office of guard, when the hunter, who has remained in
ambuscade, shoots him also, and thus bears away a double prize. If the
male has had any cause of alarm, he runs with velocity to a distance;
and if pursued, defends himself by flinging stones behind him with
extraordinary force, to the extent of a musket-shot:--it is moreover
prudent to keep at a distance from him when in a state of irritation,
for his elevated stature and vigorous strength would render a close
encounter very perilous, especially to the hunter’s eyes. When the
season of the ostrich chase is over, the Bedouins carry the feathers to
Damascus, or even as far as Bagdad, for sale.

These hunters, when about to marry, pledge half the profits of the
ensuing year’s chase to the father of the intended bride, as her
dowry. They hold the memory of Antar in high veneration, and proclaim
themselves his descendants: but how far the pretension is admissible, I
know not. They recite, however, numerous fragments of his poem.

After taking leave of them, we still proceeded at the rapid pace of
our dromedaries, and encamped on the borders of a very extensive lake,
called Raam Beni Hellal, which receives its waters from a mountain
which we had skirted.

The next day, having reached the middle of a dry and barren desert, we
discovered a little oasis, formed by the shrub called jorfa, and had
arrived within a few paces of it, when our dromedaries suddenly stopped
short, which we at first attributed to their inclination for resting
in a spot where the appearance of vegetation announced the probable
presence of water; but it was soon evident that their repugnance
arose from instinctive terror, manifested by all its outward tokens:
neither caresses nor menaces could induce them to stir. My curiosity
being excited to the highest degree, I alighted to investigate the
cause of their alarm: but I had no sooner entered the thicket, than I
involuntarily recoiled, for the ground was strewed with the skins of
serpents of all sizes and species. There were thousands of them; some
of the thickness of a ship’s cable, others as small as needles. We
hurried from the spot, offering up thanksgivings to God that the skins
alone of these venomous reptiles had fallen in our way. No shelter
appearing as night closed in, we were obliged to pass it in the open
desert: but the horrible spectacle of the thicket was too forcibly
impressed upon my imagination to permit me to close my eyes; I expected
every moment to see an enormous serpent glide under the covering of my
tent, and rear its menacing head beside my pillow.

The following day we overtook a considerable tribe of Wahabees coming
from Samarcand: we carefully concealed our pipes from them,--for Ebn
Sihoud severely prohibits smoking, and punishes any infraction of his
laws with death. The Emir Medjioun hospitably entertained us, but could
not suppress his surprise at our hardihood in thus placing ourselves
at the mercy of the Wahabee, whose ferocious character he depicted to
us in the most frightful terms. He did not dissemble that we ran great
hazard; Ebn Sihoud’s deceitful promises, which he lavishes without
scruple, being no guarantee against the most infamous treachery. The
Drayhy himself, full of loyalty, had advanced on the faith of the
king’s invitation, his imagination never suggesting the possibility
of a breach of promise, and began now to repent his too credulous
confidence; but pride prevented his retreating, and we prosecuted
our journey. We soon reached the Nedgde, a country intersected with
mountains and valleys, studded with nomade camps, and abounding in
towns and villages, the former of which appear to be very ancient, and
attest a former population much richer and more numerous than that by
which they are now occupied. The villages are peopled with Bedouin
husbandmen; and the soil produces corn, table vegetables, and dates
in abundance. We were told by the inhabitants, that the aborigines had
abandoned their country to establish themselves in Africa, under the
conduct of one of their princes, named Beni Hetal.

We everywhere experienced a warm-hearted hospitality, but heard
interminable complaints of the tyranny of Ebn Sihoud, under whose
dominion these people seem to be retained by fear alone.

At length after fourteen days’ journey, at the pace of our dromedaries,
which may be reckoned at triple the distance traversed by a caravan
in the same space of time, we arrived in the capital of the Wahabees.
The city is surrounded and concealed by a wood of palms, called the
Palm-trees of Darkisch, which serves it as a rampart, and is so thickly
planted as scarcely to admit the passage of a horseman between the
trunks of the trees. Having made our way through these, we came to a
second barrier, composed of little hillocks of date-stones, resembling
a bank of small pebbles, and behind it the town-wall, along which we
rode to the entrance-gate, and, passing through it, soon reached the
king’s palace, a large edifice of two stories, built of white hewn
stones.

Ebn Sihoud, on being informed of our arrival, ordered us to be ushered
into an elegant and well-furnished apartment, where a plentiful
repast was set before us. This beginning seemed to augur well, and
we congratulated ourselves upon not having yielded to the suspicions
which had been suggested to us. The same night, having suitably
attired ourselves, we were presented to the king; whom we found to
be about forty-five years of age, with a harsh countenance, a bronzed
complexion, and a very black beard. He was dressed in a robe fastened
round the loins by a white sash, a striped turban of red and white
on his head, and a black embroidered mantle thrown over his left
shoulder, holding in his right hand the sceptre of the King of Mahlab,
the ensign of his authority. He was seated, surrounded by the grandees
of his court, at the extremity of a large audience-chamber, richly
furnished with mats, carpets, and cushions. The draperies, as well as
the king’s habiliments, were of cotton or the wool of Yemen,--silk
being prohibited in his dominions, together with everything that would
recall the luxury or customs of the Turks. I had leisure for making
my observations; for when Ebn Sihoud had answered concisely and in a
chilling tone to the Drayhy’s compliments, we seated ourselves, and
waited in silence till he should propose a subject of conversation.
The Drayhy, however, observing that after half an hour had elapsed he
neither ordered coffee nor cleared his brow, opened the conference
himself by thus addressing him:--

“I see, O son of Sihoud, that our reception from you is not such as
we had a right to expect. We have travelled through your territories,
and are come under your roof, upon your own invitation: if you have
anything to allege against us, speak--conceal nothing from us.”

Ebn Sihoud, casting a fiery glance at him, replied:

“Yes, truly, I have many things to allege against you: your crimes are
unpardonable! You have revolted against me; you have refused to obey
me, and you have devastated the tribe of Sachrer, in Galilee, knowing
that it belonged to me.

“You have corrupted the Bedouins, and confederated them against me, and
against my authority.

“You have destroyed my armies, pillaged my camps, and supported my
mortal enemies, those idolaters, those profaners, those rascals, those
debauchees, the Turks.”

Growing more and more exasperated as he spoke, and accumulating
invective upon invective, his rage at last exceeded all bounds, and he
concluded by commanding us to leave his presence and await his pleasure.

I saw the Drayhy’s eyes kindle, his nostrils swell, and I dreaded
every instant an explosion of impotent wrath, which could only have
served to drive the king to extremities; but, reflecting that he was
entirely defenceless, he refrained himself, rose with dignity, and
slowly retired to meditate what course he should pursue. All men
trembled before the fury of Ebn Sihoud, and none dared to oppose his
will. For two days and nights we remained in our apartment, hearing
and seeing nothing. No one cared to approach us; even those who on our
first arrival appeared most forward in our service, either shunned
us, or laughed at our easy credulity in the good faith of a man whose
perfidious and sanguinary character was so well known. We expected
momentarily to see the tyrant’s satellites appear to massacre us, and
sought in vain for some means of extricating ourselves from his grasp.
On the third day, the Drayhy, declaring he preferred death to suspense,
sent for one of the ministers of the Wahabee, named Abou el Sallem, and
commissioned him to deliver this message to his master.

“What you propose to do, do quickly; I shall not reproach you--I shall
blame myself alone for surrendering myself into your hands.”

El Sallem obeyed, but returned not; and our only answer was the sight
of twenty-five armed negroes, who ranged themselves before our door. We
were then decidedly prisoners!--how I deprecated the foolish curiosity
which had so gratuitously drawn me into peril! The Drayhy had no fear
of death; but constraint was insupportable to him,--he walked to and
fro with rapid strides, like a lion before the bars of his cage, and at
last broke out:--

“I am determined to make an end of the matter; I will speak to Ebn
Sihoud and reproach him with his perfidy; I see that mildness and
patience are unavailing, and I am resolved to die with dignity.”

Again he summoned El Sallem; and the moment he appeared, “Return
to your master,” said he, “and inform him that by the faith of the
Bedouins I demand the right of speaking to him: there will still be
time to follow his own pleasure after he has heard me.”

The Wahabee granted an audience, and El Sallem introduced us. Arrived
in his presence, the king left us standing, and made no return to our
customary salutations.

“What do you want?” said he roughly.

The Drayhy, drawing himself up with dignity, replied:

“I am come to see you, O son of Sihoud, on the faith of your promises,
and with a suite of only ten men: I command thousands of warriors.
We are defenceless in your hands, you are in the centre of your
power:--you may crush us like ashes; but know, that from the frontier
of India, to the frontier of Nedgde, in Persia, in Bussora, in
Mesopotamia, Hemad, the two Syrias, Galilee, and Horan, every man who
wears the caftan will demand my blood at your hands, and will take
vengeance for my death. If you are, as you pretend, the King of the
Bedouins, how can you stoop to treachery? that is the vile practice
of the Turks. Treachery is not for the strong, but for the weak or
the cowardly. You who boast of your armies, and claim to hold your
authority from God himself, if you would not tarnish your glory,
restore me to my country, and openly contend with me by force of arms;
for by abusing my confidence, you will dishonour yourself, render
yourself an object of universal contempt, and occasion the ruin of your
kingdom. I have said: now take your pleasure,--but you will one day
repent it. I am only one among thousands; my death will not diminish my
tribe, will not extinguish the race of Cholan. My son Sahen will supply
my place: he remains to lead my Bedouins, and to avenge my blood. Be
warned then, and open your eyes to the truth.”

During this harangue, the king stroked his beard, and gradually calmed
himself. After a moment’s silence:

“Go in peace,” said he; “nothing but good will happen to you.”

We then retired, but were still guarded.

This successful beginning encouraged the courtiers, who had heard with
terror the daring words of the Drayhy, and were astonished at the
tyrant’s endurance of them. They began again to gather round us, and
Abou el Sallem invited us to dinner. But I did not feel very confident
on my own score; I thought indeed Ebn Sihoud might not venture upon
extremities with the Drayhy, but feared lest he might ascribe his
wrongs to my counsels, and sacrifice me, an obscure giaour, to his
resentment. These apprehensions I imparted to the Drayhy, who reassured
me, swearing that no attempt should reach me but over his corpse, and
that I should first pass out through the gates of Darkisch.

The next day Ebn Sihoud sent for us, received us very graciously, and
had coffee served to us. Presently he began to question the Drayhy
about the persons who accompanied him. My turn is now coming, thought
I, and my heart palpitated a little. I recovered myself, however; and
when the Drayhy had named me, the king, turning towards me, said:

“You then are Abdallah the Christian?”

And on my answering in the affirmative,

“I see,” continued he, “that your actions are much greater than your
stature.”

“A musket-ball,” I replied, “is small, yet it kills great men.”

He smiled.

“I find it very difficult,” he resumed, “to credit all that I hear of
you: I would have you answer me frankly; what is the object of the
alliance which you have been labouring so many years to accomplish?”

“Its object is very simple,” answered I. “We are desirous to unite
all the Bedouins of Syria under the command of the Drayhy, to resist
the Turks; you may perceive that we are by these means forming an
impenetrable barrier between you and your enemies.”

“Very well,” said he; “but that being your object, why did you
endeavour to destroy my armies before Hama?”

“Because,” I replied, “you were an obstacle to our projects. It was not
for you, but for the Drayhy, that we were labouring. His power once
established in Syria, Mesopotamia, and to the confines of Persia, we
were willing to enter into alliance with you, and become by that means
invulnerable in the possession of our entire liberty. Children of the
same nation, we have but one cause to defend: for this purpose we came
here to cement an indissoluble union with you. You received us in an
offensive manner, and the Drayhy on his part has reproached you in
offensive terms; but our intentions were sincere, and we have proved
them so by confiding ourselves unarmed to your good faith.”

The king’s countenance cleared up more and more as I spoke; and when I
had ceased, he said,

“I am satisfied.”

Then, turning to his slaves, he ordered _three_ cups of coffee. I
internally thanked God for inspiring me with words that proved so
successful. The rest of the visit passed off well, and we retired well
satisfied. In the evening we were invited by one of the ministers to a
grand supper, and confidentially entertained with the cruelties of his
master, and the universal execration in which he was held. His immense
treasures were also a topic of discussion: those he had acquired by
the pillage of Mecca are incalculable. From the earliest period of the
Hegira, Mussulman princes, the caliphs, the sultans, and the kings of
Persia, send annually to the tomb of the Prophet considerable presents
in jewels, lamps, and candelabras of gold, precious stones, &c. besides
the offerings from the commonalty of the faithful. The throne alone,
the gift of a Persian king, composed of massive gold, inlaid with
pearls and diamonds, was of inestimable value. Every prince on his
accession sends a crown of gold, enriched with precious stones, to
be suspended from the roofs of the chapel, and they were innumerable
when Ebn Sihoud plundered it: one diamond alone, as large as a walnut,
was considered invaluable. When we consider all that the lapse of
centuries had accumulated on that one point, it is not surprising that
the king should have carried away forty camels laden with jewellery,
besides articles of massive gold and silver. Taking into calculation
these inexhaustible treasures, and the tithes which he raises annually
from his allies, I think he may be regarded as the richest monarch
upon earth; especially as his expenses are very trifling,--as he
rigorously prohibits luxury, and as in time of war each tribe furnishes
subsistence for its armies, and bears all its own charges and losses,
for which no compensation is ever recovered.

So delighted was I with the recovery of my liberty, that I spent all
the next day in walking about and visiting every part of Darkisch and
its environs. The town, built of white stone, contains seven thousand
inhabitants, almost all kinsmen, ministers, or generals of Ebn Sihoud.
No artizans are found there. The only trades exercised in the town are
those of armourers and farriers, and few persons are engaged even in
them. Nothing is to be purchased, not even food, for which every one
depends on his own means,--that is to say, upon an estate or garden,
producing corn, vegetables and fruits, and affording nourishment to
a few fowls. Their numerous herds browse in the plain; and every
Wednesday the inhabitants of Yemen and Mecca assemble to exchange
their merchandise for cattle; a species of fair, which forms the sole
commerce of the country. The women appear unveiled, but throw their
black mantles over their faces,--a very disgraceful custom: they are
generally ugly and excessively dark-complexioned. The gardens, situated
in a charming valley near the town, on the opposite side to that by
which we had entered, produce the finest fruits in the world,--bananas,
oranges, pomegranates, figs, apples, melons, &c. intermixed with barley
and maize,--and are carefully watered.

The next morning, the king again summoned us to him, received us
very graciously, and questioned me closely respecting the various
European sovereigns, especially Napoleon, for whom he testified
great admiration. Nothing delighted him so much as the recital of
the emperor’s conquests; and happily my frequent intercourse with M.
Lascaris had furnished me with many details to entertain him with. At
the account of every battle, he would exclaim--

“Surely this man is an emissary of God: I am persuaded he must be
in intimate communion with his Creator, since he is thus singularly
favoured.”

His affability towards me having gradually but rapidly increased, he
suddenly changed the subject of conversation, and said at last,

“Abdallah, I desire to hear the truth from you: what is the basis of
Christianity?”

Aware of the Wahabee’s prejudices, I trembled at this question; but
mentally praying for divine inspiration,

“The basis of all religion, O son of Sihoud!” I said, “is belief in
God. The Christians deem, as you do, that there is one only God, the
Creator of the universe; who punishes the wicked, pardons the penitent,
and recompenses the good: that He alone is great, merciful, and
almighty.”

“Very well,” said he; “but how do you pray?”

I repeated the _Pater-noster_: he made his secretary write at my
dictation, read and re-read it, and placed it inside his vest; then,
pursuing his interrogatory, asked me to which side we turned to pray.

“We pray on all sides,” answered I, “for God is everywhere.”

“That opinion I entirely approve,” said he: “but you must have precepts
as well as prayers.”

I repeated the ten commandments given by God to his prophet Moses,
which he appeared to know, and continued his inquiries.

“And Jesus Christ,--in what light do you consider him?”

“As the Incarnate Word of God.”

“But he was crucified?”

“As the Divine Word, he could not die; but as man, he suffered for the
sins of the wicked.”

“That is marvellous. And the sacred book which God inspired through
Jesus Christ, is it revered among you?--do you exactly conform to its
doctrine?”

“We preserve it with the greatest reverence, and in all things obey its
injunctions.”

“The Turks,” said he, “have made a god of their prophet, and pray over
his tomb like idolaters. Cursed be those who ascribe to the Creator an
equal! may the sabre exterminate them!”

His invectives against the Turks increasing in vehemence, he proceeded
to censure the use of the pipe, of wine, and of unclean meats; while I
was too happy in having adroitly extricated myself from the discussion
of dangerous questions, to presume to contradict him on insignificant
points, and allowed him to believe me a despiser of that villanous
herb, as he called tobacco; which drew a smile from the Drayhy, who was
well aware that the present prohibition of it was the greatest possible
privation to me, and that I availed myself of every opportunity which
promised impunity to withdraw my beloved pipe from its concealment:
that day, in particular, my longing for it was extreme, having talked
much and drunk very strong Mocha coffee.

The king appeared delighted with our conversation, and said to me,--“I
see that we may always learn something. I have hitherto believed the
Christians to be the most superstitious of men; but I am now convinced
that they approach much nearer to the true religion than the Turks.”

Ebn Sihoud is on the whole a well-informed and very eloquent man,
but fanatical in his religious opinions: he has a legitimate wife
and a concubine; two sons, both married, and a daughter still young.
He eats nothing but what is prepared by his wives, for fear of being
poisoned. The guard of his palace is committed to a troop of a thousand
well-armed negroes. He can raise within his territories fifteen hundred
thousand Bedouins capable of bearing arms. When he intends to nominate
the governor of a province, he invites the person on whom his choice
has fallen to dinner, and after the repast they unite in ablutions and
prayer; after which the king, arming him with a sabre, says to him,--

“I have elected you, by command of God, to govern these slaves: be
humane and just; gather punctually the tithe, and cut off the heads
of Turks and infidels who say that God has an equal--let none such
establish themselves within your jurisdiction. May the Lord give
victory to those who believe in his unity!”

He then delivers to him a small writing, enjoining the inhabitants to
obey the governor in all things, under the severest penalties.

The next day we visited the king’s stables; and I think it would be
impossible for an amateur of horses to have a more gratifying sight.
The first objects of attention were twenty-four white mares, ranged in
single file, all of incomparable beauty, and so exactly alike that it
was not possible to distinguish the one from the other: their hair,
brilliant as silver, dazzled my eyes. A hundred and twenty others, of
various coats, but equally elegant in form, occupied another building;
and even I, notwithstanding my antipathy to horses since the accident
which had so nearly cost my life, could not help admiring the beautiful
tenants of these stables.

We supped that evening with Hedal, the general-in-chief, who was
reconciled with the Drayhy; and the famous Abou Nocta, who was of the
party, was extremely polite to him. For several days we met in secret
conclave, treating with Ebn Sihoud; but the details of the negotiation
would be superfluous. It is sufficient to say, that an alliance was
concluded between him and the Drayhy to their mutual satisfaction, and
the king declared _that their two bodies would be henceforth directed
by one soul_. The treaty being ratified, he invited us for the first
time to eat with him, and tasted each dish before it was offered to us.
As he had never seen any one eat otherwise than with their fingers, I
carved a spoon and fork out of a piece of wood, spread my handkerchief
for a napkin, and ate my dinner after the European fashion, which
highly diverted him.

“Thanks be to God!” said he, “every nation believes its customs the
best possible, and each is therefore content with its condition.”

Our departure being fixed for the following day, the king sent us as
a present seven of his most beautiful mares, their bridles held by as
many black slaves mounted on camels; and when each of us had made his
choice, we were presented with sabres, the blades of which were very
handsome, but the scabbards quite unornamented. To our servants also he
gave more ordinary sabres, saddle-cloths, and a hundred tallarins each.

We took leave of Ebn Sihoud with the customary ceremonies, and were
accompanied beyond the walls by all the officers of his court. Arrived
at the gates, the Drayhy stopped, and turning to me, invited me to pass
first, wishing, he told me, with a smile, to keep his promise. And I
confess, that all the civilities we had latterly received, had not so
far effaced from my mind the impression of the suspense and anguish we
had previously experienced, but that I rejoiced to find myself beyond
the barriers.

We took the road to Heggias, resting every night with one of the tribes
which overspread the desert. The fifth day, after passing the night
under the tents of El Henadi, we rose with the sun, and went out to
saddle our dromedaries; but found them, to our great amazement, with
their heads plunged deeply into the sand, from whence it was impossible
to disengage them. Calling to our aid the Bedouins of the tribe, they
informed us that the circumstance presaged the simoom, which would
not long delay its devastating course, and that we could not proceed
without facing certain death. Providence has endowed the camel with an
instinctive presentiment for its preservation. It is sensible two or
three hours beforehand of the approach of this terrific scourge of the
desert, and turning its face away from the wind, buries itself in the
sand; and neither force nor want can move it from its position, either
to eat or drink, while the tempest lasts, though it should be for
several days.

Learning the danger which threatened us, we shared the general terror,
and hastened to adopt all the precautions enjoined us. Horses must not
only be placed under shelter, but have their heads covered and their
ears stopped; they would otherwise be suffocated by the whirlwinds of
fine and subtle sand which the wind sweeps furiously before it. Men
assemble under their tents, stopping up every crevice with extreme
caution; and having provided themselves with water placed within reach,
throw themselves on the ground, covering their heads with a mantle, and
stir no more till the desolating hurricane has passed.

That morning all was tumult in the camp; every one endeavouring to
provide for the safety of his beasts, and then precipitately retiring
under the protection of his tent. We had scarcely time to secure our
beautiful Nedgde mares before the storm began. Furious gusts of wind
were succeeded by clouds of red and burning sands, whirling round with
fierce impetuosity, and overthrowing or burying under their drifted
mountains whatever they encountered. If any part of the body is by
accident exposed to its touch, the flesh swells as if a hot iron had
been passed over it. The water intended to refresh us with its coolness
was boiling, and the temperature of the tent exceeded that of a Turkish
bath. The tempest lasted ten hours in its greatest fury, and then
gradually sunk for the following six: another hour, and we must all
have been suffocated. When at length we ventured to issue from our
tents, a dreadful spectacle awaited us: five children, two women, and a
man were extended dead on the still burning sand; and several Bedouins
had their faces blackened and entirely calcined, as if by the action of
an ardent furnace. When any one is struck on the head by the simoom,
the blood flows in torrents from his mouth and nostrils, his face
swells and turns black, and he soon dies of suffocation. We thanked the
Lord that we had not ourselves been surprised by this terrible scourge
in the midst of the desert, but had been preserved from so frightful a
death.

When the weather permitted us to leave the camp of Henadi, twelve
hours’ march brought us back to our tribe. I embraced Sheik Ibrahim
with true filial love, and several days elapsed in the mutual recital
of our adventures. When I had perfectly recovered my fatigues, M.
Lascaris said to me:

“My dear son, we have no longer any business here. Thanks be to God,
all is accomplished! and my enterprise has succeeded beyond my most
sanguine hopes: we must now return to give an account of our mission.”

We quitted our friends in the hope of soon seeing them at the head of
the expedition to which we had opened and smoothed the way. Passing
through Damascus, Aleppo, and Caramania, we reached Constantinople in
the month of April, after ninety days’ travelling, frequently across
tracts of snow. In the course of that fatiguing journey I lost my
handsome Nedgdian mare, the gift of Ebn Sihoud, which I had calculated
on selling for at least thirty thousand piastres: but this was only
the forerunner of the misfortunes which awaited us. Constantinople was
ravaged by the plague; and General Andreossi lodged us at Keghat-Kani,
where we spent three months in quarantine, and, during that time, were
informed of the fatal catastrophe of Moscow and the retreat of the
French army upon Paris. M. Lascaris was in despair, and for two months
his plan of proceeding was quite undecided. At length, determining to
return into Syria, and there wait the issue of events, we embarked
on board a vessel freighted with corn; but a violent storm drove us
to Chios, where we again encountered the plague. M. de Bourville,
the French consul, procured us a lodging, in which we remained for
two months closely shut up; and there, our property having become a
prey to the tempest, while contagion cut us off from all external
communication, we were nearly without clothing, and exposed to the
greatest privations.

Communications were at length restored; and M. Lascaris having
received a letter from our consul-general at Smyrna, inviting him to a
conference there with the Generals Lallemand and Savary, determined to
comply, and allowed me meanwhile to visit my poor mother, whom I had
not seen for six years.

My travels no longer offering any thing of interest to the public,
I shall pass over the interval which elapsed between my separation
from M. Lascaris and my return to Syria, and hasten to the melancholy
conclusion.

While staying at Latakia with my mother, and daily expecting the
arrival of a ship that might transport me to Egypt, where I had been
ordered by M. Lascaris to rejoin him, I saw a French brig of war enter
the port, and hastened to inquire for letters. Alas! those letters
brought me the afflicting intelligence of the decease of my benefactor
at Cairo. My grief baffled description: I entertained a filial
affection for M. Lascaris; besides which, all my future prospects had
expired with him. M. Drovetti, French consul in Alexandria, wrote
to desire I would come to him as soon as possible; but it was forty
days before I could find an opportunity of embarking, and when I
reached Alexandria, M. Drovetti had set out for Upper Egypt; thither I
followed, and overtook him at Asscout. He informed me that M. Lascaris
having entered Egypt with an English passport, Mr. Salt, the English
consul, had taken possession of all his effects. He persuaded me,
therefore, to apply to that gentleman for payment of my stipend of five
hundred tallarins per annum, which was nearly six years in arrear; and
especially recommended me to insist strongly on the restitution of M.
Lascaris’s manuscript journal, a document of vast importance.

I immediately returned to Cairo; but Mr. Salt received me very coldly,
and told me that M. Lascaris having died under English protection, he
had transmitted his property and papers to England. All my attempts
were therefore futile; and after a long detention at Cairo, in the
vain hope of obtaining either payment of my arrears or the papers of
my patron, Mr. Salt at last menaced me with procuring my arrest by
the Egyptian authorities; and to the protection of M. Drovetti alone I
owe my escape from this new peril. Weary of so profitless a struggle,
I returned to Latakia and my family, more unhappy and less rich than I
had at first quitted it on my expedition to Aleppo.


                 END OF FATALLA SAYEGHIR’S STORY.


NOTE.

It was my intention to have added here a few translations, for the
purpose of giving the reader some idea of modern Arabian poetry; but
I understand that an able hand, and one more practised than mine, is
already employed on the task. A volume, entitled _A Miscellany of
French and Oriental Literature_, by J. Augoub, will appear in a few
days.[U] I was acquainted with the author, a young poet of the highest
promise, prematurely snatched from his family and his fame. He was born
in Egypt, and had been educated in France. The original fragments which
he has left behind, and doubtless also these translations, breathe the
deep and ardent colouring of his native skies, combined with the purity
of French taste. These works, published by his widow, are the only
legacy he has bequeathed to his family and his country.

I have inserted in these volumes a few fragments extracted from the
publication here announced, assured that they will but stimulate the
reader’s desire for a further acquaintance with them.

                                          A. DE LAMARTINE.

 15th April, 1835.



MAOULS,

 Or Popular Romances of the Modern Arabs; extracted from a Collection
       entitled, “A Miscellany of French and Oriental Literature,” by
       _J. Augoub_.


Now that thy stature, like the young shoot of a palm, is slender and
graceful, grant me thy caresses. O my best beloved, let us make use
of time as it flies! Close not against love the avenue to thy favour.
Believe me, beauty is evanescent; its empire has never yet been
prolonged for a mortal.

They have compared thee to the queen of the nightly firmament; but how
greatly do they err in their language! Has the moon those beautiful
black eyes, with their sparkling pupils? The rushes bend and sway
before the gentlest breath of the zephyr; thou, who resemblest them by
thy slight figure--thou seest all men bend before thee!

If the torment of my heart causes happiness to thine, torment me; for
my happiness is bound up in thine,--if, indeed, thine is not far dearer
to me than my own. If thou wishest to take my life--if the sacrifice
of it is necessary to thee--take it, O thou who alone art my life, and
incense not thyself against me!

What harm would it be, young beauty, if thou shouldest treat me with
more justice? Thou wouldest cure my grievous malady by a remedy which
would relieve me from the necessity of having recourse to the Canon of
Avicene.[V] Whenever I contemplate thy beautiful eyebrows, I recognize
in them the graceful contour of the houn;[W] and thy voice is sweeter
to my ear than the sound of the harp and the cithern.[X]

When my best beloved passed by, the branch of the neighbouring willow
was jealous of her delicate figure; the rose bent her head for shame
when she saw the bright colour of her cheek; and I exclaimed,--O thou
who beyond recovery hast captivated my soul, the glance of thine eye
has opened a wound in my bosom which will not be cured to the end of my
life!

I love, I love an adolescent, and my passion burns like a flame at
the bottom of my heart. When love glided into my bosom, scarcely did
the tender down shade the cheek of my lover. Oh, I love! and it is
for thee, my well-beloved, that my tears flow; and I swear by Him who
created love, that my heart has never known tenderness but for thee! I
offer to thee my first flame.

When the night deepens its shadows, it is to imitate the blackness
of thy curling locks; when the day shines in its purest splendour,
it is to recall to mind the dazzling brightness of thy countenance:
the exhalations of the aloes are less sweet than the perfume of thy
breath; and the lover, enamoured of thy charms, shall pass his life in
recounting thy praises.

My best-beloved comes forth, but her countenance is veiled; yet at
sight of her all minds are bewildered. The slender branch in the Valley
of Camels becomes jealous of her flexible and attractive form. Suddenly
she raises her hand and removes the curious veil which concealed her,
and the inhabitants of the land utter cries of surprise. Is it a flash
of lightning, say they, which illuminates our dwellings? or have the
Arabs lighted fires in the desert?


  --------------+--------------------------+----------+-------------
                |                          |  Number  | Probable
      Names     |   Names of Commanders    | of Tents | Number of
    of Tribes.  |        of Tribes.        | in each  | Persons in
                |                          |  Tribe.  | each Tribe.
  --------------+--------------------------+----------+-------------
                |                          |          |
  El-Ammour     | Soultan El-Brrak         |      500 |     5,000
  El-Hassné     | Mehamma El Fadel Eben    |          |
                |    Melhgem               |    1,500 |    15,000
  Would Aly     | Douhi Eben Sammir        |    5,000 |    50,000
  El-Serhaan    | Adgham Eben Ali          |    1,200 |    12,000
  El-Sarddié    | Fedghem Eben Sarraage    |    1,800 |    18,000
  Benni Sakhrer | Sellamé Eben Fakhrer     |    2,700 |    27,000
  El-Doualla    | Drayhy Eben Chahllan     |    5,000 |    50,000
  El-Harba      | Fares El-Harba           |    4,000 |    40,000
  El-Suallemè   | Auad Eben Giandal        |    1,500 |    15,000
  El-Ollama     | Taffaissan Eben Sarraage |    1,400 |    14,000
  Abdellé       | Selam Eben Mehgiel       |    1,200 |    12,000
  El-Refacha    | Zarrak                   |      800 |     8,000
  El-Wualdè     | Giandal El-Mehidi        |    1,600 |    16,000
  El-Mofanfakhr | Hammoud El-Tammer        |    5,000 |    50,000
  El-Cherarah   | Abedd Eben Sobaihi       |    2,300 |    23,000
  El-Achgaha    | Dehass Eben Ali          |    2,000 |    20,000
  El-Salca      | Giassem Eben Geraimess   |    3,000 |    30,000
  El-Giomllan   | Zarrak Ebn Fakhrer       |    1,200 |    12,000
  El-Giahma     | Giarah Eben Mehgiel      |    1,500 |    15,000
  El-Ballahiss  | Ghaleb Eben Ramdoun      |    1,400 |    14,000
  El-Maslekhr   | Faress Eben Nadjed       |    2,000 |    20,000
  El-Khrassa    | Zehayran Eben Houad      |    2,000 |    20,000
  El-Mahlac     | Nabec Eben Habed         |    3,000 |    30,000
  El-Merackhrat | Roudan Eben Soultan      |    1,500 |    15,000
  El-Zeker      | Motlac Eben Fayhan       |      800 |     8,000
  El-Bechakez   | Faress Eben Aggib        |      500 |     5,000
  El-Chiamssi   | Cassem El-Wukban         |    1,000 |    10,000
  El-Fuaher     | Sallamé El-Nahessan      |      600 |     6,000
  El-Salba      | Mehanna El-Saneh         |      800 |     8,000
  El-Fedhan     | Douackhry Eben Ghabiaïn  |    5,000 |    50,000
  El-Salkeh     | Ali Eben Geraimess       |    3,000 |    30,000
  El-Messahid   | Nehaiman Eben Fehed      |    3,500 |    35,000
  El-Sabha      | Mohdi Eben Heïd          |    4,000 |    40,000
  Benni Dehabb  | Chatti Eben Harab        |    5,000 |    50,000
  El-Fekaka     | Astaoui Eben Tayar       |    1,500 |    15,000
  El-Hamamid    | Chatti Eben Faress       |    1,500 |    15,000
  El-Daffir     | Auad Eben Motlac         |    2,300 |    23,000
  El-Hegiager   | Sellamé Eben Barac       |      800 |     8,000
  El-Khrezahel  | Khrenkiar El-Alimy       |    3,000 |    30,000
  Benni Tay     | Hamdi Eben Tamer         |    4,000 |    40,000
  El-Huarig     | Habac Eben Mahdan        |    3,500 |    35,000
  El-Mehazez    | Redaini Eben Khronkiar   |    6,000 |    60,000
  El-Berkazè    | Sahdoun Eben Wuali       |    1,300 |    13,000
  El-Nahimm     | Faheh Eben Saleh         |      300 |     3,000
  Bouharba      | Alyan Eben Nadjed        |      500 |     5,000
                                           +----------+----------
                                           |  102,000 | 1,020,000


THE END.


FOOTNOTES:

[A] According to Arab law, murder is compensated by money; and the sum
is fixed according to circumstances.

[B] This bottle was taken with all the rest into Egypt.

[C] An Arabic expression implying extent of dominion.

[D] A title of a Turkish officer, used in derision by the Bedouins.

[E] Turban of ceremony, (Turkish.)

[F] Destroyer of the Turks.

[G] Every Bedouin accustoms his horse to some sign when it is to put
out all its speed. He employs it only on pressing occasions, and never
confides the secret even to his own son.

[H] A pun not easy to translate: _Serah_ means gone; _Serhan_, wolf.

[I] When a Bedouin voluntarily gives up his horse to his adversary, he
may neither kill him nor make him prisoner.

[J] Ebn Sihoud, King of the Wahabees, is often called by this name.

[K] This imaginary princess was no other than lady Hester Stanhope.

[L] The ceremony is called the _hasnat_.

[M] These chiefs were, Zarack Ebn Fahrer, chief of the tribe El
Gioullan; Giarah Ebn Meghiel, chief of the tribe El Giahma; Ghaleb Ebn
Ramdoun, chief of the tribe El Ballahiss; and Fares Ebn Nedged, chief
of the tribe El Maslekher.

[N] Female camels of the most beautiful species.

[O] An equestrian exercise with sticks, called djerids, which are
lanced like javelins.

[P] The tribe El Krassa, whose chief was Zahaman Ebn Houad; the tribe
El Mahlac, with its chief Ebn Habed; the tribe El Meraikhrat, its chief
Roudan Ebn Abed; and the tribe El Zeker, its chief Matlac Ebn Fayhan.

[Q] Fares Ebn Aggib, chief of the tribe El Bechakez, with five hundred
tents; Cassan Ebn Unkban, chief of the tribe El Chiamssi, one thousand
tents; Selame Ebn Nahssan, chief of the tribe El Fuaher, six hundred
tents; Mehanna el Saneh, chief of the tribe El Salba, eight hundred
tents.

[R] The tribe of El Fedhan, composed of five thousand tents; that of
El Sabha, four thousand tents; El Fekaka, one thousand five hundred;
El Messahid, three thousand five hundred; El Salca, three thousand;
finally, that of Benni Dehabb, five thousand.

[S] The tribe of Beny Tay, composed of 4,000 tents; that of El
Hamarnid, 1,500 tents; of El Daffir, 2,500 tents; of El Hegiager, 800
tents; and lastly, that of El Khresahel, 3,000.

[T] At Maktal El Abed, we met two tribes, that of Berkaje, commanded by
Sahdoun Ebn Wuali, 1300 tents strong, and that of Mahimen, commanded by
Fahed Ebn Salche, of 300 tents. Crossing the Euphrates before Haiff,
we concluded an alliance with Alayan Ebn Nadjed, chief of the tribe of
Bouharba, which reckoned 500 tents.

[U] Published by Abel Ledoux.

[V] The celebrated treatise on medicine by Ebn Sina.

[W] This Arabic letter is of a bent form.

[X] A stringed instrument.

       *       *       *       *       *



Transcriber’s note


Minor punctuation errors have been changed without notice.
Inconsistencies in hyphenation have been standardized. Spelling has
been retained as published.

The spelling of the tribe El Hassnnée was standardized to include the
accent mark.

  =CHANGED  FROM                          TO=
  Page 11:  “manners are every thing”     “manners are everything”
  Page 47:  “MEHANNA EL FFADEL”           “MEHANNA EL FADEL”
  Page 69:  “Nabbee was armed with”       “Nabee was armed with”
  Page 71:  “Damascus for merchandize”    “Damascus for merchandise”
  Page 76:  “me for my weaknes”           “me for my weakness”
  Page 104: “des rous of securing”        “desirous of securing”
  Page 110: “arrived at a spot were”      “arrived at a spot where”
  Page 136: “the prayer _Faliha_”         “the prayer _Fatiha_”
  Page 137: “enemies be extingushed”      “enemies be extinguished”
  Page 149: “_cafia_ (handkercheif)”      “_cafia_ (handkerchief)”
  Page 153: “Drayhy ordered the Hatfé”    “Drayhy ordered the hatfé”
  Page 158: “enthusiastically rece ved”   “enthusiastically received”
  Page 204: “Chatti Eben Faress 15,00”    “Chatti Eben Faress 1,500”
  Page 204: “Auad Eben Motlac 23,00”      “Auad Eben Motlac 2,300”




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