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Title: The War of Chupas
Author: Leon, Pedro de Cieza de
Language: English
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WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society.
THE WAR OF CHUPAS
SECOND SERIES
No. XLII
ISSUED FOR 1917
COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY xliv
ALBERT GRAY, Esq., C.B., K.C., _President_.
THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD BELHAVEN AND STENTON,
_Vice-President_.
THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD PECKOVER OF WISBECH,
_Vice-President_.
ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET THE RIGHT HON. SIR EDWARD HOBART
SEYMOUR, G.C.B., O.M., G.C.V.O., LL.D., _Vice-President_.
BOLTON GLANVILL CORNEY, Esq., I.S.O.
M. LONGWORTH DAMES, Esq.
WILLIAM FOSTER, Esq., C.I.E.
F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, M.D.
EDWARD HEAWOOD, Esq., _Treasurer_.
ARTHUR R. HINKS, Esq., F.R.S.
SIR JOHN F. F. HORNER, K.C.V.O.
SIR EVERARD IM THURN, K.C.M.G., C.B.
SIR JOHN SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D.
SIR FREDERIC G. KENYON, K.C.B., F.B.A., Litt.D.
SIR CHARLES LUCAS, K.C.B., K.C.M.G.
ADMIRAL SIR ALBERT HASTINGS MARKHAM, K.C.B.
ALFRED P. MAUDSLAY, D.Sc.
LIEUT.-COLONEL SIR MATTHEW NATHAN, G.C.M.G., R.E.
H. R. TEDDER, Esq.
LIEUT.-COLONEL SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.B., C.I.E.
BASIL HOME THOMSON, Esq., C.B.
SIR REGINALD TOWER, K.C.M.G., C.V.O.
J. A. J. DE VILLIERS, Esq., _Hon. Secretary_.
CIVIL WARS OF PERU
BY
PEDRO DE CIEZA DE LEÓN
[PART IV: BOOK II]
THE WAR OF CHUPAS
TRANSLATED AND EDITED, WITH NOTES AND
AN INTRODUCTION,
BY
SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B.
F.R.S., D.SC. (CAMBRIDGE AND LEEDS)
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
MCMXVIII
CHISWICK PRESS: CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO.
TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON.
CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION xxv
CHAPTER I
_How the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro went to the province
of Arequipa to found a city there, and to apportion
the Indians among the persons who were to remain there
as citizens_ 1
CHAPTER II
_How the General Lorenzo de Aldana determined to send people
to settle in Anzerma, a province which had been discovered
by the captain Belalcázar, and how he named Jorge Robledo
as captain of the settlement_ 4
CHAPTER III
_How his Majesty nominated Don Pascual de Andagoya to be
Governor and Adelantado of the river of San Juan, and
how Robledo set out to form the settlement in Anzerma_ 7
CHAPTER IV
_How the Licentiate Santa Cruz sent certain captains and
troops in pursuit of Vadillo, of the quarrels of these captains
amongst themselves, and how they joined Robledo_ 10
CHAPTER V
_How the captain Jorge Robledo induced the Chiefs near the
new city to remain at peace, and how he sent Suer de Nava
to Caramanta_ 12
CHAPTER VI
_How the captain Jorge Robledo sent Gómez Hernández to
explore the province of El Choco, and despatched Ruy
Vanegas to the village of Pirsa_ 14
CHAPTER VII
_How the captain Jorge Robledo distributed the Chiefs among
the citizens who were going to remain in the city of Santa
Ana, and how he set out to make discoveries on the other
side of the great river of Santa Marta_ 18
CHAPTER VIII
_How the captain Jorge Robledo arrived at the province of
Pozo, how he was badly wounded, of the merciless punishment
that was inflicted, and of the great quantity of human
flesh that was eaten there_ 21
CHAPTER IX
_How the Comendador Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa came to the
rock, of the great number of people he captured and killed,
and of the very great cruelty with which those natives were
treated_ 24
CHAPTER X
_How the captain Robledo discovered the province of Paucura,
how the ensign Suer de Nava returned to Pozo, and how
cruelties greater than before were inflicted; and how Robledo
set out from Paucura to explore the large and very rich
province of Arma_ 27
CHAPTER XI
_How the captain Robledo explored the province of Arma and
pitched his camp in the village of the principal Chief, named
Maytama, and of some notable things that happened_ 29
CHAPTER XII
_How captain Osorio, while going to the New Kingdom, was
killed, with other Christians, and how the captain Pedro
de Añasco was also killed by the Indians_ 34
CHAPTER XIII
_How, when the death of those Spaniards was known at Popayán,
captain Juan de Ampudia set out from there, and
how he and other Christians were killed by the same
Indians_ 38
CHAPTER XIV
_How the Adelantado Pascual de Andagoya entered the cities,
and was received in them as Governor_ 44
CHAPTER XV
_How the captain Jorge Robledo discovered the province of
Quinbaya, and how he founded the city of Cartago_ 46
CHAPTER XVI
_How the captain Jorge Robledo left the city of Cartago and
went to Cali, where he was well received, returning as
Captain and Lieutenant-general of the cities he had
founded_ 48
CHAPTER XVII
_Of the things that happened in the city of Lima and how the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, on the advice of the
Bishop Friar Vicente de Valverde, made a general repartimiento;
and of the departure of Gómez de Alvarado to
people Guanuco_ 49
CHAPTER XVIII
_How Gonzalo Pizarro, after he had been acknowledged as
Governor of Quito, determined to undertake the conquest of
El Dorado; and of his departure from Quito_ 54
CHAPTER XIX
_How Gonzalo Pizarro left the city of Quito for the cinnamon
country, which was one of the most laborious explorations
that have been carried out in Tierra Firme and the
South Sea_ 56
CHAPTER XX
_How Gonzalo Pizarro left that river and went on exploring
through those forests and mountains, without finding any
populous country, and how all his party joined forces at
a crossing over a branch of the Mar Dulce_ 61
CHAPTER XXI
_How Francisco de Orellana went down the river and reached
the Ocean, and of the extreme hardships suffered by Gonzalo
Pizarro from hunger_ 66
CHAPTER XXII
_How Gonzalo Pizarro and his people arrived at a place
where Indians had lived, but had abandoned it owing to
a war, and found a very great quantity of yuca with which
they restored themselves and saved their lives_ 71
CHAPTER XXIII
_How his Majesty appointed captain Belalcázar as Governor,
and how he entered upon his government, and arrested the
Adelantado Andagoya_ 77
CHAPTER XXIV
_How the Alcalde Diego Núñez de Mercado arrived in Spain
with the news of the death of the Adelantado, and how his
Majesty considered that he had been ill served thereby, and
sent out the Licentiate Vaca de Castro as Judge_ 79
CHAPTER XXV
_Of the things that happened in Lima, and how Pero Alvarez
Holguin left Cuzco on an expedition of discovery_ 82
CHAPTER XXVI
_Of the things that happened to the President Vaca de Castro
after he left the city of Panamá to go to Peru_ 85
CHAPTER XXVII
_How the President Vaca de Castro found himself in great
trouble and danger from not knowing where the port of
Buenaventura was, and how, at the end of several days
during which they had been seeking for the port, they met
a ship on board of which was Don Juan de Andagoya,
who explained to them where the port was_ 88
CHAPTER XXVIII
_How the arrival of Vaca de Castro in the river of San Juan
became known at Lima, and how sore the men of Chile felt
about it; and of what else passed in Lima at that time_ 90
CHAPTER XXIX
_How the Chile faction plotted to assassinate the Marquis,
and how Francisco de Herencia, who was one of them,
betrayed it, at confession, and of the great heedlessness
of the Marquis, also what else happened until the men of
Chile sallied forth to kill him_ 96
CHAPTER XXX
_How the men of Chile sallied forth from the lodgings of Don
Diego de Almagro, of their putting the Marquis Don
Francisco Pizarro to death, and of the valorous spirit
shown by the Marquis before his death_ 99
CHAPTER XXXI
_In which the former chapter is concluded down to the time
when the Marquis was slain by the men of Chile_ 103
CHAPTER XXXII
_Of what happened in Lima after the death of the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro_ 110
CHAPTER XXXIII
_Of the things that were done by the Chile party, and how
they acknowledged Don Diego as Governor; also of the imprisonment
of Antonio Picado, and how the Licentiate
Rodrigo Niño and Orihuela came from Spain_ 114
CHAPTER XXXIV
_How Don Diego de Almagro, having tyrannically occupied
the city of Lima, sent messengers to some of the cities of the
Realm, requiring them to acknowledge him as Governor_ 117
CHAPTER XXXV
_How García de Alvarado left Lima and landed at Santa,
captured Cabrera, and went on as far as San Miguel. Of
those he killed on the way, and how Alonso de Alvarado
hoisted his banner for the King_ 119
CHAPTER XXXVI
_How Don Diego de Almagro wrote to the captain Alonso de
Alvarado, not knowing that he had raised the banner, and
sent him a commission as lieutenant; and of the death
of Orihuela_ 123
CHAPTER XXXVII
_How Don Pedro Puertocarrero would not be a lieutenant
of Almagro's, but absented himself rather from the city of
Cuzco, with Gómez de Tordoya and divers others, and how
grieved some were on learning of the death of the Marquis_ 126
CHAPTER XXXVIII
_How Gómez de Tordoya and the other citizens of Cuzco
agreed to send messengers to the captain Pero Alvarez
Holguin that, on hearing of the death of the Marquis, he
might raise the banner for the King_ 130
CHAPTER XXXIX
_How Pero Alvarez Holguin was received as Captain-general
on the side against the Chile faction, and Gómez de Tordoya
was appointed Camp-master, and in what manner they
entered the city of Cuzco_ 134
CHAPTER XL
_How the Licentiate Vaca de Castro arrived at the port of
Buenaventura, and thence marched, suffering great hardships
by the way, to Cali, where he found the Adelantado
Sebastián de Belalcázar, his Majesty's Governor; and of
what he did there_ 137
CHAPTER XLI
_How the President Cristóbal Vaca de Castro went from Cali
to Popayán, where he heard of the death of the Marquis
from Lorenzo de Aldana, who came to meet him_ 140
CHAPTER XLII
_How Don Diego de Almagro ordered the Secretary Antonio
Picado to be tortured, thinking he would divulge treasure
belonging to the Marquis, and how Picado met his deserts_ 142
CHAPTER XLIII
_How the captains Francisco de Chaves and Francisco Nuñez
were arrested, and how Chaves was put to death_ 147
CHAPTER XLIV
_How when the death of the Marquis became known in the
town of Plata, the banner was raised for the King; and
the captain Pedro Anzures set out with other residents there
to join Pero Alvarez Holguin_ 151
CHAPTER XLV
_Of the things that were done by the captain Alonso de Alvarado
after he had raised the banner for the King_ 155
CHAPTER XLVI
_How the President Cristóbal Vaca de Castro quitted Popayán
to go to the city of Quito_ 157
CHAPTER XLVII
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro, on his way to Quito,
came to a place called Carangue, where he received letters
from Alonso de Alvarado, and learnt that Alvarado had
risen against Almagro, in the name of the King, which
gave him great pleasure_ 160
CHAPTER XLVIII
_Of what else was done by the General Pero Alvarez Holguin,
and of his departure from Cuzco_ 163
CHAPTER XLIX
_How Don Diego de Almagro, on learning the news about
Pero Alvarez, left Lima, by the advice of his captains; and
about the men he had raised, and his captains_ 166
CHAPTER L
_How Pero Alvarez Holguin, after he had been accepted as
General and sworn, the last time near Parcos, continued
his march in the direction of Jauja, and how Gaspar
Rodríguez de Camporredondo, while reconnoitring in advance,
captured Don Diego's adherents in those parts_ 170
CHAPTER LI
_How Don Diego de Almagro, with his General García de
Alvarado pursued Pero Alvarez Holguin, but turned back
on coming near to Bombon; of the death of Juan de Herrada,
and of how Pero Alvarez continued his march_ 174
CHAPTER LII
_How the captain Alonso de Alvarado, hearing the news about
Pero Alvarez, sent another messenger to Vaca de Castro,
urging him to come, with all speed, to where he was_ 178
CHAPTER LIII
_How that, Don Diego de Almagro and his forces being in the
province of Jauja, it was agreed that he and no other
should be General, and Cristóbal de Sotelo Camp-master;
and how they were for sending García de Alvarado to
Lima, which was opposed by Sotelo_ 180
CHAPTER LIV
_How, after the Governor Vaca de Castro had sent messengers
to many parts, he resolved to leave Quito and go to join
forces with the captain Alonso de Alvarado_ 182
CHAPTER LV
_Of the things that took place in the camp of Pero Alvarez
Holguin, and how the Camp-master Gómez de Tordoya
and the captain Garcilaso de la Vega left it, and went to
meet the Governor Vaca de Castro_ 186
CHAPTER LVI
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro ordered the Adelantado
Belalcázar to return to his government, how he heard of
the arrival of Pero Alvarez at Guaraz, and how, being at
Motupe, Don Alonso de Montemayor and the captain
Vasco de Guevara joined him_ 188
CHAPTER LVII
_How the captain Pedro de Vergara spoke to the Governor
Vaca de Castro, about providing some outfit for the soldiers
who had been campaigning with him, and how the Governor
arrived at the city of Truxillo_ 193
CHAPTER LVIII
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro went up the mountain
road from Santa, leaving the coast valleys, and how he
met Gómez de Alvarado, and was annoyed on learning
that he came without permission from Alonso de Alvarado,
and how the Provincial, Friar Tomás de San Martín,
also met him_ 195
CHAPTER LIX
_How the Governor, Vaca de Castro, held a review of the
Spaniards who were with him, and how he sent Lorenzo
de Aldana and Diego Maldonado to the camp of Pero
Alvarez Holguin_ 199
CHAPTER LX
_How it became known at Guaraz that Vaca de Castro was in
the camp of Alonso de Alvarado, and how the captain
Castro went there, also of the journey of Vaca de Castro
to Guaraz, and of how he took command of the troops
there, and what else happened_ 202
CHAPTER LXI
_How the captain, Pero Alvarez Holguin, felt aggrieved because
the standard he had presented was not displayed, and a
disturbance almost arose out of it; and how Vaca de Castro
proclaimed afresh the powers he held from his Majesty and
asked that, by virtue of them, he should be acknowledged
as Governor_ 205
CHAPTER LXII
_How, when Don Diego de Almagro arrived at Guamanga
Martín Carrillo, his Camp-master, killed Baltanas; and
of Almagro's departure from Guamanga for Cuzco, and
how he made provision of arms and cast some cannon_ 207
CHAPTER LXIII
_Of other things that happened in the city of Cuzco, of the
speech that Don Diego made to his companions, and what
García de Alvarado did_ 211
CHAPTER LXIV
_How the captains García de Alvarado and Saucedo went to
ask Cristóbal de Sotelo to pardon the soldiers he had in
prison, and what then passed; and of the things that
happened afterwards, until García de Alvarado killed the
good cavalier Cristóbal de Sotelo_ 215
CHAPTER LXV
_Of the concern shown by Don Diego de Almagro and many of
the Chile faction at the death of the captain Cristóbal de
Sotelo, and how García de Alvarado, with many others,
fortified his house, and Don Diego wished to attack them_ 220
CHAPTER LXVI
_How Don Diego de Almagro gave over Sotelo's company to
Diego Méndez, and how García de Alvarado was slain by
the hands of Don Diego, and Cristóbal de Sotelo avenged_ 222
CHAPTER LXVII
_In which the preceding chapter is concluded, down to the death
of García de Alvarado_ 226
CHAPTER LXVIII
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro resolved to send his army
to the province of Jauja while he himself went to Lima_ 232
CHAPTER LXIX
_Of the things that were done in Lima by Vaca de Castro, of
the arrival of the captains at Jauja, and of how Pedro
Anzures went to San Miguel_ 235
CHAPTER LXX
_How Don Diego de Almagro, after the death of García de
Alvarado, decided to prepare to depart from Cuzco, and
how he sent one Juan de Aguirre, and ten other mounted
men, to find out what was happening, and how they were
captured and put to death_ 238
CHAPTER LXXI
_How Don Diego de Almagro and his forces left the valley of
Xaquixaguana and marched to the bridge of Apurimac,
and how they thought of withdrawing into The Collao_ 241
CHAPTER LXXII
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro quitted the province of
Jauja, and proceeded to the city of Guamanga, where the
captain Diego de Rojas was already_ 254
CHAPTER LXXIII
_How Idiáquez arrived at the camp of Vaca de Castro to treat
of peace, just at the time when the Governor wanted to
send messengers to Vilcas_ 257
CHAPTER LXXIV
_How Vaca de Castro, notwithstanding that he had entered
into negotiations, sent Alonso Çamarilla to the camp of
Don Diego as a spy, with letters to several of his people,
and how he fell among scouts from Vilcas, was captured by
Juan Diente and, on confession, put to death_ 259
CHAPTER LXXV
_How the messengers arrived at the camp at Vilcas, but the
proposals did not lead to peace, so that the settlement of
claims was left to arms_ 262
CHAPTER LXXVI
_How the messengers arrived at the camp of Vaca de Castro
and it was learnt that Don Diego had left Vilcas, how
Pedro Anzures went out to reconnoitre, and how the two
forces approached to give battle, each captain animating his
men, and exhorting them for the fray_ 265
CHAPTER LXXVII
_How the captains Castro and Pedro Anzures went out for
intelligence, and how the armies approached to give battle,
each captain exhorting his men for the fray_ 270
CHAPTER LXXVIII
_Of the cruel battle between Vaca de Castro and Diego de
Almagro, and how the men of Chile were defeated and
routed with much loss of life, and their party destroyed for
ever_ 275
CHAPTER LXXIX
_How, after the battle, the Governor ordered the wounded to be
tended, the captain Gómez de Tordoya being carried to
Guamanga; how punishment was meted out to the conquered,
and how the captain Gómez de Alvarado, being
taken ill, died at Vilcas, and his body was brought to
Guamanga for interment_ 284
CHAPTER LXXX
_Of the things that were done by the Governor, Vaca de Castro,
and how he despatched certain captains on expeditions
within the Realm_ 287
CHAPTER LXXXI
_Of the things that happened to Gonzalo Pizarro until he returned
from his expedition into the land of cinnamon and
once more reached the city of Quito_ 289
CHAPTER LXXXII
_How Garcilaso de la Vega arrived at Cuzco, of the imprisonment
of Don Diego, and how Vaca de Castro began his
march to that city_ 292
CHAPTER LXXXIII
_Of the things that were done in the city of Cuzco by the
Governor Vaca de Castro, and of his addiction to covetousness
and vain glory_ 295
CHAPTER LXXXIV
_How Don Diego de Almagro, when he was in prison, tried
to escape, and how he was beheaded by order of the
Governor Vaca de Castro_ 297
CHAPTER LXXXV
_Of other things done by the Governor Vaca de Castro, and how
he nominated Diego de Rojas and Felipe Gutiérrez as his
captains for the subjugation of the Rio de la Plata_ 303
CHAPTER LXXXVI
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro parcelled out the land;
of the arrival of Gonzalo Pizarro at Lima, and how he
talked openly there about affairs_ 306
CHAPTER LXXXVII
_How they discovered extensive deposits of gold near the river of
Caravaya, how Vaca de Castro ordered all the ancient
tambos and stations to be occupied, and of the departure of
Pedro Anzures and Francisco Becerra for Spain_[1] 308
CHAPTER LXXXVIII
_How the captain Gonzalo Pizarro arrived at the city of
Cuzco, accompanied by some followers, but had not abandoned
his treasonable design of occupying the Realm; and
of what further happened_ 311
CHAPTER LXXXIX
_How the leaders Felipe Gutiérrez and Diego de Rojas set
out from Cuzco to proceed on their expedition_ 314
CHAPTER XC
_How the General Felipe Gutiérrez and the Camp-master
started forth from Cuzco, and how Diego de Rojas went
to explore in the direction indicated by the Indians_ 317
CHAPTER XCI
_Of what else happened to the captain Diego de Rojas_ 320
CHAPTER XCII
_How Felipe Gutiérrez came to join Diego de Rojas, of the
arrival of Francisco de Mendoza at Chiquana, and what
else happened_ 323
CHAPTER XCIII
_How the natives of those provinces concealed the food supplies,
and of the scarcity that was apprehended, and how Diego
de Rojas sent messengers to Felipe Gutiérrez_ 325
CHAPTER XCIV
_How, after the junction of the captains, they determined to
advance, and the party suffered greatly from thirst, so
that many of their serving men perished, and how they
went on exploring_ 327
CHAPTER XCV
_How the bachelor Juan Vélez de Guevara came to Lima,
where the municipality would not accept him; and of
the departure of the accountant Juan de Cáceres for
Panamá_ 330
CHAPTER XCVI
_How the Indians who escaped from the hands of the Christians
took further counsel, and very boldly decided to go out
and fight them; and of the death of Diego de Rojas_ 331
CHAPTER XCVII
_How Pero López de Ayala discovered the river of Soconcho,
found a well peopled country, and returned to the General
Felipe Gutiérrez; and how they all set out for that place_ 334
CHAPTER XCVIII
_How the General Felipe Gutiérrez pursued his exploration down
the river Soconcho, and of what else happened_ 335
CHAPTER XCIX
_How, when the death of the Governor Don Francisco Pizarro
was known in Spain, it was ordered that there should be
a Viceroy appointed and an Audiencia installed; and of
the conference concerning the Ordinances that should be
enacted for the new empire of the Indies_ 337
CHAPTER C
_How, when the new Ordinances had been enacted they were
sent to most parts of the Indies; how in some localities
strong dissatisfaction was shown, while in others there
were no slight disturbances, and how, by order of the
municipality, the Alcalde Palomino and Don Antonio de
Rivera were sent from Lima to give Vaca de Castro
warning thereof_ 360
CHAPTER CI
_Of what more passed between Felipe Gutiérrez and Francisco
de Mendoza, and how, after having explored certain regions
down the river, Felipe Gutiérrez was put under arrest
by Francisco de Mendoza_ 363
CHAPTER CII
_Of further things done by Francisco de Mendoza and how he
sent to arrest Nicolás de Heredia and turned Felipe
Gutiérrez away_ 365
CHAPTER CIII
_How H.M. the Emperor, our Lord, ordered Blasco Nuñez Vela
to go out as Viceroy of the Realms of Peru, in order to
enforce there the New Laws that had been enacted for the
government of the empire of the Indies_ 368
CHAPTER CIV
_How the Alcalde Alonso Palomino and Don Antonio de
Rivera arrived at the city of Cuzco, and what took place_ 371
INDEX 377
FOOTNOTE:
[1] These departures are not mentioned in the text of the chapter.
LIST OF PLATES AND MAPS
PLATES
TO FACE
PAGE
PLAN OF A PART OF THE CITY OF LIMA 104
PLAN OF THE MARQUIS PIZARRO'S HOUSE 106
MAPS
THE COUNTRY AROUND GUAMANGA 274
SITE OF THE BATTLE OF CHUPAS 274
_CORRIGENDA_
Page 49, line 13, _for_ "Alvarado" _read_ "Alvaro."
Page 51, line 9, _for_ "García" _read_ "Gómez."
Page 52, line 10 from bottom, _omit_ "de" _before_ "Balsa."
Page 79, line 6 from bottom, _insert_ "he" _after_ "Thence."
Page 108, last line, _for_ "Billar" _read_ "Bilbao."
Page 111, line 4 from bottom, _for_ "Gómez" _read_ "López."
Page 149, line 18, _for_ "Francesco" _read_ "Francisco."
Page 260, line 7 from bottom, _for_ "emergency" _read_ "exigency."
Page 280, lines 2 and 3, _transpose_ "Guevara" _and_ "Vergara."
Page 293, line 9, _insert_ Salazar, _at the beginning_.
NOTE
The late Sir Clements Markham translated Cieza de León's "Guerra de
Chupas," and wrote the Introduction to the present volume, at the
advanced age of eighty-five years. His manuscript was accepted by the
Council of the Hakluyt Society in November, 1915; but, though the
printing was already in a forward state at the time of Sir Clement's
lamented death, none of the proofs were available for submission to
him. In these circumstances the Council invited us to undertake the
necessary revision--a responsibility which we accepted in the light
of a privilege, and have discharged, to the best of our ability, as a
tribute to the memory of the late venerable President of the Society,
who honoured each of us by many years of personal friendship.
ALFRED P. MAUDSLAY.
B. GLANVILL CORNEY.
LONDON,
_January, 1918_.
INTRODUCTION
Pedro de Cieza de León was, on the whole, the most important
historian, and is now the best authority, on ancient Peru, so far
as his work has reached us; for he was a great traveller, and an
eye-witness of much that he described. For all the events at which
he was not present he received evidence from many actors in them.
He was an intelligent observer, humane and conscientious, striving
after impartiality; and though an enthusiastic admirer of the valour
and endurance of his countrymen, he was horrified at their acts of
cruelty, which he denounces in no measured terms.
Unfortunately only one part of his great work was published near the
time; other parts long lost have been found and published in recent
years, and some yet remain to be discovered. I, the first part,
published in 1553, was the "Cronica," which is mainly geographical.
II, the second part, was the History and Religion of the Incas; III,
the Conquest of Peru; IV, V, VI, and VII, the Civil Wars, viz.--1 War
of Las Salinas, 2 War of Chupas, 3 War of Quito, and 4 War of Huarina
and Sacsahuana. III and VII are still lost to us. Cieza de León also
wrote a book entitled "Libro de Fundaciones," to which he frequently
refers the reader for fuller details respecting habits and customs of
Indian tribes and other particulars. That work is also lost.
The Council of the Hakluyt Society selected the first part of the
"Cronica" of Cieza de León to form a volume of its series in 1864, and
the translation and editing were entrusted to me. It is a valuable
contribution to the geography of the Cauca valley in Colombia, and
of Peru; while the author's account of the coast almost amounts
to a book of sailing directions. In 1880, II, the history of the
Incas, was brought to light, and texts were printed by the late Dr.
González Rosa in 1873, and also by Jiménez de la Espada in 1880. This
exceedingly valuable account of Inca civilization was known to Mr.
Prescott, and he frequently quotes from it; but he was not aware of
Cieza de León being the author.[2] This part was chosen by the Council
to be included in the Hakluyt Society's series in 1883, and I again
undertook the work of translation and editing.
Quite recently three of the volumes on the Civil Wars of Peru by Cieza
de León have been discovered in manuscript, and published at Madrid.
"The War of Quito," covering the period from the arrival of the
Viceroy Blasco Núñez Vela to his death at Anaquito, was translated
and edited by me, forming one of the Hakluyt Society's volumes for
1912. I have also translated and edited the "War of Las Salinas,"
giving a detailed account of the dispute between Pizarro and Almagro,
which ended with the battle of Las Salinas and the execution of
Almagro by Hernando Pizarro.
The present volume, by Cieza de León, is entitled "THE WAR OF
CHUPAS," and contains a detailed narrative of events from the
battle of Las Salinas to the final overthrow of the Almagro faction at
the battle of Chupas, including the murder of Pizarro, the arrival of
Vaca de Castro as governor, the campaign against Almagro the younger,
the promulgation of the New Laws, and the appointment of Blasco Núñez
Vela as viceroy to enforce them.
These Civil War volumes contain a great deal that is of geographical
interest, especially in the detailed accounts of expeditions of
discovery into the forests to the east of the Andes, which to this day
are not fully explored. Cieza de León gives connected narratives of
the expedition of Pedro de Candía into the _montaña_ of Paucartambo,
of that of Pedro Anzures de Camporredondo who entered by Marcapata and
returned by one of the Caravaya ravines, of Diego de Rojas into the
Gran Chaco, of Alvarado and Mercadillo in the valleys of the Marañón
and the Huallaga, and of Gonzalo Pizarro into the "land of cinnamon."
I translated and edited for the Hakluyt Society in 1858 the account
of this last expedition in the Royal Commentaries of Garcilaso Inca
de la Vega. The independent account by Cieza de León contains many
details obtained by him at Quito from members of the expedition very
soon after the event, and is therefore of special interest.
The present volume opens with an account of the extensive journey from
Cuzco to the Collao made by Francisco Pizarro, who had been created a
Marquis for his great services, and treats of his visit to Arequipa
when he founded that city. He had founded Guamanga previous to this
journey. He returned, prematurely old and broken with disease, to
welcome rest in his house at Lima, or Los Reyes, as the city was then
called, devoting himself mainly to business connected with the grants
of estates to his followers and with the improvement of the city he
had founded, interesting himself in the introduction and cultivation
of new plants, the erection of mills, and the supply of provisions.
Cieza de León then, in the next fifteen chapters, makes a digression
which must be acknowledged as such, for these chapters have nothing
to do with the war of Chupas. They contain a narrative of discoveries
and conquests in the region of the Upper Cauca, with Popayán and Cali
as bases of operations, chiefly conducted by a leader named Jorge
Robledo. They are to a certain extent connected with the history of
Peru, because Pizarro nominated the governors who despatched the
expeditions. The real cause of the digression was that Cieza de León
was serving in these expeditions himself. He was an eye-witness of
the events he describes in detail. This gives them a very special
interest, and may well be accepted as a sufficient excuse for the
digression. The story of the famous expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro
follows, and our author then enters upon the events at Lima which led
up to the murder of the Marquis Pizarro.[3]
In the question between Pizarro and Almagro our author strove hard to
be impartial, as well as in his account of the murder of the Marquis;
but his bias on the side of Almagro is apparent. In the case of
Pizarro he tells the authentic story, but he adds any lying gossip
that reaches his ears. In the case of Almagro he never does.
I should be the last to defend Pizarro as the destroyer of the Inca
empire. As such I execrate his memory. He had no right to execute
Atahualpa, although that ruthless usurper and fratricide richly
deserved his fate. Pizarro was guilty of several acts of cruelty, his
worst crime being the order to put Manco's wife to a cruel death when
he was enraged at receiving defiance from the Inca; but I feel that in
affairs connected with his countrymen his memory should receive even
justice, and that he has been misjudged.
Pizarro was no longer the ruthless soldier of the days of Pedrarias.
With great responsibilities and a great position he rose to the
occasion. His proceedings were statesmanlike; his efforts to govern
wisely the country entrusted to him were able and judicious. In
the question which arose when the Spanish king resolved to divide
the vast conquered area between Almagro and himself, he was in the
right throughout. Almagro, with a number of captains anxious for
opportunities to enrich themselves, had set out on an expedition to
Chile. Before starting Almagro took a solemn oath on the Sacrament
that he would maintain his friendship for Pizarro and never injure him
or his interests. Meanwhile there was a great native rising. Pizarro
himself was besieged in Lima, while his three brothers held Cuzco
against a great army led by the Inca Manco. Pizarro received aid from
Mexico and Santo Domingo. The siege of Lima was raised, and Pizarro
sent a force under Alonso de Alvarado to help his brothers at Cuzco,
of whom he had received no news.
It was at this time that the royal order arrived for the division. The
northern part of the conquered empire was to be called New Castille,
and to be governed by Pizarro. The southern half, to be called New
Toledo, was to be Almagro's government. The boundary between them was
to be fixed by a royal arbitrator, not of course by one of the parties
concerned. The rules for the guidance of the arbitrator were clear and
precise. A certain position on the coast north of the equator was to
be fixed by observations for the latitude. A direct line was then to
be taken on a meridian due south for a given number of leagues; at
the end of that line there were to be other latitude observations,
and from the point thus fixed the line west to east was to be the
boundary. Mr. Prescott says that there was ambiguity in the document,
that it was not clear whether the line was to be along the coast or
on a meridian, and he appears to think there were, therefore, excuses
for Almagro's conduct; but there was no ambiguity. The instructions
were quite clear, and it is distinctly stated that the line was to
be on a meridian.[4] Mr. Prescott could not have seen the original
document, which is given in full by Cieza de León. Besides, this begs
the question. The point is that the boundary was to be decided by a
special arbitrator, not by Almagro.
A copy was at once sent to Almagro, who was then returning from
Chile, his captains being much disappointed with the region they
had visited in the northern part of that country. They thought that
the provinces of Cuzco would offer much better chances of enriching
themselves, so they at once declared, and induced Almagro to declare,
that Cuzco was within the boundary of New Toledo. No positions had
been fixed, no line measured, no observations taken; but Almagro and
his needy followers wanted Cuzco--therefore it was in New Toledo. They
even claimed Lima also. The point is not what Almagro thought; for
the decision was not entrusted to him, but to the royal arbitrator.
In point of fact, Cuzco was well within the boundary of Pizarro's
province of New Castille. Long afterwards the Governor Vaca de Castro
caused careful observations to be taken, and Cuzco was found to be
fifteen leagues north of the boundary.[5]
Hernando Pizarro and his brother Gonzalo, having lost their brother
Juan in the siege, were resting after a long, toilsome, and hazardous
defence of Cuzco. Hernando was in a perfectly legal position as the
Marquis Pizarro's deputy at Cuzco until the boundary should be settled
by the arbitrator.
Suddenly the army of Almagro appeared before the city of Cuzco,
claiming it as part of the province of New Toledo. Hernando Pizarro,
terribly outnumbered, prepared to defend it. A truce was agreed upon,
and Hernando for the first time for many days took off his armour and
went to bed. His brother Gonzalo and a handful of attendants were in
the house with him.
Almagro perjured himself, broke into Cuzco in the dead of night, and
attacked the Pizarros in their house.[6] They made a heroic defence,
which is well described by Cieza de León.[7] Finally they were seized
and thrown into prison; while Orgóñez, Almagro's chief captain,
incessantly urged him to behead them. By this time Alvarado was
nearing Cuzco with succour for Hernando Pizarro. Almagro attacked and
routed him, throwing him into prison, and threatening him with death.
It can hardly be contended that Almagro was not guilty of perjury, and
of numerous acts of illegality, tyranny, and treason.
The Marquis Pizarro was very anxious to receive tidings from Cuzco,
for he had heard nothing even of the results of the siege. He had gone
southward along the coast to Nasca. There he received the astounding
news that Almagro had seized Cuzco and imprisoned his brothers. The
report of the defeat and imprisonment of Alvarado quickly followed.
The Governor hurried back to Lima, expecting an attack from his false
and perjured friend. It was not long in coming. Almagro marched down
to the coast and advanced as far as Chincha, on the way to Lima.
He was induced to agree to an arbitration to establish a _modus
vivendi_ until the royal arbitrator should arrive and fix the boundary
line. The Provincial of the Fathers of Mercy (_Mercedarios_) named
Bobadilla, was selected by Almagro himself. There could only be one
fair decision. It was that Almagro should retire from Cuzco until the
boundary was fixed by the royal arbitrator, that the starting point
for measuring the meridional line should have its latitude fixed by
careful observations, and that the illegal imprisonment of Hernando
Pizarro should cease. Almagro refused to abide by this arbitration,
although he had solemnly promised to do so and the choice of an
arbitrator was his own. Soon afterwards Captain Pedro Anzures brought
out a royal order to the same effect, that both Governors should
remain well within their respective provinces, until the boundary was
fixed. Almagro again refused to obey.
The Marquis Pizarro was in great anxiety for the safety of his brother
Hernando. He knew him to be in danger, as Orgóñez was incessantly
urging Almagro to put him to death. At this time the Marquis, in his
well-founded anxiety for his brother's safety, was certainly guilty
of making some concessions, verbally, which he had no intention of
observing.
Almagro was very efficient in his prime, as Pizarro's partner and
assistant, but he was now bowed down by age, as well as by infirmities
the seeds of which he had contracted during a dissolute youth. His
good qualities, which endeared him to his captains, were lavish
generosity and a kindly disposition. He had become very ambitious,
and it is clear that he was quite unprincipled. His own independent
judgment scarcely existed, and he was swayed one way or the other,
as the more violent or the more moderate of his captains had his ear.
For instance, following the advice of Orgóñez, he had actually ordered
the execution of Alvarado when the more moderate counsels of another
captain prevented it.
The weak character of Almagro explains the liberation of Hernando
Pizarro, urged upon him by the moderate party among his captains.
It was certainly unwise if Almagro intended to persevere in his
treasonable practices; and Orgóñez was most strongly opposed to it.
Hernando Pizarro had been kept in close and illegal confinement for
months, and he knew that the most influential of Almagro's captains
was constantly urging that he should be beheaded. It was enough to
try any one's nerves. But Hernando Pizarro's nerves were of iron. The
moment he was released negotiations ceased. The Marquis, owing to
advancing age and infirmities, returned to Lima, while his brother
Hernando took command of the army in the field. He was by far the
ablest soldier then in Peru. Almagro, suffering from a dreadful
disease, retreated with his forces to Cuzco, intending to hold that
city in defiance of all decisions against him. Such was the resolve
come to by his captains.
Hernando Pizarro was certainly in the right when he marched to Cuzco
to resume the position of deputy for his brother in that city, from
which he had been unlawfully and treacherously ejected. He entirely
defeated the Almagro faction in the battle of Las Salinas, and
returned to his post at Cuzco, making Almagro his prisoner, and
keeping the old man's captains under a loose arrest.
Hernando Pizarro was a stern, resolute man, inexorable when once
his mind was made up, but not cruel. He always disapproved of the
ill treatment of the natives, and took measures to prevent it. At
first he had no other intention with regard to old Almagro than to
leave his case to be decided by his brother on his arrival at Cuzco.
But there was a conspiracy among the officers who had served in the
expedition of Pedro de Candía, and the troops under their command, to
kill Hernando Pizarro and liberate Almagro. They were outside Cuzco
and needed help from within. If they had written to one of the more
turbulent Almagrist captains, the plot would probably have succeeded.
But they chose Diego de Alvarado, a strictly conscientious person who
told everything to Hernando Pizarro. That vigilant deputy at once went
to the camp of Pedro de Candía and nipped the plot in the bud.
But he came to the conclusion that there could be no permanent peace
while Almagro lived. When he had made up his mind nothing would move
him. He looked upon it as a political necessity. He resolved to take
the whole responsibility upon himself. The charges were drawn up in
detail, and when the old man begged for his life Hernando urged him,
as it was inevitable, to end his life as became one who had served as
he had done. Hernando Pizarro certainly did not communicate with his
brother on the subject, because, though convinced of the political
necessity himself, he knew that the Marquis would not consent. He took
the whole responsibility, which was quite in character with all we
know of this remarkable man. He returned to Spain soon afterwards with
the royal fifths, but several members of Almagro's party had arrived
before him. Articles were drawn up against him, and he never received
a fair hearing. Charles V could not possibly attend personally to
the affairs of all his vast dominions. Much was necessarily left to
others. In Spain a clever intriguer had gained his confidence. This
was the Secretary, Francisco de los Cobos, who had much power during
the Emperor's absence, and he often used it corruptly and to please
his friends, especially the females of his own family. There was a
flagrant instance in the supersession of the illustrious discoverer
of New Granada, for the sake of such an infamous thief as Alonso
de Lugo, because he had married a sister of the wife of Cobos. The
persecution of Hernando Pizarro was a parallel case. Don Alonso
Enríquez de Guzmán, a violent partisan of Almagro, had hurried back to
Spain, so as to spread his version, and do all the mischief he could
before the arrival of Hernando Pizarro. He was an old friend of the
Secretary Cobos, and when Hernando Pizarro arrived it was a foregone
conclusion against him. Charges had been drawn up, the chief one being
that he had given the young Inca Manco leave of absence, ignorant of
the native plot for an insurrection. At the worst this was an error
in judgment which might well have been condoned after Hernando's
brilliant defence of Cuzco. The main points were slurred over, for
the answers to them would have been conclusive. Hernando Pizarro was
unjustly condemned to imprisonment, first at Madrid, then in the
castle of Medina del Campo.[8]
As soon as the Marquis received tidings of the victory of Las Salinas,
he resolved to leave Lima and make the journey to Cuzco, accompanied
by the Bishop of Quito and other friends. At Jauja he met young Diego
de Almagro, who had been sent to Lima in charge of Gómez de Alvarado,
one of his father's captains. Pizarro received him very kindly,
promised him that his father's life should be spared, and ordered
that the lad himself should be hospitably lodged in the Marquis's own
house at Lima. Continuing the journey, it was not until they reached
Abancay, three marches from Cuzco, that Pizarro received news of the
death of Almagro. He sat apart for a long time, looking on the ground,
and thinking of bygone days with his old friend.
Mr. Prescott and others maintain that the Marquis knew and approved of
the execution of Almagro, and must share the responsibility with his
brother. For this view the only shadow of evidence is that there would
have been time to obtain his approval. But there is clear and distinct
evidence that Pizarro did not know. It consists in the statement of
his travelling companion, the Bishop of Quito.
Throughout this Almagro business, the conduct of the Marquis Pizarro
was correct. Almagro, or rather his captains, were the aggressors,
acting illegally, and treasonably, with a view to their own enrichment.
We next come to the detailed account which Cieza de León gives of the
assassination of the Marquis. Naturally the captains and soldiers of
Almagro's army could hardly expect to receive rewards. Yet Pizarro
very kindly offered _repartimientos_ to at least three of Almagro's
old captains[9] and a good appointment to another.[10] They were ready
for any plot that would secure a change, and they looked to young
Diego de Almagro as the possible leader of a rising in their favour.
They, therefore, came crowding to Lima, where Diego was. The plea of
vengeance for Almagro's death did not influence more than a very few.
Perhaps old servants like Herrada and Balsa, may have mingled some
vindictive feeling with less worthy motives. Those who might really
have had such thoughts, however, were Almagro's intimate friends--his
old captains; yet not one of them[11] would have anything to do with
the plot of the assassins. Vaca de Castro was on his way to examine
and report on the whole subject, and they would await his decision. It
was a plot evolved by the scum of Almagro's faction, headed by Juan de
Herrada, an old servant who saw his way to a higher position as the
chief adviser and protector of young Diego who was himself too young
to take an active part. The poverty of Almagro and his followers has
been grossly exaggerated. The extensive purchases by them of arms and
armour and horses, proves that there was no want of money.
In this volume Cieza de León gives the best and most authentic account
of the murder of the Marquis. Pizarro's heedlessness, in spite of
numerous warnings, is indeed surprising. He went for walks outside
Lima quite alone, especially when he wished to inspect the progress of
a mill he was building. On these occasions he might easily have been
assassinated, and perhaps his immunity led him to disbelieve in the
danger.
It was in June 1847, when I was at a ball in the President's Palace
at Lima, that I first began to enquire into the exact locality of
Pizarro's house. I was dancing with a lady named Elespuru who said
it was not there, but on the opposite side of the _plaza_. Two aides
de camp told the same story, that it was on the site of the present
Callejón de Petateros. I still adhered to my own conviction--that the
palace of the Viceroys, now that of the Presidents, is on the site of
the residence of the Marquis. The question is at last set at rest by
the publication of the _Libro primero de cabildos de Lima_, and of the
geographical official reports. My conviction proved to be right, and I
was dancing with the Señorita on or near the very spot where Pizarro
fell. I have made a plan of part of Lima in those days, showing the
residence of the Marquis, and those of citizens who had received
_solares_ or building lots near his house; and another of the house
itself, according to the descriptions recorded by Cieza de León and
others.
It is clear that Juan de Herrada and his gang of assassins were the
scum of the old Almagro's army. All but one of his former captains
held aloof, disapproving of the murder, and declining to serve under
such a ruffian as Juan de Herrada. The younger Diego de Almagro was
thus under every possible disadvantage. The captain Sotelo alone stood
by him, and Sotelo was murdered by one of the same gang of assassins
before he could be of any great use to the ill-fated youth. Several
of his father's old captains, to whom Pizarro's murder was hateful,
were serving against the son at the battle of Chupas. This lad was the
first _mestizo_ who rose to a very prominent position, and I have,
therefore, written a note on his career, at the end of the chapter
(LXXXIV) containing an account of his execution. I believe
that he was innocent of the murder. He thought that the object was to
seize the Marquis, not to kill him. He said so in his letter to the
_Audiencia_ of Panamá.
Cieza de León gives a very interesting account of the voyage of Vaca
de Castro to Buenaventura, and his journey thence into Peru, where
he was joined by all the loyal captains. He also relates in detail,
the murder of the captain Sotelo at Cuzco, the death of his murderer,
and the proceedings of young Almagro until his final overthrow at the
battle of Chupas and subsequent execution at Cuzco. The account of
the battle of Chupas by Cieza de León is very interesting. It is as
good as, but not better than, that of Zarate, who also came to Peru
soon after the event. Neither of these authors knew the ground. Mr.
Prescott writes of "the bloody plains of Chupas." There are no plains
near the position; it is a very mountainous broken region. I spent a
whole day carefully examining the site, on October 27th, 1852, and I
have therefore added a special note on the position, to accompany our
author's account of the battle (chapter LXXVII).
Mr. Prescott condemns the number of executions after the battle in
the civil wars of Peru, referring especially to Chupas. But in the
case of Chupas, out of twenty-six executions, fourteen were those of
assassins, the rest were aides and abettors of the criminals, also
guilty of treason. The assassination of a royal governor was no common
crime. After the battle of Las Salinas there were no executions. That
of Almagro was months afterwards, and for a different reason. The
executions and barbarities of that cunning and cruel priest, Pedro de
la Gasca, were, it is true, unjustifiable after Sacsahuana; but Mr.
Prescott did not condemn them.
The final chapters of the present work are occupied by two very
different subjects--the expedition led by Felipe Gutiérrez and Diego
de Rojas, told in much detail, and the promulgation of the New Laws,
with some account of their reception and of the appointment of Blasco
Núñez Vela as Viceroy of Peru to enforce them. Cieza de León gives the
complete text of the New Laws.
The Emperor Charles V was a statesman of ability and good intentions;
but it was impossible, as has been already observed, for one man to
give sufficient attention to all his vast dominions. Those numerous
kingdoms, dukedoms, counties, and lordships are enumerated in the
preamble to the New Laws. When at last he found time to attend to the
affairs of the Indies it was twenty years too late. He was convinced
by Las Casas and others that the Spaniards, in their haste to enrich
themselves, were treating the Indians with such cruelty that it must
needs lead to a serious diminution of the population in the near
future. As a statesman, he saw clearly that the value of the Indies
must depend on the preservation and good treatment of the native
races. His view of the course it was best to adopt was statesmanlike.
Probably without knowing it, Charles wished to adopt the policy which
the experience of ages had shown to be the best in all the countries
of the East. The cultivator should be a vassal of the Crown; and what
Charles V called the "tribute" of the Indians was simply the land tax
of eastern countries, the _ryotwari_ system of Sir Thomas Munro in
Madras. It was also the system of the Inca government, and was well
understood by the people. As a rule, the State took two-thirds of the
produce or its equivalent, and the cultivator retained one-third. In
some cases the cultivator received seeds and implements. This land
tax, or tribute, as the Spanish Government called it, should have been
the main source of revenue. So far the Emperor's plan was excellent,
but it came too late. It should have been announced and enforced from
the very first, and rewards to the conquerors should have come from
the State. In 1542 a very different and most tyrannical and ruinous
system was in force. The land tax, with liberty to treat the natives
as they pleased, had been to a very large extent alienated and granted
to adventurers, usually for two or three lives. The Emperor hoped to
obviate this almost insuperable difficulty by ordering all official
bodies, whether civil or religious, to surrender their grants at once;
and all others to cease on the death of the grantee, whether granted
for two or three lives or not, some maintenance being allowed to
widows and children. All grants that were considered too large were
to be reduced to what a judge should decide to be a moderate size.
For Mexico the names of those whose huge grants ought to be cut
down are given. In these ways Charles V seems to have intended that
all the natives of the Indies should become vassals of the Crown, be
well treated, and pay the land tax direct to the State. He trusted,
for obedience, to the loyalty of his subjects in the Indies. He was
disappointed; loyalty had no chance against self-interest. Don Antonio
de Mendoza, the Viceroy of Mexico, did not enforce the New Laws.
He explained that it would cause an insurrection. This excellent
statesman was one of the very few really good men whom the home
government selected. As a rule their choice fell on the most unfit
man they could find in Spain. It would be difficult to choose a worse
governor than Pedrarias. But the home government persisted; and Blasco
Núñez Vela was even more unfit. This first viceroy of Peru was sent
out to enforce the New Laws, and did his best to enforce them. But he
was an incapable martinet without judgment, without tact, passionate,
suspicious, listening to no representation; and he was at last guilty
of a foul murder which gave rise to a formidable insurrection in which
he lost his life.
Cieza de León gives an account of the appointment of Blasco Núñez
Vela, and describes him in most flattering terms. He also relates
how the New Laws were received in the Indies, and fully admits the
cruelties perpetrated by the Spaniards on the natives. Indeed, he
does not hesitate to notice and denounce those cruelties. But it
must not be supposed that all the Spaniards who received grants of
Indians and their land tax were equally cruel. There were many noble
and chivalrous knights among them, who deplored the existing state
of things and treated their own dependents well. Lorenzo de Aldana,
Garcilaso de la Vega, Mancio Serra de Sequidano did not stand alone
in that respect; and, as a persistent advocate of the Indians, and a
denouncer of the cruelties perpetrated on them, we must include our
worthy author, Pedro de Cieza de León.
C. R. M.
NOTE.
There are certain terms which constantly recur in the text and require
explanation, namely, _encomienda_ and _encomendero_, _repartimiento_,
and _Juez de Residencia_.
An _encomienda_ was the grant of a district, with fixed boundaries, to
a Spaniard, with power to appropriate the land tax (called _tribute_)
of the Indians, or to exact personal services from them, or both.
Pizarro made such grants when he formed the first settlement at San
Miguel de Piura, soon after landing, in 1532.
An _encomendero_ was the recipient of an _encomienda_. _Encomenderos_
were expected to reside in the district granted to them.
_Repartimiento_ was the apportionment of a conquered region or people
among the conquerors as _encomenderos_. The word is often used as
equivalent to _encomienda_.
A _Juez de Residencia_ was a Judge or Commissioner sent by the Home
Government to examine into the administration or conduct of a colonial
Viceroy, Governor, Adelantado, or any other official, and submit a
report.
_Alcalde_, Justice of the peace.
_Regidor_, Municipal councillor.
_Alguacil_, a Constable.
_Cabildo_, a Municipality, Municipal body, or even a Municipal
building.
The name by which Cieza quotes the capital of Peru, except in one or
two instances, is "_Los Reyes_" ("the Kings"), it having been founded
at Epiphany. I have substituted the present name "Lima," as more
convenient to the reader. The phrase _Los de Chile_ (They of Chile)
is constantly used in Cieza's text in reference to the members of
the Almagro faction; it was the current expression for Don Diego's
adherents at the time, because the leaders of his party were men who
had served under the elder Almagro in the expedition to Chile which
led up to his disaster.
There were two captains, men of very different type, with exactly the
same name--Francisco de Chaves. This is confusing. One was a friend
of Pizarro, but also a friend of the natives--a man of sound judgment
and high honour. He was struck down by the assassins outside the door
of Pizarro's _sala_, when remonstrating with them. The other, said
to have been a cousin, was the worst of Almagro's captains, and a
thoroughly bad character: to distinguish them I have called the first
Francisco de Chaves (the good), and the second, Francisco de Chaves
(the bad).
FOOTNOTES:
[2] The manuscript in Mr. Prescott's hands appears to have had on
the cover the name of Dr. Sarmiento, President of the Council of the
Indies, to whom it was addressed. Mr. Prescott supposed that he was
the author, and always quotes the manuscript as by Sarmiento.
[3] Pizarro had _encomiendas_ in places called Atabillos and Huaylas,
and it has been said that he was Marquis of Atabillos, but this is
a mistake. An elaborate coat of arms was granted to him, but no
territorial title was ever attached to his Marquisate during his
lifetime. He was simply the Marquis Pizarro. His great grandson was
created Marquis _de la Conquista_. See also my note on page xxxviii.
[4] In my note to the "Life and Arts of Don Alonso Curíguez de Guzmán"
I was misled, by Mr. Prescott's statement that it was not specified
how the line was to be measured, into an error. It was clearly
specified that the line was to be measured on a meridian and not along
the coast.
[5] This was done owing to the representations of royal officials who
had been appointed to the province of New Toledo. After the time of
Vaca de Castro, there was no more heard of New Toledo. The Viceroys
were appointed to govern the whole of Peru.
[6] A lame excuse was invented afterwards that Hernando Pizarro,
during the truce, had broken down the bridges over the Huatanay, the
river that flows through Cuzco. This was false. He had broken down one
bridge, for military reasons, _before_ the truce.
[7] In his "War of Las Salinas."
[8] Hernando Pizarro was in prison in the castle of Medina del Campo
for twenty-three years, a terrible fate for so active minded a man.
His detention, however, was not close or severe. When the daughter
of the Marquis Pizarro, by an Inca Princess, arrived in Spain under
the care of her step-father Francisco de Ampuero, she was married
to her uncle Hernando in prison. At length the old warrior was
released, having outlived all his enemies. He went to Truxillo, where
he had property, and lived there to a great age. Hernando Pizarro
had children, and the marquisate was revived for his grandson, with
the additional title "_de la Conquista_." The new Marquis was a
great-grandson of the Marquis Pizarro and also of the Inca Huayna
Capac.
[9] Saavedra, Sotelo, and Chaves (the bad one of the two).
[10] Gómez de Alvarado.
[11] Except F. de Chaves (the bad one), who soon afterwards was put to
death by Herrada.
[Illustration]
THE WAR OF CHUPAS
BY
CIEZA DE LEÓN
CHAPTER I
_How the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro went to the province of
Arequipa, to found a city there, and divided the natives among
the persons who would remain there as citizens._
The Governor, Don Francisco Pizarro, determined to go and found
the city of _Arequipa_. The affairs of the town of _Plata_ were in
good order, the captain Pero Anzures having made arrangements for
the maintenance of the settlers, and for the orderly service of the
Indians. Having visited the province of Collao the Governor set out
with the Spaniards who were in attendance on him. He travelled so well
that he arrived at the district where the city was to be founded.
Then messengers arrived with news that the Inca Manco wished to make
peace. This was not true. The captain Gonzalo Pizarro having departed
from Cuzco in search of the Inca, some events happened between
them. Gonzalo occupied a rocky eminence, destroyed two bridges, and
pursued the Inca so closely that he was on the point of falling into
his hands. The Inca was so pressed that he sent messengers to the
Governor. Don Francisco Pizarro was anxious to bring the Inca into
obedience to his Majesty, so he determined to return to Cuzco to
secure that end. While he was on the journey from _Chuqui-apu_[12] to
Arequipa, he reflected that the affairs of Quito were very important,
that three or four cities were already founded there, while there
were reports of provinces where as many more might be founded. So he
resolved to send Gonzalo Pizarro there in accordance with a commission
from his Majesty authorizing him to send one of his brothers as
Governor of those parts if he should think it desirable. Having
come to this decision the Marquis wrote to his brother with orders
presently to set out for Quito. Gonzalo Pizarro, on receiving the
command of the Marquis, set out for Quito with some followers, by the
royal road. He intended to penetrate into the land of cinnamon, where
great riches were reported.
As the Marquis had resolved to return to Cuzco, he directed the
batchelor Garci Díaz Arias, who is now Bishop of Quito, to look out
for the best site on which to found a city. He then, with a small
company, set out for the valley of _Yucay_, when he sent messengers to
the King Manco Inca Yupanqui, proposing that he should come and treat
with him, as he was waiting for him in that valley.
Manco Inca received the news, and showed a desire for peace on his
part. He, likewise, sent messengers to the Marquis that he should make
peace and depart. The Marquis, believing in what the barbarian had no
intention of doing, tried to increase his good will by sending him
a very handsome pillow[13] and clothes of silk. When the Inca heard
of this, he came out on the road, and in place of rewarding the two
messengers, he killed them both and returned to Viticos. They were two
Christian servants of the Marquis. The Inca placed no value on the
friendship of the Spaniards nor on their promise. When the Marquis
was informed of this, he was enraged to find that the barbarian would
yield no obedience to the King, and that he was in such a position
that submission could not be enforced. For this an expedition against
the Inca was not then undertaken.
In this valley of _Yucay_ the Marquis put the principal wife of the
Inca to death. This was looked upon as a great cruelty. The Marquis
had taken her prisoner, and some even say that he, or else Gonzalo
Pizarro, had had more than friendship with her. They even say the same
of Antonio Picado, the secretary. As the Inca would not make peace,
the greatest insult that could be put upon him would be to kill the
wife he loved most. So she was put to a cruel death. She was terrified
and asked why they were going to kill her, when she had done nothing
deserving of death. Finding herself in this extremity she distributed
all her jewels among the principal women who were with her, without
keeping any at all. Then she begged of them that, when she should be
dead, they would put her remains in a basket and let it float down the
Yucay river, that the current might take it to her husband the Inca.
When he learnt this, great was his sorrow. This done, the Marquis
returned to Cuzco.
Soon afterwards the news came that the batchelor Garci Díaz Arias and
those who had remained with him had gone down towards the sea coast,
seeking for a site on which to found the new city; but every place
was difficult and with many defects. All came to the conclusion that
Arequipa was the best place, and so they wrote to the Marquis. He
approved; and he made a distribution, indicating those who were to
become citizens, also naming the magistrates and municipal officers.
He gave the appointment of Lieutenant Governor to Garci Manuel de
Caravajal, a native of Truxillo. After the Marquis had made this
distribution, provisionally until the general distribution could
be made at Lima in concert with the Bishop, he sent orders to Pedro
Anzures at Plata, to take great care about the conversion of the
Indians, and to explore the mines which were reported to exist
near that town. He then set out for the city of _San Juan de la
Vitoria_,[14] where the inhabitants welcomed his arrival with much
content, and he stayed with them for some days. After he had made
arrangements conducive to good government there, he proceeded to Lima,
where the citizens came out to receive him, and he was very honourably
welcomed by all.
At this time fresh despatches arrived for the Marquis from his Majesty
and from several Grandees of Spain. Their date was previous to the
arrival of news of the death of the Adelantado. Among them there was
a commission, with the seal, in which his Majesty, being informed
of the holy life of Garcí Díaz Arias, appointed him Bishop-elect of
Quito. All were rejoiced, for he was much beloved, and they made great
festivities in the city in his honour.
FOOTNOTES:
[12] Now La Paz, in Bolivia.
[13] _Haca_ or _Jaca_ is a pony or hack, but the word seems to have
been used also for what was put on a pony--a cushion or pillow.
[14] Guamanga.
CHAPTER II
_How the General Lorenzo de Aldana determined to send an
expedition to settle in Anzerma, a place discovered by the
captain Belalcazar, and how he chose Jorge Robledo to be captain
of this new settlement._
There was such order in the government of the cities that,
although Aldana had been but a short time in charge,[15] it seemed
quite a different state of affairs from what had preceded it.
Being in the city of _Cali_, Pedro de Añasco went as captain and
lieutenant-governor at Timaná. Aldana charged him to treat the Indians
fairly, and not to allow the Spaniards shamelessly to rob, or seize
their lands, and to punish any one so offending with the utmost
rigour. He wrote to Juan de Ampudia at Popayán to the same effect.
After he had attended to these affairs, seeing that there were still
many men left in Cali, including veterans well versed in the service
of conquest, he resolved to form a settlement in the provinces of
_Anzerma_, which lie further west than the city of Cali, and border
on the very rich and forceful river of Santa Marta. They had been
discovered by the captain Sebastian de Belalcázar. And although Aldana
understood that much profit might result from such an expedition to
any captain who should undertake it, he cast avarice aside; for he
cared more about the good government of the territory entrusted to
him, and considered very carefully what captain he should send on
this enterprise. Though, among those who came from Cartagena, were
Melchor Suer de Nava, Alonso de Montemayor, the _Comendador_ Hernán
Rodríguez de Sosa, and other men of ability who might have performed
the service, Aldana did not see fit to give it to any of these who had
recently come from another government, and had not fought under any
banner in Peru. Among those present in the city of Cali there were few
who complied with that condition. He finally selected Jorge Robledo.
Certainly he did not err, for Robledo was such a man as would serve
the King well, and might well be employed on such a service.
I have seen the power which Aldana received from the Marquis for
making this appointment, and though some asserted that it was
frivolous and without proper authority, they deceive themselves. It
was approved in Spain; and in Panamá Dr. Villalobos, a Judge who was
there at the time, told me that Aldana had a full right to appoint
Robledo. The document of the Marquis states: "That as he had been
informed that there were some provinces discovered but yet to be
settled, if Aldana were occupied in the government and reformation
of the cities, he might nominate such a person as should seem good
to him, to go in his place to make a settlement, and that he himself
gave requisite powers to the person so appointed." As Aldana held
this commission he determined to send Jorge Robledo. First he made
a _repartimiento_ of the Indians subject to the city of Cali, among
fewer citizens than were then at Cali. The rest, and those of us among
the men who had come from Cartagena with Vadillo who most desired to
go, enlisted with Robledo: all being well contented. Lorenzo de Aldana
ordered that the new city that was to be founded, should be called the
city of "St. Anne of the Knights."[16] He appointed Melchor Suer de
Nava and Martin de Amoroto as _Alcaldes_, and Ruy Vanegas as _Alguacil
Mayor_. Having made these appointments, and given the captain Robledo
his orders, he instructed them to leave Cali, taking as few native
servants as possible, and he dismissed many of those they had engaged.
He himself went with them as far as a village called _Meacanoa_,
seven leagues from Cali, and then returned. The captain Jorge Robledo
continued his journey, having started on the 8th of July 1549.[17] In
this expedition I served. After he had arranged these matters, Aldana
departed for the city of Popayán, leaving Miguel Muñoz as Governor's
lieutenant at Cali, and having given the citizens lists of the Indians
they held in _repartimiento_. When he arrived at Popayán he did the
same as at Cali, where, having left Juan de Ampudia as Governor's
lieutenant, he set out for Quito.
At this time Gonzalo Díaz de Pineda obtained a commission from the
Marquis Pizarro to found a town in _Pasto_, but it was not to derogate
from the powers of Aldana; only that if the latter were absent Pineda
might act. When at Quito Pineda heard that Aldana was coming, he set
out with some Spaniards to found the town; but Aldana had already
arrived at the valley of _Guapuanquer_ where he then founded _Villa
Viciosa de Pasto_, afterwards moved to the valley of _Atris_, where it
now is. At the time of the founding an act was ordered to be recorded,
which said that "Lorenzo de Aldana desired to consider Gonzalo Díaz de
Pineda as his colleague in that foundation." Although this is so, in
my first book I did not mention any founder but Lorenzo de Aldana, for
it is clear that he alone had the necessary power for the affair of
those cities. As for saying so of Gonzalo Díaz enough has been written.
When Aldana had founded Villa Viciosa de Pasto he left as Governor's
lieutenant one Rodrigo de Ocampo, a man who well understood a war with
Indians, and he divided the Chiefs and villages among the settlers
who were to remain there. We have written all that relates to the
foundation and site of that town and customs of the natives, in the
_Book of Foundations_. After he had seen to the good order of this
town, Aldana proceeded to the city of Quito, where he remained until
Gonzalo Pizarro arrived; and at present we have nothing more to say
about Aldana.
FOOTNOTES:
[15] Aldana had been sent by Pizarro as governor of Quito, Popayan,
and Cali, in the absence of Belalcazar, who had gone to Spain.
[16] Santa Ana de los Caballeros.
[17] 1539?
CHAPTER III
_How his Majesty nominated Don Pascual de Andagoya to be
Governor and Adelantado of the river of San Juan; and how
Robledo proceeded to establish the town of Anzerma._
The Licentiate Caspar de Espinosa, he whom we mentioned, some way
back,[18] as having died in the city of Cuzco, was a citizen of Panamá
in Tierra Firme. He received great accounts of the valley of _Baeza_
and the river of _San Juan_, so he sent to his Majesty to petition
for the government of that territory; but just when a grant of the
government was sent to him he died. It was then granted to Don Pascual
de Andagoya, with the condition that he was not to trench on any part
that had been discovered or settled by the Marquis Pizarro, or any
of his captains. After Andagoya's business was settled at Court he
went to Seville and embarked, landing afterwards at Nombre de Dios,
and going thence to Panamá. Although he there got news that the
captain Belalcazar, with the title of the Marquis's Captain-general,
had marked off and settled three or four cities, not on that account
did he cease to covet, and soon he began to collect men and fit out
ships for the voyage. Some people urged him to devote himself to the
exploration and settlement of the territory that was granted to him
and leave the rest, for to do otherwise would be an error. His Majesty
would not deprive the Marquis of what was within his government.
Taking little heed of this advice Andagoya pushed forward his
preparations for departing from the city of Panamá.[19]
Returning to the proceedings of Robledo. After leaving Meacanoa
he made all possible haste to arrive at the region which was his
destination. He made Ruy Vanegas his ensign, and, as in the valley
below there flowed the great river of Santa Marta, the baggage was got
across on a raft, and in a very large canoe. They marched on until
they came to a village which was named _Pescado_, situated on the
banks of that river. Nothing had happened worthy of record, except
that a Portuguese named Roque Martín killed a negress he cohabited
with, by stabbing her. He fled from justice to Timaná, but was killed
by the Indians and eaten. It was a judgment of God, which was clearly
seen in this punishment, for this Roque Martín, without fear of God,
had fed his dogs upon Indians' limbs, which dogs were used by him to
hunt down native men and women. At last, albeit his delight was to
kill so many Indians, yet his end was to die at their hands, and to
find a tomb in their bellies.
From this village Robledo continued his march. His followers numbered
a hundred Spaniards, horse and foot. He went on until he came to
the borders of the province. The natives, having had notice of the
approach of the invaders, had hidden their supplies, and had concealed
themselves in ravines, and in the most secret places of their land.
The captain, after having sent up the baggage from the river to the
heights where they were, and having got all the Spaniards together,
ordered the swiftest among them to make ready, and then sent them out
to search for the natives. Although the latter were well concealed
the runners took more than 200 persons. The captain spoke very kindly
to them, through the interpreters he had brought with him. These were
three Indian women named Barbola, Antona, and Catalina. As the captain
knew that I was curious to learn the secrets of the Indians he gave
Catalina to me, that I might more easily acquire the knowledge I
sought. He told the Indians that they should render obedience to the
King and be friends with the Christians, and that it was desirable
there should be conferences on the subject. In order that they might
understand that faith would be kept with them, he ordered them all to
be set free, telling them to ask their Chiefs to come and confer with
him.
When the people throughout the province understood that the Spaniards
had set their prisoners free, and that they had come to form a new
settlement, several Chiefs and principal men came and were well
received by the captain, who began to treat with them, hoping that
it would please God to bring all the natives of the province to
an attitude of peace. From these Indians it was ascertained that
Spaniards like themselves were coming from the Ocean Sea, that they
had many horses, and were capturing and killing the Indians. Robledo,
on hearing this, consulted with his principal officers, and it was
decided to seek out a site and found a city; for, peradventure, it
might not be people of Cartagena who were coming, and it would be well
to anticipate them, and be first to form a settlement. So the captain
Ruy Vanegas, with twenty Spaniards, horse and foot, set out to find a
site, followed by Robledo and the rest. Before we go on any farther,
it will be well to relate what people those were who were coming.
FOOTNOTES:
[18] In the volume on the _War of Las Salinas_.
[19] Andagoya had heard of the disasters in the Popayán province,
described further on. He was right to go to the rescue, but not to
assume the government. The boundaries of his own province of San Juan
were not fixed.
CHAPTER IV
_How the Licentiate Santa Cruz sent captains and troops in
pursuit of Vadillo, of the differences there were between them,
and how they joined Robledo._
I should be well pleased if I could continue my writing without
digressions, for it is quite long enough without treating of other
histories, yet I am obliged to do so that my narrative may be
understood. For I want, above all, to satisfy my readers. Therefore,
with the brevity which is my wont, I will relate the events that we
are following up. The reader is sure to remember that, in an earlier
part of my history I mentioned how, when Don Pedro de Heredia was
Governor of Cartagena, the Licentiate Juan de Vadillo came to hold a
_residencia_. After several things had happened, an account of which I
omit for reasons already given, he set out with followers in the way
I have described in the part where I treated of him.[20] As Heredia
remonstrated, his Majesty appointed as Judge the Licentiate Santa
Cruz, who governed the province of Cartagena well, and founded there
the city of _Mompox_. As Vadillo would not submit, the Judge ordered
troops to be got ready, and sent Juan Greciano as his lieutenant in
charge of them, with powers to administer justice to the men Vadillo
had raised, and orders to send them back to Cartagena. But now, when
the troops were about to start. Judge Santa Cruz made a great mistake.
This was to appoint one Luis Bernal as captain to carry on a war with
the Indians wherever he might pass. Thus with one holding a commission
as lieutenant and the other as captain, the expedition left Cartagena.
Having arrived at the port of Urabá early in the year 1538, they
began the march, and from the first few days parties were formed,
each captain wanting to be superior to the others, while the soldiers
joined those who had most to offer, so that although the men were few,
the confusion was great, and as suspicions increased, the quarrels
became worse. I am not astonished at this for whether in an army, or a
company, or in the smallest province or the widest kingdom, if there
are two heads it is impossible that there can be good government. And
thus, too, said Alexander, when Darius sought for peace by offering
a part of his dominions, that the world could not be governed by two
heads, and that only one could hold the empire.
Marching in the way I have described, the expedition from Cartagena
arrived at the mountains of Abibe, and, as the road had been opened
by us when we came with Vadillo, they crossed the range without much
difficulty. In this forest some young men killed a snake or serpent,
which was so big that it had an entire deer with its horns in its
inside. In what way can the creature have swallowed it! The Spaniards,
and their quarrels, travelled with all possible haste, and after
having gone through great hardships, and suffered much from hunger,
they arrived at the borders of the province of Anzerma. As they
found plenty of provisions they remained there for several days.
The quarrels among them came to such a pitch that Juan Greciano, in
the name of the King, wanted to arrest Luis Bernal, and Luis Bernal,
in the same royal name, wanted to arrest Greciano. Some of their
followers joined one side, and some the other, all taking up arms. At
the time that this happened the captain Ruy Vanegas arrived at a hill
called _Umbra_, on which a town was afterwards founded, and being very
near the other party of Spaniards, they could see each other. This was
why those from Cartagena did not come to blows, which evil would have
been inevitable until one or other of the leaders was killed. When the
two parties of Spaniards saw each other their delight was great.
Ruy Vanegas sent the news to the captain Jorge Robledo who, at
a village called _Garma_, had founded the city of _Santa Ana de
los Caballeros_, now called the town of Anzerma. Thither went the
Spaniards from Cartagena and gave their obedience to Robledo. The
lieutenant Juan Greciano, complained of the conduct of Luis Bernal and
the others, who were banished. Robledo sent messengers to Lorenzo de
Aldana with an account of all that had happened; and Aldana wrote a
very full report to the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro. As the site for
the town presented some difficulties, the new town was removed to the
hill called Umbra where it now stands.
FOOTNOTE:
[20] The author was with Vadillo in his march.
CHAPTER V
_How the captain Jorge Robledo induced the Chiefs in the
neighbourhood of the new city to remain at peace, and how he
sent Suer de Nava to Caramanta._
After the usual proceedings at the founding of new cities, steps
were taken to build some houses and sow seeds, and the captain sent
messengers to all parts of the province to invite the Chiefs to come
to him. Among the Chiefs there were two principal ones named _Umbruza_
and _Ocuzca_. Later on, one Gómez Fernández, being lieutenant to
Belalcazar in this province, was so cruel as to burn these two Chiefs
for some very slight cause, and he did the same to other Chiefs and
Indians, without any mercy. Some Chiefs came to see Robledo, who
showed skill in bringing them to adopt a peaceful attitude, and to
serve the Emperor. He was desirous of becoming acquainted with the
people who might be serviceable for the new city. So he sent Captain
Suer de Nava with fifty Spaniards, horse and foot, to the province
of _Caramanta_ to see what villages of Indians there were in that
direction. Suer de Nava departed, while Robledo himself started off
from _Ocuzca's_ village, whither, at the end of a few days, he came
back, bringing with him, in friendly fashion, over two thousand
Indians and many women.
The captain ordered the Spaniards to be prepared, so that they might
not be found unready in case the Indians should think of committing
any treason. At this time the chief Ocuzca came from the wilds and
arrived where the captain was, who received him very well, and let
his coming be known, returning to the city with him, but keeping him
as it were under guard, so that he might not escape. The Chief was
grieved at being kept a prisoner, and one day when some soldiers were
on watch, he saw that they fell asleep. So he departed, and his flight
caused great excitement. We went out in search in every direction,
but could not find any traces to show which way he had gone. At this
time the captain Suer de Nava, who had been at Caramanta, crossed the
range and reached some valleys, where he saw the villages of _Metia_,
_Palala_, and others; and having given the Indians to understand what
they should do, he returned to report to the captain. Robledo then
resolved to visit the province, leaving Martín de Amoroto to guard
the new city. For all the rest of the Chiefs had submitted, though at
first there had been some punishments, such as cutting off the hands
and noses of Indians who were brought in to him from the vicinity.
Being in the village of Garma the captain Ruy Vanegas went in search
of the Chiefs of that place, and came upon a prayer house or sanctuary
that they had constructed as a hiding place. In it were found many
very pretty women, great quantities of coloured cloth and more than
12,000 _pesos_ in gold, which the Christians seized. To pacify the
province the captain ordered most of it to be returned to the Indians.
Ocuzca, the Chief who had escaped, seeing that the captain was absent,
gathered together all the principal Chiefs of his lineage, and with
a large force which they assembled, marched to destroy the new city
of Anzerma. Amoroto, who had been left to guard it, made great
preparations for defence, for an Indian girl belonging to me, a native
of those villages, told me, in great secrecy, about the movements of
the barbarians, and that they were about to attack the city. I at once
reported this to the _Alcalde_, and we were all under arms, night and
day, waiting for the enemy. But the Indians, either not daring or for
some other reason, after having given us some bad nights, dispersed
and returned to their homes.
CHAPTER VI
_How the captain Jorge Robledo sent Gómez Hernández to explore
the province of The Choco, and also how Ruy Vanegas went to the
village of Pirsa._
After the captain Jorge Robledo had ordered the spoils that were
taken in the house I mentioned to be restored to the Indians, and
established a peace with the Chiefs of the valley of _Apia_, which
was the largest and most populous of the districts subject to the
city that had been founded, he received news that Ocuzca and
Umbruza, with other Chiefs, had sworn to destroy the new city and
kill all the Spaniards. So he decided to proceed to _Santa Ana de los
Caballeros_, for so the city was named, as we stated when we recorded
its foundation. He arrived there after a few days, and despatched
messengers in all directions urging the native Chiefs not to be
mad, nor to act without considering the consequences, but to render
obedience to his Majesty and be friendly to the Spaniards, and in
such event he would secure to them their lives and possessions, and
would see that they were not ill treated. Some of them thought it
best to comply, and came, bringing materials for building the houses
of the Spaniards. Robledo now wanted to divide the villages among
the Spaniards who had come with him. He had news that, beyond the
cordillera of _Cima_, which lies to the north of Anzerma, there was a
thickly peopled region and much wealth. So, to ascertain the truth, he
resolved to send and explore. He ordered Gómez Hernández to set out
with fifty Spaniards, cross-bow men and shield bearers, and explore
this region of _El Choco_. When they were ready the captain Robledo
went with them as far as the valley of Santa María. Here an Indian
came in friendly guise, alleging that he was the Chief, Umbruza. As he
was known not to be that Chief he was ordered to be burnt, which was
an excessively cruel punishment.
Gómez Hernández left this valley with the Spaniards, but took no
horses with him because of the rugged character of the country, and
proceeded until he reached the forest of _Cima_, which is very wild,
with a dense growth of trees, and where it rains during the greater
part of the year. It contains many noxious animals and night birds.
The monkeys are numerous, and the natives go naked and are very
savage. The Indians have their houses very strongly built in trees,
and they make war upon each other owing to the scarcity of food. The
Spaniards with their cross-bows came to one of those _barbacoas_, or
fortified places, and one of them named Alonso Pérez caught an Indian
girl. She was so overcome with grief and abhorrence at finding herself
a prisoner to a Christian, that she threw herself down a precipice and
was dashed to pieces, her soul going to hell. Gómez Hernández advanced
for some days through these forests, than which there are none more
rugged and impassable in the world, until he came to a river which
flowed into the Ocean Sea and which, according to the most general
opinion, must be the river of Darien.[21] They found some edible
palms, and on them that singular fruit called _pixibays_, which they
liked. There also were many turkeys and pheasants,[22] and many tapirs
which are the size of a mule, and would seem to be like those they
call zebras. Proceeding with his discoveries, Gómez Hernández advanced
until he arrived at the crest of a rise whence they saw that the
country everywhere appeared level and much less mountainous. No open
plain was visible, but undulating country with many and much larger
_barbacoas_ or fortified houses than had been found in Cima. When the
natives perceived the Christians they sounded many drums and flutes,
making a great noise and preparing to come out and give battle.
These Indians also go naked but they are well disposed, their women
beautiful, and they all have gold. It is believed that there are
great riches in these regions, but until now they are unexplored.
Gómez Hernández, and all his followers, being unmounted, were in some
danger of falling into the hands of the Indians who, seeing that they
had come without horses, which are what they so greatly fear, held
the intruders cheap, and rose up in arms to oppose an entrance into
their country. The Spaniards had reached one of those strongholds,
and in it they found plenty of food, and wanted to take some of it.
But the Indians came against them, thinking to lay hold of them.
When the Spaniards saw their approach, they commended themselves to
God, and prepared for battle. Then came a great disaster, which was
that the cords of several cross-bows were broken. The Indians shot
off arrows and darts and the battle was joined. The Spaniards fought
well, though some did better than others, and many were wounded by
the Indians. The affair reached such a point that the Indians, after
having mortally wounded a Frenchman who was there, seized Antonio
Pimentel, a veteran in these Indies, who was near, gave a tremendous
shout, and transfixed his body with a dart. This Pimentel, and another
named Vera, were saved miraculously. For being desperately wounded
they commended themselves to our Lady and, though many Indians passed
by, it was her pleasure that they should not be perceived by them, and
so, strengthened by her aid, they were able to rejoin their comrades.
The Spaniards, being without horses, seeing the number of Indians
increasing, and most of themselves wounded, thought it best to retreat
with their faces to the foe. They were followed for a whole day
when the Indians, satisfied at having driven the enemy out of their
country and wounded most of them, returned. The Indians had captured
the wounded Frenchman, and put him to a most horrible death by cruel
tortures. The Spaniards made speed to return to Anzerma, and report
to the captain what had happened. Robledo then ordered Ruy Vanegas to
proceed to the village of Pirso and try to arrange for terms of peace
with the Chiefs.
Ruy Vanegas set out with those that were necessary, and with horses,
and I went with him. When we arrived at the place we found the natives
in arms. They had deep holes dug in the approaches, and in them were
many spikes. These holes were covered over with grass, so that the
horses and Christians might fall into them. As we entered the village
the Indians fled into the ravines and among the rocks behind the
village. Because a horse fell into one of the holes and was killed on
the stakes, the Spaniards threw into two of them over fifty Indian men
and women, to teach them not to try another deceit like that, as it
would be to their own hurt in the end. After having been some days in
this district, Ruy Vanegas had sent messages to the Chiefs to come as
friends, and we went on to the province of _Sopia_. Here, though the
barbarians were proud, yet, knowing the power of the Spaniards, they
came in peaceably and gave obedience to his Majesty, which they have
observed ever since. After Ruy Vanegas had settled those provinces he
returned to Anzerma, and reported to the captain what he had done.
FOOTNOTES:
[21] The Atrato.
[22] Curassows.
CHAPTER VII
_How the captain Jorge Robledo assigned the Chiefs among the
settlers who had to remain in the city of Santa Ana, and how he
departed and discovered another part of the great river of Santa
Marta._
The events we have related having passed, the captain Jorge Robledo
desired to cross the great river Santa Marta, and explore the regions
on the other side. He first divided the native Chiefs among those
who had to remain as settlers; and then, having assigned them, he
left the captain Ruy Vanegas in his place, and departed from Anzerma
early in the year 1540, taking with him as his ensign Suer de Nava, a
native of Toro. We set out, a little over a hundred Spaniards, horse
and foot. The _Comendador_ Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa was Camp-master.
We arrived at the village of _Irra_, which is on the banks of the
river of Santa Marta, where the current flows with great velocity.
The natives made rafts on which the horses and baggage crossed. The
Spaniards made contrivances for crossing consisting of two bamboos as
thick as a leg, to the head of which a pole was fastened. One man went
in front with a reed, hauling on the bamboos, and two others behind
to guide them. Thus, with great risk and much hard work the Spaniards
crossed this great river. I certainly believe that if the Romans had
undertaken the conquest of these parts, even at the time of the most
flourishing period of their empire, when they ruled the world, they
would not have been powerful enough to do what a few Spaniards have
achieved. As for the hardships and hunger they have faced, no other
nation in the world could have endured it. For they are worthy to be
counted as scions of the most excellent nation in the world and the
one which is foremost in all things.
Having crossed to the other side of the river we went to sleep on the
rising ground, whence the captain sent messengers to _Carrapa_, which
is a large and rich province with abundant supplies of provisions,
to persuade the inhabitants to receive him as their friend and to
yield obedience to his Majesty. As the fame of the Spaniards' valour,
their great power, and the endurance of their horses had reached
all these districts, the natives agreed, in order to escape being
wounded by swords or torn to pieces by dogs, to admit them to their
territory and supply them with provisions; and this they sent to say.
Next day we entered Carrapa. The Chiefs came to see the captain, and
presented many golden ornaments, and vases, among them a salver which
weighed over 2,000 _pesos_. We were there more than a month. The
Indians said that after crossing the cordillera of the Andes there
was a very populous plain country where there were great and very
rich Chiefs, and that that country was called ARBI. They also said
that near it were the provinces of PICARA, PAUCURA, and POZO, all
great and powerful, and hostile to each other. At that time those of
Carrapa were at enmity with Picara. After we had stayed for the time
mentioned the captain asked for guides to advance further, also that
some principal natives should come with the number of men he might
want, to make war on those who refused to be friendly. The people of
Carrapa were content, and gave 600 Indians to carry the baggage on
their shoulders and 4,000 armed men to help in the war. Thus we left
Carrapa and went to the province of Picara, which is larger and more
populous. When tidings came of our approach, the natives of Picara
armed themselves for war, but after they had made a tremendous noise,
they grounded their arms and fled. Those of Carrapa pursued them, and
killed many in the ravines. Others they made prisoners, and ate them
all without sparing any. Such is the cruelty and savagery of these
people!
Our camp was formed on a plain. The captain Robledo, the first
discoverer of these regions, sent messengers to all the villages of
that province to warn the natives that they must come in and render
obedience to his Majesty, for that otherwise he would wage war with
ruthless cruelty. Most of them, fearing their cruel enemies of
Carrapa, determined to come and offer peace to the Spaniards. During
the few days that we were encamped on that plain, the principal
Chiefs, named _Picara_, _Chanvericua_, _Chuscuruca_, and _Ancora_,
came to our camp. When the _repartimiento_ was made, this last one
was given to me in _encomienda_, with other principal men, I being
a _conquistador_ of these parts. These Chiefs brought many gold
ornaments, rich and of much value, which they gave to the captain, who
took possession for his Majesty, and for the royal crown of Castille.
Having made some agreement convenient for them and for us, the captain
ordered the men of Carrapa not to kill any more people, nor to do
any more harm than they had done already. After having been in this
province twenty-five days, we set out for _Pozo_, which is situated
among some breaks in a mountain range, the Chiefs having their houses
and compounds on the slopes higher up. At the approaches there are
fortifications of stout bamboos, and above these are _barbacoas_ or
platforms for making their sacrifices upon, and for use as watch
towers.
These Indians are the boldest and most valiant in all the Indies of
Peru. None of them are ever in their plantations, sowing or gathering
the produce, without having their arms ready at hand. They were feared
by all their neighbours and they would not keep at peace with any one.
Both men and women go naked. They have much gold. Their territory
extends to the river of Santa Marta. They came originally from among
the people of Arma. Their weapons are lances, darts, and slings; but
of this I treat more fully in my _Book of Foundations_. They had news
of our entrance into Picara, and of what we had done in Carrapa, but
they trusted in the strength of their fortified places, and held the
Spaniards of little account. Having made great sacrifices and prayers
to their gods, and having spoken with the devil in accordance with
their customs, more than 6,000 of them assembled, with their arms, on
the summit of their mountains, to defend the pass. We set out from
Picara, as I have said, with more than 5,000 Indians of that province,
led by their principal Chiefs, all eager to attack the province of
Pozo and kill its inhabitants.
CHAPTER VIII
_How the captain Jorge Robledo arrived in the province of Pozo,
where he was severely wounded, and of the most cruel punishment
that was inflicted, also of the great quantity of human flesh
that was there eaten._
To go from the province of Picara to that of Pozo one follows a
river, down stream. It is fringed on either side by woody groves and
fruit-bearing trees, and 'tis certain that, if the Inca kings should
extend their conquests so far, and the opposing parties should not
eat each other up, they would find here the best and richest thing
in all the Indies, the rivers and mountains being so prolific in
gold, as those who have visited it will tell. We were going along,
careless of the fact that we were at war, advancing without order,
and rejoicing to see that there was such a good land to explore. The
captain was in front, and with him were Alvaro de Mendoza, Antonio
Pimentel, the ensign Suer de Nava, Giraldo Gil Estopiñan, Francisco
de Cuéllar, trumpeter, and a cleric named Father Francisco de Frias,
besides some other mounted esquires, and gentlemen on foot. Suddenly
the war cries of the barbarians were heard. In great haste orders were
given to call up the _Comendador_ Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa who, as
squadron commander or Camp-master, came in the rear guard with the men
on horseback. He hurried up to the front, and so did Pedro de Velasco
and I, and others, all being without a thought that the Indians would
be so eager to fight. The captain, with his ensign Suer de Nava,
climbed up the mountain side with great intrepidity, as did the other
Spaniards: while the barbarians made a tremendous noise, and called
us _umes_, which means women, also making use of other more insulting
expressions.
The Indians of Carrapa and Picara, although they numbered over 8,000,
were so afraid of the Pozos that they hardly dared open their mouths.
At this juncture we came to a very difficult mountain pass. The
captain, with much boldness and with the heart of a hero, put spurs
to his horse and, in spite of the foe, nearly reached the summit: the
Spaniards following and invoking the apostle Santiago. They then began
to wound the Indians, and these shot off many darts and arrows. The
captain gave his shield to the trumpeter, because he saw that the man
had none, and taking a cross-bow, he killed three or four Indians;
then, dropping it, he took a lance and prepared to attack them,
having first, before all this, called upon them, in presence of the
notary Pedro Sarmiento, to submit. When the Indians saw the execution
the captain had done amongst them, one of them pointed a dart which
hit him on the right hand, and passed right through it. While stooping
down to recover his lance the Indians shot off another dart, which hit
him in the back, and entered more than a _palmo_. The Spaniards then
pressed onwards, to put the Indians to flight, and gained the heights.
The captain lay on the ground, much afflicted by his wounds, so that
we all thought he was dead. Indeed, as for his living, it would have
been better for him had he died there and then, for at least his
body would not have lacked a tomb, nor would it have become food for
Indians, as happened later, owing to the savagery of those who did
kill him.[23] None of the Spaniards were either killed or wounded here
except the captain.
The friendly Indians killed some of the enemy, whom they ate that
same night. We occupied the native buildings which were on the hill.
They were large, and there were a great number of wooden images in
them, of the size of men, but in place of heads they had skulls with
faces of wax. They served us for firewood. The captain was so ill that
we really thought he would die, and all showed deep sorrow, for, in
those times, Robledo was so much liked for his goodness to us, that
we looked upon him as a father. At night the ensign, Melchor Suer de
Nava, the Father Francisco de Frias, a native of Castro Nuño, Alonzo
de Mendoza, Antonio Pimentel, Pedro de Velasco, Estopiñan and others
of the officers who were there, slept close to him without leaving the
house where he was. Such hatred was felt for the Indians of Pozo who
had done this deed, that the _Comendador_ Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa,
with seventy Spaniards and about 4,000 friendly Indians, set out in
search of the enemy (who were said to have taken up a strong position
on a rock placed on the summit of some crags) intending to kill as
many of them as possible. The Indians of Carrapa and Picara were
delighted on finding their dreaded enemies in such straits, and that
the valiant Spaniards were so bent on killing them. They all brought
stout cords to secure the prisoners. The _Comendador_ went out with
the Spaniards to do what I have said: and it pleased God that the
captain should recover from his wounds, which gave no small pleasure
to us all.
FOOTNOTE:
[23] He was hanged by Belalcázar on the pretence that he had usurped
that governor's territory, and his body was eaten by the Pozos.
For this murder Belalcázar was condemned to death by the _Juez de
residencia_. Belalcázar appealed, and was on his way to Spain when he
died at Cartagena.
CHAPTER IX
_How the Comendador Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa came to the rock,
and of the number of people he captured and killed, and of the
great cruelty perpetrated on those natives._
It is my well-used custom to praise the good deeds of the captains
and people of my nation, but also not to pardon their evil deeds. How
much affection soever I may feel for some of them, it may be believed
that I shall not fail to blame their errors. I saw this conquest and
war and was present at it, and I shared in the love which all felt
for Robledo: the more so because I used to go to his house at that
time. And I speak the purest truth, though many things also happened
which I do not mention, because I am so tired and bored with treating
of the provinces to the westward. Although, as I say, I care so much
for the honour of Robledo, I shall not hesitate to affirm that there
was committed, in this province of Pozo, one of the greatest acts of
cruelty that have been perpetrated in these Indies. This was that,
because the unlucky natives wounded Robledo, the Spaniards felt
such hatred towards them that those who went to inflict punishment
resolved to kill them all.
At the time when they were defeated on the first hill, their principal
Chief, much disturbed at such a calamity, retreated to the banks of
the great river, with his women and principal followers, while others
of his captains went to form a garrison on the summit of a very
inaccessible rock, which rose from the crest of one of the hills. Here
a thousand persons were collected, men and women with many children,
boys and girls, and a supply of provisions. The Christians, who came
with the _Comendador_, sent the news of how they had beleaguered
those people in their fort, and they marched towards it. When they
were near, those of Pozo wished to defend themselves, but they were
astonished and dismayed at so many coming against them. Our friendly
Indians, from below, encircled the rock, and the Christians farther
up sent forward the dogs, which were so fierce that in two bites with
their cruel teeth they laid open their victims to the entrails. It
was no small grief to see that, for taking up arms to defend their
country against those who came to deprive them of it, they were
treated in that manner. The little children, terrified at the noise
and confusion, running hither and thither, were torn to pieces by the
dogs, a horrible sight to witness. The cross-bows also made holes
through their bodies, through which their souls could depart, while
they groaned and cried for help to their parents and their gods; or
in fleeing from the Spaniards they threw themselves over the cliffs.
Those fugitives who escaped from these perils fell into a worse
danger, namely, into the power of the Indians of Carrapa and Picara,
who treated them with even greater cruelty. For they spared none,
neither ugly nor beautiful women, neither old nor young, killing all.
They took the children by their feet, and dashed their heads against
the rocks, and promptly, like dragons, ate them raw. They killed most
of the men they took, and the rest, with hands securely tied, they
carried off. Baltasa de Ledesma and the _Comendador_ acted here in
such a manner that one must believe it was for this crime that they
were killed in course of time at this same place, when they and the
captain were eaten by these very Indians.
After this no people remained on the rock. More than three hundred
of those who had been there were killed. The _Comendador_, with the
other "Christians," returned to the camp. Our native friends made
more than 200 loads of human flesh, and with it and their prisoners
they also returned to their camp, eating the lungs and hearts raw, as
they went, and entrails too. When they arrived at the buildings they
sent to their villages large presents of this flesh, as well as many
of the Indians they had kept alive. Those who remained were forced to
bend their heads and were killed by blows on the occiput with cudgels.
And the only reproach they got from us was to be laughed at and asked
whether that food tasted good to them. I saw that they brought more
than twenty pots as big as our large earthen jars, and filled them all
with this human flesh, which they devoured among them, sending the
heads to their villages. A time came, when God permitting, the Pozos
did more damage than this to their enemies, as we shall relate farther
on.
When the news of the great injury the Christians had done spread to
all parts of the province of Pozo, the people were astounded and
afraid, and, that there might not be such a sad day again, the Chiefs
determined to send to the captain and ask for peace. This was done.
They came to the camp with presents of gold ornaments, and were
well received by the captain, who promised them peace, provided the
principal Chiefs came in, and rendered obedience to his Majesty. After
some negotiation they did so, and after begging pardon for having
taken up arms they asked the captain that no more harm might be
done to them. The captain agreed, the Indians of Carrapa and Picara
returning to their own countries. When the captain's wounds were
healed, he arranged to depart from Pozo, and they brought him many
Indians to carry the baggage of the Spaniards. And so, leaving all in
peace, we departed from Pozo.
CHAPTER X
_How the captain Robledo discovered the province of Paucura, how
the ensign Suer de Nava returned to Pozo, and how he perpetrated
other cruelties worse than the former ones, and how Robledo
left Paucura to explore the great and very rich province of
ARMA._
What I have related in the last chapter having taken place, and the
captain having recovered from his wounds, we departed for the province
of Paucura, where the principal Chief was one named _Pimaná_, who
was also an enemy of the people of Pozo, but allied by lineage,
speech, and customs to those of Picara, a populous and very fertile
province. As they had heard what the Christians had done in Pozo, and
were friends of Pimaná's relations in Picara, they agreed to submit
peaceably and to bring in plenty of provisions, and so it was done. We
arrived at Paucura in the afternoon of a Wednesday, and they showed
much joy at our coming. So we lodged there as friends. When all our
force had arrived, a soldier named Miranda said that certain pigs,
which had gone amissing from the men who were bringing them, had been
stolen by the Indians of Pozo. It was no great crime, nor ought it
to have been punished with the cruelty which we must now describe.
When Robledo was told of the loss of the pigs he was very angry,
saying that the Pozo Indians had not kept the peace to which they had
agreed, and that he would punish them for being false friends. He
then ordered his ensign to go with fifty Spaniards, horse and foot,
to Pozo and punish the theft of the pigs. When the people of Paucura
heard of the return of the Spaniards to Pozo they rejoiced at the
good opportunity of doing all the injury they could to the people
of Pozo, who were their enemies, so when Suer de Nava left the camp
he was joined by over 3,000 Paucuraños. All united marched rapidly
and, arriving in Pozo, they began to do great harm to the unfortunate
people, burning their houses, ruining their villages, and robbing what
they contained. That the sin might be greater, more than two hundred
souls were murdered by the Paucuraños, who cut the bodies in pieces
as if they had been saddles of mutton or legs of beef, and carried
them off to their homes. It was surely a strange thing to see rational
beings so very fond of human flesh, so that to obtain it there was no
peace between fathers and their sons and brothers. As soon as Suer de
Nava had recovered the pigs, and settled some terms of peace with the
Pozo people, he returned to the province of Paucura where the captain
had remained.
Robledo had received tidings that at no great distance to the
westward [_sic_] was situated the great and very rich province of
ARMA, which is the largest and most populous in all Peru, and
where, if the natives could be domesticated, such a supply of gold
might be obtained that the Spaniards settling there would become the
richest in all those parts. Desirous of exploring these regions in
order to form a new settlement, Robledo made his preparations and left
Paucura accompanied by some of the Chiefs and many Indians; and we
went on until we reached the crests of some mountains.
By this time the arrival of the Spaniards was known in all the
villages of that great province. Our deeds were exaggerated. It was
said that with one blow of a sword we could cut open an Indian,
and with one thrust of a lance we could run him through, but what
terrified them most was to hear the way a bolt was shot from a
cross-bow, and the furious velocity with which it flew; while they
also wondered at the speed of the horses. Finally they had debated
among themselves as to whether they should keep the peace with us or
come out to make war on us, and they had consulted their devils in
regard to this. One may believe that the reply and counsel savoured
of the oracle who gave them, and all watched for the part where the
Spaniards would approach, to decide on what they would do. We set out
from where, as I have said, we passed the previous night, and marched
to the borders of the province. When we came in sight of a summit we
heard a great noise, many drums beating and horns being blown. It
was so in truth, for when the natives saw us coming that way they
concealed their property and their women and children, and of one
accord came out in warlike array to face us. When the captain heard
the noise, he ordered all his men to form in order with their arms,
and march to the summit. This was done. The shouts of the natives
increased, while we advanced in leisurely fashion towards them. And
although they tried to dismay us with their clamour, and by means
of huge stones sent rolling down the hill, it availed them nought,
because the daring of the Spaniards is so great that nothing in the
world can daunt them; and so, in spite of all, they reached the summit
and put the Indians to flight.
CHAPTER XI
_How the captain Robledo explored the province of Arma and fixed
his camp in the village of the principal Chief, named Maytama;
and of other notable things that happened._
Having gained the summit, the Spaniards continued to follow the
Indians, killing some of them, and we saw that they were adorned with
very beautiful ornaments of gold. They also had plumes of feathers,
crowns, and large plaques, and some were seen who were in armour of
gold from head to foot. It was certainly beautiful to see some of the
pieces they took, and from this the range was called _La Loma de los
Armados_. We lodged in two of the houses there, very happy at finding
that God our Lord had presented us with so rich and populous a land,
in order that, being by us discovered, His name might be worshipped
and the Holy Gospel preached.
On the following day we departed thence, and saw that the province was
very large, full of villages, planted with maize and great rushes, and
that there were groves of fruit trees, and palms yielding _pixibays_.
The villages on the slopes and higher ground contained circular houses
so large that there was room for fifteen or twenty people in each.
There are many other things to tell of this province, which I have
written in my _Book of Foundations_, where the reader will have seen
them.
When we were passing out of a valley we heard a still greater noise
at the top of the next range of hills, whither the road that we were
taking led; and, marching more quickly, we came to the beginning
of the rise, and saw that the pass was difficult before reaching
the summit, for, besides presenting a steep ascent there were some
rocks and gullies which would make it necessary for the horses to
go gently, without attempting to press quickly forward. The captain
demanded peace from the natives, and obedience to the Emperor; if this
was refused he would make ruthless war. The Indians, deriding these
demands, replied to us that we came to conquer and to rob what did not
belong to us, that we should return to our own country, and leave them
quiet and at peace in theirs. Having said these words and others, they
shot off many darts and stones, showing that they intended to defend
the approach to their village.
The captain seeing that the barbarians intended to defend the pass,
and that the noon-day heat was coming on, ordered the foot soldiers
to lose no time in attacking the Indians with shields, cross-bows and
dogs, in order to take the pass, so that the horses might be able to
come up. In this they were successful, while some of the horsemen,
laboriously seeking a way by one or other side of the mountain in
spite of the Indians, found a place by which they were able to come
up with the horses, to the position reached by the men on foot. Then
the shouting was greater, for the Indians did not dare to await the
coming of men who they saw were so valiant; and not caring to hear
the neighing of the horses, turned their backs and began to run away,
abandoning their arms--the cowards. The mounted men followed and
overtook some of them, taking a quantity of gold in ornaments such as
I have said they have. All the Spaniards who were behind having come
up, we proceeded to encamp on the summit, which they called _de los
Cavallos_. Here they found but little maize, as it was only in leaf.
The Chiefs and principal people of those villages, astounded at seeing
the majesty of the Spaniards and their great power, and fearing to
oppose them more, agreed to go to the captain peaceably. So they came
to our camp with nets full of ornaments of the finest gold, asking the
captain for pardon for having been so mad as not to have laid down
their arms sooner. The captain received them very well and agreed to
the peace. As the inhabitants of those villages were so rich they
made presents of gold to the Spaniards. When they brought water for
the horses, they offered very large and fine golden ornaments, so
fine that they exceeded 21 carats. That night the captain sent the
_Comendador_ Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa, with a sufficient force to the
village of one _Maytama_, who was the principal Chief of the province,
to capture him or oblige him to render obedience to his Majesty. The
_Comendador_ started during the first night watch and marched until
he arrived at Maytama's hill. He found the Indians ready for war,
and, attacking them until daylight, he put them to flight, captured a
brother of Maytama, and saw them, both men and women, take away many
loads of gold. The Spaniards could only capture a few because the
thickness of the maize in the fields was so great. For this reason
the Indians escaped with most of the gold, which if it had been taken
would have been a great booty, nevertheless the Spaniards and their
servants took some.
The captain, with the whole camp, arrived the next day. As it was
known throughout the province that the Spaniards occupied the
buildings of Maytama the natives sent messengers proposing to be
friends and offering great presents of gold. The gold was brought in
this way: the Indians came with much shouting, bearing long poles
from the shoulder of one to that of another, from which there hung by
cords the plaques, crowns, bracelets, and plumes of gold. On arriving
where the captain was, they set them down before him, and thus the
presents I have mentioned came from all parts of the province. The
Chief, who was a prisoner, sent an old woman to bring gold, and next
day she brought about 2,000 _pesos_, at which we were astonished. The
Chief said that he had more gold buried and that he wanted to go and
fetch it. He asked the captain to tell off some Spaniards to go with
him, intending to escape if it were possible. The captain ordered
some soldiers to go with him. When they came to some precipitous
rocks, hating to remain in the power of the Spaniards, he determined
to kill himself. With a barbarous and heathen mind, he hurled himself
down over the precipice and left his brains among the stones, so that
when the Spaniards reached the place, the Chief's soul was already
in hell. The Spaniards returned to the captain and explained to him
the manner of the captive Chief's death. Principal natives came to
the camp each day with presents of gold, and the captain came to the
conclusion that he had arrived at a good place for founding a city.
He determined to send the _Comendador_ Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa to
explore the region lower down the great river, and to remain there. He
set out with forty Spaniards, horse and foot. The _Comendador_ came
to a large village which he called _Pascua_ because he passed Easter
there; continuing his advance he came to another village, where he met
with some resistance. Leaving it, and taking a northerly course, he
discovered the village of _Cenufara_ and a place they called _the Hill
of Maize_. Advancing further he arrived at a village called _Pobres_,
whence he returned to the region of Arma, because he learnt, from
statements he received, that there were no other settlements for a
great distance.
At this time the inhabitants of the province of Arma conceived
such hatred for the Spaniards that they determined to make war in
common against us. This appeared from their not coming to our camp
as usual, nor supplying us with provisions; while they killed our
Indian servants and negroes who fell into their hands. The captain
got notice of this league and conspiracy, and ordered his men to be
on their guard against any sudden attack on the camp by Indians. But
when they were all determined to rise against us, they failed to come
to the point, owing to some disputes among themselves, and we saw them
fall back well supplied with gold ornaments. When the _Comendador_
returned, the captain resolved to quit the province, and departed,
leaving it as hostile towards us as when we entered it. When we were
about to depart, a number of Indians stationed themselves above our
camp. The captain saw this and told the interpreters to call upon them
in a friendly way to come down. They came, believing they were in no
danger. The captain ordered all of those who came to be thrust inside
the huts and issued orders to the Spaniards to give them wounds and
cut off their hands. In this way more than thirty were mutilated, as
many more being killed. In that state the survivors were sent to their
villages. Then the captain quitted the province of Arma. He intended
to leave his ensign Suer de Nava there, to found a city; but, thinking
it would be better to explore the province of Quinbaya, that plan was
given up. Leaving Arma, and following the way by which he had come,
the captain arrived at the province of Paucura, whence he departed for
Pozo. There he seized several principal men and went to Carrapa, where
he burnt one of them for some very trifling reason; and here we must
leave him, because it is necessary to relate the manner in which the
captains Pedro de Añasco and Juan de Ampudia met their deaths.
CHAPTER XII
_How the captain Osorio was killed, with some other Christians,
going to the new kingdom, and how the captain Pedro de Añasco
was also killed by the Indians._
Let the reader's attention be now turned to the exploration of the
province of Bogotá by the Spaniards coming from Santa Marta, which we
mentioned in the first book of _The War of Las Salinas_, and to what
happened between them and the captain Belalcazar. I also related how
the captain Añasco founded the town of Timaná, where, after coming
from Cali when Lorenzo de Aldana was General of those cities on behalf
of the Marquis Pizarro, he was confirmed in his charge, and returned
as lieutenant to the said town of Timaná. The captain Juan de Ampudia
was lieutenant in Popayán, Miguel Muñoz in Cali, and Lorenzo
de Aldana had gone to Quito, as we have already stated. While this
region was under these lieutenants, glowing accounts reached them of
the wonderful richness of the new kingdom,[24] the quantity of gold
and emeralds there, and the high value of commodities; so that there
was a desire to take thither all the merchandize and flocks that
could be collected. A merchant who was at Popayán, named Pero López
del Infierno,[25] Captain Osorio (a relation of Juan de Ampudia) and
others, agreed to leave Popayán for the new kingdom with merchandize,
horses, mares, slaves, and much worked silver. With these goods, which
amounted to a great money value, they left Popayán and set out on the
road for Bogotá, without distrusting the Indians, because, as it was
peace time, they had no fear of hostilities with them. They went on
until they arrived in the country of the _Yalcones_, which borders on
that of Páez. At this time the captain Pedro de Añasco had left Timaná
to go to Popayán, to trade for horses and other things he required.
He came to the country of the Yalcones, which is where I have said
Osorio had arrived. The natives of that region are numerous and
determined. They fight with lances 30 _palmos_ long, and have other
formidable weapons. They resolved to rebel against the Spaniards,
and not merely to refuse obedience, but to kill the captain and the
others who had come from Popayán, As they had notice of the numerous
horses, mares, and other things the Spaniards brought, they desired
to put their thought into execution to satiate their cursed bellies
with human flesh, and to rob what we have said. They took up arms with
this intent, and planned that one party should attack the captain
Pedro de Añasco, while another fell upon the Christians who had come
from Popayán, for they feared that if they did not adopt this division
of force, their plan might not succeed. The Indians were upon all
the hills, but they repaired with feigned friendliness to the ravine
of _Apirimá_ (which is the locality where Osorio was) to put the
Spaniards off their guard.
At this time the captain Pedro de Añasco had arrived at a valley
called _Ayunga_. When the Indians formed the intention already stated,
it came to the knowledge of a friendly Chief who was with Añasco. This
Chief told Añasco of the league formed by the Yalcones, those of Páez,
and other neighbouring tribes, and that, as he had only two horses, he
had better go back. The captain made light of what the Chief had told
him, showing that he thought little of it, and he continued on until
he came to a building, late in the day, where two Indians appeared.
One brought a young lion, dead and putrid, for the captain to eat,
the other brought some cobs of young maize. The captain, seeing the
presents, knew what they signified, and the Indians, dissembling, said
that presently, the next day, they would bring those who would eat the
captain and his Christians. The friendly Chief then spoke to Pedro de
Añasco urging him to return into the forest, which was not far from
there, and he would be safe from the Indians. But he would not go
back because he did not believe that the audacity of the barbarians
could reach to such a point. He ordered all his men to be ready with
their arms, and that some of them should keep watch on the roads
leading to the buildings where they were encamped, which was done. The
Indians had gathered in a great mass and, before dawn, they attacked
the Spanish sentries with a violent clamour. Although the sentries
behaved as Spaniards always do, they were overpowered, killed, cut in
pieces, and carried away to be eaten. The captain, Pedro de Añasco,
hearing the noise, commended himself to God, and mounted his horse.
With his companions he then awaited the Indians' onslaught, his men
animating each other. Añasco was a well-grown man of fine presence,
one of the principal knights of Seville; but for his sins, or by God's
permission, he came at last to a most cruel and unworthy death, for
such a warrior.
The Indians, in much confusion, had already rushed upon the
Spaniards, when the captain, and Baltasar del Rio charged them with
their horses. Though the Spaniards showed great determination, they
could not prevail against such a bevy of lances as faced their horses;
nevertheless Pedro de Añasco broke into them, while the other horseman
was killed. The captain, whose horse came out wounded and bridleless,
turned again to attack the enemy with his blood-covered lance, but
they fell upon him in such numbers that, after having killed the
horse, they captured him alive. The rest of the Spaniards were all
either killed or frightfully wounded, some of them having their bodies
so full of lances that nothing could be seen but the wooden staves.
Others fell wounded and were promptly despatched. Others had their
eyes or their tongues torn out, or were impaled. Two Spaniards, one
named Cornejo and the other Mideros, resisted so valiantly that, after
having fought against the multitude of savages, they sallied forth
from that place in spite of them all, and, with their swiftness of
foot, ran off in the direction of Timaná. For four days they wandered
without food except some wild herbs, pursued by the Indians, suffering
other great hardships and many times surrounded, until by God's
pleasure they got free and made for Timaná, where the death of Pedro
de Añasco had already been rumoured, and Pedro de Guzmán de Herrera
had gone forth with three horsemen to find out whether it was true.
One night, when the party were asleep, the Indians attacked them. They
mounted their horses in great haste. Pedro de Guzmán was getting on
his, but as they did not leave him time to cast off the halter, and
the horse was unable to start, he was killed with many lance wounds.
The other Spaniards, though in great danger, escaped to Timaná.
Captain Osorio was, as we have said, in the ravine of Apirimá with
those who had come with him, numbering sixteen Spaniards. From his
camp to where Añasco's people were massacred, was not more than two
leagues. Just as they were about to resume their journey, the great
mass of Indians rushed upon them, after having eaten the bodies of all
the Spaniards they had killed, and robbed all the baggage. They had
taken the captain Pedro de Añasco alive. He was sent all through the
province, that he might be seen in the market places and villages,
where the people heaped insults upon the unhappy captain and made his
body suffer a thousand martyrdoms. They killed him by a lingering and
cruel death. On one day they cut off an arm, on another they tore out
an eye, on the next they cut off his lips, and so they continued to
consume the being that had been a man, until life was ended, when the
body found sepulture in the bellies of his murderers.
The savages, having next arrived at Apirimá, where the Christians
who had gone to Popayán were encamped, encircled them, and then,
with great clamour, attacked them suddenly and began to wound them.
Although the Spaniards attempted a defence they could not prevail.
Only one escaped, a Spaniard whose name was Serrano. All the rest were
killed and eaten by the Indians, who also captured the merchandize
and other things which were intended for sale at Bogotá. After they
had killed the Spaniards and seized all their property the Indians
returned to their villages very pleased with themselves.
FOOTNOTES:
[24] That is, New Granada.
[25] So in the MS.
CHAPTER XIII
_How, when the death of the Spaniards was known at Popayán, the
captain Juan de Ampudia set out from thence, and how he and
other Christians were killed by the same Indians._
When the Indians had returned to their villages, as we related in the
last chapter, they had great banquets and drinking orgies. It was
agreed by them that if any Spaniards should come against them from
Popayán and Timaná, they would kill them all, or do to them as they
had done to Pedro de Añasco. As soon as this was settled they made
great trenches and walls for defence, cutting the hills where the
roads led, and using haste to make arms.
When Serrano arrived at Popayán and told the captain Juan de Ampudia
the fate of the Spaniards, he was much distressed and determined to
make war on the murderers. He took from Popayán sixty Spaniards, horse
and foot, as well armed as was possible, with what cross-bows there
were, and very fierce dogs. He left Popayán and marched until he came
to a province called _Guanaca_. Thence he approached the Yalcones,
and arrived near Apirimá, the scene of the death of Osorio and his
party. As soon as the Indians knew of his arrival, they stationed
themselves on the heights, waiting in ambush to kill the invaders.
Two of the Indians having shown themselves, however, the captain sent
Antonio Redondo, a citizen of Cali, with ten Spaniards to try and
capture them. But when Antonio reached the place where they had been
seen, a great force of the enemy burst into view and attacked his ten
men, so that the Spaniards turned and fled, not stopping until they
got to where the captain had halted. The Indians overtook one, named
Paredes, and killed him. When Juan de Ampudia saw this, he came to the
rescue with the rest of his force and attacked the Indians in such
sort that they impaled many with their lances, while the Spaniards on
foot killed even more with swords and cross-bows. The killed were so
numerous that a stream which ran down the ravine became the colour of
blood.
The Indians, astounded at the turn of events, fled to escape from
the dogs, which tore their flesh, and many threw themselves over the
crags. The victory was with the Spaniards, and a Chief was captured.
He told the captain Juan de Ampudia that the Indians were strongly
entrenched and had cut the roads. The captain assured him of his life,
and told him that he must guide them by a safe track; and that for
doing so he would be in no danger. The barbarian promised, and so they
set out from that place with the captive Indian as a guide, wishing
to reach the summit of the pass. The Indians had united from many
parts, and all, with long lances, slings, and other arms, prepared
to deal death to the Christians, assuming that they could do it very
easily, and making a great yelling. The Spaniards continued to ascend
the range, Captain Francisco García de Tovar, being in front with
the infantry. Indians appeared in all directions and inquired of the
Spaniards whether they were fat, as they were going to eat both them
and their horses. Juan de Ampudia and Luis Bernal placed themselves
on the height. Hernán Sánchez Morillo and others on horseback missed
the track, but, though with much difficulty, they gained the summit,
which had already been reached by those on foot. One and all then
commended themselves to God, and calling on the apostle St. James to
help them, attacked the Indians, being only the number I have stated
against 4,000 Indians. After the battle had continued for a long time,
the ground being covered with dead and wounded Indians--for only
one Christian was killed and very few were wounded--the barbarians,
amazed at the strength of the Spaniards, abandoned the field and began
to flee. The Christians were so exhausted and fatigued that they
could scarcely stand on their feet. There they passed the night. The
Indians, joined by others from all parts, came near to the Spaniards'
bivouac and, by the advice of some of the latter, the captain Tovar
with forty shield and cross-bow men, went forth to attack those
who were nearest. The Indians waited and attacked the Spaniards in
front, giving a terrific shout. Those who are not accustomed to hear
this clamour often lose their presence of mind, and commit very ugly
faults. But Tovar and his companions fought well, killing and wounding
many. The Indians said that all had to be eaten that night. Showing
his face and commanding person, Tovar exclaimed: "Dogs! I am Francisco
García de Tovar, and with me and not with others have ye to do."
Then, by the marvellous valour of this captain and the Spaniards his
companions, they did such deeds that a great number of Indians were
killed, the rest fled, and Tovar returned to the captain, who received
him with welcome.
Soon afterwards Juan de Ampudia marched down the mountain side, with
all the Spaniards, to some buildings, where they encamped. Francisco
García de Tovar, with a guard, entered first and found that there were
no Indians; because, when they escaped from him, they had fled to
where the principal Chiefs of the Yalcones and of Páez were waiting to
collect more Indians. They sent a message to the Christians, calling
upon them to leave their country, for that, as their fathers had left
it free they ought not to seek to usurp it nor to deprive them of
their ancient liberty. If they refused, they would be treated like
Pedro de Añasco and the other Spaniards who were killed. The captain
replied that they must render obedience to his Majesty, and that then
he would presently leave their province and return to Popayán. When
these conferences were finished and the messengers had departed, the
captain, seeing how much work the men had done, and how tired they
all were, besides being very few to make war against so many Indians,
especially such a daring pack, decided to return to Popayán, and to
punish the province of Páez, which was also up in arms, on his way.
So they got ready to depart. When about to start Francisco García de
Tovar said to the captain, Ampudia, that it would be very desirable
to gain the summit of the pass, to prevent the Indians from occupying
it, lest they pelt them with their darts and stones. Juan de Ampudia
concurred, and ordered all to be prepared, while some young men went
on to gain the pass. As some of the Spaniards had stayed behind with
a horse that was knocked up, they were told to wait there and that,
if they could not arrive while yet day, they were to sleep there
that night. When it was late these Spaniards arrived with the horse
cut up in pieces for eating. Juan de Ampudia told them to go to some
declivities which were in front of where they were.
Francisco García de Tovar again urged that they should occupy the
summit, for otherwise they would be in great danger; and he took the
fact that they had not seen a single Indian that day to be a bad sign.
When Francisco García de Tovar said this, the Spaniards were making
their way towards the slopes and level spaces near there: but Juan de
Ampudia saying "Let us go where I said, for it is only a short way
off" they went on contrary to the advice of Tovar. They moved off in
very great sadness, for neither did the men speak, nor the horses
neigh, nor the dogs bark. As they marched thus they heard a great
yelling of the Indians who, when they saw the route the Spaniards were
taking, rejoiced because they felt sure they would kill and eat them
all; having a great quantity of huge stones to roll down, which they
had collected on the summit. As soon as the Spaniards had reached
the declivities, the Indians began to hurl down so many and such
large stones that the former, from fear of them, divided themselves
into four or five parties. Then the Indians renewed their terrible
yelling, hurled their darts, and asked if the Spaniards were nice and
fat, for none of them would escape death. Juan de Ampudia and Tovar
went together, telling Hernán Sánchez Morillo to go with the horses
until he could get clear of the declivity. At this time the Indians
came down to attack the Spaniards, who, though divided and in such
small numbers, fought with a valour and desperation that can scarcely
be believed. But God was with them and on their side, and this
being so they performed such famous deeds as these we relate, and
others greater, as indeed they always do. After they had killed many
Indians, they saw that the others were taking fright at what they had
witnessed, and the horsemen, having got over a difficult pass, were in
a position to join in the assault against the Indians and help their
own companions.
Francisco García de Tovar received three wounds, and he and Juan de
Ampudia had managed to keep together with sixteen other Spaniards.
After having defeated the Indians who first came down, they set off to
repel another large batch of them. Although the Spaniards fought as at
first, and killed some of the enemy with cross-bows, yet the Indians
were so numerous that by no manner of means could the foot-soldiers
advance. They had to retreat and join the horsemen who were now
nearing them. While they were doing this the captain Juan de Ampudia,
being a fleshy man, could not keep up with the others. The Indians
overtook him and pierced his body with many lances, so that he died in
great misery. They stripped the body, without even leaving his linen
drawers. Juan de Ampudia was a native of Jerez de la Frontera. Then
the horsemen came up and inflicted great loss on the Indians. They
gained the summit and called on the rest of the Spaniards to come up,
as there was nothing to fear. All who had come with Juan de Ampudia
were wounded or quite worn out, as the reader may easily imagine. With
much trouble they all assembled on the heights, and greatly did they
rejoice at seeing themselves there, embracing each other as if they
had not met for many days. The only killed were Juan de Ampudia and
one other Spaniard, besides a _Morisca_ and a few friendly Indians of
our party.
Then there was a fresh attack by more than twenty thousand Indian
warriors, with the intention of killing all the Spaniards and
finishing them. Seeing this state of affairs, after having cast
the body of Juan de Ampudia into a river, to prevent the Indians
from eating it, they determined to return to Popayán. In order that
the Indians might think they were still there, they left the tents
standing and tied some of the dogs to poles, that the Indians, hearing
them barking, might have no suspicion that their masters had gone. And
so it was. They fled with such speed that they covered in that one
night what it had taken them four days to do, in coming. Next day,
though the Indians followed, they could not overtake them. And so they
marched until they arrived at Popayán, where there was great grief for
the death of the good and brave captain Juan de Ampudia.
CHAPTER XIV
_How the Adelantado Don Pascual de Andagoya entered the cities,
and was received by them as Governor._
Here I would have concluded my account of the events which occurred
in this province, in order to turn the narrative to what happened to
the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro; but it will tend to the clearness
of both the one subject and the other if I write touching the
arrival of Andagoya. Let the reader remember that we mentioned that
officer's arrival at Panamá, and that his Majesty appointed him to
the government of the Rio de San Juan, which is in the land of Tierra
Firme on the confines of Peru; and that, notwithstanding his Majesty's
order that he was not to encroach upon any tract settled or explored
by any of the captains of the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, he did
that same, although it was in disobedience to the royal command. At
that time the port of Buenaventura was scarcely discovered. So he
took experienced pilots with him who, by their art, might seek a
port by which to enter that land. With the people he had assembled,
he left Panamá and sailed on until he arrived at the Isle of Palms.
After some things that happened, his ships entered a bay into which
many rivers which rose in the mountains emptied themselves. From the
position of the harbour, the opinion was that the city of Cali would
be found inland. So he began to travel by one of the roughest and most
difficult roads that is to be found in any part of the world. After
having suffered great hardships, and lost all the horses, he reached
the city of Cali and was well received by the inhabitants. Andagoya
presented the commission he brought with him, declaring that he came
to do much good and to maintain justice for all. After reading it, but
without asking to see his instructions, nor considering that there was
no river called after San Juan in that land, they received Andagoya as
Governor and Captain-general: in which they acted very foolishly.
As soon as the Adelantado had been received at Cali, he heard of the
captain Jorge Robledo's mission to explore, and also that he had
founded a city in Anzerma. So he sent Miguel Muñoz to take possession
of that city in his name, and ordered its designation to be changed
from Santa Ana to _San Juan_. He also sent to take possession of
Popayán, and was acknowledged without any opposition in that city. He
wrote to Robledo by Miguel Muñoz, making him great offers. When Muñoz
arrived at Anzerma, and presented the Adelantado's commissions, he was
acknowledged there as he had been in Cali. He heard from the Indians
that Robledo, and we who were with him, were not far off, having
passed the river; and on receipt of this news many wrote letters
giving an account of what was happening. Miguel Muñoz returned to give
an account to Andagoya of what he had done on his behalf. The latter,
feeling that the way in which he had occupied the cities did not leave
him secure, and fearing that Belalcázar, who had peopled and founded
them, would return to them as Governor, made great haste to collect
evidence and witnesses against the latter, believing that in this way
he would discomfit Belalcázar, and that his Majesty and the members
of his Council would confer no favours on him. Leaving the Adelantado
busy with these intrigues, we will return to Robledo, and tell how he
explored the province of _Quinbaya_ and founded the city of Cartago
there.
CHAPTER XV
_How the captain Jorge Robledo explored the province of
Quinbaya, and how he founded the city of Cartago._
Robledo was sufficiently informed, in the province of Carrapa, that
Quinbaya was large and full of very rich Chiefs and lords. As he was
desirous of forming another new settlement where he could divide the
districts among the Spaniards who were serving with him, he asked the
Indians of Carrapa to supply him with what was necessary. When he
was ready he set out and marched until he reached the borders of the
province of Quinbaya. As all that region is full of large and very
thick cane brakes, and the Spaniards did not see any large villages
like those they had passed, they became very despondent and said that
it would have been better to have settled in the countries they had
passed, since they were more profitable. The captain replied to those
who said this that he would be delighted to do as they wished, and
that presently they would return. So the men began to prepare for
going back. The captain then intended to send and make a settlement
in the region of Arma, entrusting the service to his ensign Suer de
Nava, while he himself would return to the city of Santa Ana, the name
of which Andagoya had ordered to be changed to San Juan. But there
were not wanting those who murmured at these changes of plan. They
said that the best course to pursue would be to pass through the cane
brakes, and see what lay beyond them. So after discussing both schemes
the captain ordered the ensign Suer de Nava to go forward with forty
Spaniards, and force a way through those cane brakes and dense wilds.
When it became known in all that country that the Spaniards were there
the Chiefs were so luxurious and vicious that not only did they make
no resistance, but they decided to go to the Chief of the Spaniards
with presents of gold, thinking that he would then pass on. One of
them, named _Tacurumbi_ came to where the captain was, bringing a
piece of gold which weighed more than 700 _pesos_; with other very
rich vases of gold and finely wrought pieces. The Spaniards rejoiced
greatly at the arrival of this Chief because he told of the riches
there were among them. Those who had gone with Suer de Nava came back
asking for rewards for their news of the land they had discovered,
which was to the effect that they came to many dwellings of Chiefs,
in which were plenty of supplies, and they saw large villages and
groves of trees, and all the countryside as far as the great valley of
Cali. The captain went to join Suer de Nava, and from all parts of the
province came Chiefs with quantities of gold, which, with what more he
had had, he appropriated for himself without any other law empowering
him to do so than the forcefulness and strength which captains then
possessed, and are marks of great tyranny. After having taken stock
of the villages in the land, he determined to found a city there and
to give it all he had discovered, for its jurisdiction. He personally
selected a site in the position which seemed most convenient, and
thus in the year 1540 he founded the city of _Cartago_ in the name of
the Emperor Don Carlos, and the royal crown of Castille, and of the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, Governor of all the provinces of Peru.
He gave that name to the city because all we who were engaged in
that expedition called ourselves _Cartagineses_, having come from the
prefecture of Cartagena. Pero López Patiño and Martín de Arriaga were
appointed _alcaldes_.
As soon as he had completed the founding of Cartago, the captain left
his ensign Suer de Nava as his lieutenant there, and decided to go to
Anzerma and Cali to see the Adelantado Andagoya, for by letters, and
from a Spaniard named Alonso de Ortega, he heard about all that was
happening. He had been much grieved at the news of the deaths of Juan
de Ampudia and of Pedro de Añasco, and of Pedro de Guzmán de Herrera,
with whom he had been on terms of great friendship.
CHAPTER XVI
_How the captain Jorge de Robledo left the city of Cartago
and went to Cali, where he was well received, and returned as
Captain and Lieutenant-general of the cities he had founded._
Having decided to return to Anzerma and to go and see Andagoya, the
captain left Cartago, after having arranged several things with Suer
de Nava. He travelled until he arrived at Anzerma, where he learnt
what had been taking place, and that some of the settlers had worked
against him. Concealing his anger for the time, he went on to Cali
(where the Adelantado was) accompanied by a dozen or so Spaniards.
When he came near the city he sent a soldier on with the news. As
soon as the Adelantado heard it, he rejoiced and ordered that Robledo
should have a great reception. That captain, having as little guile
as the others, not only offered to accept the Adelantado as Governor
of all the cities he had founded, but sent him 4,000 _pesos_ of gold,
part of the ornaments he had received during his conquests, and
divided a larger quantity among other persons. Andagoya, to make his
friendship more secure, married him to a relation of his wife. After
he had been at Cali some days, Robledo departed for the city of Santa
Ana, or San Juan as it was now called, accompanied by us and those who
had come with him. Having settled certain affairs there, and leaving
Ruy Vanegas as his lieutenant, he went back to Cartago to make the
_repartimiento_. He found that there had been some dissensions between
the _alcaldes_ and the lieutenant he had left there. They were of a
trifling character, but taking them as if they concerned himself, he
arrested the _alcaldes_. Having arrived at the city he acknowledged
Andagoya as Governor, and turned his attention to the pacification of
the natives.
He then sent Alvaro de Mendoza, with some Spaniards on foot, to
see what lay on the other side of the snowy cordillera of the Andes.
Arrived at the summit, they saw roads which crossed the opposite
river-valley, but considering that a further advance could not be
made without horses, they returned. Captain Robledo then turned his
attention to settling the _repartimiento_ among the Spaniards who were
there. We will now revert to the proceedings of the Marquis, and leave
this part of the history until the coming of the Governor Belalcázar.
CHAPTER XVII
_Of what passed in the city of Los Reyes, and how the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro, with the concurrence of the Bishop Friar
Vicente de Valverde, made the general repartimiento: and the
departure of Gómez de Alvarado to form a settlement at Guanuco._
During the time that the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro was absent from
the city of Los Reyes, the natives not being yet quite subdued, nor
having given up the hope of regaining their ancient liberty by killing
the Spaniards, two principal citizens of Lima, named Francisco de
Vargas (a native of Campos) and Sebastian de Torres, who held an
_encomienda_ in the province of Guaraz, being at Guaylas, with some
others, were killed by the Indians. When this was known at Lima,
captain Francisco de Chaves[26] [the good] went to punish the Indians,
with the approval of the municipality and judicial authorities, taking
a sufficient force of horse and foot. They laid waste the fields and
villages of the natives, because they were found up in arms. The war
made by the Spaniards was so cruel that the Indians, fearing lest
they should all be killed, prayed for peace. This was granted by the
captain Francisco de Chaves, who thought he had done harm enough. The
war being ended he returned to Lima.
At this time the Marquis had founded the cities of Guamanga and
Arequipa, and had visited all the provinces of the Collao. He was so
much fatigued that he was glad to return to Lima where, after some
days, he resolved to make a general _repartimiento_, with the consent
and concurrence of the Bishop, Valverde, because such had been the
order of his Majesty.
They both, the Bishop and the Marquis, swore solemnly to make the
_repartimiento_ with all fidelity, without considering anything but
the service that each man had performed. But though they took this
oath, there were some who said that they kept it badly, because they
left many conquerors and explorers poor and in want, while they gave
to many of their servants the best and richest of the _repartimientos_.
As the Marquis had founded the cities we have mentioned, and
considered it desirable that one should be founded in the province
of Guanuco, he presently determined to give orders with that object.
Looking round to select a captain to perform this service, he
concluded that Gómez de Alvarado, brother of Don Pedro, would do it
well, while it would offer a means to gain his friendship; and it
might even furnish an opening for those of Chile[27] to lose the
hatred they felt against the Marquis owing to past differences.
So the Marquis sent for Gómez de Alvarado, and told him that he
had determined to found a city in the province of Guanuco, that he
should have the _repartimiento_ of Indians there, and offered him the
appointment. Gómez de Alvarado, seeing the delay there was in Spain
in providing for justice, and not being able maintain himself, but
now in actual need, replied to the Marquis that he would do what he
ordered. When the magistrates and settlers in Lima understood that the
Marquis intended to found a city at Guanuco, they protested that it
was not just to so curtail the extent of their jurisdiction. Already
Guamanga had been taken from them. They told the Marquis further that
he could not order such a settlement to be made in those provinces,
since they belonged to their city. But this did not prevent him from
despatching the captain Gómez de Alvarado with the people who wished
to go with him, among them being some from Chile, friends of his who
had been old soldiers in Peru. With these he set out for Guanuco,
and in the locality which appeared most suitable for maintaining a
new population, he founded the city, naming Diego de Caravajal and
Rodrigo Núñez, formerly the Camp-master of Almagro the elder, to be
its _alcaldes_. The people of Lima did not cease to complain, urging
that the extent of their jurisdiction should not be curtailed. It came
to such a pitch that the Marquis was induced to abandon the title of
"city," and give the new settlement the name of "town," to be subject
to Lima. When Gómez de Alvarado learnt this, he came from the new city
or town of Guanuco to Lima with the determination not to return to it
unless it were ordered to be called a city.
Further on we will relate what happened afterwards at Guanuco, for
all that was done by Gómez de Alvarado counted for nothing; and the
Marquis ordered one Pedro Barroso to take charge of the affairs of
that province. At this time the men of the Almagro party were in sore
straits. They wandered in the Indian villages to get something to eat,
barely clothed and in great misery. As they all knew that Don Diego
was in Lima, they came down from Charcas, Arequipa, and Cuzco to seek
him, saying that his Majesty was treating them badly, in not sending
out a judge against the Marquis. Those of the party who were in Lima
were not in less necessity than those who were away. For some time
before this the Marquis had directed Don Diego to leave his house,[28]
and though he afterwards sojourned in the house of Francisco de
Chaves, he was also sent away from thence. Juan de Herrada and Juan
Balsa sought him out. There arrived to join him thirty or forty of
those who had followed the Adelantado, old yeomen of his father, and
they too suffered great want. The Governor ordered nothing for their
sustenance nor did he remember that without Almagro he would not have
been what he was, nor would he have attained at the command he then
held. Those of the Almagro party endured their squalid condition as
best they could.
At that time there were in the city of Lima the captains Juan de
Sayavedra, Francisco de Chaves, Cristóbal de Sotelo, Saucedo, Juan de
Herrada, Don Alonso de Montemayor, and the accountant Juan de Guzmán,
besides other old friends of the Adelantado. Juan de Herrada employed
himself in contriving how they and Don Diego could be maintained. It
happened that there was only one cloak among ten or twelve of them,
and when one went out with it on, the others remained indoors, so that
the cloak was always in use. Besides those who arrived to join Don
Diego he had other friends in the city, but there was not found one
citizen who had the charity or the will to give them anything to eat.
No one would maintain the youth Don Diego, nor those who were with
him, excepting one Domingo de la Presa, who put a small village near
the city at their disposal, the Indians of which provided them with
maize, firewood, and other necessaries. We will leave off writing of
the men of Chile until the time came when they slew the Marquis, and
we will say how the factor Illán Suárez de Caravajal got word that
these men of Chile had come to Lima, where it might be they would
plot something not for the well-being of the Marquis. This factor
wrote a letter in cypher and sent it. This made it necessary for the
licentiate Benito Suárez to explain the contents of the letter.[29]
He told the Marquis that his brother the factor advised him, in that
letter, to be on his guard lest the men of Chile kill him; and to
be careful of his person, because many were coming from Charcas,
Arequipa, and Cuzco to join with Don Diego. Although the Marquis
received this information, he took no steps nor did he place any guard
over his person. He made Dr. Blázquez his lieutenant, in succession to
Francisco de Chaves, who had held the post up to that time.
The captain Alonso de Alvarado arrived from Chachapoyas, and had some
words with Francisco de Chaves and Gómez de Alvarado in the presence
of the Marquis. It came to such a pass that Alonso de Alvarado and
Gómez de Alvarado challenged each other and took the field. When the
Marquis heard of it he interfered and induced these two captains to
make peace. He looked on Alonso de Alvarado with much favour, as his
own captain and the founder of the city of La Frontera.[30] With
permission of the Marquis he returned to that city.
FOOTNOTES:
[26] There were two captains of the name Francisco de Chaves, believed
to be cousins. They should not be confused together. One was a very
distinguished officer, a friend of the Marquis Pizarro but not
ignoring his faults. He was murdered by Juan de Herrada and the other
assassins of Pizarro. The other was one of Almagro's captains, also
murdered by Juan de Herrada on account of a private quarrel. For
distinction I call one Francisco de Chaves (the good) and the other
Francisco de Chaves (the bad).
[27] _i.e._ the partisans of old Diego de Almagro, deceased.
[28] The Marquis had received young Diego Almagro most hospitably in
his own house, where he was lodged as a guest for months. His conduct
must have been very disreputable, to have made the Marquis send him
away to the care of Francisco de Chaves. Cieza de León says that he
was addicted to the vices of his countrymen.
[29] Illán and Benito Suárez de Caravajal were brothers.
[30] Chachapoyas.
CHAPTER XVIII
_How, after Gonzalo Pizarro was received as Governor of Quito,
he determined to undertake the conquest of El Dorado; and of his
departure from Quito._
We have already related, in a former chapter, how the Marquis Pizarro
ordered the captain Gonzalo Pizarro, his brother, to depart for the
city of Quito, where, by virtue of an authority from his Majesty, he
would be received as Governor. In reality the authority was not to
the effect that the Marquis could divide the government; still less
did it empower him, if it should seem to him fit, to grant the whole
to one of his brothers or to any one he chose. The aim of the Marquis
was to establish his brother in that province, that his Majesty might
not grant the government of it to Belalcázar, whose setting out by
the Rio Grande was now known.[31] Although this was so, they say that
the Marquis wrote to His Majesty that, if it were decided to divide
the government, Belalcázar deserved whatever favour might be shown
him. News also came to Lima that Pascual de Andagoya was coming as
Governor of the province of the river of San Juan. This caused the
Marquis great annoyance, and he appointed one Isidro de Tapia to be
his lieutenant at Cali, nay, also at Anzerma, in consequence, it is
said, of heavy bribes given to the Secretary Antonio Picado. Although
this was done, they would not accept him nor give up Robledo in his
stead.
To return to Gonzalo Pizarro. He arrived at the city of Quito, where
he found Lorenzo de Aldana, and by virtue of the authority we have
mentioned, they received him as Governor of Quito, San Miguel, Puerto
Viejo, Guayaquil and Pasto. Soon afterwards Pedro de Puelles, who had
been the Governor's lieutenant at Quito, arrived on the sea coast.
Now Gonzalo Pizarro was desirous of undertaking some expedition,
and observing in that city of Quito many men, all either youths or
veterans, he became eager for the discovery of the valley of _El
Dorado_, based on the same story which the captains Pedro de Añasco
and Belalcázar had brought, and on what was said of the land of
Cinnamon which, a short time before, had been invaded by the captain
Gonzalo Díaz de Pineda. This Pineda, with a party of Spaniards,
penetrated as far as some very lofty mountains, but many Indians
came from their lower slopes to prevent the Spaniards from advancing
further. These Indians killed some of the Spaniards, and amongst
them a cleric. They had made many trenches and ditches. Pineda's
party advanced for some days until they came to the _Quijos_, and the
Cinnamon valley. They returned to Quito without having been able to
fully explore the region of which they had heard such great things.
The Indians said that further on, if they advanced, they would come to
a widespreading flat country, teeming with Indians who possess great
riches, for they all wear gold ornaments, and where are no forests
nor mountain ranges.[32] When this news was spread in Quito, every
one who was there wanted to take part in the expedition. The Governor
Gonzalo Pizarro began to make preparations and collect men and horses.
In a few days he got together 220 Spaniards, horse and foot,[33]
naming Don Antonio de Rivera to be Camp-master, and Juan de Acosta
Ensign-general. As soon as the men of the expedition had been mustered
Gonzalo Pizarro ordered Don Antonio de Rivera to go forward with the
vanguard. Don Antonio replied that he would do so gladly, and all got
ready to start. In the city of Quito, Pedro de Puelles remained as
Lieutenant and Chief Justice. They started well equipped, and with
plenty of provisions.[34] The natives of Quito, on seeing them pass
beyond their domains, declared that they would find great riches, and
praised the land of which news had been brought; while the Spaniards
already imagined the plunder before their eyes, and believed it theirs.
FOOTNOTES:
[31] On his way to Spain to solicit the governorship of Popayán, and
other parts he had explored.
[32] There is no mention of this expedition led by Pineda, in the
account given by Garcilaso de la Vega.
[33] Garcilaso gives the number at 340--cavalry 150, the rest infantry.
[34] Garcilaso gives 4,000 Indians laden with supplies, and materials
for buildings, bridges, or vessels, 4,000 head of swine, and a flock
of llamas.
CHAPTER XIX
_How Gonzalo Pizarro left the city of Quito for the land of
Cinnamon, which was one of the most laborious explorations that
have been made in the mainland or the South Sea._
This exploration and conquest by Gonzalo Pizarro, we are bound to
say, was the most laborious expedition that has been undertaken in
these Indies, in which the Spaniards endured great hardships, famine,
and miseries, which well tried the virtues of their nation, like
similar events that have occurred in these parts of the world. It is
known to all that many nations have excelled others and made them
tributaries, and the few have conquered the many. Thus they say of
Alexander the Great that, with thirty-three thousand Macedonians, he
undertook to conquer the world. So with the Romans: many of their
captains who were sent to make war in the provinces attacked their
enemies with so few men that it is ridiculous to think of. And as I
now have to describe in my history some examples which reflect praise
on my nation, I appeal to what will be written, where the curious can
see like myself. I mean that no other race can be found which can
penetrate through such rugged lands, such dense forests, such great
mountains and deserts, and over such broad rivers, as the Spaniards
have done without help from others, solely by the valour of their
persons and the forcefulness of their breed. In a period of seventy
years they have overcome and opened up another world, greater than the
one of which we had knowledge, without bringing with them waggons of
provisions, nor great store of baggage, nor tents in which to rest,
nor anything but a sword and a shield, and a small bag in which they
carried their food. Thus it was that they went forth to explore that
which was unknown and never before seen. And this is what I think of
the Spaniards, and I esteem them because, until now, no other race
or nation has, with such resolution, passed through such labours, or
such long periods of starvation, or traversed such long distances as
they have.[35] At least I have found none. And in this expedition of
Gonzalo Pizarro assuredly very great hardships were experienced.
Having decided to send the Camp-master Don Antonio de Rivera on in
front, Gonzalo Pizarro gave orders for him to make straight for the
province of _Quijos_. He started at once, and after a few days Gonzalo
Pizarro did the same, Cristóbal de Funes going in command of the
rear-guard. Don Antonio advanced to a place called _Hatunquijo_.
Gonzalo Pizarro followed. At this time, just when the enterprise of
Gonzalo Pizarro became known on the coast of Peru, there arrived one
Francisco de Orellana, a native of the city of Truxillo, with thirty
Spaniards, and he set out to follow Gonzalo Pizarro, who had already
left Quito. Gonzalo crossed a range of mountains, where there were
snowy alps, and here over a hundred Indian men and women were frozen
to death. Though the Spaniards suffered much from the cold, none of
them died. From thence they traversed a very rugged country full of
rivers, and with forest lands well peopled. They advanced through
these dense forests, opening a road with axes and wood knives; and
so they marched until they came to the valley of _Zumaque_,[36]
which they found well peopled and amply stocked with provisions. It
is thirty leagues from Quito. Orellana, as we have said, followed
Gonzalo Pizarro over those thirty leagues between Quito and Zumaque,
and both he and his followers suffered much from hunger, owing to so
many people having passed just before. After several days they reached
Zumaque, where Pizarro was with all his party. Pizarro received them
with hearty welcome, and appointed this Francisco de Orellana to be
his Lieutenant-general. Before he had arrived at Zumaque, Gonzalo
Pizarro had ordered his Camp-master Don Antonio to send Orellana some
provisions, for he was in much need. Don Antonio told off the captain
Sancho de Caravajal to convey the succour of provisions, and so enable
Orellana to arrive. Sancho de Caravajal presently started back to meet
him, and when Orellana's party saw him they rejoiced at the sight, and
still more at the food he brought, of which they were in much need.
They all then marched to Zumaque, where the things happened that we
have related.
After the arrival of Orellana, Gonzalo Pizarro entered into
consultation with his principal officers, as to the next step that
should be taken. Orellana and his party had arrived very tired. But
the rest had been some while at Zumaque and it was time to continue
the advance. It was decided that Gonzalo Pizarro should go forward
and explore, and that Orellana should follow, after a few days, with
the rest of the expedition. Gonzalo Pizarro was only to take seventy
Spaniards, without any horses, because the country was so rough and
difficult that horses could not be used. Leaving all the horses in the
camp at Zumaque Gonzalo Pizarro set out with seventy odd Spaniards,
among them being some cross-bow men and arquebusiers. They took a
route in the direction of sunrise, having local Indians with them as
guides. They started and marched for several days through dense and
rugged forest country until they came to where the trees they call
_canelos_ grow, and which are like big olive-trees, and bear large
flowers and pods.[37] This is the cinnamon of the most perfect kind,
and of much substance. No other trees like these have been met with
in all the regions of the Indies. The natives value them highly, and
in all their settlements they trade with this cinnamon. There are
some Indians in these forests, and they live in small, badly built
huts, apart from each other. They are very brutish and without reason,
usually have many wives, and move through these forests so easily that
it is astounding to see their agility.
When Gonzalo Pizarro arrived where these _canelos_ grow, he took
certain Indians as guides and asked where there were valleys and
plains with many of these trees yielding cinnamon. The Indians replied
that they did not know of any others than these, and that they had
not seen them anywhere else. Gonzalo Pizarro also tried to learn from
these Indians the character of the country in front, whether the
forests came to an end, and whether he would soon emerge into open
country, and well-peopled provinces. They answered again that they
knew nothing, because they were so hemmed in by other tribes that,
except with a few who lived in the recesses of the forest, they had no
truck; adding that the Spaniards might chance, on going forward, to
find some Indians of those parts who would travel with them and guide
them to where they desired to go. Gonzalo Pizarro was angry that the
Indians had given no reply in conformity with what he wanted. Turning
to ask them other things, they answered all in the negative. So he
ordered some canes to be fixed across poles, like rather thin hurdles,
about three feet wide and seven in length, and the Indians to be put
on them and tortured until they told the truth. The innocent natives
were promptly stretched on these frames or barbecues, by the cruel
Spaniards, and some of them were burnt. As they did not understand
what the Spaniards said, nor could they see any just cause for being
cruelly put to death, they made great outcries and exclaimed with loud
and savage voices: "Why do you kill us with so little reason, neither
we nor our fathers have ever injured you. Do you want us to tell you
what we do not know?" and adding many other pitiful words, until the
fire penetrated and consumed their bodies. This butcher of a Gonzalo
Pizarro, not content with burning the Indians who had committed no
fault, further ordered that other Indians should be thrown to the
dogs, who tore them to pieces with their teeth and devoured them. I
heard that among those who were thus burnt or devoured, there were
some women, which made it worse. After Pizarro had killed these
Indians, he desired to get to some part where horses could be used.
For the Spaniards, who were with him, were discouraged at not finding
a land such as they wanted to see, and because the Indians did not
give them any information. Leaving that place they advanced until
they came to a river which formed a small beach of very level sand.
Here Gonzalo Pizarro ordered the camp to be pitched for that night,
to sleep. It rained so hard near the source of the river that a flood
came suddenly down and, if it had not been for warnings from the
sentries, some of the party would have been drowned by the rush of
water. Gonzalo Pizarro and those who were with him heard the cries of
the sentries and the noise of the waters, and they all rose up, and
took to their arms, thinking it was Indians coming to make war against
them. Seeing what had happened, they stationed themselves above some
wash-outs that were there and, although they used all the speed
possible, they lost some of their baggage. As they found themselves
driven from the place where they had formed their camp, and saw that
there was nothing but ranges of forest-clad and rugged mountains in
all directions, they decided to return by the way they came and see
if they could not find another track which would lead them in the
direction they wanted.
FOOTNOTES:
[35] True, but it does not follow that no others could.
[36] Garcilaso calls it Sumaco, but Herrera has Zumaque.
[37] Garcilaso describes this tree as very tall with leaves like
a laurel, the fruit growing in clusters, and resembling an acorn.
Herrera describes it as like an olive with large pods, the tree
attaining a height of thirty feet.
CHAPTER XX
_How Gonzalo Pizarro left that river and went on exploring among
those forests and hills without finding any large population,
and how the whole party joined forces at a crossing over an arm
of the Sweet Sea._[38]
Gonzalo Pizarro was much distressed at finding that he could not reach
any fertile and abundant province, beyond such rough country as he
had met with. He deplored, many times, that he had undertaken this
expedition. If he wanted to explore he might have done so from Cuzco
with better information, or from further south. But he did not let his
followers understand this. On the contrary he gave them all possible
encouragement, and it was the advice of all that they should return
towards the place whence they had started. On that same day they set
out, and returned towards Zumaque, stopping short at a distance of
four leagues from the camp. Gonzalo would not go into it, but ordered
his party to go direct to the village of _Ampua_. Before reaching
there they came to a great river which they could not ford.[39] The
Indians had canoes, and seeing some on the banks of the river, the
Spaniards called out saying that they came as friends, and that the
Indians need have no fear whatever. Their Chief, whose name was
_Delicola_, determined to go himself and see what manner of men had
invaded his country. So he came over, attended by fifteen or twenty
men. When Gonzalo Pizarro saw him, and knew that he was the lord of
that river where they were, he rejoiced and received him with much
honour, giving him some combs and knives, which they value highly. He
asked the Chief whether they knew of any land that was good, and to
which the Spaniards could go. Meanwhile the Chief had repented that he
had come as a friend, for he now got word of the many Indians put to
death by the Spaniards, because they had not given the pleasing news
the latter wished. So the Chief determined, though it was a lie, to
tell them that there were very great populations further on and very
rich regions full of powerful lords. Gonzalo Pizarro and his followers
were delighted to hear this, believing it to be all truth. Gonzalo
Pizarro ordered that the Spaniards were to watch this native Chief
without his knowing it, and look out for him in such a way as that it
would be impossible for him to escape. This was done, but the Chief,
guessing quite well that he was watched, dissembled and did not show
any anxiety. As the river was wide in that part and the canoes were
not there, they went on to see whether what this Indian had told them
was true or not, until they reached a place where the river became
narrow. Here they made a bridge and crossed over by it.
The wild mountaineers, when they knew of the Spaniards being in that
country, called many of their people together and, taking up arms,
collected on the other side of the river, where they dug trenches
and made forts to defend themselves. When Gonzalo Pizarro saw that,
he ordered some arquebusiers who were with him to fire off their
arquebuses and try to kill some of the natives. They did so, killing
six or seven Indians, whereupon the others, seeing the sudden deaths
of their companions, began to take to flight with loud yells. Having
crossed the river, the Spaniards came to a place where there were no
mountains, but low-lying plains, though presently these were seen to
be everywhere surrounded by forest. They found few natives and only a
small amount of provisions, all the Indians being of one appearance
and dress. So Gonzalo Pizarro decided to call up the rest of the
Spaniards, who were at Zumaque in the camp that was formed there.
Two Spaniards were sent for them and, on their arrival at Zumaque,
Don Antonio and the captain Orellana came to join Gonzalo Pizarro at
the place whence he had sent the message. When the whole expedition
was united, Gonzalo ordered the Camp-master, Don Antonio de Rivera,
to advance with some men, and find out what the country looked like
further on. Don Antonio set out with fifty Spaniards and marched
until he had covered about twenty leagues of upland. Then they came
upon a small settlement called _Barco_, and found some provisions. He
reported this to Gonzalo Pizarro who proceeded thither with his whole
force, the Chief meeting them in a friendly manner, and telling them
what was ahead. The natives were much alarmed at seeing the horses
and so many Spaniards. The Chief wanted to plunge into the river and
take to flight, but Sancho de Caravajal perceiving this, seized him
and brought him before Gonzalo Pizarro, who ordered him to be fastened
to a chain, with two other Chiefs who had come as friends. The Chief
who, we said, first gave them news of rich provinces was carefully
watched, but was not made a prisoner at that time. When the Indians
saw that their Chiefs who had come as friends had been put in chains
they were indignant, and, taking up arms, they came in forty canoes
direct to the place where they had seen their Chief who called to them
to protect him. But the Spaniards who saw the canoes coming and heard
the shouting, came out with their arms and put the Indians to rout.
Then Gonzalo Pizarro ordered Delicola, the Chief who had been a party
to raising the natives in arms against him and his followers, to be
made fast on the chain with the others.
The Spaniards, seeing that the river they had discovered was very
large and must flow down to the Sweet Sea,[40] and reflecting that of
all the servants they had brought from Quito not one remained, nor
could any be found where they were, the land being so bad, came to
the conclusion that the best plan would be to build a craft, on board
of which their supplies might go down the river, the horses following
by land, in the hope of reaching some region of plenty, for which
they all besought Our Lord. Presently they built the vessel with the
necessary outfit they had brought with them, and one Juan Alcántara
was given charge of her. They shipped as much stuff as she could stow,
and the Spaniards with the horses followed down stream, along the
bank. They met with some small settlements where they got maize and
_yuca_, and they found a quantity of guavas which afforded no small
help to them in their need. Continuing their journey down the river
bank, they sometimes wished to diverge in one direction or another to
see what the country was like, but the morasses and other obstacles
were so great that they could not, and so they were obliged to keep
along the river bank, though with much difficulty, for the creeks in
the swamps were so deep that swimming the horses through them was an
arduous task. Some Spaniards and horses were drowned. The Indian men
and women carrying loads could not cross these swamps on foot, so
they looked for some of the canoes which the natives had hidden. When
the bad places were narrow they made bridges of trees, and crossed in
that manner. In this way they advanced down the river for forty-three
marches, and there was not a day when they did not come upon one or
two of these creeks, so deep that they were put to the labour we have
described, each time. They found little food and no inhabitants, and
they began to feel the pangs of hunger, for of the herd of swine they
brought from Quito, numbering more than 5,000, all were eaten. At
this time the Chief Delicola, who was the first that came in friendly
guise, and the other prisoners, for fear the Spaniards would kill
them, declared that farther on they would find a rich and well-peopled
land. Observing one day that they were less carefully watched, they
slipped into the river with their chain, and crossed to the other
side, without the Spaniards being able to retake them. The Spaniards
thus found themselves without guides for advancing, and they consulted
as to what it would be best to do. As the Indians had said that after
fifteen marches they would come to another very broad and swift river,
down which there were large settlements and very rich Chiefs, also
such quantities of food that if there were a thousand Spaniards there
would be enough for all, Gonzalo Pizarro ordered the Captain-general
Francisco de Orellana, with seventy men, to go on and see if what
the Indians had said was true, and to return with the vessel full
of provisions, for they saw the great need there was for food. He
himself, with the rest of his force, would march down stream at
once, to reach the populous country as soon as possible. For all the
Spaniards were in want, and in truth their necessity was dire, so that
Orellana must make all speed to bring them relief. He was not to do
anything else; wherefore the vessel was entrusted to his care solely,
and to no other person. Francisco de Orellana replied that he would
use all possible diligence to carry out his orders, that he would
bring back provisions as quickly as he could, and that there need
be no doubt about that. So he took on board some arms and clothing
belonging to Gonzalo Pizarro and others who wished to send them on,
and then departed down the river, leaving Gonzalo Pizarro and the
other Spaniards longing for his quick return.
FOOTNOTES:
[38] The Sweet Sea (_Mar Dulce_) was another name for the Marañón. The
"arm" was the river Napo.
[39] The Coca, principal tributary of the Napo.
[40] _Mar dulce_, the Marañón.
CHAPTER XXI
_How Francisco de Orellana went down the river until he reached
the Ocean Sea, and of the great sufferings of Gonzalo Pizarro
and his followers from hunger._
Gonzalo Pizarro, having decided to send Francisco de Orellana in the
vessel down the river, ordered him to start at once, and to those who
were to travel with him he repeated the instructions he had given
to Orellana himself. They therefore proceeded down stream, taking
scarcely any provisions with them, and suffered very great hardships,
making their way for days without seeing any inhabitant. At the end
of that time they met with a few and began to talk of returning, but
this seemed an impossible task, for they had traversed more than three
hundred leagues.
Orellana, after stating some excuses, continued his way and discovered
the very wide river Marañón or "_Mar Dulce_" as some call it, with
great provinces and settlements on its banks, so large that they
affirm that in passing continuously down stream for two whole days
they did not come to the end of the populated district. They had some
fights with the Indians, and a few Spaniards were wounded. Father
Gaspar de Caravajal lost an eye. They never found gold or silver, but
some Indians they captured told them that those metals existed in
great quantities in the interior. After passing through still greater
hardships they at length arrived at the Ocean Sea, whence Orellana
went to Spain; and his Majesty granted him that province with the
title of Adelantado.[41] Publishing an account of greater things than
he ever saw, he enlisted many people. With them he entered the mouth
of the great river and died miserably, all his followers being lost as
well.
Let us return to Gonzalo Pizarro who, when he had despatched his
lieutenant-general Francisco de Orellana down the river in the vessel,
as we have related, determined to push forward from that place as
best he could. He had no provisions, nor any knowledge of whither
he might be able to go. There was not even any track to follow. The
heavens poured down water from their clouds in such quantities that
for many days, including nights, the rain never ceased. As for those
swamps we have mentioned, the farther the Spaniards went the more
of them they encountered. To enable them to proceed and bring along
the horses the strongest young men went ahead, opening a road with
axes and wood knives, never ceasing to cut through that dense wild
in such a way that all the camp could pass and journey eastward. As
they were in such an evil land and might not find any village, they
determined to wait and see what the captain Francisco de Orellana
could do for them. Meanwhile, not to die of hunger, they ate some
remaining horses, and dogs, without wasting any of the entrails, skin,
or other parts; for all was food for the Spaniards. At this time they
had come in sight of an island in the river; but facing it, on the
mainland where the Spaniards had to pass, there were great swamps and
bogs which they could not traverse. To arrive at the supposed land of
plenty which Orellana might discover down the river, they would have
to build boats and big rafts near this island, and these must be well
supplied with provisions and fit to receive the remaining horses on
board, and everything else. They could then go down the river without
danger, and in a short time enter the region where they expected to
find settlements so large and well-to-do that the mere mention of
them excites astonishment, though we know positively it is truth, and
rather under than over stated.
Gonzalo Pizarro, finding himself near this island, and not knowing
the kind of road there might be ahead, and considering the want of
provisions from which all the Spaniards were suffering, now ordered
the captain Alonso de Mercadillo to go down the river with a dozen
Spaniards, in some canoes they had, to see if there was any sign of
Francisco de Orellana, and to seek for some fruit or roots by which
the Spaniards might be sustained. Mercadillo was away for eight days,
without finding anything whatever, nor any sign of Indians. Great was
the sorrow of Gonzalo Pizarro and his followers when they heard this.
It seemed as if they were quite lost, for they had nothing to eat
but wild herbs and coarse fruits never before seen or known, and the
horses and dogs; and these on so restricted a dole that rather did it
whet their hunger than relieve their yearning for food.
As they were in such great straits that there seemed no remedy either
by advancing or by going back, Gonzalo Pizarro resolved to send canoes
with other persons, to see if any signs of natives or homesteads
could be found, where they could get food; for if they delayed much
longer they must all inevitably perish. He therefore ordered the
captain Gonzalo Díaz de Pineda to go out and make search with some
others. They embarked in the canoes and went down stream until they
came to another river larger and mightier than the one they had been
navigating, the two becoming one. Here they saw cuts made by wood
knives and swords, showing that Orellana and his companions had been
there. As they were so ravening and wishful to reach some place where
there was food, they considered, on seeing such a large river, that it
would be well to go up it and see what could be found. After having
gone up it for ten leagues, God our Lord was pleased that they should
find many very thick patches of _yuca_,[42] so large that the stems
that came from their roots looked like a small forest. This _yuca_
plantation was due to certain Indians who had previously lived for
some years in that locality. Their neighbours, in a war they waged
upon them, forced them to retire farther inland into the mountains.
Hence these _yucas_ they had planted continued to grow and remain
there as we have described, and afforded no small relief to the
exhausted Spaniards. Those who came in the canoes knew the _yucas_
quite well. So they went down on their knees and gave thanks to God
our Lord for His great mercy. Then they began to pull them up and load
the two canoes, returning with them full to where Gonzalo Pizarro was
waiting, where the Spaniards had already given up all hope of escaping
with their lives. When they saw the canoes and learnt what they
brought, they all wept for joy, saying, "Blessed be the Lord our God
who has thus remembered us," while kneeling on the ground, and turning
their eyes heavenward; thus giving Him thanks for a mercy which they
held to be a very great one.
For twenty-seven days Gonzalo Pizarro had been there with his party,
eating nothing but some horse and dog-flesh with herbs and leaves of
trees. They had also eaten the saddle and stirrup leathers, boiled
in water and afterwards toasted over the ashes. So that we have good
reason for saying that this expedition of discovery had to endure
great hardships and want. The _yucas_ brought in the canoes were
divided out, but they did not wait to wash or clean them, and began to
eat with the earth still sticking to them. And when they all learnt
that the _yuca_ plantations were near, they collected all the canoes
and fastened them securely together with strong cords to cross to the
other side of the river, which was about three cross-bow shots in
width. The surviving horses crossed easily, as the current was not
strong. Then the people, with what baggage remained to them, were
ferried over with much trouble and made their way to the place on the
other river where the _yuca_ thicket had been found. At that time the
fury of their hunger was such that a Spaniard named Villarejo began to
eat a root of a white colour and rather thick. He had scarcely tasted
it when he lost his reason and became mad. The Spaniards made a very
hurried traverse, crossing more creeks and small streams until they
arrived at the _yuca_ plantation. As all came in an exhausted state,
not having eaten anything for so many days, they did nothing but pull
up _yucas_, with the earth still sticking to the roots, and began to
eat them at once. There they formed a camp, and remained for eight
days. The Spaniards were very sick and sore, wan, and wretched, and in
such an afflicted condition that it was very sad to look upon them.
[41] Thus was the mighty river Amazon discovered by this inhuman
traitor.
[42] _Jatropha manihot_, an edible root.
CHAPTER XXII
_How Gonzalo Pizarro arrived, with his followers, at a place
where Indians had formerly settled but had been driven out in a
war, and the Spaniards found a very great quantity of yucas, by
means of which they were restored to health and their lives were
saved; and of the hardships they went through._
Having arrived at the _yuca_ plantation in the way we have recounted,
and seeing that there were abundant roots to sustain them, the
Spaniards felt that our Lord had shown them the greatest mercy in the
world, and such was their joy that they shed many tears, giving Him
thanks. In the days that they were there, the native servants having
failed them, they themselves grated the _yucas_ by means of very sharp
thorns that grow on certain trees in those forests, and made bread of
the meal, finding it to be as wholesome as the white rusks of Utrera.
Assuredly Gonzalo Pizarro performed great service in this expedition.
If he had not afterwards blemished his fame with the name of traitor,
his great services should for ever be held in memory. But in this
history, being that of the beginning or childhood of the deeds done
by the Spaniards in these realms, we shall record the events as they
happened, neither failing to mention the evil deeds and atrocities,
nor omitting to relate the good works.
Returning to our narrative, the _yucas_ which the Spaniards found in
this locality, where there is nothing else in those dense and evil
forests, were an immense resource.
As the Indians had formerly lived on those flats, and their principal
sustenance is _yuca_, they had laid out great plantations of this
root, extending for more than forty leagues. But their neighbours
having fought with these natives until they were driven from thence,
all that _yuca_ harvest remained to enable the Spaniards to restore
their well-being with it. At the end of eight days Gonzalo Pizarro
ordered that all should depart and travel up stream, to see if God,
our Lord, would be pleased to guide the expedition to some good land,
or back to that from which they had come. At that plantation two
Spaniards died through eating too many _yucas_. Others swelled in such
a way that they could not walk on their feet. They were put on the
horses, in the saddles, and secured with cords so that they should not
fall off, for they had not strength to keep on horseback. Although
they complained, they were not helped, for the others said that they
were acting like rogues, and that there was nothing the matter with
them.
Spaniards went in front of the main body, opening a road through the
forest with axes and wood knives. Many had to go barefoot, for they
had no _alpargates_[43] nor anything else to put on. They believed
that Orellana and the others who went down the river were dead, either
from starvation or at the hands of the Indians. Some Spaniards always
marched in the rear guard, not allowing any to lag behind, the sick
being put on the horses, as we have already said. They marched along
the banks for forty leagues, always finding _yuca_ plantations; but
the horses were so lean and weak that they were of little use. When
they had completed those forty leagues they came to a small settlement
of natives, but they had no interpreter to ask them what they wanted
to know. When the natives saw the Spaniards with horses, they were
terrified, got into their canoes, and from thence made signs and
brought some of their food for the Spaniards. They pitched it ashore
to them in exchange for hawks' bells, combs, and other trifles which
the Spaniards always carried with them. They went on from this place
for eight days; exploring the region up stream, and always finding it
sparsely settled like the one they had left. After they had travelled
for these eight days there were no longer any Indians, nor any track
leading in any direction, because the natives from this point used the
river as their only road. By signs the natives said that there were no
roads and no provisions farther on. When the Spaniards heard this they
sought for food from the store the Indians had; as much as each one
could carry on his back and on the horses.
Gonzalo Pizarro was very sad. He knew not in what land he was,
nor what direction to take to reach Peru or any other part where
there were Christians. He took counsel with Don Antonio, Sancho de
Caravajal, Villegas, Funes, and Juan de Acosta. Their conclusion was
that Gonzalo Díaz de Pineda should be sent out in two canoes strongly
lashed together, to explore the river, with Indians to help in working
them up stream. He was to go up and try to find a well-peopled
locality, and then Gonzalo Pizarro would follow with the whole camp.
Gonzalo Díaz presently started in the canoes, taking with him a
cross-bow and an arquebus; and Gonzalo Pizarro also set out with the
rest. But he was in great anxiety, for the Spaniards were in a very
bad state. They had eaten nothing but the _yucas_, and this brought
on a flux which wore them out; besides that they all went with bare
feet and legs, for they had nothing in the way of shoes, except that
a few made a sort of sandal from the leather of the saddles. The road
was all through forest, and full of prickly trees: so that their feet
got scratched all over, and their legs were constantly pierced by the
many thorns. In this condition they went on, nearly dead with hunger,
naked and barefooted, covered with sores, opening the road with their
swords; while it rained so that on many days they never saw the sun
and could not get dry. They cursed themselves many times for having
come to suffer such hardships and privations, which they could well
have avoided, Peru being so large and populous a country, where all
may obtain relief.
Those who went in the canoe made a signal every night, to show how
they went forward, and Gonzalo Pizarro with his followers worked their
way through the forest in the laborious manner we have described. So
they went on for fifty-six leagues, Pizarro by land and Gonzalo Díaz
on the river. They met no natives, and had no food but the _yucas_
they brought with them and the insipid wild fruits they found among
those mountains. Gonzalo Díaz, who went on the river, reflecting that
they had gone fifty leagues without striking anything, was very sad.
He thought that Gonzalo Pizarro and all his men must die of hunger, as
they could find no inhabited land. One day, at the hour of compline,
they encountered a strong current which they were unable to stem, so
they jumped ashore. On a trunk of a tree, brought down by the current,
they sat pondering over their misery. They were very anxious, thinking
that it would be impossible for Gonzalo Pizarro and the others to
reach this place, owing to the density of the forest and the large
affluents that came to join the river. As they were thus thinking, Don
Pedro de Bustamente, who accompanied Gonzalo Díaz, stood up and saw
a canoe at a bend of the river near where they were, and in a little
while fourteen or fifteen more appeared, there being eight or nine
Indians in each canoe with their arms and shields. As soon as they
saw the canoes, the captain Gonzalo Díaz got fire from his flint and
steel, and with it he lighted the match of the arquebus. Bustamente
took the cross-bow, and putting a shaft into it, they held them
ready until they saw what the Indians, who came on careless of being
about to meet the Spaniards, would do. When they came within range,
Gonzalo Díaz pointed the arquebus and hit an Indian in the breast, who
presently fell into the river dead. Bustamente, with the cross-bow,
let fly a shaft and hit another in the arm, who very quickly pulled it
out and turned to hurl the missile at him who shot it off. Then with
loud yells, they hurled many darts and arrows. The two Spaniards as
quickly loaded the arquebus again and set the cross-bow. With these
they killed two more Indians, and then, laying hold of their swords
and shields, they approached the enemy in their canoe.
The Indians, astounded at seeing four of their number dead, began
a flight in their canoes down the river. The Spaniards followed,
shooting at them with the arquebus. This scared them so that they left
the canoes and jumped into the river. The Spaniards took some of the
canoes and found food in them of the kind used by the Indians, for
which they gave thanks to Our Lord, for it was many days since they
had tasted anything but roots and herbs which they found on the banks
of the river. These Indians had come from a river which is different
from this one, and two of them, with two canoes, had been fishing when
they saw the Spaniards and went to give the alarm to their village.
So the people of the village came out by a creek which falls into the
river, thinking to take or kill the Spaniards. The event turned out
as you have heard. Gonzalo Díaz and Bustamente, after they had eaten,
cut some crosses on trees near the river with their swords, so that if
Gonzalo Pizarro and his people should come that way, they would know
that they had been there and gone on. That night they resumed their
voyage up the river, and the morning dawned very clear. Casting their
eyes towards the south they saw a range of very high mountains, at
which they rejoiced greatly for they thought it must be the Cordillera
of Quito, or that which lies near the cities of Popayán and Cali. In
that case the Spaniards would not be lost, for God our Lord would
guide them to a Christian land. Presently they found some stones,
at a rapid. Never before had they seen any in the more than 300
leagues that they had traversed. Having gone so far up the river, they
determined to go back and see whether Gonzalo Pizarro and his people
were coming. Leaving some of the food and canoes, they turned back
down the river, and what had taken them eleven days to accomplish in
going up, they now covered in a day and a half.
Gonzalo Pizarro continued to advance with his people, suffering
terribly from famine, for now they had eaten all the dogs, numbering
more than nine hundred, except two: one belonging to Gonzalo Pizarro,
and the other to Don Antonio Rivera. They had also eaten most of
the horses they had brought. The Spaniards were so tired and worn
out, that they could hardly walk, while several died in the forest.
Going down the river Gonzalo Díaz heard the noise of people cutting
the trees with their swords. Very joyfully he landed at the spot the
Spaniards had reached, and they were delighted to see each other.
Gonzalo Pizarro was coming with the rear-guard, lest any of the
Spaniards should drop and be left for dead. When Gonzalo Díaz heard
this he got into the canoe again and went to meet him. We cannot
describe the joy they felt at seeing each other, for Díaz had believed
Pizarro to be already dead.[44] He and Bustamente related to Gonzalo
Pizarro how they had come back to seek for him, because in going up
the river they had encountered armed Indians, and God had delivered
them out of their hands, and given them strength to kill four of
them with the arquebus and cross-bow, making them take to flight
and abandon their canoes, in which they found some food. They also
reported having seen very high mountains and that they believed that
they would there find inhabitants, or a road which would lead to a
land of Christians. They also said they had found a great beach on
the river, covered with stones. Gonzalo Pizarro rejoiced at this news.
We will here leave off writing about him, to relate other important
things which happened within the Realm.
FOOTNOTES:
[43] Shoes or sandals used by the Basques, made of grass.
[44] Garcilaso omits all mention of this detached expedition of Pineda
but Herrera gives a brief account of it.
CHAPTER XXIII
_How his Majesty appointed Belalcázar as his Governor, and how
he entered upon the government and arrested the Adelantado
Andagoya._
In the first book we mentioned how the captain Sebastián de
Belalcázar, being on an expedition of discovery, arrived at the
province of Bogotá, called the New Kingdom of Granada, where he found
some Spaniards of Santa Marta, who were the first discoverers of those
parts. Belalcázar, Fedreman, and the licentiate Jiménez embarked
together in one ship, each one desirous that the government of the
country should be given to himself. Although each one came to Spain
with the intention of applying for it, their hopes were disappointed,
for it was granted to Don Alonso de Lugo, Adelantado of the Canaries.
When the captain Belalcázar arrived in Spain he found that his Majesty
was absent, enjoying his immortal triumphs. It was easy for those who
came to Spain to negotiate, in those days, as the lords of the Council
favoured captains who approached them to seek posts; and Belalcázar,
after he had submitted his report, was given the government of Popayán
with the towns of Anzerma, Cartago, Cali, and Neyva, with all the
territory as far as the boundaries of San Francisco de Quito. With
these grants and favours he left Spain and came to Tierra Firme. At
the city of Panamá he embarked in a ship, with those in his company,
and landed near the harbour now called Buenaventura; whence he
continued his journey to the city of Cali, where news of his coming as
Governor had already arrived. Andagoya worked to obtain friends and
interest and resist Belalcázar's entry, and strove for the support of
the city magistrates and aldermen. Although they all raised his hopes
and made great promises, they desired first to see Belalcázar there
before their eyes, and then on his arrival to desert Andagoya and go
over to him. For novelties please the people, who are always friends
to anything new, and they like to see changes, especially among those
who govern.
Many letters, with great promises, came to Belalcázar; and Andagoya,
suspecting some persons, arrested them, and prepared to send men
into the hill country to block the arrival. After some things had
passed which I cannot now recount, and there had been emissaries
and proposals, Belalcázar arrived at the city of Cali. There, lest
he should have to decide by force who had the best title to govern,
he put his men under arms; and Andagoya did likewise with those who
supported him. They were almost coming to blows when some monks
intervened. It was then agreed that the Governor Belalcázar should
present his credentials to the municipality, and if they accepted
them he was to be acknowledged as Governor, but if not, then Andagoya
was to remain in office. By this time many who were at Cali had gone
over to Belalcázar's side. After seeing his credentials the municipal
delegates accepted him as Governor, and removed the Adelantado from
office. A few days later Andagoya was made a prisoner and taken to
the city of Popayán. Belalcázar then wrote to the captain Robledo,
and sent Pedro de Ayala to take possession of the cities of Cartago
and Anzerma, with orders that the city of Santa Ana, then called San
Juan, was to be henceforth styled the town of Anzerma. Pedro de Ayala
arrived at Cartago, where the captain Jorge de Robledo distributed
what caciques were there, among the conquerors, and for those other
Spaniards who received no _repartimiento_ he determined to go and
find Indians. So he proceeded from Cartago to the town of Anzerma,
whence he wrote letters to Belalcázar, for he knew that certain
persons, actuated by envy and malice, were speaking evil of him before
Belalcázar and that Belalcázar approved--for he was a man of little
knowledge and poor understanding, unable to take the measure of those
who came with false or unjust statements. The captain Jorge Robledo,
desiring to do what we have said, set out from Anzerma, taking as
his ensign the captain Álvaro de Mendoza, a principal knight among
those engaged in that campaign, who had served his Majesty for many
years. With a hundred Spaniards, horse and foot, they left Anzerma,
crossed the great river, and came to the village of _Irra_. Leaving
the affairs of that government at this point, we will return to our
principal subject, and relate how the licentiate Cristóbal Vaca de
Castro was appointed in Spain to be Governor of Peru.
CHAPTER XXIV
_How the alcalde Diego Núñez de Mercado arrived in Spain with
news of the death of Almagro; how his Majesty deemed that event
to be an ill service, and how he appointed the licentiate
Cristóbal Vaca de Castro as Judge._
The _alcalde_ Diego Núñez de Mercado, ever the faithful adherent
of the Adelantado Don Diego de Almagro, left Peru as quickly as
possible after his friend was beheaded, and embarked in a ship for
Tierra Firme. Thence he travelled and sailed until he reached the
Court of his Majesty with the news of the battle of Las Salinas and
the death of Almagro, and all the other events that had happened in
Peru. His knowledge was complete, for he was a third party in all
the negotiations and agreements between the two Governors. When the
Emperor heard of the death of Almagro he was much grieved, and held
that what had taken place in Peru was detrimental to his service. His
Majesty was angry that such a loyal servant and vassal should have
been put to death with such cruelty, and ordered the members of his
Council to see justice done in the case. Soon afterwards Diego de
Alvarado, and also Diego Gutiérrez de los Rios, arrived in Spain. They
too related the execution of Almagro, and prayed for justice.
Then Don Alonso Enríquez arrived in Spain with others, who told the
story differently; so that the Council of the Indies, in order to get
at the truth, nominated the licentiate Cristóbal Vaca de Castro as
Judge of Commission, to go out and collect evidence. Some say that
Hernando Pizarro obtained this appointment, through the Cardinal
Loaysa, that he might have charge of the affairs of the Marquis
Pizarro, because he would show himself favourable in that interest.
However that may have been, this licentiate was ordered to proceed to
Peru to investigate what we have said, and if perchance the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro should die before the Judge's arrival or while
he was there, he was to assume the government in the place of the
said Marquis. And as some complaints against Dr. Robles, a judge of
the Panamá Audience, had reached Spain, it was ordered that the Judge
Vaca de Castro should be President of the Panamá Audience so long as
he was there, and take steps to call Judge Robles and Dr. Villalobos
to account. On leaving that Audience in good order, he was to set out
for Peru. Having arrived there, he was to take evidence and make a
thorough inquiry into the course of recent events there, and send home
a report.
Vaca de Castro accepted the appointment, and had great hopes that,
with diligence, he would be able to perform the duties and do good
service to his Majesty. As soon as the appointment of Vaca de Castro
was announced in Spain, Diego de Alvarado and others wrote to Diego
de Almagro and Juan de Herrada, saying that Dr. Beltrán and other
members of the Council had received large presents from the Marquis,
whence it must be inferred that Vaca de Castro would not do strict
justice there. These letters caused some perturbation in the minds
of the men of Chile. Vaca de Castro, as soon as he had received his
sailing orders, took leave of the Court and proceeded to San Lucar,
where he embarked, with the title of President of the Audience of
Panamá. Correspondents were not wanting who informed the Marquis of
the appointment of Vaca de Castro, and of the very limited powers he
brought with him, telling Pizarro that he need have no mistrust, as
the Judge was going out rather to show him a favour, and that he would
suffer no dishonour in consequence.
Vaca de Castro sailed across the ocean until he came to Nombre de
Dios, whence he proceeded to Panamá, arriving in the middle of
January, 1542. It was given out that he came with wide powers and
commissions. Arrived at Panamá, he was received as President in the
Audience and Royal Chancellery. In the Audience Dr. Robles and Dr.
Villalobos were judges. As soon as Vaca de Castro had been received by
them as President, he produced a royal commission by which his Majesty
ordered him to investigate the judges' proceedings, especially those
of Dr. Francisco Robles, who had held office for a long time, and
respecting whose acts several complaints had reached Spain. Presently
this officer was suspended from duty, and his case was investigated.
As Vaca de Castro was anxious to get on to Peru, he handed over
the completion of the case to Dr. Villalobos, against whom there
was nothing, and to the licentiate Páez de Laserna, who had lately
arrived from Spain as a judge. He then arranged for his own departure,
and quitted the harbour of Panamá in a galleon belonging to Dr.
Sepúlveda. There went with him Don Pedro Luis Cabrera, and Hernán
Mejía, an alderman of the city of Seville. There were also with him
Juan de Cáceres, Accountant of Peru, and Sebastián de Merlo, who had
been the secretary of that Audience. He sailed for Peru, accompanied
by several other ships, on the 18th of March in the year 1542.
CHAPTER XXV
_Of what happened in the city of Lima, and how Pedro Alvarez
Holguin left the city of Cuzco on an expedition of discovery._
The coming of Vaca de Castro as Judge was publicly known in Lima
through letters that had arrived from Spain; and the men of Chile
anxiously awaited the hour of his arrival, when they would seek for
justice respecting the putting to death of Don Diego de Almagro. They
were in very great need, and the Marquis did nothing to alleviate
their condition. There was an estate with some Indians which, it was
said, Domingo de la Presa had given or sold to Don Diego.[45] It
happened that Domingo de la Presa died at this time, and Francisco
Martín de Alcántara, brother of the Marquis, asked for the estate.
There were even some words about it, for the Bishop, as was said, also
had pretensions. Finally the Marquis took it away from Don Diego and
gave it to Francisco Martín. This was assuredly a great injustice,
and not in conformity with the position and claims of Don Diego,
having regard to his father's services to the King. As maize and other
supplies for Don Diego's house, where all the men of Chile boarded,
were obtained from this estate, they felt the want so much that it was
pitiful to hear what the lad Don Diego said, and how he complained of
the harshness with which the Marquis treated him. Juan de Herrada, who
had formerly been his father's servant, sought by every means for food
to sustain Don Diego and his followers, who had become very poor. It
is true that the Marquis, in order to make friends with some of them,
sent word to the captains Juan de Sayavedra, Cristóbal de Sotelo, and
Francisco de Chaves that he would give them Indian bondsmen whereby
they might live in comfort: but they scoffed at a promise of that
sort, saying that they would rather die of hunger than receive food at
the hands of the Marquis.
In view of the current news of the coming of Vaca de Castro, the men
of Chile determined to send Alonso de Montemayor and Juan de Baeza,
dressed in mourning, to welcome the Judge at Piura, or wherever they
could overtake him, and when they reached him they were to petition
for restitution of what they had lost, and punishment of their enemies
for the treason of having killed the Adelantado. Some there were who
said that Juan de Herrada and young Almagro conspired together to
find out the intentions of Vaca de Castro, and, if these were not
in agreement with what they expected and believed, to kill him and
seize all the arms he might have with him. This is the story told
by the Pachacama party, but at that time no such plot to murder
Vaca de Castro was in being or even discussed among them, nor did
they send the deputies for any other purpose than to acquaint him
with the course of events, and also to learn, perchance, whether he
came with intent to favour the Marquis and not to do full justice
to them. If so, they would prepare to arm and, with some friends,
they would defend themselves against any one who should wish to
annoy them. Presently those two set out to do what we have stated.
When the Marquis heard of the approach of Vaca de Castro, he sent a
chamberlain named Alonso de Cabrera to receive him, and to see the
lodgings prepared for him, where he was to rest on the road. Although
the Marquis felt sore at the coming of Vaca de Castro, he prudently
dissembled, and gave out that he was pleased at his arrival. At this
time Pedro Alvarez Holguin had gone on an expedition of discovery
with a small force, in the direction of the Chunchos. Don Pedro de
Puertocarrero was then lieutenant for the Governor at Cuzco. Captain
Pedro Anzures was in the town of Plata, where many gentlemen of rank
had settled; and had instituted good order among the Indians in those
provinces. Those who would not acknowledge their subjection, nor
render obedience to his Majesty, were punished and forced to submit.
In the other towns and new settlements the same care was observed.
In Lima, as well as in all the other cities of the Realm, a great
quantity of wheat and barley was raised.
Now the Marquis was guided by the counsels of his secretary Antonio
Picado, who was not a man of constancy or prudence. It would have been
well to lead the Marquis towards a policy of conciliation, which would
have attracted friends; but Picado did just the reverse. He said many
ugly things of the men of Chile, and it was through his scheming that
the farm was taken from the lad Don Diego and given over to Francisco
Martín. To insult the men of Chile, Picado one day put on embroidered
clothes enriched with many gold figs,[46] and went in that garb to
the quarters of young Diego. There he made his horse plunge and caper
about to the bodily danger of those present, as if with intent to
knock them over. Those of Chile felt hurt and insulted when they saw
this, deploring that their misfortunes and ill-luck were such that
Picado could come thus and triumph over them. From that time their
suspicions grew, and they were in dread lest the Marquis should kill
or banish them, so they sought for arms to defend themselves. The
Marquis was informed of this, and he was counselled by his friends
to keep people about him to guard his person, that he might not be
murdered on a sudden. But he would not take their advice; on the
contrary, he went out of his house every day alone. He went to a place
where a mill was being built, where the men of Chile might have killed
him many times, if they had cared to station themselves there.
FOOTNOTES:
[45] Almagro's son.
[46] Others say a cap with a gold medal having a silver fig embossed
upon it, and a motto--"For the men of Chile."
CHAPTER XXVI
_Of what happened to the President Vaca de Castro, after he left
the city of Panamá to go to Peru._
After leaving Panamá all went well in the vessel on board of which
Vaca de Castro and his friends had embarked, and the vessels
accompanying her, until they came to a rocky islet called by the
sailors "_Mal Pelo_." Thence they sailed along the coast until they
sighted the Island of _La Gorgona_, which is near the river of San
Juan. After that the winds were contrary, and the rains frequent. Then
the sea became tempestuous, bearing on its waves the vessels that
had come from Panamá. After some days they sighted the Island of _El
Gallo_, whither the pilot and captain ordered the sailors to steer,
as they wished to renew their supply of water. Pedro Luis Cabrera,
Hernán Mejía and some others landed. While they were on shore, the
hawser which secured the vessel carried away, and those who had gone
on shore were only got on board again with great difficulty. At length
they were able to continue the voyage, and arrived at the _Ancón de
Sardinas_. On the night of their arrival there arose a furious gale,
insomuch that they thought they were lost. All the vessels put to
sea, but when daylight came the galleon was alone, no other vessel
being in sight. When the pilot saw this he wanted to return to Ancón
de Sardinas, but was unable to, as the vessel had drifted too far to
leeward. Night coming on, and being near the land, the pilot anchored
the vessel with good cables so as to ride through the night without
drifting, with the contrary wind, from the place into which they had
come. But after a short time a sailor cried out that they were driving
on shore. They slipped the anchor and stood out to sea under the
foresail, so, in spite of the efforts of the pilot, they were unable
to hold their own. They ran for the island of El Gallo, where they
found a ship at anchor. They believed she was one of those which had
started with them; but it was not so, she had come from Nicaragua.
Vaca de Castro ordered Merlo to go to that vessel in the boat, and
to require those in command on board to come and appear before him.
There came one named Pedro Orejón, who was married to a daughter of
the Governor Rodrigo de Contreras, and another named Juan de Quiñones,
a settler in the city of León. As soon as they learnt that Vaca de
Castro was on board the galleon they came to pay their respects. He
asked them to keep him company, as he had lost touch with the vessels
which left Panamá with him. They answered that they would do so. So
they got up their anchors and left that place, to sail on along the
coast. But although they used all their skill to gain southing they
could not do so, by reason of the adverse weather which would in no
wise allow them to proceed. When Vaca de Castro saw how difficult
it was to make way against the contrary winds, and reflected how
desirable it was to reach his destination speedily, to prevent trouble
between the respective parties of Chile and of Pachacama, he consulted
with those on board. They agreed that, as the contrary winds were so
persistent, and there was a deficiency of cables and gear, it would be
better to make for the port of Buenaventura, whence they could march
to the city of Cali, where they would find all the outfit necessary
for a journey to Peru. Vaca de Castro and those on board both the
vessels having come to this decision they steered for the Isle of
Palms. No one on board either ship knew the port of Buenaventura,
it being situated between rivers, with very dense forests on either
side; so that to make no mistake it is necessary to know it well.
I myself, having once gone to Panamá to negotiate certain business
with the Royal Chancellery, returned to the province by way of this
port. Though I had a pilot with me, named Martín Hernández, who had
been there twice before, we missed our mark and thought we had lost
ourselves, because one has to enter by two or three branches of the
rivers to get into the one by which vessels are brought up to the
port by the tide. We were eleven days in those rivers seeking for the
port and never able to find it; nor should we have got there at all,
if it had not been for a skipper who was coming out in a small vessel
on a fishing cruise. He piloted us into the branch of the river which
leads to Buenaventura. I mention this because Vaca de Castro had much
trouble in finding the port, as there is much risk in trying to enter,
for those who have never seen it before.
Having arrived at the Isle of Palms they were very puzzled over the
means to be adopted for finding the port. They found an inscription
cut in large letters on a rock in the island, to the following effect:
_Whoever comes in search of the port of Buenaventura should sail for
six leagues to the west, and on the beach at which he will arrive he
will see a large cross, and on digging at the foot of it will find a
calabash containing a letter which tells where the port is_. They were
all much pleased at finding this writing, and Vaca de Castro ordered
a sailor who understood navigation to go in the boat and seek for the
letter at the cross, for then they could not possibly go wrong. He
ordered Merlo to go with him in the boat. They started, and presently
arrived where the letters on the rock directed. They found the cross
cut down by the coast Indians, but, after a diligent search, could not
find the letter. As the cross had been cut down, they decided to go
towards a bay or roadstead that the coast forms. They wandered about
for eight days without being able to find anything, nor any sign of a
port. After those eight days the boat returned to the galleon, where
the crew had suffered much from hunger, and must have succumbed if it
had not been for the Nicaraguan ship which supplied them out of the
stores she had brought.
CHAPTER XXVII
_How the President Vaca de Castro was in great need and danger
from being unable to find the port of Buenaventura; and how, at
the end of some days during which they were seeking the port,
they sighted a ship in which there came Don Juan de Andagoya,
who told them where the port was._
Great was the disappointment of those on board the ships when the
boat's crew who had gone in search of the cross and the letter
supposed to be deposited there reported their non-success. Vaca de
Castro was very worried and depressed. He ordered another pilot to
take the boat and some sailors, and see whether peradventure they
could find the port, for the want of provisions was now such that with
even but a little more delay, the danger would become very serious. So
the pilot and boat's crew started a second time to seek for the port,
with a limit of eight days within which to go and return. Although
they went along coastwise, and entered several rivers that came down
from the mountains into the sea, they could find no sign nor trace
of a port, nor anything that might guide them. Being on the point of
returning to the Isle of Palms, that Vaca de Castro might go back
to Panamá by reason of the failure of provisions, they sighted two
sails coming along the coast, steering towards where the boat then
was. They saw them anchor, and stow their sails, and the strangers
then made towards them in their boats, for they were in the same
predicament as themselves, as they had come from Nicaragua, and their
pilots, having never been at Buenaventura, did not know the way to the
port. They thought that those in the boat they had sighted would be
able to guide them in the right direction. When the two parties heard
from each other what they were after, they were greatly depressed.
They agreed to make for that bay again, with all three boats, and see
if they could find the port from thence. That night a great tempest
arose, and they thought they must perish.
Meanwhile Vaca de Castro and the crews of the ships suffered much
from want of food; when the boats were about to return, there came in
sight a ship which had just left the port of Buenaventura. On board
of her was Don Juan de Andagoya, son of the Adelantado Don Pascual de
Andagoya. He was in search of the captain Cristóbal de Peñas,[47] and
was coming to seek an order from the Royal Audience of Panamá to the
Adelantado Sebastián de Belalcázar to allow his father, who was held
a prisoner, to depart freely whither he chose. When Don Juan came out
of the mouth of the river and saw the other vessels, he got into the
ship's boat and went to see who they were and what they wanted. There
was a heavy sea, Don Juan lost the rudder, and if they had not come to
his help he would have perished. When they heard from Don Juan that
the port of Buenaventura was near, they were delighted, and hastened
to carry the good news to where the President was. They told Don Juan
there was no need for him to go to Panamá, for that Vaca de Castro,
who was hard by, was himself President of the Audience of Panamá, and
could liberate Don Juan's father and compensate him for the injury
done him. When Don Juan heard this he rejoiced, believing that since
Vaca de Castro came with such very full and ample powers from his
Majesty, as was stated, they would be most useful in the cause of
the Adelantado his father, and in freeing him from the clutches of
Belalcázar. So telling the boat's crews they must go up the river down
which he had come, and that they would then quickly arrive at the port
they sought, Don Juan, with his vessel, went on to the Isle of Palms,
where he found the President. Vaca de Castro gave Don Juan a warrant,
under his signature, by which Belalcázar was to release Andagoya from
the prison in which he was confined. Vaca de Castro duly arrived at
the port of Buenaventura,[48] whence he sent his secretary Merlo to
notify to Belalcázar the order for the release of Andagoya, and to let
him know that Vaca de Castro was coming to the kingdom of Peru by his
Majesty's command. Here we will leave him and relate what happened at
the city of the Kings.
FOOTNOTE:
[47] This should be Alonso de Peña, brother-in-law of Pascual de
Andagoya. When Andagoya left Panamá to take possession of his
government, he sent Peña to Santo Domingo, to collect more troops,
horses, and stores. See my translation of Andagoya's narrative,
Introduction, p. xxvi (_Hakluyt Society's vol. 34, for 1865_).
[48] Buenaventura, the port of Cali, was founded by Juan Ladrillo,
under orders from the Adelantado Pascual de Andagoya, who had received
the government of the coast thence to Panamá. The municipality of Cali
ordered that six or seven settlers should reside there to arrange for
the landing of merchandize and its transmission across the mountains
to Cali. The pilots with Vaca de Castro certainly showed great want
of intelligence in not being able to find it (see _Cieza de León_, p.
105, _Hakluyt Society's vol. 33_, _for 1864_)
CHAPTER XXVIII
_How the news arrived at Lima that Vaca de Castro had reached
the river of San Juan, how this was received by those of Chile,
and what else happened at that time in the city of the Kings._
When the President Vaca de Castro sailed from Panamá, several ships
went in company with him, as I have already related. At the Ancón
de Sardinas some were lost in a storm. The galleon bore up for
Buenaventura, but others, being smaller and better sailers, were
able to make southing and reach the port of Lima. There they passed
the news that the President was coming by sea, but had encountered
terrible weather, and they did not know whether he was lost or had
returned to Panamá, or had put into the port of Buenaventura. At this
news, the Marquis and those of his party were not a little pleased.
But those of Chile, when they heard it, complained of their bad
luck. For they were hopefully expecting him to arrive at an early
date and make amends for the injustice that had been done in killing
[the Adelantado] Don Diego [de Almagro], and in not giving them any
_repartimientos_, notwithstanding they had done good service and made
discoveries in that land. They went about very sad and downcast. They
were reduced to great straits, for between ten or twelve of them there
was but one cloak, which they went out in by turns. The citizens of
Lima were so indifferent that, though they saw them almost dying of
hunger, they did not help them with a single thing, nor would they,
even in their own homes, offer them any food.
When St. John's Day drew near, the citizens rode out on horseback to
make merry, but a very bad prognostic happened. It was this: Antonio
Picado[49] took up behind him on his horse a half-witted fellow, who
at the time was in Lima, named Juan de Lepe. He had scarcely mounted
when Lepe cried out, "This is the justice that is ordered to be done
this man." When the men of Chile heard it they rejoiced, saying that
they hoped the utterance of that ninny would prove to be a prophecy,
and that they would be avenged of their enemies by such words as those
coming true.
People want to say that at this time the men of Chile, seeing
themselves so overlooked, and that no judge before whom they could
state their grievances had come, were conspiring among themselves to
murder the Marquis, and that this very St. John's Day was the time
selected. It is further said that the good cavalier Cristóbal de
Sotelo prevented it, saying that it was not desirable to do such an
act then. It is also said that the Marquis had resolved to banish Don
Diego[50] and Juan de Herrada,[51] and to execute justice on those who
were seen to go about fomenting strife. Well! neither the one story
nor the other is true. It is well known to those who lived at that
time that the Marquis often went to a mill which he had ordered to be
built on the banks of the river that flows by the city, accompanied
only by an unarmed page. Being thus unguarded, it would have been easy
for assassins to kill him if they had wanted to do so. Although some
men talked of avenging the death of Almagro, it had not then been
determined to murder the Marquis. Neither can we believe, nor would
it be fair to affirm, that the Marquis intended to banish them, or to
put anyone to death; for we know that many of his friends advised him
to adopt such measures, and that he told them such a thing would never
be done by him, because it would at once be said that he did so that
there might be no one to plead in the _residencia_.[52] In the city
there was some commotion, accompanied by profound silence on the part
of the Indians, who said that the Marquis's last day was at hand, when
he would be murdered by the men of Chile. The same was common talk in
the marketplaces, and some Indian women repeated it to Spaniards who
were their house-masters. It is also said that the favourite, Garcí
Díaz, heard it from an Indian girl and warned the Marquis about it.
But Pizarro laughed, and said that no attention should be paid to such
Indian gossip. After some further discussion respecting these rumours,
the Marquis ordered the Bishop to have Juan de Herrada fetched, and
to bring him before him on the same St. John's Day, in the afternoon.
Four or five days before this, Juan de Herrada heard that the Marquis
was collecting arms, and intended to seize the men of Chile or banish
them, or kill certain of them, but he concealed what he had heard. He
consulted with Cristóbal de Sotelo, Francisco de Chaves, and others
of their party, and they determined to purchase arms, and if the
Marquis wanted to kill or take them, to unite together and kill him
first, if they could. Presently Juan de Herrada bought a coat of mail,
in which he always went about. The party also got some lances, and
other weapons which they kept concealed about them. Don Diego went
out better attended than the Marquis himself. Juan de Herrada also,
when he walked abroad, was followed by twenty or thirty men ready for
anything that might happen. The Marquis was told that the men of Chile
carried arms, went about in parties, and were plotting to kill him.
Hearing this, he told the Bishop elect of Quito to send for Juan de
Herrada. Don Juan was somewhat disturbed on learning that he had been
sent for, and the men of Chile wanted to accompany him, but he decided
to go alone. When they realized this they were in a state of confusion
until he returned. They kept their arms ready to hand waiting for the
result, because some of them thought that the Marquis would arrest
him; since with what other object, forsooth, could he have been sent
for?
Arriving where the Marquis was, Juan de Herrada found him in a garden
looking at some orange trees he had planted there. On knocking at the
door it was opened, and as he came in the Marquis turned to him, and
said "Who are you?" Juan de Herrada answered: "How is it that you do
not know me? I am Juan de Herrada!" The Marquis then said, "What is
this, Juan de Herrada, that they tell me, that you are buying arms
and preparing armour with the intention of murdering me?" Juan de
Herrada answered, "It is true, my lord, that I have bought two pair
of breast-plates and a coat of mail for defending my own person."
The Marquis then asked, "What reason has moved you to buy arms now
more than at any other time?" Juan de Herrada replied, "Because they
tell us--and it is the public talk--that your Lordship is collecting
lances to kill us all!" He went on: "Well! let us make an end of it
now, and your Lordship can deal with us as you please, for, having
begun with the head, I know not why the feet should call for respect.
They also say that your Lordship means to kill the Judge; but if you
think of killing the men of Chile, do not so! Banish Don Diego in a
ship, for he is innocent of any fault, and let me go with him wherever
chance may strand us." The Marquis, with an angry countenance, then
exclaimed: "Who has made you believe in such a great evil and treason
as this? For I have never thought of such a thing. I desire more to
see the Judge here than you can do. Diego de Mora has written to me
that he had arrived at the river of San Juan, and the masters of
ships who have come here bring the same news. As he did not care to
embark in my galleon he is not here. As to the arms that you say I
am getting, the other day I went out hunting, and I found that my
servants had not a lance among them. I told them to get one, and they
bought four. I pray to God, Juan de Herrada, that the Judge may come;
and may God help us to the truth, and let these things come to an end."
Juan de Herrada's heart was in some degree softened by what the
Marquis had said to him, and he answered, "_Por Dios_, my Lord, they
have made me spend 500 _pesos_ and more in purchasing arms,[53] and
I got myself a coat of mail, so that I may have protection if anyone
comes to kill me." The Marquis, showing more friendliness, said, "God
forbid that I should be guilty of such great cruelty!" Juan de Herrada
took off his cap and was about to depart, and as he went a fool who
was there, named Valdesillo, said to the Marquis, "Why don't you give
some of those oranges to Juan de Herrada?" The Marquis answered,
"_Por Dios_, thou sayest well, for I had not thought of it." Then the
Marquis, with his own hand, plucked half a dozen oranges from the
tree, being the first that were borne in that country, and gave them
to Juan de Herrada. That worthy then departed to his lodgings, and
on the road he met over thirty of the men of Chile, who had come out
to look for him. They were very glad to meet him, and asked what had
happened between him and the Marquis. He told them all that had taken
place. Don Diego was very anxious at the delay in Herrada's return,
and was delighted when he saw him coming, so that he went forward to
embrace him; while Herrada related to him and the rest of them all
that had been said between himself and the Marquis.[54]
[49] The Marquis Pizarro's secretary.
[50] Son of the Adelantado Don Diego de Almagro, usually known as "El
mozo" (the lad). He was a half-caste, by an Indian woman of Panamá.
[51] Juan de Herrada was an able soldier, a servant of the old
Almagro, and devoted to the interests of his son.
[52] At the expiration of the term of all Spanish governors and judges
a "Juez de Residencia" was appointed to examine into their conduct,
and receive complaints and representations from those whom they had
governed or judged. This was called a _residencia_. Solórzano points
out many evils in the working of the system (_Política Indiana_, Lib.
V, cap. 10, pp. 836-849). Vaca de Castro, however, was not sent out
with powers to terminate the rule of the Marquis. He was to receive
evidence, and report to the Home Government. If the Marquis was
dead when Vaca de Castro arrived, then the latter was to succeed as
Governor.
[53] So that the statement that they were starving appears false.
[54] This very interesting interview between the Marquis Pizarro and
his murderer is also given by Zarate and Gómara. Garcilaso de la Vega
copied from them. Prescott does not mention it; but Sir Arthur Helps
(iv, 136-137) gives a full account of this extraordinary conversation.
It is certainly worth preserving. Pizarro must have repeated it to his
friend the Bishop elect of Quito, immediately after it took place, and
the Bishop was one of Cieza de León's most valued authorities.
CHAPTER XXIX
_How the men of Chile plotted to murder the Marquis, and how
one of them named Francisco de Herencia gave notice of it at
confession. Of the great heedlessness of the Marquis, and of
what further happened until those of Chile went out to kill him._
Happy should I be if I could get through some part of my story without
having to relate mournful things and cruel deaths, but we cannot make
the pen shun or turn back from the work we have commenced; for my
writing is not to please the living, but to be a faithful witness of
what happened, for future ages. Now I have to tell the story of the
death of the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, a fate in no way fitted
for a man of such great merits--and who had served his royal master
so long in those Indies, and who in his own person had discovered so
great, rich, and prosperous a country as Peru is; where such great
riches of gold and silver, unequalled in any other part of the world,
have been found. But there was the death of the Adelantado Don Diego
de Almagro, which he could have prevented if he had so willed.[55]
The festival of St. John being past, Juan de Herrada conversed in
secret with Don Diego. He spoke of the arrival of Vaca de Castro,
and declared that he came out from Spain suborned with money sent by
the Marquis. Even if that were not so, he suspected that the Marquis
wanted to kill them; so that, to deliver himself from the one and the
other, he resolved to anticipate and murder the Marquis first, and
thus avenge the death of the Adelantado Don Diego de Almagro. Don
Diego was very young--a virtuous youth and one of great pretensions
and ambition, considering that he came of such humble parentage. He
had a heart capable of undertaking any great deed, but he was so
boyish that he was not adapted for personally ruling over people, nor
to command a troop. He replied to Herrada that before deciding upon
anything he should consider well what there was to be done. On the
same day many of those belonging to his party consulted together, and
the upshot was that they would murder the Marquis in any way they
could. The captain Cristóbal de Sotelo was opposed to this decision,
saying that nothing should be done until the arrival of the Judge.
He argued that although it was publicly announced that he was coming
with nothing beyond his commission, he might secretly have other more
extensive powers. Should he not do rightful justice, but lean to the
side of the Marquis, they might both be killed. Owing to what Sotelo
said, they put off, for the time being, doing that on which they had
resolved.
After the consultation one of those who were present named Francisco
de Herencia, told it all, at confession, to a priest named Henao.
This priest saw that it would be a great evil to the kingdom and its
inhabitants if the Marquis should die in that manner, that God and
his Majesty would be ill served, that terrible disorder would ensue
among the Spaniards, and that a still worse civil war would be the
consequence. He determined to avert these evils by apprising the
Marquis, who was going that evening to sup at the house of his brother
Francisco Martín de Alcántara, with his children. Before he went there
he, with Antonio Picado, his secretary, called at the house of Doctor
Juan Blázquez, his lieutenant. Pizarro desired him to be watchful,
as there was a report that the men of Chile were intending to rise,
and even talked of killing him. He added that those persons must be
brought to book, and that occasion should be taken for administering
justice. The doctor replied that while the wand of justice was in his
hands the Marquis might sleep in peace, and not imagine that any one
would move to do him a disservice. After this the Marquis went to the
house of his brother. Soon afterwards the secretary, Antonio Picado,
came to the room with blanched features, bringing a man who would not
come forward, as he did not wish to be recognized. Stepping up to the
Marquis, Picado asked him to get up, as that man was the priest Henao,
and came to warn him that the men of Chile intended to murder him. The
Marquis got up, and went across to Henao and heard from him all that
he had to tell. He replied that someone, in the hope that his warning
would obtain for him a present of a horse or other reward, had related
the story, but that it was all Indian gossip. The priest protested,
saying that he stood by what he had done, and declared that he could
not be so remiss as to be mistaken in so momentous a matter. The
Marquis returned to the table very pensive, and did not eat any more.
After a short time he returned to his house, and Antonio Picado went
to his, to dance with a girl friend he had there. This was wrong, for
if he had given notice of what had passed, and of the suspicion there
was, to the friends of the Marquis, it might have been that the murder
would have been prevented. Yet if it was a Divine judgment, as we must
believe, no human effort could have averted it.
The Marquis lay down on his bed, thinking over what Henao had told
him. On that night the Licentiate Caravajal got word of the plots
of the men of Chile, and sent for Juan de Herrada, telling him that
he must be on his guard not to do anything which would cause more
trouble. Herrada answered, with dissimulation, that nothing was
contemplated that would be injurious to the Marquis, for they awaited
the arrival of the Judge, believing that he would administer justice.
The Licentiate, though Juan de Herrada had justified himself, sent to
advise the Marquis that he had better go out well accompanied, and
cherish that distrust of the men of Chile that their doings merited.
FOOTNOTES:
[55] Prescott concurs in thus fixing the blame for the death of
Almagro. Sir Arthur Helps does not. The evidence of the Bishop of
Quito, who was with the Governor, is conclusive that Pizarro had no
knowledge of the intention of his brother to put Almagro to death,
until he reached Abancay, when it was too late.
My own conviction is that Hernando Pizarro had no such intention, but
that he was going to deliver Almagro to his old friend Don Francisco
Pizarro, to deal with him as he thought best. But when he discovered
the dangerous plot to assassinate himself and liberate Almagro, he
was convinced of the necessity of passing the death sentence on the
old Adelantado. He had no doubt whatever of its justice. It was quite
in keeping with Hernando's stern and self-reliant character that he
should take the responsibility solely on himself. He knew that his
brother would not consent, yet he believed that it was a political
necessity. Don Francisco Pizarro must thus be entirely exonerated
from any responsibility for the execution of Almagro, whatever Cieza
de León may assert on evidence derived from unauthentic gossip. The
Bishop of Quito completely refutes him.
CHAPTER XXX
_How the men of Chile came forth from the lodging of Don Diego
de Almagro, of the death they inflicted on the Marquis Den
Francisco Pizarro, and of the valorous spirit he showed before
his death._
There was much perturbation among the men of Chile when they learnt
that the Marquis had suspicions of their secret plotting. They did
not know whether any of those whom they reckoned as friends, to curry
favour with the Marquis and obtain his goodwill, had betrayed them;
and their consultations did not cease. Some were for sallying out
to murder the Marquis; others for retiring to the Indians' villages
until the Judge should arrive. Others said that the Marquis suspected
them, and that he was seeking some pretext for putting them to a
cruel death. Juan de Herrada told them to bring all their arms, and
that when the time came he would tell them what to do. The Marquis
was in his house in bed, and before he got up a page came to him, and
said, "Sir, all the town says, and it is publicly discussed among the
Indians, that the men of Chile will come this morning to murder you!"
The Marquis replied very angrily, "Be off, you silly boy!"[56]
I am perfectly astounded, and with very good reason, at the little
care and great remissness of the Marquis. He is told that they are
coming to murder him in the morning, and he treats it as a joke, as
if there were nothing in it. When I think of past events in those
kingdoms, as those who may read my books will see, I am astonished,
and it seems to me that God, for the sins of the Marquis, weakened his
understanding, and willed that he should die a death so cruel as the
one he did. I will say that one of the causes that have given rise
to troubles and dissensions in this Empire of the Indies, has been
the promotion by his Majesty and the high Council of the Indies of
illiterate men to the government of provinces, many without the tact
or prestige needful for the administration of justice. In ancient
times the Romans, who ruled the whole world with their wisdom, did
not, on any account, give charge of a government to those who were
not learned or acquainted with the laws; for he who has to govern,
if he be not prudent, is apt to count everything as nought. I have
wished to say this because if the Marquis had been as wise as he was
valiant, and as well educated as he was resolute, he would have paid
careful attention to the reports that were brought to him, and have
known that ten determined men may succeed in an undertaking, although
it may require great intrepidity. We read how Philip, King of Macedon,
being in his palace, surrounded by his knights and attendants, was
stabbed by a principal noble named Pausanias because, in a certain
case, he would not do justice. So one can see that, although Philip
believed that his death was in question, and had himself guarded in
a manner different from the Marquis, yet it happened after all. He
knew that the oracle of Apollo at Delphi had given a reply, through
the devil, that he would die by reason of a cart, so he gave an order,
that throughout his kingdom there should be no waggon or cart, and no
vehicle having that name was to be seen in any town in his dominions.
In spite of all this care there was a cart engraved upon the sword
with which Pausanias killed him. The great Julius Caesar, who ruled
the larger part of the world, and had a guard of ten thousand men,
was well beloved by all the Roman soldiery, and had the cohorts and
urban and preatorian legions on his side; yet was he not murdered
in a temple by Brutus, Cassius, and about thirty more, who gave him
twenty-three stabs? Besides these, many princes and great lords have
been murdered by the hand of some audacious man. These things are
certain. How, then, could the Marquis think he was secure and that
they were not conspiring to kill him? By my faith! I believe his sins
blinded him, and God permitted it, for He wills that His justice shall
be clear, and at certain times and in some cases manifests it to men.
The next day, which was Sunday, the Marquis was spoken to again
about the men of Chile being watched, because it was said that they
intended to murder him on that very day. Very lukewarmly he told the
Doctor Juan Blázquez to arrest the principals among them, and to
take precautions. Some want to say that the priest Domingo Ruiz, and
Perucho de Aguirre, told this to Juan de Herrada. The Doctor having
come to the Marquis, declared that while he held the wand in his hand,
the Marquis might rest assured that he would receive no annoyance
nor disservice, and that, for his part, he would see to it that the
informations were made out that same day. Having said this, the doctor
and all the rest who were present went to hear mass.
Those of Chile being assembled in the lodging of Don Diego, one of
them named San Millán came in panting for breath and much excited and
went up to Juan de Herrada, who had no intention then of carrying out
their design on that day. He said, "What are you doing, when in two
hours we shall all be quartered? The Treasurer Alonso de Riquelme has
told me this." This was a lie, for the Treasurer had said nothing. San
Millán invented it, to drive Juan de Herrada into immediate action.
The latter rose from his couch, picked up his arms, and there joined
in with him the following company:
Juan de Herrada.
Martín de Bilbao.[57]
Baltasar Gómez.[57]
Diego de Hoces.[57]
Juan de Guzmán.[57]
Pedro de San Millán.[57]
Juan Sajo (Navarrese).
Narváez (_killed by Pizarro_).
Francisco Núñez (of Granada), _deserted them_.
Juan Rodríguez Barragán.[57]
Porras (of Ciudad-Rodrigo).
Pedro Cabezas.[57]
Velázquez.
Bartolomé de Enciso.
Arbolancha[57] (_killed Chaves_).
Jerónimo de Almagro.[57]
Enrique Losa.[57]
Pineda (Page to Almagro).
Diego Méndez (_murderer of the Inca Manco_).
United and brave, these men came forth publicly and openly determined
to murder the Marquis or perish in the attempt, believing that he
intended to execute justice upon them on that very day.
They told off Pedro Picón,[58] a native of Mérida, and Marchena, and
Francisco de Chaves to station themselves in the _plaza_, mounted on
horseback. The warlike youth García de Alvarado y Sosa,[59] Martín
Carrillo,[58] Peces, Martel,[58] Francisco Coronado[58] of Badajoz,
Juan Asturiano, Pedro Navarro, Diego Becerra,[60] and Juan Diente[58]
were also in the plot. These were to be on the watch and help the
party when they came out. Before the latter started they sent a spy to
find out what the Doctor was doing, and how many people had gone to
the house of the Marquis, for they already knew that he had not gone
to mass. It is even said that the Doctor sent a spy, and that when he
entered they all hid themselves inside so that he could not see them.
Then, as Montenegro, a resident of Lima, was passing, they hustled
him inside by force. He found out what they wanted to do and tried to
hinder them, but his words had no effect.
FOOTNOTES:
[56] Or, according to another account--"That is not business for a
boy."
[57] Of these murderers Juan de Herrada died a natural death. Martín
de Bilbao and Jerónimo de Almagro were killed at the battle of Chupas.
Arbolancha (the murderer of Chaves), Barragán, Cabezas, Gómez, Guzmán,
Hoces, Losa, were hanged; Narváez was killed by Pizarro. Méndez
escaped to the Inca and murdered him, finally getting his deserts. The
fate of the others is unknown.
Both Prescott and Helps repeat a story told by Montesinos that one of
the conspirators, when they were rushing across the _plaza_, ran round
a pool of water instead of going through it, to avoid getting wet.
Herrada told him, as he was so particular, he must go back. Montesinos
is a late and not at all a reliable authority, and the story need not
be believed. It never rains, and there never are pools of water in the
_plaza_ of Lima. The name of Gómez Pérez is given, one of the villains
who murdered the Inca Manco and got their deserts.
It is to be observed that none of Almagro's old captains had anything
to do with the murder, except perhaps Chaves, although they were
violently antagonistic to the Marquis and were in Lima. They were not
murderers. Only one threw in his lot with young Almagro.
[58] Hanged.
[59] No relation to the other Alvarados.
[60] Deserted at Chupas.
CHAPTER XXXI
_In which what happened is concluded down to the time when the
Marquis Pizarro was murdered by the men of Chile._
All those I have mentioned being assembled in the quarters of
Don Diego, Juan de Herrada said: "Look ye, Sirs! that if we show
determination and contrive to kill the Marquis, we avenge the death
of the Adelantado and secure the reward that our services done to
the King in this land merit, and if we do not go forward with our
intention, our heads will be set on the gallows which stand in the
_plaza_. But let each one choose the course he prefers in this
business." They all answered in conformity with his wishes, and so
they all went forth from the place where they were assembled, armed
with coats of mail, breast-plates, halberds, two cross-bows, and one
arquebus, shouting in loud voices: "Long live the King! Death to
tyrants!" García de Alvarado, with those I have mentioned, went out
by another street on horseback to support them. Those of Chile took
their way to the house of the Marquis along the city streets towards
the _plaza_. Only nineteen in number they passed through more than a
thousand people, and although these heard the shouts of the murderers,
by some secret judgment of God, they did not interfere. They
merely said, "Oh, they go to murder either the Marquis or Picado."
The conspirators reached the _plaza_ still shouting, "Long live the
King! Death to tyrants!" Sometimes the name of Almagro was heard. So,
without opposition, they came to the house of the Marquis. It was
strong, and to reach the apartments where he was, it was necessary to
cross two court-yards. In one there were narrow doorways, with doors
so strong that if one man shot the bolts, it would take more than two
hundred to force them. Besides these there was another door where the
Marquis was, which persons in his company could easily defend against
any who might come to assail him. But no attention was paid to these
things and there were no precautions taken.
[Illustration: PLAN OF A PART OF THE
CITY OF LIMA
THE PLAN OF LIMA
The seat of Pizarro's government was first at Jauja, in the mountains;
but this being found inconvenient it was removed to the coast plains,
where Lima still stands, and a scheme for laying out the city in
square allotments was adopted. It provided for 117 such squares, known
as _manzanas_, each side or _cuadra_ of which measured 147 _varas_ or
Spanish yards, or, according to Cobo, 450 _pies_ or Spanish feet. The
roadway between each square and the next was 40 _pies_ in width. The
_Plaza mayor_ with its adjoining roadway was left vacant, for public
use; and Cieza tells us that a gibbet was erected in the middle of
it. Every _manzana_ was subdivided into four equal portions called
_solares_, or sites; and the central group of these was allotted or
taken up when the city was founded, in 1535, in the manner stated
hereunder (_cf._ the Plan opposite, and _vide_ the Introduction, pp.
xxxviii-xxxix).
1, 2, 3, 4, the Marqués Pizarro.
5, 7, Alonso Riquelme.
8, Antonio Ricado.
9, 10, García de Salcedo.
11, the church.
12, the parish priest.
13, Diego de Agüero.
15, Juan de Barbarán.
16, Pedro Navarro.
17, Hernán Ponce.
18, 20, Fr^{co}. de Godoy.
19, Juan Díaz Melgar.
21, Martín Pizarro.
22, N. de Ribera (_el viejo_).
23, Roscan.
24, N. de Ribera (_el mozo_).
25, 26, Hernando Pizarro.
27, Juan de Barrios.
28, Rod^{go}. de Mazuelas.
30, Ger^{mo}. de Aliaga.
32, Martín de Alcántara.
N.B.--The Plan is copied from an eighteenth century MS. in the British
Museum, but shows the allotments concerned, around the _Plaza mayor_,
exactly as they were when the city was founded.
Hakluyt Society: Series II, vol. 42]
In the court-yard were the _Mayor-domo_ Lozano, one Antonio Navarro,
and his servant named Hurtado. In the _sala_, accompanying the
Marquis, with only cloaks and swords, there were[61]--
_Francisco Martín de Alcántara._[62]
_Capt. Francisco de Chaves._[62]
D. Garci Diez [_sic_], Bishop of Quito.[63]
The Marquis's lieut. Dr. Juan Blázquez.[63]
The overseer García de Salcedo.[63]
Luis de Rivera.[63]
_Juan Ortíz de Zárate._[62]
Alonso de Manjarrés.[63]
_D. Gómez de Luna._[62]
The secretary Pedro López de Cáceres.[63]
Francisco de Ampuero.[63]
Rodrigo Pantoja.[63]
Diego Ortíz de Guzmán.[63]
Capt^n. Juan Pérez.[63]
Alonso Pérez de Esquivel.[63]
Hernán Núñez de Segura.[63]
Juan Enríquez (the elder).[63]
_Gonzalo Hernández de la Torre._[62]
Juan Bautista Mallero.[63]
Hernán González.[63]
[_Francisco de Vergara._]
besides several servants of the Marquis and of others. The Marquis
was conversing with the Bishop of Quito, when his page Diego de
Vargas, son of Gómez de Tordoya, being at the street door, saw the
murderers coming across the _plaza_, and rushed into the room in great
perturbation, crying "Arm! Arm! for all the men of Chile are coming to
murder the Marquis my master." This alarmed the Marquis and those who
were with him. They went down to the first landing on the staircase
to see what was happening. At the same moment the men of Chile
entered the second court-yard shouting, "Long live the King! Death to
tyrants." Jerónimo de Almagro wounded Hurtado badly. The _Mayor-domo_
gallantly opposed them, but being alone his valour availed little;
but, through the intercession of Diego Méndez he was not killed. Those
who were with the Marquis retreated into the _sala_; most of them
showing great cowardice and taking to flight in a dastardly way. The
Doctor, with his wand of office, got out through a window, and dropped
into the garden. The overseer García de Salcedo did the same. Others
were in such fear and trembling that it seemed as if the men of Chile
had thrust their swords into them. Some sought refuge between the beds
or under the furniture.
The Marquis, his brother Francisco Martín, Gómez de Luna, and the two
pages Vargas and Cardona went into an inner chamber to arm themselves.
Francisco de Chaves, Diego Ortíz de Guzmán, Juan Ortíz, Pedro López de
Cazalla, and Bartolomé de Vergara, and a few others who stood their
ground, remained in the _sala_ much alarmed and not knowing what to
do. The Marquis, with a brave spirit, throwing off a long purple robe
he was wearing, went into his dressing room, put on a breast-plate or
two, and taking up the broad-sword he had used in his expeditions, he
drew it out of its sheath, exclaiming, "Come along, my good sword,
companion of my labours!" They had closed the door of the _sala_,
but the men of Chile came up the stairs. Juan de Herrada, being in
front, exclaimed: "Oh joyful and happy day! Let all men know that
Almagro was worthy to have such friends, since they know so well how
to avenge his death on the cruel tyrant who caused it." Don Francisco
de Chaves came forward from where he had been standing with the
Bishop, and called for the door to be opened. Though they said that
it was better to keep it shut, because if it was defended for a short
time help would be sure to come, he was not satisfied; and ordered it
to be opened. It was opened, and Don Francisco de Chaves met Juan de
Herrada and the others face to face. With much humility and without a
sign of resistance, not even putting his hand on his sword hilt, he
said: "Sirs! what is this? You cannot feel the same anger toward me as
you do towards the Marquis, for I was always a friend." Those in front
answered not a word, but, Juan de Herrada turning his head to those
who were behind, Arbolancha gave Chaves a mortal thrust. He instantly
fell in a death struggle, and his body went rolling down the stairs
into the court-yard. The men of Chile then rushed into the _sala_,
shouting, "Where is the tyrant?" "Where is he?" Martín de Bilbao came
to the door of the room where the Marquis was arming, and Juan Ortíz
de Zárate gave him one or two wounds with a halberd. Juan Ortíz was
also badly wounded.
[Illustration: PLAN OF THE
MARQUIS PIZARRO'S HOUSE AT LIMA
(_Approximate_)
Hakluyt Society: Series II, vol. 42]
Some would have it that this Juan Ortíz de Zárate warned the men
of Chile that the Doctor intended to arrest them, by order of the
Marquis, and other things were popularly reported which I was unable
to find any proof of, so that from what did happen one gathers that
they were lies.
Francisco Martín de Alcántara was at the door of the inner room with
his sword drawn, and when he saw that the Chileans had reached the
second door, he went back into the inner room where his brother the
Marquis was, to help him and die with him. The men of Chile shouted
loudly, saying: "Death to the tyrant while there is time, before help
can come!" The Marquis said: "What disgraceful thing is this? Why do
you wish to kill me?" They, calling him "traitor," fought to get into
the room, and murder him.
The aged Governor had not lost the valour which fame ascribed to him,
nor had the gallantry which adorned his person been lessened in the
slightest degree. So spirited and strong of heart did he show himself
that I believe, if he had been on an open space, he would have taken
vengeance unaided sooner than die at the hands of his enemies. When
the Chileans saw that they could not get in, they called out for
lances with which they might kill him from outside. His two young
pages were with the Marquis, one named Vargas, the other Cardona, and
with their swords drawn they placed themselves one on each side of
their master.[64] The murderers, finding that they could not get to
close quarters and that they were losing time, resorted to a cunning
artifice. This was to hurl one of themselves against the Marquis, so
that, being thus embarrassed, they might be able to dash in. One of
them, named Narváez, was violently shoved from behind and thus forced
inside, and the Marquis dealt him such wounds that he died from them.
Those of Chile were thus able to enter with a rush, and Martín de
Bilbao, with others, delivered blows on that Captain who had never
tired of discovering kingdoms and conquering provinces, and who had
grown old in the Royal service. They would never have triumphed over
the Marquis, nor over his brother, if Francisco Martín had made good
his efforts in proportion to the valour he displayed. At length, after
having received many wounds, without a sign of weakness or abatement
of his brave spirit, the Marquis fell dead upon the ground.[65] He
expired, calling upon Christ our Lord. The body of this generous
leader, honoured by having been that of so famous a Spaniard as he
was, remained lifeless on the floor. His death took place at eleven in
the forenoon on the 26th of June in the year of our redemption 1541.
He governed, himself or by his lieutenants, from the town of Plata
to the city of Cartago, which is 900 leagues and more. The Marquis
was not married. He had, by ladies of this Realm, three sons and one
daughter.[66] His age was sixty-three years and two months. A sign was
beheld in heaven before he died. This was that the moon, being full
and bright, presently seemed on fire, and changed colour, one half of
it becoming blood-red, and the other half black. Then there was seen
to dart from it certain shimmerings also the colour of blood. Many saw
this just as I have related it.
Beside the Marquis there were killed his half-brother Francisco Martín
de Alcántara, his two pages Vargas and Cardona; while Gómez de Luna,
Gonzalo Hernández de la Torre, Francisco de Vergara, and Hurtado were
badly wounded.[67]
FOOTNOTES:
[61] Come to pay their respects after mass. It was Sunday.
[62] Five good men and true.
[63] Fifteen cowards.
[64] These gallant boys deserve more than a passing notice. Young
Vargas, son of Gómez de Tordoza, and cousin of Garcilaso de la Vega,
was of the noblest blood of Castille. One ancestor rode by the side of
St. Ferdinand at the taking of Seville, another sacrificed his life to
save his king at Aljubarrota, another defeated the gigantic Moor in
the famous duel on the Vega of Granada. The heroic page of Pizarro was
worthy of such ancestry.
Cardona sprung from equally heroic stems. He was connected with the
Córdovas, Dukes of Sesa, the family of the _Gran Capitán_.
[65] Herrera and others tell a story that Juan Rodríguez Barragán hit
the Marquis a blow with a silver jug full of water when he was on the
ground, which killed him. Prescott repeats this in a footnote, calling
Barragán "a soldier named Borregan." Helps writes: "Some base fellow
dashed a jug upon his prostrate face."
Juan Rodriguez Barragán was not a soldier, but one of the lawyers in
Almagro's pay. He was Almagro's procurator at the Judge Arbitrator's
court when he pronounced the sentence at Mala, and Barragán raised a
protest. His son was certainly one of the murderers, but the story of
the jug is probably an invention. The son was hanged after the battle
of Chupas. The word _barragán_ means a youth, same as _mancebo_.
Originally from Navarre, a branch of the family settled at Baeza in
Andalusia, whose arms were _or, a tree vert, at its stem a dead knight
and two ravens sable, wings raised_.
[66] The Marquis Pizarro had by the Princess Inez Huayllas, daughter
of the great Inca Huayna Capac, two children, who are mentioned in
his will as legitimate, Gonzalo, who died in the flower of his youth,
and Francisca, who went to Spain, years after her father's death, in
charge of her step-father Don Francisco de Ampuero. She was married
to her uncle, Hernando, when he was still a prisoner at Medina del
Campo. By him she had three sons and a daughter. Hernando Pizarro
was released after twenty-three years of captivity, and lived for
nineteen years afterwards in his native town of Truxillo. His great
grandson[68] was created Marquis of the Conquest. The Marquis Pizarro
also had a son named Francisco, by the Princess Anas (Angelina),
sister of Atahualpa, who was a school-fellow of the Inca Garcilaso de
la Vega at Cuzco. He died young and unmarried.
[67] Cieza de León omits Juan Ortíz de Zárate who defended the door
at first, and was badly wounded, as he had just related. Torre and
Vergara were much alarmed, but had remained in the sala. Hurtado was
the servant wounded in the court-yard.
[68]
+-------------------+
| |
| Don Francisco, Marqués Pizarro
| |
Hernando Pizarro==Francisca
|
Francisco==Francisca Giron
|
+-----------+
|
Juan==María de Bobadilla
|
+-------------+------+
| |
Francisca Pizarro Fernando Pizarro, 1st Marqués de la Conquista.
CHAPTER XXXII
_Of the things which happened in Lima after the death of the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro._
The Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro having been killed in the manner
we have related, the murderers came out shouting, "The tyrant is
dead!" All those of the Almagro party who were mounted outside joined
the murderers, crying, "Long live the King!"--"Let the kingdom have
justice!" Great was the dismay, and sharp were the pangs, which
disturbed the mind of the secretary Antonio Picado, who had been
occupied during the previous night in dancing and other youthful
pastimes, when he heard the uproar and knew of the murder of the
Marquis. Without thought or advice, but full of fear, he went to
the house of the Treasurer, Alonso de Riquelme, and hid behind the
curtains of a bed. The lieutenant, Dr. Juan Blázquez, had gone to
hide in the monastery of Santo Domingo. A rumour was spread through
the town that the Marquis wanted to kill Don Diego, and when Gómez de
Alvarado (the brother of the Adelantado Don Pedro) heard of it, he
came to the _plaza_ lance in hand. When he heard the truth, he began
to detest what had been done, saying that they had murdered a very
valiant man. While he and the Governor, Francisco de Barrionuevo,
were saying this, Juan de Herrada came to them. When Gómez de
Alvarado saw him, he said: "Does this appear good to you, that you
are doing, and have done?" Juan de Herrada answered: "Yesterday you
spoke differently." Gómez de Alvarado said: "That is not so." Juan de
Herrada turned to reply and said: "You are my father, and you have to
bear more than this with patience;" and, in a great rage, ordered him
to go into the church. Some of the men of Chile wanted to drag the
body of the Marquis out, and set it on the gibbet. They were persuaded
from this by the Bishop of Quito and others.
Juan de Barbarán,[69] with his wife, and the secretary Pero López,[70]
a native of Llerena, wrapped the body of the Marquis in a white cloth,
and hurriedly conveyed it into the church, where, as best they could,
they dug a hole into which they put it.[71]
Don Diego came, with all the principal men of his party, and
established himself in the houses of the Marquis, his friends and
adherents making a great thing of what they had done, and saying that
Don Diego and no other ought to be Governor, and that the King would
hold it for good. This being done, the Chile party collected all the
arms, horses, and arquebuses there were in the city, committing some
outrages and atrocities such as usually happen in such calamitous
times. From Diego Gavilán, the _conquistador_,[72] it is said that
they took more than 14,000 _pesos_ in gold, of which he afterwards
recovered a small part. They robbed the houses of the Marquis, of his
brother Francisco Martín, and of Picado. At the time of the murder of
the Marquis there were on a visit Francisco de Godoy, Diego de Agüero,
Jerónimo de Aliaga, Rodrigo de Mazuelos, Diego Gavilán, Rivera and
others. Hearing the tumult, they had begun to arm themselves in his
defence, but when they were ready it was too late, and their help was
of no avail. There was great indignation in the city; yet, although
many regretted the death of the Marquis, they did not dare to show
their feelings, holding for certain that the evil would become worse.
The Captain Juan de Sayavedra[73] was absent from the Almagrist
consultations, but showed concern rather, after he knew of the death
of the Marquis, and retired to his house with some friends, to support
Diego Ortíz de Guzmán. Don Baltasar de Castilla presently went to Don
Diego and continued to serve him from that time until he was defeated
at Chupas. Juan de Herrada, García de Alvarado, Francisco de Chaves,
and others came to an agreement as to what should be done, and decided
to arrest the citizens. After they had taken their horses and arms,
they made prisoners of the licentiate Benito Suárez de Caravajal, the
factor Illán Suárez de Caravajal his brother, the Captain Diego de
Agüero, Jerónimo de Aliaga, Rodrigo de Mazuelos, and Diego Gavilán,
with some others; and they took them to the church, where Gómez de
Alvarado was already.
As the tumult in the city was great and all were going about in much
perturbation, the friars of the monastery of Our Lady of Mercy,
thinking that the men of Chile would proceed to yet greater violence,
carried forth the holy sacrament, our true God, so that, out of proper
reverence, they would refrain from further murders and robberies.
Captain Francisco de Chaves,[74] chancing to pass along the street,
did a thing so foul and so un-Christian that I am surprised the Devil
did not carry him off straight to hell. It was that, when he saw
the friars come out with the _Corpus Domini_, he exclaimed, giving
a shrug, without making any obeisance or salute to the Majesty, but
with great disdain and little fear of the Deity, and contempt for the
clergy: "Go back into the church, Fathers; there is nothing for you to
come out about."
When they had taken all the arms, imprisoned persons they suspected,
and put guards over them, Don Diego and all his captains retired to
their lodgings. Captain Cristóbal de Sotelo then went to Don Diego,
astonished at learning that the Marquis had been slain with so little
opposition. He wished that his party had waited until the arrival of
the Judge, for such had always been his advice.
FOOTNOTES:
[69] A very faithful attendant of the Marquis. He was with Pizarro at
Cajamarca, and was one of the twelve who rode with him to Mala. He
avenged his master's murder at the battle of Chupas.
[70] One of Cieza de León's authorities. They were natives of the same
town.
[71] After the murderers had departed from Lima, the body was placed
in a coffin, and deposited in the sacristy of the old church (called
"_Los Naranjos_") until the cathedral was completed. In 1607 the
bodies of the Marquis Pizarro and of the Viceroy Don Antonio de
Mendoza were, by order of the king, placed under a vault behind the
high altar of the cathedral. The coffin of the Marquis was covered
with purple velvet embroidered in gold.
On June 28th, 1891, the Municipality of Lima erected a new tomb. The
body is in a coffin with glass sides, and surmounted by a cross. On
the pedestal there is the following inscription:
CAPTAIN GENERAL
DON FRANCISCO PIZARRO
Founder of Lima
on the 18^{th} of January 1535
died 28^{th} of June 1541
* * * * *
His remains were deposited in this urn
on the 29^{th} of June 1891
by order of the Provincial Council of Lima
and through the initiative of
the Alcalde Dr. Juan de Roverech
[72] That is, he was with Pizarro at Cajamarca, where he received 181
_marcs_ of silver, and 3884 _pesos_ of gold from Atahualpa's ransom.
He settled at Cuzco.
[73] One of Almagro's old captains.
[74] The bad one.
CHAPTER XXXIII
_Of the things that were done by the Chile party, and how they
accepted Don Diego as Governor, also of the arrest of Antonio
Picado, and how the Licentiate Rodrigo Niño and Orihuela came
from Spain._
Having imprisoned the principal citizens of Lima, got possession of
the city, and seized all the arms and horses, the party resolved that
Don Diego should be recognized as Governor. The news of the death of
the Marquis was soon spread over all the districts, and reached the
ears of the Indians. When it became generally known it was deeply
mourned. The Indians said that the Christians had been very cruel to
kill their captain, and that his death would give rise to grave evils.
Never again would there be any one to shelter and protect them like
him who was the first to discover and conquer them. They say that the
battle of Chupas and its result was then foretold by the Indians.
It appeared to Juan de Herrada and his friends that it was a certain
thing that the municipality must receive Don Diego[75] as its
Governor; in order that justice might be maintained in the Realm
until the rightful vengeance he had taken for the death of his father
should be known to his Majesty, when the government would be granted
to him. Fearing that the prisoners were not secure in the church, more
guards were placed over them. The conspirators ordered the magistrates
and municipal officers to assemble and elect Don Diego as Governor.
The authorities, when they knew the intention of Don Diego and Juan
de Herrada, considered that, although it was a great fault, still the
lesser evil would be to accept the lad as Governor. It is said that
among themselves they resented the force that was put upon them, and
that Rodrigo de Mazuelos spoke very openly, at a meeting, against Don
Diego. They proposed, however, to accept him in association with the
treasurer Alonso de Riquelme. While the men of Chile were thinking
that over, Antonio de Garay said that he did not hold that Don Diego
was so ignorant as to need another to help him in governing. Finally
Don Diego was accepted as Governor, and they took the wands from the
ordinary magistrates, and gave them to Peces and Martín Carrillo.
Cristóbal de Sotelo was made Lieutenant Governor; but Juan de Herrada
was the man who governed Don Diego, and directed him in what he had to
do.
Up to this time the secretary Antonio Picado had not been captured;
but now the conspirators went to the house of the treasurer Alonso
de Riquelme, where they already knew he was. Searching the house,
it is said that the treasurer told them, when they asked him where
the secretary was, that he did not know and had not seen him. At the
same time he cast his glance in a certain direction, telling them by
that sign that they would find him under the bed; where they took
him. As he might know where the treasure of the Marquis was, and the
documents, they agreed to treat him well, so that, thinking they were
not going to kill him, he would divulge. They took him to the house of
Don Diego, who was now called Governor.
At this time a gentleman named the licentiate Rodrigo Niño, a native
of Toledo, arrived from Spain. He and one Francisco de Orihuela came
to find the Marquis, Orihuela bringing despatches and the licentiate
to be an advocate in the _residencia_. Just then, too, a trumpeter who
had been in the service of the Marquis was killed. They also arrested
Hurtado, whom they found in the house of the Bishop Don Garcí Díaz.
They gave the officials, to be inventoried, certain gold and jewels
found in a closet of the Marquis's house. A man left Lima and went
to inform Alonso de Cabrera, Chamberlain of the Marquis, of what
had occurred. Don Diego ordered all the papers and documents of the
Marquis to be collected. Among other things they found a will he had
made before he died. Among the papers there were letters from the
_Comendador Mayor_, Don Francisco de los Cobos, and from Dr. Beltrán,
and the Cardinal, and other Grandees of Spain favourable to the
Marquis.
It seemed well that news of the death of the Marquis should be sent to
Cuzco, to Gabriel de Rojas and other friends of Don Diego's father,
that they might be aware of it, and it is said that an appointment as
Lieutenant was sent to Gabriel de Rojas. There was a very diligent
man in Lima named Juan Diente, who was ordered to go to Cuzco with
the news. He went all that way on foot in five days, a thing that
seems almost incredible. But many witnesses are yet alive who know
to be true what I here affirm, that Juan Diente travelled the 120
leagues from Lima to Cuzco in five days,[76] over a road so rough and
wearisome, and in parts snow-covered as we have described elsewhere.
Some say, however, that Indians carried him on their shoulders over
the greater part in a hammock.
FOOTNOTE:
[75] Cieza de León always calls the half-caste son of the Adelantado
Don Diego de Almagro by the name 'Don Diego.' Others call him Almagro
the lad (_el mozo_). He was born at Panamá, the son of Almagro by an
Indian woman of Panamá who was his servant, and called Ana Martínez.
He was probably born in 1518. Francisco Martín de Alcántara, the half
brother of the Marquis, brought the half-caste boy to Peru in 1535,
when his age was seventeen, and treated him as one of his family,
in his house at Lima. Later he was sent to Cuzco to meet his father
returning from Chile. He was with his father until the battle of Las
Salinas. It was then decided to send him to Lima under the care of
Gómez de Alvarado and Juan de Herrada. At Jauja they met the Marquis
Pizarro, who treated the lad as his own son, and ordered him to be
well cared for, and lodged in his house. This continued for a long
time. But such crowds of discontented Almagrists were always coming
there, that at last the Marquis sent the lad to another lodging in
Lima.
[76] Juan Diente was in the conspiracy, though not one of the actual
murderers. For this he was hanged at Guamanga, after the battle of
Chupas. He ought to have been let off in consideration of his fine
pedestrianism!
CHAPTER XXXIV
_How Don Diego de Almagro, having tyrannically occupied the city
of Lima, sent messengers to other cities of the Realm, requiring
them to recognize him as Governor._
Don Diego had got possession of the city of Lima, and had been
accepted there as Governor. Next, by the advice of Juan de Herrada,
Cristóbal de Sotelo, Francisco de Chaves, and the rest, he resolved
to attempt to gain the support of the inhabitants of the city, and
of other cities, by soft words. Letters were prepared and messengers
despatched to all the cities of the Realm, but chiefly to Alonso
de Alvarado, who was lieutenant for the Marquis in the city of La
Frontera, which is a settlement in the Chachapoyas, stating politely
that Don Diego would value his friendship, and desired him to be his
lieutenant in the city of which he had charge. This letter was sent
off at once. García de Alvarado, at Don Diego's request, then went
to speak with Gómez de Alvarado, hoping to persuade him to remember
the friendship he had of old for Don Diego's father, and not to go
against the son nor even remain neutral. Gómez de Alvarado thereupon
went to speak with Don Diego, whom everybody was calling Governor, and
to offer his support as from the first. A messenger was also sent to
Truxillo, and Diego de Mora, who was lieutenant at that place, wrote
very agreeably to Don Diego, expressing satisfaction at what had been
done. Don Alonso de Montemayor came back when he heard that the Judge
had arrived at Buenaventura, and about what had happened at Lima. Juan
Balsa collected what arms he could and some horses, to go and join Don
Diego.
Alonso de Cabrera, who, we have said, was a servant of the Marquis,
was in Guaylas. When he heard of the death of his master he was much
grieved. He managed to get together some Spaniards, intending to go
forth and do what damage he could to the men of Chile. When this was
known in Lima, Juan de Herrada wrote to him to persuade him to come
to the city and take charge of the children of the Marquis; but he,
madly and without considering the changes wrought by time, replied
almost with menace, which availed him nothing and only fired the anger
of the usurpers, who would have been glad to get Cabrera into their
power and kill him. Although they knew that Diego de Mora had shown
himself to be friendly to Don Diego, they agreed, on the advice of
Juan de Herrada and Cristóbal de Sotelo, to send García de Alvarado to
Truxillo with forty horsemen, to do what was best for their party in
that city. Presently García de Alvarado started, and in a place called
_Tambo Blanco_ he met Luis García Samamés, lord of the Conchucos
Indians, who told him not to go on, because Diego de Mora and everyone
in Truxillo had shown themselves to be his very good friends, and
would do whatever he might ask them so long as it were not against
the King's service. If Alvarado went there, he said, it would afford
an opening for dissension in the city, and there would be trouble.
García de Alvarado, thinking well of what Luis García Samamés had said
to him, returned to Lima. Meanwhile there was news that Cabrera was
collecting men. García de Alvarado was therefore ordered to embark
in a galleon that was in the port, with fifty horsemen and twenty
arquebusiers, and go and take Cabrera prisoner; and then to proceed
along the coast as far as the city of San Miguel. García de Alvarado
obeyed this order, and sailed away on the route to Truxillo with the
force we have stated.
CHAPTER XXXV
_How García de Alvarado left Lima and landed at Santa, captured
Cabrera, and went on until he arrived at San Miguel, and of
those he killed on the way; and how the captain Alonso de
Alvarado raised his standard for the king._
Having arranged what he had to take with him, and embarked the men
and horses in the galleon, García de Alvarado presently departed and
arrived at Santa, and landed. There he received news that Cabrera
and some others had come to that valley. The Indians had collected
provisions and fodder for the horses. It was true that Cabrera and
Barroso, with seven or eight others, had come down to the coast
valleys, intending to seek for the Licentiate Vaca de Castro.
Alvarado was adroit enough to capture Cabrera, Barroso, Cáceres,
and three more. He found from them that there were no others. There
being nothing more to do there, he went on with his prisoners to
Truxillo, taking great care lest there should be any mischance. I
got my information from soldiers who were with him on that march.
They assured me that he never laid his arms aside nor wearied of
any labour, but rather pitied them in cheerful vein, and afforded
an example himself to those who served under him. Having arrived in
the city of Truxillo, although Diego de Mora had shown himself to be
very friendly to young Almagro, García de Alvarado suspected that the
people of that city might rise against him and kill him, in order to
rid themselves of such undesirables. He therefore occupied the houses
of the Marquis with all the men he had brought with him. He did not
allow any damage to be done in the city, though he himself seized the
money of deceased persons which was in trust, and some horses and
arms. At Truxillo he ordered the galleon to take the prisoners to the
port of Payta, while he marched by land to the city of San Miguel.
Here we will leave him, to tell the story of how the captain Alonso
de Alvarado heard of the death of the Marquis, which was before the
murderers had completed their damnable design.
Rumours of what the conspirators thought of doing became bruited
about, and a certain soldier at Lima who had served under Alonso
de Alvarado in the campaign of Moyobamba learnt from them their
intention. As there was no reason why he should do any disservice to
his Majesty, nor count himself among the men of Chile's party, this
soldier set out to tell what he knew to Alonso de Alvarado. In five
days he reached Tenpuele, and a little farther on he met a citizen of
Guanuco named Juan de Mora, and told him what was happening, and that
the Chile party had evil intentions against the Marquis. The soldier,
who was named Carrillo, pressed onwards until he reached the city of
La Frontera, where he found that Alonso de Alvarado was absent, having
gone to subdue a province in the Chachapoyas. A few days afterwards
the Marquis was murdered, and the news soon reached Guanuco, where
Pedro Barroso was Lieutenant. He and the residents there at once
agreed to go and join Alonso de Alvarado, who was in the Chachapoyas.
Juan de Mora set out with promptitude to carry him the news quickly.
On the road he wrote a letter, and sent it on by an _anacona_,[77]
who was a great runner, giving notice of what had happened. This
Indian arrived where the captain Alonso de Alvarado was, who received
the disastrous news and felt deep sorrow. Juan de Mora, who was an
inhabitant of the city of Guanuco, arrived at Chachapoyas. As soon as
the captain fully understood the details of the murder of the Marquis,
he returned to the city of La Frontera and summoned the magistrates.
With their unanimous will and consent he was accepted as Chief Justice
and Captain-general for the King, against whoever should dare to
occupy the Realm without the Royal will. Soon afterwards he raised the
banner in the King's name, and declared himself an enemy to the men of
Chile's party. Having done these things, the captain called before him
all the Caciques of the district, and spoke to them in a very friendly
way, saying that they now knew of the murder of the Marquis by the
men of Chile, and that as they had always been kindly treated by him,
he begged them to post spies on all the roads, and to let him know if
any Spaniards approached, and not to fail in vigilance. The Caciques
answered that they would do all that he required. When those who came
from Guanuco had arrived, and Alvarado was accepted by all as Captain,
he ordered them to be furnished with arms, and also that pikes and
lances should be made. Of silver and iron they made corselets, helmets
and visors, gauntlets, and all the arms that were required; so that if
the Chileans should approach, they would find them ready. And all was
done very willingly in obedience to the Captain Alonso de Alvarado's
directions.
Seeing the willingness of the people who were with him to serve his
Majesty, and their great zeal, and having had news of the coming of
the Licentiate Vaca de Castro, he sent messengers to let the Judge
know that he had raised the banner for the King, and had assembled two
hundred men, well armed and provided, ready to serve his Majesty and
to punish the atrocious crime perpetrated at Lima by the murder of
the Marquis. Vaca de Castro was urged to hasten his journey, and join
the royal forces as soon as possible. Some portion was stationed for
defence against the enemy amongst the great rugged mountains and many
rivers, and also to allow those who wished to come and serve their
King to do so without danger. Being so instructed, the messenger,
whose name was Pedro de Orduña, set out to find Vaca de Castro. Having
despatched this messenger, Alvarado sent another one to Moyobamba.
He was to call upon captain Juan Pérez de Guevara, who had gone to
settle certain Spaniards in those parts, to leave the new settlement
they were forming, for a time, and to come to him, for the Realm had
been thrown into great confusion owing to the men of Chile having
murdered the Marquis in the city of Lima. Having heard this news,
settlers came from all parts to serve under the banner of the loyal
captain. When Alonso de Alvarado saw how his force was increasing,
he resolved to send Iñigo López Carillo, with another soldier, with
money to buy arms and horses at Truxillo secretly, through the help
of friends he had in that city. These two travelled with much haste,
and arrived at Truxillo, placing Indians at intervals along the
route so as to be able to send back any communications that might be
necessary. Having arrived near the city, they left the Chachapoya
Indians they brought with them, secreted, and went themselves to the
monastery of Our Lady of Mercy. They gave the friars an account of
their mission, and presented letters from Don Alonso de Alvarado. The
friars very cunningly bought some breast-plates and coats of mail and
other arms at the city of La Frontera, as well as iron for making
more, spending a large sum of money at Alvarado's expense. After the
arms had been purchased and were got in readiness, they were removed
at night by means of the Chachapoya Indians, and the envoys set out
for where Alvarado was stationed, leaving letters to the municipality
and other bodies and principal people of Truxillo, urging them to
eschew friendship with Don Diego, who, on a plea of avenging his
father's death, had seized the government with great tyranny; and to
join forces with himself, for when Vaca de Castro should arrive he
would punish Don Diego. At this time Villafranca was lieutenant for
Almagro at Truxillo, and he received news of how the captain Alonso de
Alvarado had raised the banner for the King.
All this that we have related happened before García de Alvarado came
to Truxillo. When the coming of Carrillo and the carrying off of the
arms came to his knowledge he was greatly vexed, and sent some of his
horsemen in pursuit, but they could not overtake Carrillo and his
Indians.
FOOTNOTE:
[77] _Yana-cuna_ would mean "servants." _Cuna_ is the plural particle.
There is no such word as _anacona_. It should be _yana_ (without the
_cuna_).
CHAPTER XXXVI
_How Don Diego de Almagro wrote to Captain Alonso de Alvarado,
without knowing that he had raised the banner, and how he sent
him an appointment as Lieutenant; and of the death of Orihuela._
We have already related that Don Diego, by the advice of Juan de
Herrada and Cristóbal de Sotelo, determined to write to the captain
Alonso de Alvarado at the city of La Frontera,[78] where he was
lieutenant for the Marquis. He wrote a very polite letter, apprising
him of the death of the Marquis and of how the municipality of the
city of Lima had acknowledged him, Don Diego, as Governor, and that
all the other cities and towns in the Realm had done the same. He
appealed to Don Alonso, as a knight who would understand the motive
for avenging the death of his father, not to side against him. He
asked him to show friendship and to retain from him the appointment
he had held from the Marquis, which he now sent, desiring to increase
his honour and estate. With this letter he sent him a commission as
captain and Governor's lieutenant in that city. And to make sure
that Don Alonso should accept the commission without wavering they
compelled the secretary Antonio Picado, who was their prisoner, and
whom they knew to be a fast friend of Alvarado's, to write him a
letter in his own style explaining that Don Diego had acquiesced in
the murder of the Marquis because of the ingratitude he had shown
towards Almagro his father, and the cruelty with which he had treated
his partisans; adding that, since all the lieutenants and captains of
the Marquis had obeyed and complied with the demands of Don Diego,
Alvarado should do the same. By refusing he would be doing great
disservice to God and to his Majesty, and injury to the natives. With
these letters Juan de Herrada wrote another saying almost the same
thing. These letters were sent to the city of La Frontera, but when
Alonso de Alvarado saw them he became very angry, and replied in terms
relating to the crime they had committed, and not to the soft words
they had written.
In Lima there began to be troubles among the men of Chile themselves.
They took the Doctor Juan Blázquez, who had withdrawn to the convent
of Santo Domingo, and kept him a prisoner in the house of Antonio
Picado, where he was for several days. The Bishop Friar Vicente de
Valverde came from Cuzco very depressed on hearing of the death of the
Marquis and finding that his brother the doctor was a prisoner, for he
feared that those of Chile would kill him. There was a little vessel
lying in the port, and, pretending he was going out hunting, he got
on board with his brother Dr. Blázquez, and some other persons, and
put to sea with the intention of going to seek for the President Vaca
de Castro. But at the island of Puna the natives came out and killed
the bishop, the doctor, and sixteen other Spaniards. Twenty Spaniards
also left the coast to go trading to Quito, with much merchandise; and
a Cacique named Chaparra attacked them in the region of Carrochamba,
killed them all without leaving one, and took all the merchandise.
To return to García de Alvarado. He left the city of Truxillo to go
to San Miguel. In the valley of Jayanca he left all his party except
twenty horsemen, and with these he went on to San Miguel. There he
established the government for Almagro, seized the gold of deceased
persons and all the horses and arms that were to be had, and arrested
the licentiate León because he suspected him. Several days had passed
since Alonso de Alvarado had raised the banner for the King, and it
had become known throughout the Realm. Great was the perturbation
among the men of Chile, for, as Alvarado's authority was widespread,
they deplored his being against them. García de Alvarado had made
prisoners of Cabrera, Villegas, Vozmediano, and others, who had been
raising opposition by means of letters to all parts. So, in order to
put fear into the rest, or for some other reason, Juan de Herrada
wrote to García de Alvarado, ordering him to kill these men at once.
As soon as García de Alvarado had seen the letter he sent to Payta
for the prisoners, and cut off their heads at San Miguel, as the
crier proclaimed, "for being mutineers." Orihuela, the same who had
arrived from Spain with despatches for the Marquis, not taking heed
that it was no time for plain speaking, went to the residence of Don
Diego, and used some strong language which the men of that party did
not like. So Juan de Herrada went to Orihuela's lodging and arrested
him, and next morning they took him to the gibbet and cut off his head
as a mutineer. Before he died he declared that he was not under Don
Diego's jurisdiction. Why, then, did they put him to death, if it was
not for a letter he wrote some days before to the chamberlain Alonso
de Cabrera, saying that he was an envoy from Spain and that he would
bear himself as a courageous man in seeing the death of the Marquis
avenged? When they were about to kill him he cried with a loud voice
that they should mind that he was employed by the Crown, thinking that
on that account peradventure they might spare his life.
After this was done Don Diego and Juan de Herrada brought all their
ingenuity to bear to find out where the treasure was which the
Marquis had possessed. Sometimes they asked Antonio Picado, with
blandishments, to tell them; and when that was of no use, they put
him into a great fright by threatening to compel him by applying the
torture.
FOOTNOTE:
[78] In the Chachapoyas province.
CHAPTER XXXVII
_How Don Pedro Puertocarrero would not be a Lieutenant for
Almagro, and how he and Gómez de Tordoya and some others quitted
the city of Cuzco, also how some were grieved when they heard of
the death of the Marquis._
I have already related how Don Diego sent that man named Juan Diente,
so famous for his fleetness of foot, to the city of Cuzco, with
letters for the Captain Gabriel de Rojas, and other old friends of
his father, and also sent to Don Pedro Puertocarrero offering him the
office of lieutenant in his own name. He also sent an alternative
commission in blank, so that if none of those should wish to take the
appointment someone else might be chosen. When Juan Diente passed by
Guamanga, Vasco de Guevara was there as lieutenant. He brought letters
to him also, to be its new Governor, trusting to the friendship he
had for Don Diego's father, one of whose captains he had been at
Las Salinas. There was some trouble at Guamanga, for although some
rejoiced at what had happened, others very deeply deplored it.
Finally Guevara was accepted by the municipality as Governor. Juan
Diente then went on to Cuzco, which city he entered at night, going
direct to the monastery of Our Lady of Mercy. From thence he delivered
his letters to the persons they were for, and three or four days
elapsed before any news was made public.
Before this the licentiate de la Gama, with most of the other
residents, had left the city to go to the Collao to prevent the
Captain Pero Alvarez and the Spaniards who had gone with him on an
expedition into the country of the Chunchos from doing any injury to
the natives, so that there were very few citizens left in Cuzco; but
there were over eighty men there who had served under the Adelantado
Almagro at the battle of Las Salinas, and when they heard the news
they were very glad and contented, and exchanged congratulations with
each other.
All this time Gabriel de Rojas was in his house waiting to see whether
Don Pedro Puertocarrero would accept the wand of office from Don
Diego. Presently the _Comendador_ of Our Lady of Mercy came out into
the square with another friar; for in this Realm there is a great
grievance, which is that friars are the promoters of wars. These and
over seventy men at arms cried out that they should go to the town
hall and approve the assumption of office by the new Governor. While
they were in the square, one Melchor Hernández, a native of Truxillo,
went to the house of Don Pedro and told him what was taking place.
In some perturbation Don Pedro got up, and taking his arms went to
the _plaza_, first asking Hernández what he knew. He told him what
was going on, and about the murder of the Marquis. When Don Pedro
came to the _plaza_ the _Comendador_ of Our Lady of Mercy told him
that he ought to accept Don Diego as Governor. Pedro de Puertocarrero
proceeded to the hall where the municipal councillors usually met,
where Diego de Silva and Francisco de Caravajal, _alcaldes_, Hernando
Bachicao and Tomás Blázquez, magistrates, were assembled, no others
being in the city. Don Pedro de Puertocarrero, much upset, said
to them that they knew intelligence had come of the death of the
Marquis, and that he was thereby divested of authority to act as his
lieutenant. They must, therefore, take over the wand of office from
him, and give it to whom they might select. After those present had
made some remarks and had asked Don Pedro to resume the wand, which
he, however, declined, Francisco de Caravajal said let him leave it,
and why was he so timorous? for that Julius Caesar was a greater lord,
yet was killed in his palace. There was some further discussion, but
the magistrates and _alcaldes_, did not agree in naming any one to be
the new lieutenant. The party of Chile shouted out asking what they
were doing, and why did they not accept Don Diego as Governor? Then
the municipality, either because they could do nothing else or because
they were afraid, or from some other cause sufficient unto themselves,
accepted Don Diego as Governor, and appointed Gabriel de Rojas to be
his lieutenant.
Gómez de Tordoya and Juan Vélez had gone out hunting that day, and
were not in the city; neither was Diego de Maldonado, nor the other
citizens who might have opposed the tyranny of Almagro. The Indians
who lived in Cuzco and the neighbourhood were deeply affected when
they heard of the death of the Marquis and of these doings, and a very
great tumult arose in the city. Gómez de Tordoya and Juan Vélez came
back from hunting, and passed along where Don Pedro Puertocarrero
was. They heard from him of the death of the Marquis,[79] and that
Don Diego had been accepted as Governor and Gabriel de Rojas as his
lieutenant. When Gómez de Tordoya heard the news he was deeply
grieved. They say that he went fully armed to where the municipal
council had been held, and said that the murder of the Marquis was a
gross treason, and that God would punish the traitors as they deserved
for so great a crime. Those of the Almagro party who were in Cuzco
showed themselves well content at what had happened, and thought that
the King, our Lord, would pardon Don Diego for the murder of the
Marquis, and give him the government of New Toledo which had been
granted to his father. Gómez de Tordoya and Juan Vélez de Guevara,
fearing lest the men of Chile should arrest them, agreed to flee
that night. Don Pedro Puertocarrero might have done the same, but he
preferred to wait and see if he could take with him the few citizens
who remained. Gómez de Tordoya and Juan Vélez took the royal road
towards Collasuya, and arrived at Chuqui-apu,[80] where they found the
citizens of Cuzco who had gone away with the licentiate de La Gama
to put Pero Alvarez outside the boundaries. When they heard of the
death of the Marquis great was the sorrow they felt, remembering how
he had served his Majesty for sixteen years, exploring and opening
up the kingdom, and now in his old age, ever occupied with laborious
work without any rest, he had been murdered by these men of Chile.
They felt so deeply the murder of their captain that they could not
restrain their feelings. The tears which fell from their eyes were
sure signs of the love they felt for their murdered captain.
Don Pedro was kept a prisoner in his house at Cuzco. He had sent to
warn the remaining citizens--namely, to Diego de Silva, Francisco de
Caravajal, Tomás Vázquez, Francisco Sánchez, and Diego de Gumiel--to
flee from Cuzco. But the men of Chile arrested two of them, and took
care that the rest should not escape. Pedro de los Ríos was outside
the city, and when about to return home he was told what was going on.
So he waited until night, and then went to his own house. Don Pedro de
Puertocarrero got word of his coming, and they consulted together and
agreed to leave the city; and though several Chile men were charged to
watch him he got away from his house, with his horses and a servant
who called himself Benavides. Being joined by Pedro de los Ríos they
followed for more than a league down the bed of the stream which flows
through Cuzco, when they left it and took the track that seemed most
likely to lead them after Gómez de Tordoya, with whom Captain Castro,
Francisco de Villacastin, Jerónimo de Sorio, Gonzalo de los Nidos, and
others, had already joined company.
FOOTNOTES:
[79] We are not told whether Gómez de Tordoya then heard of the heroic
death of his young son, who was Pizarro's page.
[80] La Paz.
CHAPTER XXXVIII
_How Gómez de Tordoya and other citizens of Cuzco agreed to send
messengers to the captain Pero Alvarez Holguin that, on knowing
of the death of the Marquis, he should raise the banner for the
King._
I am weary of trying to comprehend the events which happened in the
Realm at this time, because it was proper to narrate what passed in
Lima, and the steps taken by Vaca de Castro. God is my witness to the
vigils I have kept and the little ease I have enjoyed. I only want one
reward, and that is that the reader will look upon me as a friend, and
bear in mind the many journeys I have made to investigate the notable
events in these Realms. And as the labour of composing these writings
is so great, I am already tired and sincerely wish to get to the end
of it. But there! we must return to our story. Pero Alvarez Holguin
had come with a commission from the Marquis to invade the country of
the Chunchos from which Pero Anzures had returned unsuccessful. Some
say that, before he started from Lima, he had spoken to the men of
Chile and advised them to kill the Marquis and avenge the death of
Don Diego de Almagro the elder, and that, when he arrived at Cuzco,
several people heard him say that the Marquis was going to be killed.
This is not known for certain, being merely what was rumoured. I do
not believe that Holguin stated anything like that. But they say that
he did not seem to go off very well pleased with the Marquis.
Gómez de Tordoya, Gonzalo de los Nidos, Villacastin, and the other
citizens and knights who had gathered together, considered what they
should do that the result might turn out prosperous, and that his
Majesty might be duly served. The licentiate de La Gama and Captain
Castro, with others who had started with Pero Alvarez Holguin, said
that as he had not yet entered the region he was making for, they
determined, as good and loyal vassals and servants of his Majesty, to
take a very decisive step. This was to write to Pero Alvarez that,
as the Marquis was dead, and the murderers had got possession of the
Realm and held it, he, being so good a servant of the king, should
abandon the enterprise he had undertaken and join them with the men he
had with him; and that they would recognize him as Captain-general,
and raise the banner of his Majesty. He could then prevent the Chile
party from doing any harm, and march to join the licentiate Vaca de
Castro who, as they all knew, was coming as Judge of _residencia_.
They urged Pero Alvarez not to refuse what they now proposed, because
fortune appeared favourable, and in addition to honour and everlasting
fame, he would acquire a great reward in the Realm. They added that he
should know the city of Cuzco favoured Don Diego, and that Gabriel de
Rojas was there as his Lieutenant.
Having written this, and while they were all in a village of the
Collao called _Ayavire_, Martín de Almendras arrived there, on his way
from the town of La Plata. They agreed to send him to Pero Alvarez
with the news, and Almendras promised to go with all diligence. He
started in a litter, accompanied by many Indians, and travelled so
fast that in one day and one night he covered 37 leagues. For Indians
came in relays from all parts to carry the litter or hammock in which
he made the journey. Travelling at this speed Almendras arrived at
a village called _Chuquito_ where he found some soldiers of Pero
Alvarez, left there to await news of whether the Marquis had dismissed
him from the command or made any other provision to his detriment.
His suspicion must have arisen from having had some conversations
with the men of Chile at Lima, and he thought that if this came to
the ears of the Marquis he would deprive him of his command. Those
who were thus left were a knight, native of Cáceres, named Sancho
Perero, a veteran in these Realms who had served his Majesty, and
Hernando de Rivera, with two or three others. When Almendras arrived
where they were, they asked him what was the news, and why he came in
such a hurry. He answered very sadly that they would soon know, and
then went to rest, to be ready to start again. Sancho Perero, and the
others when they heard those words that "they would soon know what was
coming," believed that the Marquis was sending a new order to Pero
Alvarez countermanding the enterprise. So they determined to seize the
despatch or letters that Almendras was carrying. They went straight
to where he was, held a dagger at his breast, and said that if he did
not give up the letters they would kill him. Seeing himself in this
difficulty, Almendras said that there was no reason in what they were
doing, for that they might know that what he came for was to advise
Captain Pero Alvarez of the death of the Marquis. Having said this he
related to them all that was happening, and how he had been slain by
the men of Chile; and they were very deeply affected.
Sancho Perero told Almendras to stay there, as he must be tired by his
journey, and that he would go to Pero Alvarez with the news. Martín
de Almendras replied that he was content with that arrangement; but
presently he started in his hammock and travelled until he came to the
province of _Chuqui-apu_, where he caught up the captain Pero Alvarez.
When that officer heard the news he was moved by it, but gladly
accepted the appointment that was offered him, and declared that he
would either avenge the murder of the Marquis or die in the attempt.
Gómez de Tordoya came along with those who were flocking to where
Pero Alvarez was, and when he arrived at Chuquito he had got together
twenty-five Spaniards. There it was agreed amongst them to send
another messenger to Pero Alvarez, and that Captain Castro should be
the man; for celerity, in times like these, was a great help towards a
prosperous ending. So Castro went off at once and proceeded until he
met Pero Alvarez, who at the first news had raised the banner of the
King against the tyranny of Almagro. He entrusted the banner to Martín
de Robles, and went on in advance with such as were mounted to form a
junction with Gómez de Tordoya and the others who were at Chuquito.
They all showed great joy at the meeting. Don Pedro Puertocarrero and
Pedro de los Ríos had left Cuzco with the idea of reaching the town of
La Plata, and there joining Pero Anzures. But when they heard of the
assembling of troops in the Collao they repaired thither and joined
Pero Alvarez and the citizens of Cuzco. It was then decided to return
to that city, and have Pero Alvarez declared Captain-general in the
name of his Majesty, to punish the tyranny of the men of Chile and
their usurpation of the Realm.
CHAPTER XXXIX
_How Pero Alvarez Holguin was received as Captain-general
against the party of Chile, and how Gómez de Tordoya was
appointed Camp Master, and how they entered the city of Cuzco._
After Pero Alvarez Holguin had been fully informed of the events that
had occurred in the Realm, and that Gabriel de Rojas was Lieutenant
to Almagro in Cuzco, it was agreed that the next step should be to
return to that city, and arrest Gabriel de Rojas and the others whom
they might find there obeying the call of the men of Chile. With
this understanding they got ready to depart. But first they all
accepted Pero Alvarez Holguin as their General; and he appointed
Gómez de Tordoya as his Camp Master, confirmed Martín de Robles as
Ensign-general, and named Castro to be Captain of the Arquebusiers.
Having made these arrangements General Pero Alvarez immediately wrote
to Captain Pedro Anzures, who had been Lieutenant to the Marquis
Pizarro in the town of La Plata, giving that officer to know that
he, Pero Alvarez, had been named General to act against the party of
Chile, seeing that the disservice that had been done to his Majesty by
the outrageous murder of the Marquis was very great. As every knight
is bound to show his valour in such times, Don Pedro Anzures was
called upon to assemble all the men possible, and join Pero Alvarez
Holguin in the city of Cuzco, whither the latter intended to go to
collect others. Sancho Perero was sent to La Plata on this embassy.
Holguin, with those who were with him, determined to march to Cuzco
and enter the city without being expected. He had collected fifty
horsemen. Those on foot were ordered by Pero Alvarez to follow without
much hurry, until they should reach Cuzco, where endeavour would be
made to provide horses for all. He himself, with the fifty horsemen I
have mentioned, set out for Cuzco, where Gabriel de Rojas was still
Lieutenant for young Almagro.
Some of the men of Chile went to Lima with the news that the citizens
of Cuzco had sent for Pero Alvarez to come and be made their leader.
No small perturbation was caused by their tidings, and by the news of
the proceedings of Alonso de Alvarado as we shall show further on. At
Cuzco they had news of the gathering of men at Chuquito, and of how
Pero Alvarez had turned back from the Chuncho expedition. Gabriel de
Rojas placed spies on the road to find out whether Pero Alvarez was
coming or not, and what they had decided to do. Pero Alvarez, and his
Master of the Camp, Gómez de Tordoya, marched on to reach Cuzco with
all possible speed. Although the city was warned of their coming,
no resistance was offered; on the contrary, they were written to to
enter peacefully, for that Gabriel de Rojas had his appointment in
the King's name, and not from any tyrant whatsoever, and that all
were against Don Diego and the party of Chile. The municipality wrote
these and other things to Pero Alvarez. Some fled when it was known
that Pero Alvarez was coming, that is, those who had been with the
Adelantado at Las Salinas. Pero Alvarez and his followers entered the
city, making all the noise they could, to lead people to think they
were numerous, but without doing violence to or insulting those who
were within. Pero Alvarez ordered the municipal officers to meet in
Council, with the _alcaldes_ and magistrates, and he was accepted by
them as Captain-general in the name of his Majesty. This acceptance
was made unwillingly by the municipality because the members of it
preferred Gabriel de Rojas. But Pero Alvarez caused the meeting place
to be surrounded, and finally they accepted him. The magistrates
and _alcaldes_ asked for the accustomed fees, which he would not
give, and they were not powerful enough to enforce their claim.
Presently, at the sound of trumpets, the act of assumption of office
was proclaimed. All the other citizens and inhabitants of the city
approved the appointment of Pero Alvarez, and showed themselves glad,
because he inspired great hopes, and they shouted through the city,
with loud voices, "Long live the King!" When it became known that more
than sixty Spaniards had quitted Cuzco, Captain Castro was ordered to
follow and arrest them. And there went out with him--
Juan Alonso Palomino
Lope Martín
Jerónimo de Soria
Diego Manuel
Hernando Bachicao
Tomás Vázquez
Guillada
Cerdán
and four others. They travelled with such speed that they overtook the
fugitives and after meeting with some resistance captured more than
forty of them. As it was night time the rest escaped, Captain Castro
returning to the city with his prisoners. When Pero Alvarez heard what
had occurred, he ordered them to be released and to be allowed to go
where they liked, not being treated as prisoners.
Don Diego had also been received as Governor at Arequipa. But as
Pero Alvarez was now acknowledged as Captain-general in the large
city of Cuzco, while waiting for the captain Pedro Anzures de Campo
Redondo to come from the town of La Plata and join him, he sent his
Sergeant-major, Francisco Sánchez, to Arequipa, to persuade the
citizens there to range themselves in the service of the King, for
they must know clearly that Don Diego had assumed the government
tyrannically and without the royal authority of His Majesty. Sánchez
was also ordered to busy himself in collecting arms and men. There
had arrived just then at the port of Arequipa one ship out of three
or four that left Spain at the cost of the Bishop of Plasencia to
explore the Strait of Magallanes. The crews had suffered great
hardships, some of the vessels were wrecked, and the captains died.
Only this one ship of them all ever reached a port in Peru, and
brought a few Spaniards.[81] Pero Alvarez thought they might come and
join him. Cristóbal de Hervas was then lieutenant in Arequipa, on
behalf of Don Diego. Presently Sergeant-major Francisco Sánchez set
out for Arequipa to do what we have said.
FOOTNOTE:
[81] See _Hakluyt Society's vol._, Series II, vol. xxviii, p. 159, for
the expedition of the Bishop of Plasencia. It consisted of three small
vessels commanded by Don Alonso de Camargo, and left Spain in August
1539. Camargo lost his own ship at the entrance of the first Narrows,
in the Strait of Magellan. The second ship returned. Camargo went on
in the third ship. He reached Valparaiso, put in at Quilca, the port
of Arequipa, and finally reached Callao, the first ship that ever
gained the west coast of South America by the Strait. Camargo settled
at La Plata (Chuquisaca) and was put to death by Carbajal.
CHAPTER XL
_How the Licentiate Vaca de Castro arrived at the port of
Buenaventura, and went from thence, with much difficulty, to the
city of Cali, where the Adelantado Don Sebastián de Belalcázar,
Governor for his Majesty, was staying; and of what he did there._
It is necessary that we should now talk a little about the licentiate
Vaca de Castro, for hitherto the narrative has not given him his
proper place. Leaving for the time the story of events which took
place in the cities of Lima and Cuzco we will observe that Vaca
de Castro had found out where the port of Buenaventura lay, and
ascertained that the road to the city of Cali, where the Adelantado
Sebastián de Belalcázar then tarried was very difficult.[82] And
having sent Merlo forward to announce his coming and the duty he was
charged with in the Realm of Peru by his Majesty, he also requested
that Pascual de Andagoya might be set at liberty. So Vaca de Castro
arrived at that port of Buenaventura, where he only found four or five
men, employed by the merchants who came from Tierra Firme. Everyone
believed that Vaca de Castro brought powers with him which would be
quite sufficient for any business that might present itself anywhere
he might wish to pass, and so he himself said and announced.
Merlo, bearing the letter and authority of Vaca de Castro that we
have mentioned, made the journey to Cali, where he gave the news to
the Adelantado, who was on the point of starting for the new city of
Cartago. He said the licentiate Vaca de Castro, President of the Royal
Audience of Panamá, and Judge of Peru, had been driven by a storm
into the port of Buenaventura; and that from thence he sent an order,
in compliance with the petition of Don Juan de Andagoya, son of the
Adelantado Don Pascual de Andagoya, that the latter was to be brought
from Popayán, where he was kept under arrest, to Cali, where the Judge
would soon arrive. He, Vaca de Castro, would hear the statements of
both Governors, and deliver judgment. Merlo made known this order to
the Adelantado Belalcázar who wrote to Francisco García de Tovar, his
lieutenant at Popayán, to bring Andagoya to Cali. Then Belalcázar,
knowing that Vaca de Castro was at the port of Buenaventura, and that
he was in want of provisions, arranged to send along the necessary
food and Indians, to enable him to travel. Belalcázar was about
starting for the city of Cartago, to visit the regions discovered and
conquered by the captain Jorge Robledo, but it appeared to him most
proper to wait at Cali until Vaca de Castro should arrive, and his
Majesty's commands be made known.
Vaca de Castro, with much help from the captain Cristóbal de Peña,
started from the port, suffering from serious illness and, as there
was no physician or surgeon in his company, he might have died. At
the end of thirty-three days he arrived at the city of Cali, two
Spaniards having been killed by tigers on the road, and seven others
having died of hunger and fatigue. The Governor and all the citizens
of Cali gave Vaca de Castro a very good reception, provided lodgings
for himself and his followers, and supplied them freely with all they
needed. Vaca de Castro was at Cali for three months, very ill; and
both the Governors Belalcázar and Andagoya being at Cali together, to
prevent any scandal arising between them, Vaca de Castro notified them
by order that they must have no dispute on any subject, otherwise his
Majesty would be ill served. As Vaca de Castro came with a keenness
for money he bargained with Belalcázar to take over certain things he
had brought, which were of little value, and pay for them at prices
which could not be called cheap. Vaca de Castro sent his messengers to
Quito, that his arrival might be known throughout Peru, his Majesty
having appointed him Judge to investigate the past troubles between
the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro and the [late] Adelantado Don Diego
de Almagro. It was now three months since he had arrived at the city
of Cali; and having ruled that the Adelantado Don Pascual de Andagoya
should present himself before his Majesty and his Privy Council,[83]
he now determined to go to Popayán, to pick up the direct route from
thence to the Realm of Peru.
FOOTNOTES:
[82] Sebastián de Belalcázar, after exploring Popayán and Cali, and
founding the cities, had gone to Spain to obtain a grant as Governor.
Pascual de Andagoya, an original citizen of Panamá, was in Spain in
1538, and received a grant on the Pacific coast from the Gulf of San
Miguel to the river San Juan, with the title of Adelantado. He landed
at Buenaventura and marched to Cali and Popayán. These cities were
not in his jurisdiction, but he was justified in going there, in the
absence of Belalcázar, owing to the disturbed state of the country.
Meanwhile Belalcázar had obtained the governorship he sought, with the
title of Adelantado. On finding Andagoya at Popayán, he had thrown him
into prison.
[83] Belalcázar at last allowed Andagoya to proceed to Buenaventura,
with his brother-in-law Alonso de Peña, where they embarked for
Panamá. Andagoya proceeded to Spain, having lost his government
and 70,000 _castellanos de Oro_ (over £140,000 of our money). In
1546 he again went out with Pedro de la Gasca, was at the battle of
Sacsahuana, and died at Cuzco in 1548. See the _Narrative of Pascual
de Andagoya_ (_Hakluyt Society's vol. 34 for 1865_).
CHAPTER XLI
_How the President Cristóbal Vaca de Castro left the city of
Cali for that of Popayán, and how he there heard of the death of
the Marquis, from Lorenzo de Aldana who came in search of him._
As soon as Vaca de Castro had recovered sufficiently to be able to
travel, he was desirous of continuing his journey to Lima, where he
expected to find the Marquis and make arrangements for carrying out
his Majesty's instructions. He, therefore, spoke to the Adelantado Don
Sebastián de Belalcázar saying that he wished to set out for Popayán,
and asking that the necessary things might be provided by the way.
Belalcázar complied with this request, and the Licentiate Vaca de
Castro set out for the city of Popayán, which is twenty-two leagues
from Cali, accompanied by his staff. On his arrival there he was made
very welcome by the inhabitants and municipal authorities.
At the time when the Marquis was killed, Lorenzo de Aldana was at
Quito, and the news was not long in reaching that city, as news will
fly. Nevertheless Aldana had already set out to join Vaca de Castro.
For there had been a delay of four months between the Judge's landing
at Buenaventura and his arrival at Popayán, so that the news of his
arrival reached Quito before that of the death of the Marquis. But
the latter news came to Quito very soon after Aldana's departure. One
of Aldana's servants named Almaraz, who had charge of his Indians and
estate, made great haste to overtake him, and brought him word of it.
When Aldana heard it he was deeply affected, and made still greater
haste to reach the city of Popayán where Vaca de Castro then was. He
arrived on a Sunday morning when the people had just gone to mass.
He made his way into the church and at once reported himself to Vaca
de Castro, who welcomed him, having been apprised of his good and
meritorious services. But when Vaca de Castro heard that the Marquis
was dead he could scarcely believe it true, yet he did not fail to
consider that the Chile party, as conquered men who desired to avenge
the death of their Adelantado, might have committed the murder. He
was very glad that he carried a commission from his Majesty to govern
the province and administer justice himself, in the event of the
Marquis's death. Certainly he did not show much feeling on hearing of
the event, although some believed this was his policy. On the same day
he despatched messengers to the Adelantado Belalcázar, asking him not
to go to Cartago or any where else, but to remain in the city until
it was definitely known whether the news he had received of the death
of the Marquis was true or false. Belalcázar replied that he would do
what was ordered and not depart, however much it might seem desirable.
We will now leave off writing of Vaca de Castro, and relate what was
happening at Lima.
CHAPTER XLII
_How Don Diego de Almagro ordered the secretary Antonio Picado
to be tortured, believing that he would then admit that the
Marquis owned some treasure; and how retribution was dealt to
him._
I have already recounted how Don Diego de Almagro had got the
secretary Antonio Picado into his power. Often Don Diego on his own
part, and Juan de Herrada on his, admonished him that if he knew
where the Marquis had buried his treasure, which they believed to be
great, he must tell them. For one might believe that if any friend of
the Marquis knew the place, it must be his secretary. Antonio Picado
answered that if the Marquis had any treasure, he could affirm that
he did not know where it was. Though he made these excuses, he was
not believed; as they were hostile to Picado for his former conduct,
Juan de Herrada told him, in a great rage, that if he chose not to say
where it was, let him know that they would kill him. He answered as
we have said, affirming it with great oaths. When Almagro and Juan de
Herrada saw that Picado would not tell them where the Marquis kept his
treasure, they ordered the torture to be prepared for him. This was
immediately done, and they put him to great torments. As the unhappy
wretch knew not what to say, he made loud outcries, begging for death
rather than be kept in such agony. Juan de Herrada said that he must
tell them where the Marquis kept his silver and gold, and then they
would do him no more hurt. The afflicted and oppressed Picado then
answered that they should see if Hurtado, the servant of the Marquis,
knew about it. That night they sent to arrest Hurtado, and said the
same to him as to Picado, that they would kill him if he did not tell
them where the treasure was. Hurtado answered that the Marquis had no
gold nor silver beyond what was found in his room, and that if _he_
had it or knew where it was, he would tell them. Not believing his
excuses they stripped him and put him on the rack, ready for torture.
Juan de Herrada, because he had been his friend, or some other motive,
did not consent that Hurtado should be tortured, but let him return to
his house. After they had inflicted more dreadful tortures on Picado,
seeing that they could get nothing out of him, they agreed to kill
him, and on the eve of the festival of St. Jerome they sent to tell
him to confess, for he must know that he only had that one day to
live. Picado, feeling the approach of death, preferred it to further
torments. He confessed with much contrition, and was married that
night to his sweetheart Ana Suárez.
Next day, in the morning, they took him out of the prison on a mule
without a saddle. He held a crucifix in his hands and, passing along
the usual streets, he asked pardon of all. The contemplation of his
downfall must make us feel how vain is the life of this world, and how
the desire to accumulate riches and increase in honours or dignity
consumes itself. Such must be the thoughts of those who saw Picado so
sprightly, so richly attired, so wealthy, so trusted by the Governor,
and possessing such absolute command! See him now! All his prosperity
gone, he receives a public death, after having been tortured into
the bargain. Since God shows himself so true in his judgment, it was
His pleasure that Picado should meet this fate because he had never
advised the Marquis rightly or as he should. One of the principal
reasons why the governors of these Realms have come to such bad ends
is that they trusted to ignorant, astute, and designing servants, more
concerned to acquire wealth and show favour to their friends than to
give their masters good advice and counsel as their duty points. Let
those now living, therefore, and those who may have to govern in the
future, employ honest subordinates whom they know to be given to no
noteworthy fault; and let them be sure about it, for, if otherwise,
they will follow the same road as the rest. After the crier had
proclaimed the reason of his death, Picado's head was cut off, and he
was buried in the church of our Lady of Mercy.
Don Diego, by advice of his captains, ordered Don Alonso de Montemayor
to go to the cities of Guamanga and Cuzco to collect men, and arm them
against any need that might arise.
News reached Lima that the Captain Alonso de Alvarado, on receiving
tidings of the death of the Marquis, had assembled the forces that
were with him and with Pedro Barroso at Guanuco, and those with Juan
Pérez de Guevara at Moyobamba, and that he felt himself strong enough,
with their support, to raise the banner of the King pending Vaca de
Castro's entry into the Realm. This news caused great consternation,
although Juan de Herrada, Cristóbal de Sotelo, and the other leaders
of the Chile party, did not wish to have encounters or battles, nor to
do more, if his Majesty would not pardon the murder of the Marquis,
than retire into the interior of Chile. There were among them, indeed,
gentlemen of such determination, and soldiers of such mettle, that if
envy among them had not gnawed into their entrails, with the desire to
excel each other even unto death, they might have prevailed--outside
the Realm. But within the same, holding it as they did by tyranny,
they could not have avoided the punishment which God and the world
are wont to mete out to those who usurp such a position, and commit
similar atrocities.
Well, soon after Captain García de Alvarado had returned from the
cities of Truxillo and San Miguel, a soldier who was much favoured
by Francisco de Chaves had taken an Indian girl from another soldier
who was very friendly with Captain Cristóbal de Sotelo, who, as we
have written, was Governor's Lieutenant in Lima. As Sotelo was very
punctilious in affairs that concerned his honour, and anxious not to
condone any injury, and the said soldier, moreover, was personally
known to him, he sent to ask Captain Francisco de Chaves very civilly
that, the soldier having taken the girl from him to whom she belonged
with Chaves' assent, he would order her to be restored; since no other
course would be seemly. Francisco de Chaves, with much arrogance and
little courtesy, abused the man who was sent with the request, saying
that it was not his pleasure that the soldier who had taken the girl
should return her, for that she was his, and that a constable had
better not be sent, because he would be ill-treated and would not
get what he came for. Sotelo was wise, and recognized the evils that
might arise from misunderstandings among the captains. Tempering his
anger with the prudence of his character, he sent a second time to
request that the girl might be returned to him to whom she belonged,
and that if the other maintained that she was his, there should be an
appeal to justice, which would not be denied to the rightful owner.
Francisco de Chaves again answered rudely that the girl should not
be returned by him who had her. Cristóbal de Sotelo was much enraged
that he should be thus set at nought by Francisco de Chaves, and said
that he felt great regret that there should be discord among them
and party quarrels from which great evils must arise. He added that
he was very glad he was not one of the murderers of the Marquis, and
that if he followed Don Diego it was owing to the friendship he had
for his father, which would not make him fail to obey the commands
of his Majesty. After saying this he declared further that Francisco
de Chaves must not think, that because with him was the courtesy and
with Chaves the lack of it, he would come out of it in spite of Don
Cristóbal. Saying this before five or six of his friends, he went
forth to Chaves' quarters to take away the girl, and Chaves' life, if
he should defend it, or else, in testimony of his sense of right, to
lose his own.
Oh misery! what is this that you do? Oh tyranny! what evils do you
bring in your train? And you, oh captains of my nation! What moves
you to bore and slash each other's entrails with the sharp poniard,
or cutting sword? How I lament and deeply deplore that distinguished
Spaniards should die for such sordid causes. Through whatever nation
or region you might travel it should be said that you justly merit
having been born on the banks of the Ebro. And only for others'
advantage have you been thus ill advised. For without having fully
discovered the secrets of the land, nor having made the barbarians to
understand the service required from them, you raise wars in which
most of yourselves are killed in evidence of your own folly, that new
comers may triumph by your conquests and settlements, in which they
have taken no part.
But to return to our narrative. On Cristóbal de Sotelo starting to
go to the house of Francisco de Chaves, one of those present went to
Juan de Herrada, to tell him, so that he might personally intervene
and settle the quarrel; and prevent those captains from killing each
other over an Indian girl. When Juan de Herrada heard this, he went to
prevent what was thought might happen. He called Cristóbal and said
that he did not wish him to go forward, for it was not consistent
with his dignity that an Indian girl should move him to go against
Francisco de Chaves. Sotelo replied that he had already done what was
required of a gentleman in communicating with Chaves, who had not in
any way acknowledged his error, but had abetted the abduction of the
girl, and had even declared that if a constable came to his house he
would only get a drubbing. Juan de Herrada told him to remain at home,
for that he himself would go to the house of Francisco de Chaves for
the girl. On hearing this Sotelo stayed in his house; Juan de Herrada
then went to that of Francisco de Chaves, and demanded the girl, being
very angry. Though it went against the grain, he took her from the
house and out of the keeping of the soldier who had taken her, and
gave her to her first proprietor.
CHAPTER XLIII
_How the Captains Francisco de Chaves and Francisco Núñez were
made prisoners, and how Francisco de Chaves was put to death._
Now this was the time when the funeral obsequies of the old Marquis
ought to have been celebrated, but rather was it signalised by the
commencement of the shedding of the blood of those who had spilled
so much of his that his life ebbed away. The youthful Governor began
to taste the bitter draughts which tyranny carries in its toils, for
with it neither does friend prove loyal nor enemy merciful. Better had
it been for him and his accomplices to await the Judge's coming and
not have put the Marquis to death in that atrocious way. Even after
his death no honour was shown him, as the reader has seen. On the
contrary, the body was thrust into the bowels of the earth as if it
had been that of a vile and contemptible man. With reference to this
I would quote that speech of the Constable of Castille, Grand Master
of Santiago, Don Alvaro de Luna. Seeing that there was a large hook
placed where he was to be put to death, he asked the executioner what
it was there for. The executioner said that it was to hang his head on
after he was dead. Don Alvaro replied, snapping his fingers, "After I
am dead do what ye will with the body and head," meaning that at the
moment of decapitation his soul would pass to where his deeds during
this life had merited that it should.
Captain Francisco de Chaves, finding that Juan de Herrada had taken
the Indian girl out of his house, against his will, took it as an
affront, and an insult to himself. Arming himself and mounting his
horse he went to the house of Don Diego de Almagro. They say that
Chaves told Don Diego to take back the horse and arms he had received
at his hands, but now brought back, for that he wanted them no longer,
nor looked upon Don Diego as his friend. One insult had been put
upon him by Don Diego's father and he had paid him well for it, the
other was from the son, and he would pay him too. They say that he
alluded to what happened at Guaytara when he was suspected of dealing
with Hernando Pizarro, but this I was never able to verify nor can I
believe, for Francisco de Chaves always showed himself a loyal friend
to the Adelantado and an enemy to Hernando Pizarro.
Those who were in the room with Don Diego, believing that rage had
made Chaves say those things, tried to appease him, admonishing him
that he ought to see that the girl had been taken from her owner by
one who had no right to her, and that to return her was quite proper.
There could be no reason in throwing away the friendship of Don Diego,
nor would it be reckoned to his credit. But he answered that he would
never be a friend of Don Diego again, nor would he uphold his cause.
When Juan de Herrada heard this he discreetly felt that it would not
be wise to leave such a man free, when he had so openly refused to
retract what he had done. He wanted to arrest him on the spot, but
did not dare to do so because Francisco Núñez de Pedroso was a great
friend of Chaves, and he was quartered in the barracks as captain of
the troops, and it seemed possible he might take Chaves' part. So he
went covertly to where Francisco Núñez de Pedroso was and asked him
to go and speak with Francisco de Chaves, since he was his friend,
and persuade him not to talk so defiantly; and he told him what had
happened. Francisco Núñez, believing that the intention of Juan de
Herrada was no other than what he said, cheerfully consented and went
at once and asked Francisco de Chaves, in the presence of Don Diego
and the other captains, not to cease from being a friend of Don Diego;
but he was unable to move Chaves from his resolve. On Don Diego and
Juan de Herrada seeing this they turned to those present and asked
what they advised. García de Alvarado answered that since Francisco
de Chaves refused to be a friend of Don Diego they should arrest him.
When Chaves heard this, looking towards García de Alvarado, he said
that if that was his opinion they had better arrest him and there and
then put him in irons. Francisco Núñez declared that if they arrested
Don Francisco de Chaves, they must do the same with him.
For these reasons, or because he was on bad terms with Francisco de
Chaves, when Francisco Núñez used those words Juan de Herrada said:
"Be it as you order," and they were both immediately arrested and
the irons clapped on them. For Herrada knew that Chaves was annoyed
at his being General instead of Gómez de Alvarado (it is said that
Herrada had been a servant to Don Pedro, Gómez's brother), because
Chaves had said that it was wrong, where there were so many gentlemen,
for Herrada to be General, and that for his own part he would not
put up with it. When night came, as the prisoners had friends, they
were sent on board a ship that was in the port lest any disturbance
should occur. With them the bachelor Enríquez was sent because, as
was afterwards said, it was by his advice that Francisco de Chaves
had taken the Indian girl, and he had been fomenting enmity against
Don Diego. Presently, next morning, there _was_ some disturbance at
the imprisonment of Francisco de Chaves and Francisco Núñez, some
denouncing it, while to others it seemed well. There were debates
and wrangling. When Juan de Herrada knew of this, he took counsel
with some whom he deemed friends, and they agreed that Francisco de
Chaves should be killed and Francisco Núñez banished. Next day, by
order of Don Diego and Juan de Herrada, they went to the port very
secretly, that it might not be known, to put Francisco de Chaves to
death. The latter was now sorry for what he had done, but when they
told him to confess, he was amazed. It is reported that he said that
he had two seats, one in heaven and the other in hell, and that the
divine Power had already decided which he must go to; he, therefore,
did not want to confess. Others aver that what he said was that since
his own friends were killing his body the devil might take his soul.
It is likely enough that he may have said either of those things, for
it could not be believed that a man who had shown so little respect
for the holy sacrament was to meet with any easier death than this.
Having said it, he was killed by the executioner, and the bachelor
Enríquez fared in the same way. Francisco Núñez was banished in the
same ship on board of which Doña Inés, the wife of Francisco Martín
de Alcántara, and the children of the Marquis had been embarked, for
reasons which were examined and approved.[84] They also banished Diego
de Peralta, a citizen of La Paz, one who has rendered his Majesty much
service; and it was ordered that they should all go in that ship.
As it was now many days since Pero Alvarez Holguin had taken charge
of the city of Cuzco and turned out Gabriel de Rojas, who held it for
Don Diego, and was collecting men to go forth and seek for those
who had killed the Marquis, the news travelled to Guamanga, and it
was soon known in the city of Lima. When Don Diego and his followers
heard it they were much alarmed at finding that Alonso de Alvarado on
the one hand, and Pero Alvarez on the other, had sided against them.
They consulted together, and it was determined that they should march
into the mountains and rout Pero Alvarez, if they should meet him, or
else proceed to the city of Cuzco. When this had been settled, they
collected all the arms and horses they could, to set out from the city
of Lima well prepared, and they appointed captains, ensigns, and the
rest of the officers who were to have charge of the war.
FOOTNOTE:
[84] They seem to have been landed at Payta, near which port they had
an interview with Vaca de Castro.
CHAPTER XLIV
_How, when the death of the Marquis was known at Plata, they
raised the banner of the King, and how the captain Pedro
Anzures, and other residents there, set out to join Pero Alvarez
Holguin._
At the time of the death of the Marquis, the Captain Pedro Anzures
was his lieutenant in the town of Plata. When he set out to penetrate
into the country of the Chunchos, as already related, he received
such important information respecting the Rio de la Plata and the
many populous provinces on its banks that he desired to discover some
way into them, which would not be too difficult, by crossing the
Andes. From the time when the Marquis appointed him his Lieutenant,
he amply showed his valour in his wars with the Indians, and his
prudence in maintaining the peaceful relations they had promised to
abide by, not consenting that any harm should be done to them. In the
rich mines of Porco there were Spaniards who extracted a quantity of
silver. Entertaining the desire I have mentioned, to discover that
land and great river, Pedro Anzures had gone, with some people, as
far as the country of the Juries, which is to the east, to ascertain
the character of the country in that direction as a practicable
route for penetrating further. In that year, Captain Garcilaso de la
Vega and Luis Perdomo were _alcaldes_ of the town of Plata, Pedro de
Hinojosa and Diego López de Zúñiga, Francisco de Almendras and Juan
de Caravajal were _regidores_, and Antonio Alvarez was _alguazil
mayor_. A man came to the town as a messenger from Gómez de Tordoya;
for Sancho Perero, sent by Pero Alvarez, had not yet arrived. He
told the _alcaldes_ the news of the death of the Marquis. They all
received it with the very greatest sorrow, and, although they would
have liked to keep it secret until the return of Pedro Anzures, they
could not do so, for it became known at once to all the inhabitants.
They all felt grief that a Governor of the King, and a captain so
old in the conquests of the Indies, should have been so barbarously
murdered. There was a great excitement among them, for they did not
know what course to pursue, nor whether Pedro Anzures would return
from his expedition or not. The municipal officers assembled, and
after having raised the banner for the king, they agreed to send a
messenger to Pedro Anzures begging for his immediate return, as the
tidings required it. They sent the news by one Marchena, who travelled
quickly until he reached the place where Pedro Anzures was. The latter
was deeply grieved, and returned quickly to the town, where several
meetings of the municipality were held, but nothing was settled. For
the _regidores_ wanted to nominate that righteous cavalier Gonzalo[85]
de la Vega as captain, or else Diego de Rojas. But Pedro Anzures
maintained that it was his place, because he had been Lieutenant
there. At these meetings there were many bickerings, and Pedro
Anzures had words with the _alcalde_ Perdomo.
Pedro de Hinojosa spoke so well at one of the meetings and with such
effect that all determined to think of nothing but the King's service,
and agreed that since Pedro Anzures was a gentleman and a gallant one
who had been the Marquis' Lieutenant, he should be Captain. Pedro
Anzures then raised the banner of his Majesty, and delivered it to
Alonso de Loaisa as ensign. Before this the captain Garcilaso had gone
to the mines at Porco to collect what men and arms might be there, and
silver to divide amongst those who were about to go to serve the King.
Soon all were in readiness. Sancho Perero, the messenger sent by Pero
Alvarez Holguin, then arrived and related to those gentlemen what had
taken place, and how Holguin had been chosen General to put down the
tyranny of Almagro. Having delivered the letters to Pedro Anzures, he
went back with others that were entrusted to him. When those who were
to go were ready to start, and mounted on good horses, Pedro Anzures
addressed them in a gracious speech, appealing to them to bear in mind
that they were gentlemen and servants of the King, and that the evil
committed by the men of Chile in tyrannizing over the country was very
grave and deserving of severe punishment, which they, as loyal men,
must inflict. Having added other observations on the subject, Captain
Pedro Anzures left Francisco de Almendras as Chief Justice, Gabriel de
Mendoza as _alcalde_ and Antonio Alvarez as _alguazil mayor_. He then
set out from the loyal town with fifty-two horsemen, among whom there
went:
Garcilaso de la Vega
Pedro de Hinojosa
Gaspar Rodríguez de Campo Redondo[86]
Alonso de Mendoza
Juan de Caravajal
Diego de Rojas
Alonso de Camargo[87]
Lope de Mendoza
Diego Lope de Zúñiga
Diego de Almendras
Lope de Mendieta
Alonso de Loaisa (ensign)
Diego Centeno
Luis Perdomo
Francisco de Tapia
Hernán Núñez de Segura
Luis de Rivera
Alonso Pérez Castillejo
Francisco Retamoso
Hernando de Aldana
Alonso Manjarrés
and others to the number I mentioned.
They proceeded on their journey until they arrived at the villages
"del Rey," whence, leaving the baggage with some people, Captain
Pedro Anzures went by way of Hatun-colla to the city of Arequipa, to
collect all the men and arms that he could. He got there just when
Sergeant-major Francisco Sánchez, was coming in with the men sent by
Pero Alvarez Holguin.
As the night had not yet run its course nor the day shown any sign of
light, and the two parties entered the place one on one side and the
other on another, loosening their arquebuses, they well nigh came to
blows. They recognized each other in time, however, and were rejoiced.
Though some showed themselves neutral in that city others joined the
captains in the service of the King without wavering, and took the
road with them back to Cuzco. On the way, Loaisa gave up the office of
ensign under Pedro Anzures, and Diego Centeno took it over and carried
the banner into Chupas. Finally, they all arrived safely at Cuzco. The
Captain Pero Alvarez Holguin, with Gómez de Tordoya and the others,
gave them a hearty welcome. There was much rejoicing at Cuzco, and
all promised obedience to Pero Alvarez, and accepted him as General.
He nominated Pedro Anzures as Captain of Lances, with Garcilaso de la
Vega.
FOOTNOTES:
[85] _Sic_--a mistake for Garcilaso.
[86] Brother of Pedro Anzures.
[87] The captain of the ship that arrived from Spain. See p. 137.
CHAPTER XLV
_Of the things that were done by Captain Alonso de Alvarado
after he had raised the banner of the King._
It has already been related how the captain Alonso de Alvarado held
it to be a great injury to the service of the King that the Marquis
Don Francisco Pizarro should have been put to death; and here he
had raised the banner in the royal name, and collected troops to
strengthen his position in the highlands where he was awaiting the
arrival of the President Vaca de Castro, who, it was now publicly
known, was coming as Judge of _residencia_ in the affairs of Almagro
and Pizarro. As the news spread, Don Diego de Almagro and Juan de
Herrada wrote to persuade Alvarado to espouse their side, to which
he answered as already stated. When it became known in the cities
of Trujillo and San Miguel that Alonso de Alvarado had raised the
banner in the name of the King, some joined him who, holding the deed
done by Don Diego in abhorrence, did not wish to be on a side which
would support his party or agree in its views, but were unanimous in
the service of the King. When Alonso de Alvarado knew that García de
Alvarado had gone to Piura, he wished to rout him before he could
return to Lima; for if this could be achieved it would be a great
disaster for the men of Chile, who had such confidence in his prowess.
With this determination Alvarado ordered a soldier named Carrillo,
who had gone to Trujillo for arms, as we have related, to proceed to
Caxamarca, where Melchor Verdugo, and to Guamachuco, where Aguibera,
were proprietors, and had some parties of Indians who knew the country
well, to get them to help him, as he wished to defeat and kill García
de Alvarado and those who were with him. Verdugo wished to be neutral,
by what they say, and answered Carrillo equivocally. They also say
that when García de Alvarado passed by there, he brought him one or
two very good horses and some arquebuses, and that it was by Verdugo's
advice that García de Alvarado hurried his departure. And furthermore,
that although Verdugo received letters from Alonso de Alvarado calling
upon him to join, he would not do so.
When Alonso de Alvarado found that he had not managed to entrap García
de Alvarado, knowing that a great force was being assembled at Lima
to march against him and to find the Judge Vaca de Castro, he decided
to depart from the city where he was, to join the Judge, who was
believed to be now in Quito. He marched as far as Cotabamba, where he
halted because he deemed the place strong, and one which could not be
attacked by his enemies, and whence, should they come in force, he
could retreat further inland. He then sent other messengers to Vaca de
Castro, reporting that he, Alvarado, and his followers were well, and
urging the Judge to come quickly, because as soon as the masses knew
of his arrival in the Realm many would come forward to join him and
serve the King.
Let us now leave Alonso de Alvarado, and say that after the captain
Pero Alvarez Holguin had arrived at the city of Cuzco, and been
publicly received there as General and proclaimed by the sound of
trumpets in the great square, he devoted himself to preparing arms
and getting men together. When Pedro Anzures arrived he did the same.
Don Alonso de Montemayor then arrived in that city. He had come by
order of Don Diego de Almagro to speak to Holguin on his behalf. He
was to say that he was aware of the movements which were taking place;
that, putting other things aside, Holguin should conform to his party;
and that as he had always shown himself a friend of the Adelantado
Almagro and his supporters he should now be one of the avengers of his
death. If Pero Alvarez had not entered Cuzco he should take the city
for him (Don Diego); and, collecting all the arms and men possible,
he should then return to Lima. Don Alonso did not put forward any of
these arguments, for when he arrived at Cuzco he found Pero Alvarez
within, and although he spoke some things to him on Don Diego's part,
he, like a prudent cavalier, was very guarded in what he said, and
evinced a desire to serve the King. But Pero Alvarez arrested him for
the time being, and had a secret watch kept on him to prevent him from
returning to Lima.
CHAPTER XLVI
_How the President Vaca de Castro quitted Popayán, to go to the
city of Quito._
We recounted in former chapters how, while the Licentiate Vaca de
Castro was in the city of Popayán, Lorenzo de Aldana brought news of
the death of the Marquis Pizarro in the city of Lima at the hands of
the men of Chile, and how, when this was known to Vaca de Castro,
he wrote to the Adelantado Don Sebastián de Belalcázar, who was
then at Cali, desiring him not to go to the city of Cartago, nor to
Anzerma for the present. Vaca de Castro was very anxious to know for
certain if the news was true. At this juncture one Ordas, and Juan
de Valdivieso, citizens of Cuzco, arrived, who, jointly with Diego
Maldonado and other settlers in Peru, had embarked at Panamá for
that Realm. When they had reached the coast of Peru they received
the news of the Marquis's death; and, as the Judge had landed at the
port of Buenaventura, they gave up their voyage further southwards,
and went inland to Quito to find him. Thence they went on to Pasto,
and, together with Villalba, they proceeded to Popayán, where they
found Vaca de Castro, and related to him what was going on; how Don
Diego had assumed the _rôle_ of governor of the realm; how he had
sent one of his captains, named García de Alvarado, to range the
coast, and even to get the Judge himself into his clutches in order
to detain or kill him; how he had taken and killed Alonso de Cabrera
and others, and had captured and carried back the Licentiate García
de León a prisoner. When Vaca de Castro heard this news he became
quite convinced that the Marquis had been murdered, and that Don
Diego was set up as Governor. He wrote again to Belalcázar therefore,
explaining that the Marquis had been murdered, and that Don Diego had
shamelessly and insolently got himself installed as Governor, and had
been so received at Lima. Vaca de Castro called upon Belalcázar, who
had always been a faithful servant of his Majesty and was the King's
Governor and Captain-general, to collect as many men and arms as
possible and march to Popayán, where the Judge awaited him.
People allege that when Belalcázar read this letter from Vaca de
Castro, he was much worried, and that it was more from fear than from
goodwill that he obeyed the summons. This seems likely, because he
always showed himself lukewarm in whatever things occurred, and in the
letters he sent to the cities nearest the coast he wrote that he was
going back because he could not do otherwise, but would soon return.
He had another reason for wishing to go down stream but not up, which
was that according to positive news received at Cali, Captain Jorge
Robledo, the founder of those towns and cities, with all those who had
been his followers before, had espoused the royalist cause, and the
Adelantado was anxious to arrest him. However, Belalcázar replied to
the Licentiate that he would be happy to come to Popayán at once and
do what might be required of him, and that he would bring as many men
as he could, although he then had very few in the city. He got ready
as best he was able, and set out for the city of Popayán, accompanied
by some of his servants and friends, and other inhabitants of Cali. At
Popayán he was received by the President Vaca de Castro.
Having assembled the principal people who were there, the Licentiate
Vaca de Castro displayed a Royal _Cedula_ of his Majesty, whereby
it was decreed that if the Marquis Pizarro should die during Vaca
de Castro's voyage to Peru, or after his arrival there, he, Vaca de
Castro, was empowered to take over the government of the provinces and
be his Majesty's Governor there, with the same full powers as those
granted to the Marquis. When they had seen the _Cedula_ there was some
argument as to what had best be done to take the control from Don
Diego, who held it against the royal will. There were some who advised
that Vaca de Castro should go back to Buenaventura and thence to
Panamá, where he might assemble a fleet and a large force with which
to go in strength against the men of Chile and punish them for the
crime they had committed in putting the Marquis to death and seizing
the country. Lorenzo de Aldana was not of this opinion. He maintained
that Vaca de Castro should take the road and enter Peru with all
possible despatch; for although Don Diego had assumed the name of
Governor, there were in Peru so many loyal subjects of his Majesty
that they would not fail for any reason to enlist themselves in his
service. To go to Panamá would cause much mischief, and would be of no
use. After they had argued about what should be done, Vaca de Castro
decided to go on to Quito, and ordered Belalcázar to go with him to
Peru. While preparations were being made for the journey many copies
were made of the royal _Cedula_ of his Majesty, and despatched by
messengers to all parts that the President's coming might be known,
as well as the will of his Majesty to the effect that in the event of
the death of the Marquis, Vaca de Castro was to be Governor. Then,
with the following he had, Vaca de Castro set out for Quito, taking
with him Lorenzo de Aldana, who he expected would be very useful.
Continuing the journey they came to Villaviciosa de Pasto, where they
found several persons willing to go with the President to serve his
Majesty.
Then, when the messengers sent by Vaca de Castro from Popayán arrived
at Quito, and the royal _Cedula_ of the King our master was seen
there, the Captain Pedro de Puelles, who was lieutenant there, and the
_alcaldes_ assembled in council; and they acknowledged Vaca de Castro
as Governor, sending messengers to inform him, and offering to go with
him until he should have carried out all that his Majesty had ordered.
When the Governor Vaca de Castro learnt that he had been acknowledged
at Quito he rejoiced at this good beginning, and pressed on with all
speed to arrive there.
CHAPTER XLVII
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro on his way to Quito arrived at
a village called Carangue and there received letters from the
captain Alonso de Alvarado, by which he learned that Alvarado
had risen against Almagro, in the name of the King; from which
news he derived great pleasure._
Vaca de Castro was now very anxious to reach Quito, in order to
increase his force, and to receive more complete news. Pressing
forward he made such good progress that he quickly arrived at
_Carangue_, which is fourteen leagues from Quito. Here a messenger met
him with news that gave him no little joy. Looking over the letters
he received, he learnt that the captain Alonso de Alvarado, who was
Lieutenant for the Marquis in the city of La Frontera, had raised the
banner in the royal name as soon as he heard of the murder, holding it
to have been a shameful deed by which his Majesty would be ill served,
and had himself collected all the troops he could, and stationed
himself in a strong position prepared for defence, where it would be
very difficult for the enemy to injure him. Vaca de Castro now gained
complete knowledge of all that we have just related, which Alonso
de Alvarado sent to tell him. All those who came with the Governor
saw the letters and heard the news; and they held what Alvarado had
done to be a good beginning, and the news to be gladsome. Vaca de
Castro then sent the messenger back with all speed to the Chachapoyas
provinces, where Alvarado was, with a copy of the royal _Cedula_ and
a gracious letter praising the step Alvarado had taken in raising
the royal banner, and saying that no less was to be expected from so
gallant and loyal a cavalier. The Governor also desired that news
of his own coming should be sent to Lima, Cuzco, and all the other
principal places in Peru. Soon after despatching this messenger, the
Governor Vaca de Castro arrived in the city of Quito, where he was
very honorably received, and with great solemnity, as Governor and
Captain-general. As soon as he was established there, he proceeded to
send other messengers to all quarters of the Realm, that his arrival
in it might be known, and announcing that he was then at Quito.
Diego Maldonado, a citizen of Cuzco, arriving on the coast and hearing
of the death of the Marquis, and that Don Diego had assumed the
_rôle_ of Governor, it seemed to him undesirable to go farther. He,
therefore, proceeded to Quito to join the Governor Vaca de Castro.
Diego de Peralta, and other settlers in Peru, did the same. Although
the Adelantado Belalcázar came with the Governor, he did so not
willingly, be it understood, owing to the reasons already explained;
but he always relied upon the opinion of Lorenzo de Aldana, and was
guided by his counsel. Report quickly spread the news to the maritime
towns of Puerto Viejo, Guayaquil, and San Miguel, of the arrival of
Vaca de Castro at Quito, and of how he had been received there as
Governor and was making a call for troops. Many, with the desire
to serve his Majesty, went to join him; and others, who had been
neutral, came forward at the King's call and for his service, and they
therefore went to Quito to accompany Vaca de Castro and serve under
him.
When the Governor heard that Gonzalo Pizarro had gone to explore
the _Canela_ with more than 200 men, and among them many accustomed
to war, he called one Gonzalo Martín, a citizen of Quito and an old
_conquistador_, and ordered him to go with twenty or thirty men, well
equipped, and push into the _Canela_ by the same route as Gonzalo.
He was diligently to endeavour to inform Gonzalo of the murder of
his brother the Marquis by the men of Chile, and that he, Vaca de
Castro, had come in the King's name to govern the province and execute
judgment on the guilty. He, therefore, called upon Gonzalo Pizarro
to return with the men under his command, to help punish Don Diego
for what he had done. But although this Gonzalo Martín succeeded in
getting the message through to Gonzalo, he was not himself able to
reach him. Vaca de Castro also heard that the captain Pedro de Vergara
was in the region of Bracamoros with troops. So he sent one Sandoval,
with eight or ten Spaniards, to carry word of his arrival and to warn
Vergara that the interests of the King's service required him to
proceed at once with his men, and join in marching against Don Diego,
who had occupied Lima. Although the province of Chaparra and the
Paltas were in revolt, and the natives were very daring, Sandoval and
his men passed through all the disturbed country, crossing by rugged
tracks over difficult mountain ranges, until they reached the place
where Captain Vergara was, and told him the news they brought and what
had happened in the land. When Vergara heard all this, being desirous
of serving the King against the murderers of the Marquis, he prepared
to set out from thence.
CHAPTER XLVIII
_Of what else was done by the General Pero Alvarez Holguin, and
how he departed from Cuzco._
In previous chapters we related how Pero Alvarez Holguin was received
in the city of Cuzco as General, and how Don Alonso de Montemayor had
arrived there with despatches from Don Diego. Although he had written
word of his coming, and that he had been sent by Don Diego, confidence
was not felt in Don Alonso. The Adelantado Almagro had always thought
highly of him, and he went with the Adelantado to Chile; moreover, he
was on his side at the battle of Las Salinas, so it was feared that
he might try to gain men over to Don Diego's party. He tried, indeed,
to slip away from Cuzco, because he was told, before Pedro Anzures
arrived, that some men who were not on very good terms with himself,
were coming from the town of Plata in that leader's company, and he
feared, in those troublous times, they might seek to kill him. Hence
he tried to escape. But Pero Alvarez presently took measures to keep
him in hand, and ordered his arrest, treating him liberally as his
position deserved.
Pedro Anzures having arrived, and the captains having been appointed,
it was found that the force numbered 300 men--including mounted
pikemen, arquebusiers, and musketeers. News had come that his Majesty
had appointed the licentiate Vaca de Castro to be Judge, and that he
had actually arrived at Buenaventura, and must by now be at Quito.
So leaving a sufficient force behind to uphold Justice in the King's
name, it was decided to set out from Cuzco with the intention of
giving battle to Almagro and his followers if they should cross their
path; while, if not, they would march on until they could join Vaca de
Castro wherever they might meet him. They began the march to Guamanga
in good order, always throwing out scouts to reconnoitre in case there
should be signs of an enemy's approach.
Were one ordered to enumerate the great evils, injuries, robberies,
oppression and ill-treatment inflicted on the natives during these
operations, without exaggeration, there would never be an end of it,
for they took no more thought about killing Indians than as if they
were useless beasts, nor stopped to consider that Christ, our God,
was placed on the Cross for them as well as for us. If the captains
wished to place some check on such great evils they were powerless to
do so; for in past disturbances and civil wars soldiers have always
held to robbery and profit. If a remedy was attempted they mutinied,
and passed over from one camp to the other; or they stayed away in
the villages, if they were not allowed to follow their own devices.
In very truth we may in some measure acquit them of blame, for the
country is so rough and so devoid of beasts of burden that many
must travel afoot, through having nothing to ride. There are also
uninhabited wilds where it is necessary, owing to the great cold, to
carry tents and means of subsistence, so that where it is done with
moderation, I would not condemn the employment of Indian carriers.
But since my readers know what I can vouch for, I do not wish to say
more on this subject than that if a man had need of one pig he killed
twenty, if four Indians were wanted he took a dozen. To speak quite
plainly, there were many who made the poor Indians carry their public
women in hammocks borne on their shoulders.
After leaving Cuzco the General Pero Alvarez Holguin travelled
until he reached Guamanga, where Don Diego's deputy was one Vasco
de Guevara. He, fearing that he might receive some ill-treatment,
absented himself from the city, and concealed himself among the
mountains. But some soldiers sent out by Pero Alvarez to search for
him, found him, and brought him back. Then Pero Alvarez got himself
accepted as General in Guamanga, and after he had established order
and settled the city in the service of His Majesty he departed,
accompanied by some citizens and others who were soldiers from that
city. General Pero Alvarez followed the royal road of the Incas,
marching always with scouts in advance, until he arrived within half
a league of Parcos. He then desired all the captains, cavaliers,
gentlemen, and soldiers gathered under his banner to acknowledge
him afresh as their General and swear him in as such. This public
solemnity was there celebrated. They then discussed what should
next be done. Some said that they should go and give battle to Don
Diego, who had already left Lima, as we shall presently tell. Others
disagreed, saying that it would be better to continue their march
to Caxamarca, where they would obtain news of the Judge, and, in
conjunction with his men, they would be strong enough to resist the
enemy, who had been busying themselves only with increasing their
forces, and renewing their arms. Finally they agreed to continue their
journey, and join forces with Vaca de Castro and with the captain
Alonso de Alvarado.
Alonso de Toro, the citizen of Cuzco, pretending that he was going
back in search of some Indian girls, left the camp. They say that the
citizens of Cuzco were dissatisfied with the nomination of Holguin
as their General, and that this person had some quarrels here with
Don Pedro Puertocarrero; and things came to such a pass that Holguin
took his horses and arms away and would have turned him out of the
camp. The other captains intervening, however, peace was restored; and
Alonso de Toro came back into camp, and they continued their journey.
We will now leave them, and speak of the departure of Don Diego from
Lima.
CHAPTER XLIX
_How Don Diego de Almagro, hearing the news about Pero Alvarez,
left the city of Lima, by the advice of his captains, and of the
officers and men he took with him._
DON Diego and his followers were much alarmed at the news that Pero
Alvarez Holguin had been nominated General in the city of Cuzco, with
Gómez de Tordoya as Camp Master, as well as at the news respecting
the proceedings of Alonso de Alvarado and other occurrences. Their
principal men assembled to decide what should be done. Gómez de
Alvarado and Juan de Sayavedra were discontented that Juan de Herrada
should be the General, and that they should be under his orders,
he having been a common man and a private soldier. They were much
displeased with Don Diego, and although they were present at some of
the meetings, it was not willingly nor with the desire with which
they were credited. There were different opinions as to the course to
be pursued. Some thought that they should advance against Alonso de
Alvarado and rout him. Others were in favour of descending along the
coast road to capture or kill Vaca de Castro, and so to increase their
army as to be strong enough to defeat those who had shown themselves
to be enemies; then to wait and see how his Imperial Majesty would
dispose these affairs. If a rigorous mandate should be sent out
against them, they could then retreat beyond the river Maule. But
they were unable to agree upon any of those plans, and finally the
proposal of Cristóbal de Sotelo was deemed the best. It was that they
should go and meet Pero Alvarez Holguin and defeat him, as he could
not have more than three hundred men; and then from the plains march
to the important city of Cuzco, where they could gain information
of the arrival of Vaca de Castro, and of his further movements, and
learn the view he took of things. Having decided to quit Lima the
captains sent twelve Spaniards to the province of Jauja to speak
with the Guancas,[88] as they wished to pass through their province,
so as to ensure mutual trust and friendship with them, to arrange
about supplies, and to induce them to send advice of the coming of
Pero Alvarez and his party if they should hear of it. Don Diego and
his captains then began to collect arms, prepare powder, and make
arquebuses; holding war to be certain, and not doubting that many
of them must die, since they were so vengeful towards one another.
The banners were displayed and the beating of drums heralded the war
which the fifes proclaimed. And so all began to prepare for an early
departure from the city.
Oh! what it was to see the noble Spanish youth then in Lima about to
follow the banners of Chile. What a many cavaliers of good family,
so adorned with graces and talent, some of them of martial mien, and
holding their lives so cheap, provided that the gossip Fame would not
leave them in the obscurity of oblivion, nor immortal Memory omit to
bear witness in writing of their valour. Oh! he who has seen them
traversing territories only limited by the Strait,[89] must be able to
say that their fame is more than memorable, or failing in ability to
embrace all this, he could at least record their fortitude against
barbarous nations living in regions beyond where the sun pursues its
course.[90] And since I shall have to make mention of the names of
the principal leaders when I come to the cruel battle of Chupas, I
will hold over until then what the course of my work does not offer an
appropriate place for discoursing on here.
Now that all were ready to depart from Lima, furnished with all the
arms and horses that could be collected they summoned the factor Illán
Suárez de Caravajal and some others to go with them, and quitted the
city. The reverend Father Fr. Tomás de San Martín, Provincial of the
Dominicans, also went with them. Juan Alonso de Bádajoz was left at
Lima as deputy for the Governor.
Leaving Lima they marched until they were a league and a half from
the city, where they resolved to nominate their leaders. Although it
went against the grain with many, they yielded obedience to Juan de
Herrada[91] as their General, and other officers were appointed as
follows:
_Captains of cavalry_ Cristóbal de Sotelo
" " _Juan Tello_[92]
" " _García de Alvarado_[92]
_Captains of infantry_ DIEGO DE HOCES[91]
" " MARTINCOTE[91]
" " CARDENAS[91]
" " _Juan de Olea_[92]
_Serjeant Major_ _Suárez_[92]
_Ensign-general_ Gonzalo Pereyra
The whole force numbered 517 Spaniards, all very brilliant.[93] They
were mustered and passed in review, and it was found that there were
180 cavalry, 100 arquebusiers and musketeers, the rest pikemen with
some halberdiers, and they had five pieces of artillery.
At this time Juan de Herrada fell ill. It was said that the reason
was that Juan Balsa put poison into his food. But what is known
for certain is, that he was an old man, and for a year his weapons
had never quitted his person, and this illness came upon him as a
break-up. As it got worse he travelled with much difficulty. So they
went on until they came to Guarochiri; where the reverend Fr. Tomás de
San Martín and the captain Diego de Agüero left them, by permission of
Don Diego. Juan de Sayavedra and Gómez de Alvarado, and the factor,
went with them as far as Jauja, and returned from thence by stealth
to Lima. At Guarochiri Juan de Herrada became much reduced by his
illness, and seeing that he could not personally govern the camp, he
spoke with Don Diego and with the captains, and advised them to accept
the captains Cristóbal de Sotelo and García de Alvarado as Generals
and leaders. This was ill-planned advice, and could not turn out well.
An empire, however wide and great it may be, cannot be duly governed
by two heads. And how much the less so where there is only a handful
of people to be governed? But as it is not for me to represent the
things done by those who were in Peru at that time as having been
wisely and prudently ordered, I shall merely set them down as they
happened, and after the manner in which they ordered them.
FOOTNOTES:
[88] The Quichua tribe which inhabited the Jauja province.
[89] Of Magellan.
[90] _I.e._, the tropics.
[91] Actual murderers of the Marquis.
[92] Accomplices who waited outside.
[93] "_Muy lucidos._" It is to be feared that the prejudices of Cieza
de León were very strong.
CHAPTER L
_How the General Pero Alvarez Holguin, after he had been
accepted and sworn as General near Parcos, continued his
march in the direction of Jauja; and how Gaspar Rodríguez de
Camporedondo, while reconnoitring the country, captured the men
who were in that province on behalf of Don Diego._
In the preceding chapters we mentioned how Captain Pero Alvarez
Holguin, after he had been sworn in as Captain General, moved from the
place where he was, with the intention of approaching the province
of Jauja to obtain fuller knowledge of the proceedings of the men
of Chile. Those twelve men sent by Don Diego from Lima, had arrived
at Jauja to attend to the things we have said they were sent to do.
They endeavoured to cement their friendship with the Guancas. But
those Indians are very knowing, and were already aware of the arrival
of Vaca de Castro, and of how Alonso de Alvarado had declared in
Chachapoyas, and Pero Alvarez in Cuzco against the insurgents. So
they concluded that it would be prudent to keep in with the Pachacama
party. They were asked whether they had received word or knew anything
of whether the Christians of Cuzco were coming. They replied that they
knew nothing. And though they were well aware that Pero Alvarez was
near their valley, they would not tell. Indeed certain Indians went
to Pero Alvarez to report the state of affairs, and on this knowledge
he sent Gaspar Rodríguez de Camporedondo to Jauja, to reconnoitre
and see if any agents of Don Diego were there; and if so to arrest
them. Gaspar Rodríguez, keen to serve the King, set out for Jauja,
and surprised the Spaniards there at night and made them prisoners.
He returned with them to Pero Alvarez, who ordered two to be hanged.
He then took counsel with his officers, and they resolved to deceive
the enemy by telling the truth. It was in this way. As they would
pass a place quite near the city of Lima, it would be natural to
believe that they intended to march in and occupy the city and take
possession of it. But if they should give out that they were going on
by the mountain road, they would not be believed; and the enemy would
come out the more readily to seek them. And thus they would be able
to edge off on the road to Caxamarca without danger. So Pero Alvarez
released the aforesaid Chile men, and told them to say to Don Diego
and his followers that they ought to content themselves with the wrong
they had already done, and not lay themselves out to commit more
misdeeds; for punishment would surely overtake them. He was marching
to Caxamarca because he did not wish to contend with them or give
battle--not from any fear of them, but to see whether, having fallen
into the error they had, they would turn to seek pardon from the King.
Then, as I said, he sent them away and, entering the province of
Jauja, he spoke to the Guancas, admonishing them that they should be
his loyal friends, and not those of the men of Chile, who were going
about opposing the King's interest. After saying some other things to
them Pero Alvarez presently departed from Jauja.
Well, let us return to Don Diego and his people, who were marching
towards Jauja in good order, for they had now received news that
their agents had been made prisoners. They wanted to learn the facts
from one who met them and, thinking that he spoke with some reserve,
Cristóbal de Sotelo put him to the torture. He then admitted that Pero
Alvarez was coming with three hundred Spaniards, that he was bringing
with him Don Alonso de Montemayor and Vasco de Guevara,[94] and that
they were on the road near to Bombon. Juan de Herrada was ill; but
from a soldier named Zamarrilla, a swift goer who was wont to make
his journeys in the dress of an Indian so as not to be known, he got
word that Pero Alvarez was certainly marching straight to Bombon and
that, being desirous to avoid a battle, he had ordered Zamarrilla,
on pain of severe punishment, to say nothing to Don Diego or to the
captains. When the others whom Pero Alvarez had sent arrived and
confirmed the truth of that general's march, the captains and foremost
men of them assembled to decide upon what should be done. Cristóbal de
Sotelo understood the wiliness of his enemies very well. He said "They
want to deceive us with the truth, and what they really intend is to
effect a junction with Alvarado. In my opinion we ought to intercept
them, for we are quite able to do so." Saying this, he ordered that
they should move to encounter the enemy by a shortcut leading to the
main road. Juan de Herrada, since he did not want to have a battle,
would not consent; but made various excuses, saying that they should
go to Jauja, and that there was time enough to follow them, if they
really had taken the road to Bombon. So, as they would not follow
the opinion and advice of Cristóbal de Sotelo, they moved on in good
order towards Jauja, and marched until they reached the valley. As
they were under the dual command of Cristóbal de Sotelo and García de
Alvarado there could not be good management, because if one gave an
order it seemed inexpedient to the other, and he ordered the contrary.
We have said in other places that Sotelo was judicious. He saw that
if he and García de Alvarado were both to be in command, the cause
must be lost. He therefore said that, in view of this evil, he desired
no other authority than his personality, apart from a military rank,
secured to him. He added that García de Alvarado was a cavalier of
such high standing that he was well able to undertake the office of
General alone and, with the advice of his captains, he could conduct
any war as might be necessary. What Sotelo said appeared good to all,
and García de Alvarado remained sole General, although most of the
soldiers, and even most of the captains, regretted that Sotelo was not
their leader. For Sotelo knew well how to treat soldiers, and while
keeping strict discipline he was nevertheless beloved.
Pero Alvarez, with his people, continued the march to Bombon, much
pleased at having passed through the valley of Jauja. He always sent
on his scouts in advance of the main body, and a captain and some
light, active men were always with the rear guard, so that if the
enemy should follow in pursuit they could not take him by surprise and
rob the baggage. They marched in good order, always keeping a bright
look-out.
When the men of Chile arrived at Jauja, Cristóbal de Sotelo having
resigned, and García de Alvarado being in sole command, the captains
again met to consult over what should be done. There was great regret
that Pero Alvarez had not been pursued, for from Pariacaca they could
have turned his front and cut him off. They decided to follow him in
very light order, leaving their baggage behind. They set out briskly
after the Cuzco party; but the country was very rough, and the fury
of the winter was not yet over, the heavens discharging such heavy
rains as to swell the rivers, and render progress very laborious for
the wayfarers. The Indians, seeing the movements that were being
attempted, carried off the food supplies and absented themselves, so
as not to have the road covered with the bodies of those whom the
Christians, in witness of their cruelty, would work to death and leave
behind. All these things made the march so difficult that it was by no
means easy for the one camp to overtake the other.
FOOTNOTE:
[94] Two old captains who served under the elder Almagro.
CHAPTER LI
_How Don Diego de Almagro, with his General García de Alvarado,
went in pursuit of Pero Alvarez Holguin, and how, after getting
near to Bombon, they turned back: also of the death of Juan de
Herrada, and how Pero Alvarez continued his march._
The men of Chile having decided to go in pursuit of Pero Alvarez
Holguin in the hope of defeating him, they set out, as related, from
Jauja. Juan de Herrada was greatly weakened by his illness, and, being
unable to go on with Don Diego, he stayed behind in that valley. But
after leaving there and marching with great speed in expectation of
overtaking their enemies, as explained before, they were unable, owing
to the great difficulties of the road, to come up with the troops of
Pero Alvarez, although they overtook his baggage and did some mischief
to it. The general opinion now was that they would do well to go back
to Jauja, and continue their march from thence direct to Guamanga and
the great city of Cuzco. The object was to increase their army with
the men they might find in those cities, make artillery, and wait to
see how Vaca de Castro would enter the Realm, and whether he would
join hands with the partisans of the Pizarros. And then, according
to his policy, they would decide what they had best do. The enmity
and hatred they felt against Gómez de Tordoya was very great, because
they said he was the principal cause of Pero Alvarez having abandoned
his expedition to the Chunchos and returned to Cuzco. They wanted to
take revenge on him for that.[95] So when they resolved to give up the
chase after Pero Alvarez, they returned to Jauja, and there found
that Juan de Herrada[96] had died of his infirmity; at which all were
deeply sorrowful. Here they rested awhile and begged supplies of food
from the Indians.
Pero Alvarez Holguin continued his march at this point with great
labour. The ground was very steep and rugged, the mountain passes
were snow-covered and excessively cold, the rivers much swollen, and
in many places without bridges. He heard how near the enemy had been,
and kept his men in good order, animating them to show a bold front
to those who were in pursuit. But all the captain's soldiers were so
resolved to die in maintaining their cause that exhortations were
hardly necessary. They were constantly on the alert, and never tired
of keeping their arms by them, to see if those men of Chile would join
issue with them. When those in the rear guard knew that the enemy
had turned back, the march was continued in splendid order, with
scouts always in advance to keep them informed. The Indians being so
addicted to lying, and caring so little for speaking the truth, spread
reports that parties were coming against them from in front, and that
the men of Chile were still pressing forward in their rear. This
caused some trouble and disquiet, for they received many false alarms.
The ensigns went forward with the banners and the royal standard.
The way, as we have said, was very difficult and the rivers swollen
and many without bridges, so that, in the hurry of crossing, some
Spaniards, horses, and Indians were drowned. They marched on until
they came to an ancient fortress of the Incas, former kings of these
regions. The name of it is Tambo, and it stands half way between
Jauja and Caxamarca. The position where the fortress and its barracks
stood, was a strong one, and Pero Alvarez resolved to rest there,
both Spaniards and horses being much fatigued. While they were there
the General, his captains, and head men consulted together as to what
should be done, and it was agreed that messengers should be sent
from thence to the licentiate Vaca de Castro, to let him know what
had been done in the service of his Majesty, and that they were then
in search of him, and to ask also for his commands as to what they
should further do in the king's interests. They chose Luis de León
as their messenger, a citizen of Arequipa; Juan Alonso Palomino and
Diego de Torres were ordered to go to Guaraz and ascertain where the
captain Alonso de Alvarado was, for they now knew from the men they
had captured at Jauja, and from the Indians, that he had raised the
banner in the service of the King and was awaiting, with a strong
force of Spaniards, the arrival of Vaca de Castro. The messengers
took letters from Pero Alvarez and his captains to persuade Alonso de
Alvarado to come and join forces with them, the one wish and desire
of all being to serve the king. And then they could move forward with
all despatch, that Vaca de Castro might know what had happened. The
messengers, taking the letters and their credentials, eagerly set
out to find Vaca de Castro. They passed through very great danger,
for the natives, at a village called _Taca_, seeing them so few in
number, came out to kill them. Scarcely had they got there with their
despatches when the Indians attacked them with great boldness; but in
the end, as they were valiant soldiers, they passed on and arrived
at the camp of Alonso de Alvarado. When that captain heard that Pero
Alvarez was coming with such a brilliant company, and whole-hearted
readiness to serve the King, he rejoiced. But for them to suppose that
he would place himself under the command of Pero Alvarez and be his
subordinate, when he had formerly been his superior, he looked upon
as folly, and determined that it should not be. Instead, he answered
the messengers equivocally, and furthermore offered excuses in his
letters, which appeared fair, in order that no discord should arise.
As soon as Pero Alvarez Holguin had despatched the messengers, he
departed from that fortress and took the same road they went by,
always maintaining good order among his troops. The Indians came out
to attack the rear-guard and see if they could plunder any part of
the baggage. In this manner, and with very great labour owing to the
rugged nature of the track, they arrived at a village named _Guaraz_
in the province of Guaylas, where they found plenty of food. They then
consulted about what should be done next, and decided upon waiting
there for the reply of Vaca de Castro, to see whether he would come
quickly to that part. For with the enemy in rear, nothing was to be
gained in despoiling the country and consuming supplies, since they
must perforce go back the way they came. And so with the approval of
all, Pero Alvarez established his camp there, fixed the standard in
the midst of the officers' quarters, and the banners in their order,
leaving an open space for any needs that might arise. Pero Alvarez
ordered that there was to be no ill-treatment of the Indians, on pain
of severe punishment, but that they were to be treated fairly and
their food supplies taken only in moderation; but this order was of
little avail. The flocks and other things that were robbed and taken
from the Indians cannot lightly be told; yet there is no other way for
it in such times.
FOOTNOTES:
[95] They had already murdered his son, the gallant boy who defended
the Marquis.
[96] Other authorities called him Rada, and they were followed by
Prescott and Helps. Cieza de León is right. The name was Herrada. I am
unable to concur in Mr. Prescott's estimate of the character of this
man. I cannot find any authority for that historian's statement that
Herrada was of good family, and he certainly had no experience in high
military commands.
Herrada came to Peru with Pedro de Alvarado as a common soldier of
mature years. Deserting Alvarado he entered the service of the elder
Almagro, remained with him until his death, and then attended his
young half-caste son to Lima, obtaining unbounded influence over
him. He originated the plot for the murder of Pizarro, and was the
ringleader in that atrocious crime. None of Almagro's old captains,
except Chaves, and no man of honour, would have anything to do with
it. Herrada had force of character, but neither prudence nor ability.
By inducing young Almagro to make him his General above the heads of
better men, he affronted and estranged the old captains and friends
of the young half-caste's late father. His murders of Pizarro's
secretary, of Francisco de Chaves and others, were acts of folly which
no able conspirator would have perpetrated. The murder of Pizarro
may have been partly to avenge the death of his old master, but he
and his accomplices were far more influenced by anger at not being
provided for. Herrada's last advice to appoint two Generals showed his
incapacity. For young Almagro the death of this ruffian was nought but
a good riddance.
CHAPTER LII
_How the captain Alonso de Alvarado, on getting the news of Pero
Alvarez Holguin, sent another messenger to Vaca de Castro urging
him to come to where the camp was with all possible speed._
It was very fortunate for Vaca de Castro that he should have found so
much loyalty in the Realm; and that now that Don Diego had usurped the
government of the provinces, his Majesty the King our Lord should have
had vassals of a kind who would not countenance so weighty an offence,
nor allow any one to occupy the Realm against his royal pleasure.
Although his Majesty has pronounced the battle that was fought at
Chupas to have been just, I will not, in my book, term Don Diego
and his followers traitors, for two reasons; as to which, if they
are not evident, I submit to correction by those wise and learned
men who understand these things better than I do. I say then, that
the principal reason is that Vaca de Castro brought no mandate or
commission to fight a battle. The second is that Don Diego and his
followers would have supported Vaca de Castro if the latter had not
joined with Pero Alvarez; and further, because the object of the
Chile party, at first, was to avenge the death of the Adelantado by
murdering the Marquis,[97] and if the King should not think fit
to pardon them, to retire into the most remote interior. It may be
true that they committed a great mistake in that, at the time that
they murdered the Marquis, they took the wands of Office from the
_Alcaldes_ of Lima, and gave them to men of their own choice: an
ill-judged action.
But to return to our subject. Alonso de Alvarado had collected all the
men within his reach, and had sent his messengers to Vaca de Castro;
but when he knew that Pero Alvarez Holguin, with the people of Cuzco
and Plata were approaching him, he decided not to go to Quito, where
he supposed that he would find Vaca de Castro, but went on with his
troops towards the province of Guaylas instead, first sending another
messenger to Vaca de Castro. This message was to urge him to join
in with the men he had collected, without letting more time elapse.
For, praise be to God, things had made such a good beginning, that
he and Pero Alvarez had now got together as many as 500 men, to help
secure obedience to the will of his Majesty. He asked Vaca de Castro
not to delay much in coming, lest Don Diego, who had retired towards
Cuzco, should there increase his resources. He wrote other things
in his letter too. As soon as Alonso de Alvarado had despatched the
messenger, he ordered those who were with him to get ready to march to
Guaylas. So they started at once and proceeded until they arrived at
a habitation called _Yungay_, one day's journey from the camp of Pero
Alvarez. Thence they wrote very gracious letters, and some of the one
camp visited those of the other. Here they stayed, waiting for news of
the Governor Vaca de Castro: where we will leave them for the present,
and tell of what Don Diego de Almagro did.
FOOTNOTE:
[97] This was the treason--the murder of the King's Governor. The
object of the battle of Chupas was to capture and punish the traitors.
CHAPTER LIII
_How Don Diego de Almagro's captains, being in the province of
Jauja, agreed that he and no other should be General, and that
Cristóbal de Sotelo should be Camp Master; and how they were for
sending García de Alvarado to Lima, which was opposed by Sotelo._
Don Diego de Almagro and those who were with him were deeply grieved
when the death of Juan de Herrada became known to them. The captains
and principal men consulted together about sending a captain to Lima
for iron to make arms, and other things that were necessary; and
some proposed that it should be García de Alvarado, with a hundred
horsemen and fifty arquebusiers. When this was agreed to, Cristóbal
de Sotelo, with others who viewed discreetly the evils that such an
errand would arouse, and knew that the soldiers would rob the city and
cause trouble and give offence, opposed it; which García de Alvarado
bitterly resented. This having been settled, the soldiers publicly
declared that they wanted no other General than the lad Don Diego, and
that Cristóbal de Sotelo should be their Camp Master. The principal
men entered into consultation over this and agreed that it should be
so, although García de Alvarado showed himself aggrieved, because it
deprived him of the command. From that time forward Don Diego took up
the duties of Captain General, and Cristóbal de Sotelo those of Camp
Master.
It was then determined that the Camp Master Cristóbal de Sotelo should
set out with twenty horsemen, lightly equipped, and ride to the city
of Cuzco to try and gather some friends together; and do what might
seem to him best. So he promptly started with twenty mounted men
lightly equipped, and marched until he arrived at Guamanga, where he
halted for a few days; and then continued onwards to Cuzco. García
de Alvarado, when he saw that Sotelo was placed before him and sent
to Cuzco to do what he liked, was deeply chagrined, and began to
entertain hatred against him. Even his friendship for Don Diego became
weaker, and was no longer so thorough as it was at the beginning. And
thus he became very lukewarm in his Chief's interests.
The Camp Master Cristóbal de Sotelo, travelling very rapidly, arrived
at Cuzco, where he called a meeting of the municipal councillors
to get them to turn round and accept Don Diego as Governor. Felipe
Gutiérrez, when he heard of the arrival of Sotelo in the settlement,
wanted to slip away or go and hide himself at Santo Domingo; but
Sotelo being warned of this, sent certain men who arrested him, and
he was brought to the municipal building. Then Sotelo took the money
he found there, belonging to Francisco de Caravajal and Bachicao and
other persons who had joined Pero Alvarez, for the expenses of the
war. He then ordered Diego Méndez, with twenty horsemen, and some
arquebusiers among them, to proceed to the town of Plata, and have
Don Diego acknowledged there as Governor, since his Majesty had given
that Government to the Adelantado Don Diego de Almagro his father.
When the captain Diego Méndez arrived in the province of Charcas,
where this town of Plata is situated, Antonio Alvarez (a settler
there), Luis de Villanueva, and some others, not wishing to serve Don
Diego nor give countenance to Diego Méndez, absented themselves, as
they were unable to make any show of resistance. Diego Méndez wrote
to Antonio Alvarez to come to him, promising that he would see to it
that Don Diego should be lenient with him. Antonio Alvarez replied
that he was not going to be a traitor. Other negotiations followed and
things happened, but finally Antonio Alvarez, Villanueva, Vivanco,
and others were taken into custody. Diego Méndez, after he had made
them acknowledge Don Diego as Governor, and had installed Juan de Vera
as lieutenant, went on to the rich mines of Porco, where he seized
upwards of 60,000 _pesos de oro_ that were there, and all the horses
and arms he could find; and he returned to the great city of Cuzco
with the whole of it.
CHAPTER LIV
_How, after he had despatched messengers to many parts, the
Governor Vaca de Castro resolved to leave Quito and go to join
the captain Alonso de Alvarado._
It has been related how letters from Alonso de Alvarado were given
to Vaca de Castro at Carangue, informing him that he, Alvarado, had
ranged himself on the side of the King, against the Chile party, and
of other matters, and how Vaca de Castro received the news with great
satisfaction and sent messengers to the Bracamoros and other parts,
calling upon the people to join him in procuring punishment of Don
Diego for having murdered the Marquis and usurped the government.
When it was known in the coast towns that Vaca de Castro was at Quito
several came to join him and, with those brought by himself and by
Belalcázar, they made up the force there assembled to 120 men. And as
he got word that Pedro de Vergara was coming very willingly to join,
with all the Spaniards he had with him, Vaca de Castro determined,
since his affairs were having so good a beginning, to set out from
Quito; leaving Hernando Sarmiento there as his Lieutenant-governor.
But he first ordered the Adelantado Belalcázar to go on ahead with
twenty horsemen and scour the country; for having subdued the natives
of that region himself, he was so well known to them, that he could
ensure a supply of provisions at all the halting places along the
route they would take. Belalcázar said that he would do as he was
ordered, and leaving Quito by the royal road, he called at Pansaleo
and La Tacunga, and went on until he came to the royal lodgments at
Tomebamba. Here he met the captain Diego de Mora, and one Barrientos
and others who, with a desire to serve the King, were coming to join
Vaca de Castro. Among them came the captain Francisco Núñez, the same
who was banished from Lima when they put Francisco de Chaves to death.
To escape being punished for having been present at the murder of
the Marquis, he pretended that he had come to join Vaca de Castro,
and when he knew that the Adelantado Belalcázar was there, he spoke
to him requesting that he would so far favour him as to see that he
was not hardly dealt with. Although Belalcázar knew that he was one
of the most culpable in the murder of the old Marquis, and that Vaca
de Castro was anxious to capture the authors of that misdeed, and to
inflict punishment commensurate with the greatness of the crime they
had committed, he was not only content to let him escape, but, that
he might get away without being seen by Vaca de Castro, he gave him
a horse, telling him to ride until he was within his (Belalcázar's)
government, where he would have nothing to fear.
When Vaca de Castro knew that Diego de Mora and the others were coming
to join him, he rejoiced greatly and advanced as far as Tomebamba,
still accompanied by Aldana, Maldonado, Valdivieso, and other friends;
while to those he found at Tomebamba he showed great regard, and
spoke very gratefully. But when he learnt that Belalcázar, without
his knowledge or consent, had lent a friendly hand to Francisco
Núñez de Pedroso, he resented it deeply, and sending for Belalcázar
immediately, rebuked him with some asperity; and from that time
forth he did not trust the Adelantado as before. He wrote at once to
Sarmiento, his lieutenant at Quito, urging him to use diligence in
finding out by what road the captain Francisco Núñez had travelled,
and to arrest him, that he might be punished. But although Sarmiento
did his best, he was unable to catch the fugitive, because the guide
given him by Belalcázar well knew how to elude pursuit and get within
the Adelantado's government, where Núñez joined the captain Juan
Cabrera, and they went together to Antioquía.
At this royal seat of Tomebamba they told the Governor Vaca de Castro
certain things which I will not affirm to be positively true, because
I have not met with an informant who states that he heard them
himself, and also because Belalcázar was a friend of the Pachacama
party, and had been one of the Marquis' captains. What they alleged
was that he said he approved of the murder of the Marquis, that Don
Diego had done well in killing him to avenge the death of his father,
and that he showed himself a friend of Don Diego; besides other things
which were not proper to be said at such a time. When Vaca de Castro
was made aware of this, he was very seriously annoyed, and regretted
that he had brought Belalcázar with him. He would have ordered him
to return, had he not feared that many of those who had come with
him would not themselves care to remain on seeing him go back. The
anger and worry he felt on learning that Belalcázar had said such
things brought on a fever, of which Vaca de Castro became ill. He said
nothing to Belalcázar then, but continued his journey to San Miguel,
people joining him day by day from all parts to serve his Majesty. He
reached the city of Piura and, after having been welcomed as Governor,
he departed, having a strong desire the while to find some pretext
for dismissing Belalcázar. Presently they arrived at the village of
Carrochamba, where Vaca de Castro found the children of the Marquis
who, since they heard of his coming, had been waiting for him there,
as well as the widow of Francisco Martín de Alcántara. Vaca de Castro
went to visit them before he entered his own lodging, and consoled
them by saying that now that it had pleased God that the Marquis
should be slain, they need not be anxious, for he would punish the
authors of the deed, and the heirs should be restored to their estates.
After Vaca de Castro had been four or five days in Carrochamba,
certain arquebusiers arrived, who had been sent by the captain
Vergara; for when Sandoval and all those who were with him arrived,
Vergara determined to set out to serve his Majesty. To avoid any
difficulty about provisions, he would not come to where Vaca de Castro
then was, but awaited him farther on, though in the meanwhile he sent
the arquebusiers as a bodyguard for the Governor. The Governor was
pleased at their arrival. Before this he had directed one Carreño by
name, a very swift runner, to go to Lima dressed as an Indian, with
a copy of his commission, in order that he should be acknowledged as
Governor. This Carreño bound himself to perform, and he went with the
despatch and letters to Lima, arriving there at a time when Don Diego
was very near the city, so he smuggled himself into the monastery
of Santo Domingo. When the Provincial, Friar San Martín, learnt the
contents of the documents he was much relieved and told the news to
the aldermen, who thereupon assembled in the church, where they agreed
to accept Jerónimo de Aliaga as lieutenant, though it is said that
they at first chose Francisco de Barrionuevo.
CHAPTER LV
_Of what passed in the camp of Pero Alvarez Holguin, and how the
Camp Master Gómez de Tordoya and the captain Garcilaso de la
Vega set out from thence and went to meet the Governor Vaca de
Castro._
We related, in previous chapters, how the General Pero Alvarez Holguin
arrived in the province of Guaraz with his people, and how Gómez de
Tordoya was Camp Master and second in command. When they got there and
learnt for certain that Vaca de Castro was coming nearer to Quito they
sent messengers to him, and also to Captain Alonso de Alvarado. Now
Carreño, who went with the Governor's commission to the city of Lima,
had passed that way and spread the report that Vaca de Castro and all
who were coming with him said publicly that the credit of all that had
been done in Cuzco and the Charcas was due to Gómez de Tordoya, and to
no other. Although Tordoya heard this, he was prudent and desirous to
serve the King, so he did not pay any heed to it. Pero Alvarez felt
differently, and appeared much annoyed on hearing of such gossip; and
to excite him the more, his friends made trouble between him and Gómez
de Tordoya by saying that the latter ought to be turned out of the
camp and not be allowed in it, that it might be learnt and understood
whether he was a party to the statement, or had given countenance to
it, that it might work his own ends. Pero Alvarez inconsiderately
sent Captain Castro to arrest Gómez de Tordoya, and this was done.
Castro went one morning to the lodging of Gómez de Tordoya, with some
soldiers, and carried out his orders, whereby Tordoya was caused great
hardship. Without letting his intention be known Tordoya left Guaraz,
armed and mounted, to go and join Vaca de Castro. As the captain
Garcilaso de la Vega was a first cousin of Tordoya,[98] and so highly
esteemed by all present there, Pero Alvarez consented that he also
should leave the camp. Garcilaso did so, giving the banner of his
company to his ensign Pedro de Fuentes. The two knights having met
together, took the road towards Truxillo, where they believed Vaca de
Castro was.
After they had gone, the General Pero Alvarez Holguin made an
explanation in presence of the soldiers, in order that they might not
blame him for his treatment of Tordoya. He also wrote a letter to the
latter, inviting him very earnestly to come back, for that it was by
the speeches of prejudiced men that he had been induced to act as
he did, for which he now felt regret. Tordoya, when he had seen the
letter, replied that he would go to meet Vaca de Castro, and he would
be a good friend to him, and of that he might be assured. So he went
on until he found Vaca de Castro. The captain Alonso de Alvarado came
several times from his camp to that of Pero Alvarez to enjoy friendly
intercourse with those who were there, and they remained more than
four months collecting supplies in the neighbourhood whilst waiting
for the arrival of the Governor Vaca de Castro, with a strong desire
to start at once in search of their enemies. So we will quit speaking
of them, and say a little about the Governor Vaca de Castro.
FOOTNOTE:
[98]
Hernando de Vargas = Beatriz de Tordoya
|
Alonso de Vargas
|
+-------------+-------------+
| |
Alonso Hinestrosa de Vargas Fernando de Vargas
| |
Garcilaso de la Vega Gómez de Tordoya
| |
Garcilaso Inca de la Vega Alonso de Vargas (_Page_
_to the Marquis_ Pizarro)
CHAPTER LVI
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro ordered the Adelantado
Belalcázar to return to his government, and how he was informed
of Pero Alvarez having entered into Guaraz; and how, being
at Motupe, Don Alonso de Montemayor and the captain Vasco de
Guevara came to him there._
After the arquebusiers who were sent by Captain Pedro de Vergara
arrived, a messenger named Francisco de las Balsas, also sent by
Vergara, came with the news that Pero Alvarez had taken the field in
the service of the King against Don Diego, and that he and Gómez de
Tordoya were at Guaraz with a strong force, waiting for the Governor's
arrival. The Governor was heartily pleased with this news, and
rendered devout thanks to our Lord. And there was great satisfaction
among all those who were with him, looking forward to the hour that
would see them united with the men under the captains Pero Alvarez
and Alonso de Alvarado, for there were upwards of 400 Spaniards, very
brilliant men, and many of them cavaliers of high birth. He learnt
too that the captains Pedro Anzures and Garcilaso de la Vega and the
people of the town of Plata had united with Pero Alvarez, and that Don
Diego had followed them to near Bombon, and everything else that had
happened. When the Governor Vaca de Castro had received such joyful
news, than which none other could afford him greater happiness, he
considered, since he was still feeling dissatisfied at having the
Adelantado Belalcázar in his company that this gave him a pretext for
ordering him to return. He, therefore, spoke to Lorenzo de Aldana,
and instructed him to tell Belalcázar that the time had now come for
him to return to his own government, where the natives were in revolt
and required to be brought into subjection; and that now that Alonso
de Alvarado and Pero Alvarez, with so many cavaliers, had declared
themselves servants of the king, his services could be dispensed with.
The Adelantado replied, to what Lorenzo de Aldana had said to him on
the part of the Governor, that he was there to serve his Majesty, that
he ought not to be ordered to return, because it would be a very great
disgrace for him to go back in that manner, and it would be said that
it had been for another reason.
The Governor ordered his secretary, Sebastián de Merlo, to go to
the lodgings of the Adelantado and to notify him by command on the
part of his Majesty, that he was required to return at once to his
own government to place it in order, because this was desirable for
the service of the King our Lord; and that, if he did not do so, he
could not be looked upon as doing the king's service, nor be regarded
as possessing the loyalty that was expected from him as a subject
and Governor of the king. The Governor ordered that this should be
notified to the Adelantado Belalcázar apart, where no other person
could overhear. Merlo went immediately to do this, and arrived in
the presence of Adelantado. On reading the order of Vaca de Castro,
Belalcázar was very much disturbed, and directed the people who were
with him, and who had come from his government, to accompany him to
the Governor Vaca de Castro. Merlo went before him, to apprise Vaca de
Castro of the coming of Belalcázar with his followers. Without making
any fuss, Vaca de Castro ordered the cavaliers who were with him to
be watchful lest Belalcázar should attempt anything [in the nature of
violence], and directed the arquebusiers to be ready, with arquebuses
in their hands. Belalcázar came, accompanied by his followers, to
where Vaca de Castro was, and when their arrival was announced the
latter ordered that he be allowed to enter. Belalcázar entered
alone, with a rueful countenance, and said that he was astonished
at what had been communicated to him with reference to returning to
his government. His departure from it, as the Governor knew, was to
serve his Majesty in this campaign, and not to return until Don Diego
had been punished for his insurrection in the Realm of Peru. If he
returned, some people would think that there was some sufficient
cause for it, or that he had shown himself an approver and favourer
of Don Diego. Having heard what Belalcázar said, and his arguments
to clear himself of the impression the Governor had of him, Vaca de
Castro replied with very serious words. He said that he did not doubt
that Belalcázar had always shown himself to be a very loyal servant
of his Majesty, who had entrusted him as such with the government of
a distant province. He, Vaca de Castro, would not have thought any
other thing of Belalcázar if it had not come to his certain knowledge
that he, and his people, had favoured Francisco Núñez de Pedroso, so
that he might escape without hindrance or punishment, and had supplied
him with a horse and guides to conduct him by a route where he could
not be found; also in Quito, and other places, he had not only tried
to show, but had given to understand by his words, that Don Diego
had acted very properly in putting the Marquis to death. For these
reasons, and because the captains up beyond had upheld the king's word
with great energy, he had sent to order Belalcázar to return to his
government. He now again admonished the Adelantado to do so, for he
had not yet secured tranquillity among the natives of his government
nor had they ceased to be rebellious.
The Adelantado would gladly have gone onwards, and not returned to
his government, as he felt that it would bring disgrace upon him; but
though he protested much, it did not avail with Vaca de Castro. Seeing
that he would have to return, he said it would appear to his followers
as if he had committed some fault, and he asked that an order might
be given to obviate this. Vaca de Castro, to content him, wrote from
there to his Majesty the king, saying that the Adelantado returned
to do his duties in the government to which he had been appointed,
because, in Peru, Pero Alvarez and Alvarado had declared for the
king's service, and the Adelantado's help was no longer necessary.
This was written that his Majesty might not consider he had always
been ill served by the Adelantado. And to satisfy those who were with
him it was agreed that he returned because he was an old man and had
so much to attend to in his own government. Next day, the Adelantado
took his leave, and all that we have related was done, and it was
believed that the Governor had no feeling against him. He was attended
by the men from Cali and others who were in his company, until they
arrived at Quito, whence they proceeded to the government of Popayán.
While at the same place Vaca de Castro received news that the
messengers from the captains were near at hand, at which he rejoiced.
Presently he continued the journey until he arrived at the buildings
of Cayambe, where the messengers reached him, and delivered the
letters from the captains. From them Vaca de Castro was glad to gain
full particulars of all they had done. He made the messengers very
welcome, and he sent back very gracious letters, giving the captains
to understand that his Majesty would grant them substantial rewards,
as they had proved themselves loyal servants. He added that he would
use all possible despatch to join them, admonishing them to preserve
concord in the meanwhile among themselves, and to treat the Indians
in such wise that they would have no grievance, and would not absent
themselves on account of any ill usage. He wrote in like strain to the
captain Alonso de Alvarado, and to the cavaliers and soldiers who were
with him.
At this time, Vaca de Castro's commission having arrived, he had been
acknowledged as Governor throughout the Realm, excepting the part
where Don Diego and his captains held sway. In the rest, the Justices
were for the king and in his name. Gómez de Tordoya, when he left the
camp at Guaraz to seek Vaca de Castro, came as far as Truxillo, where
the latter was expected, it being known that he was on the way. Don
Alonso de Montemayor and the captain Vasco de Guevara went on to join
Vaca de Castro, leaving the camp of Pero Alvarez, with his permission,
before he halted at Guaraz. Although at Truxillo they heard that
Vaca de Castro had left Quito, they did not wait there, but pushed
on to meet him. Vaca de Castro marched until he reached the valley
of Jayanque, where Don Alonso de Montemayor, Vasco de Guevara, and
Pedro de Vergara, with the men brought from Bracamoros, happened to be
awaiting him. Vaca de Castro was much pleased when he met them there,
and especially so at the arrival of Vergara, praising the zeal he had
shown in coming forward to serve his Majesty. He then asked Don Alonso
and Vasco de Guevara several questions about what happened in Lima at
the time the Marquis was killed, and was informed by them. Some of
those who came with the Governor counselled him not to trust Guevara
nor Don Alonso either, as they had been very close friends of the
Adelantado Don Diego de Almagro. Though he did not show that he felt
any suspicion of them, he took care that their arrival should cause no
mischief. But they were both resolved to serve his Majesty. Don Alonso
de Montemayor was always very loyal, as he appeared afterwards at the
time when the Viceroy came to Peru, for he was one of those who
followed and served him most diligently.
CHAPTER LVII
_How the captain Pedro de Vergara spoke to the Governor Vaca de
Castro about providing some relief for the soldiers who had come
with him, and how the Governor arrived at Truxillo._
As the captain Pedro de Vergara had been engaged for a long time in
the subjugation of the Bracamoros, indeed, ever since the battle of
Las Salinas, those who came with him had worn out all their clothing.
Their need was so great, that they spoke to Pedro de Vergara, their
leader, to ask the Governor Vaca de Castro to afford them some relief,
by reason of their great desire to serve the king. Vaca de Castro
heard from the captain of their condition, and ordered equipment and
things they were in want of, to the value of 10,000 _pesos de oro_,
to be provided for them. With this help they were much pleased and
contented. Vaca de Castro did nothing without consulting Lorenzo de
Aldana, and he intended to nominate him Camp Master of the army which
was mustering where the captains were encamped. After having rested a
sufficient time they started for the city of Truxillo, and when the
citizens and dwellers in that place learnt that Vaca de Castro had
come they received him with great willingness, and showed a desire to
serve his Majesty in all that the Governor might direct. So he was
personally acknowledged as Governor in the presence of the assembled
_regidores_ and _alcaldes_, as commanded by his Majesty's royal
authority. Since leaving Spain, the Governor Vaca de Castro had passed
through great hardships, and had made long journeys. He was a man of
refined habits and had only been accustomed to work in his study, so
that he now found himself much broken down and needing rest. But to
think of stopping still in any place until Don Diego should return
to his Majesty's service or be obliged, by force of arms, to give
up calling himself Governor (to which he had no title whatever) and
surrender the province he had occupied, seemed to him a mistake. So
he was anxious to leave Truxillo promptly, and during the days he was
there he busied himself with disposing affairs as seemed best for the
task in hand.
At Truxillo he found Gómez de Tordoya and Garcilaso de la Vega, with
whom he spent much of his time. On learning the reason of their coming
he spoke to them most amicably, saying that among gentlemen there
should be no discord nor cause for enmity. He added that his Majesty
would be informed of their services, and that they should be well
rewarded. Some say that Gómez de Tordoya spoke well of the affairs of
Pero Alvarez; others say that he did not, but rather gave the Governor
to understand that the greater part of the honour of having raised
the banner in Cuzco in the name of his Majesty belonged to himself
alone, and that Pero Alvarez already knew at Lima, before he came to
Cuzco to invade the Chunchos, that the Marquis was doomed to suffer
death at the hands of the men of Chile--and that if Pero Alvarez had
been chosen General, 'twas in order that he and those with him should
not declare for Don Diego against the loyalists, who were so few that
they would not have been able to obtain their desire (which was to
serve the King) if he had wanted to prevent it. And further, that
Pero Alvarez was so ambitious to have charge and command, that if the
present holder should wish to deprive him of it, it would not take
much for him to become an enemy, or to refuse obedience. They also say
that when Vaca de Castro heard those things, he was much chagrined,
but concealed his emotion that it might not be thought he feared lest
Pero Alvarez, feeling his own power, would not pursue the war under
his authority. Presently he ordered all those who were going with
him to get ready to start at once, because letters from both camps
had arrived, urging him not to delay joining the other forces, but
rather to hurry on their union in the interests of his Majesty's
service. When those in the city of Truxillo saw that the Governor
wanted to depart, they entered into consultation to discuss which
would be the best route for him to take. Some thought that he ought
to go to Lima, assemble all the men he could collect there, and go
up with them to Jauja, where the other captains should be ordered to
join him with their respective forces. Others thought that unsuitable,
and that he should first go to Guaraz and be acknowledged by officers
and men as Governor and Captain-general. It was finally decided that
he should go first to Guaraz; and this opinion being assented to by
all, he departed from the city of Truxillo, leaving Diego de Mora as
Lieutenant and Justice, in the King's name. He marched, with those who
had mustered to accompany him, until they reached the valley known as
_Santa_, where he took the road up into the mountains.
CHAPTER LVIII
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro, leaving the plains, ascended
from Santa by the mountain road, and how he met Gómez de
Alvarado, and was annoyed on learning that he came without
permission from Alonso de Alvarado; and how the Provincial, Fr.
Tomás de San Martín, also arrived._
The Governor Vaca de Castro arrived at a coast valley they call
_Santa_, where there is a large river, and where great edifices
and houses, now in ruins, formerly stood. The plains and meadow
lands along the banks of the river were covered with brambles and
cane-brakes and dense bush, where great quantities of mosquitos are
bred; and at the time when Vaca de Castro was there these were by
no means few. It was a great plague, and tormented the Governor and
those who were with him to such an extent that, without tarrying long
amidst such malign company, hasty preparations were made for ascending
the heights. They followed the road to the right of the provinces of
Moro and Quizquiz,[99] taking a supply of provisions with them, and
some Indians who carried the baggage. The captain Pedro Vergara had
remained in Truxillo, to gather in some men who had stayed behind,
but in a short time he overtook the Governor, who was travelling by
stages. As they ascended to the high elevations in the mountains,
that common ailment of the head which overtakes everybody attacked
him and most of the others, and used them so ill that they felt like
being on the sea. At the end of some days the Governor arrived at a
village called _Tozal_, where he was told by a Spaniard he found there
that in the camp of the captain Alonso de Alvarado, some words had
passed between the latter and a youth named Gómez de Alvarado "the
lad."[100] When he heard of the approach of Vaca de Castro, this young
man had quitted the camp without his captain's permission, and was
coming to join the Governor. Vaca de Castro was displeased on hearing
this and the more so in that he should be coming without leave from
his captain, Alonso de Alvarado. Calling his secretary, the Governor
instructed him to draft an order and go and notify it to Gómez de
Alvarado, requiring him, under severe penalties in case of default, to
return and place himself under his captain's banner. And he directed
Merlo to then go with Gómez, until he had seen him safely under his
captain's orders. Presently Merlo started off with the order to do
what was commanded by the Governor, and went on until he came to where
Gómez de Alvarado was quartered. With him he found the Provincial,
Fr. Tomás de San Martín, who, when at Lima, had heard of the coming
of Vaca de Castro; and, wishing to further the king's service, had
presently set out to meet him, and had now come by way of Guaraz and
the place where Alonso de Alvarado had formed his camp, and also by
that of Pero Alvarez Holguin. All the officers of both camps enjoyed
his company, and he theirs. One day when Alonso de Alvarado was in his
own camp a coolness took place over some contention, and high words
passed between that captain and Gómez de Alvarado. The Provincial
intervened and made peace between them. Gómez de Alvarado then
asked leave of the captain to go and seek for the Governor Vaca de
Castro, which leave was refused. So he went out from the camp without
leave, and when this became known to the Governor he sent Merlo with
the order already mentioned. Arrived at the quarters at Guaylas,
Merlo found Friar Tomás and Gómez de Alvarado lodging there, having
travelled together from the camp. As Gómez was a cavalier of such high
rank, Merlo thought it advisable to inform the Provincial what the
Governor had sent him to do. The Provincial listened, and counselled
Gómez de Alvarado to set out at once to meet Vaca de Castro, as he
was so near. Holding this to be good advice, Gómez ordered his horse
to be saddled and, without letting Merlo know it, promptly rode away
to where he thought he would find the Governor. He was ushered before
Vaca de Castro and explained his great desire to serve him, and that
he had left the camp of Alonso de Alvarado in order to find him the
sooner.
Vaca de Castro was much annoyed that Gómez de Alvarado should have
come in this way, instead of obeying his order to return to the camp
of Alonso de Alvarado; but, as there was now no remedy for it, he
dissembled his anger before the young man. Presently they set out for
the station at Guaylas where the Governor and all who were with him
suffered in their heads from mountain sickness, and felt as if they
were on the high seas. Here the Provincial spoke to Vaca de Castro
and freely offered his services, and the Governor welcomed him very
cordially. From this place Vaca de Castro ordered Gómez de Alvarado
to go to the camp of Alonso de Alvarado, as he was informed that he
had quitted it without leave or assent. He would not allow any one to
withdraw from the ranks of captains who had done such good service to
the king, without their assent. Gómez de Alvarado felt aggrieved that
the Governor should order him to return to where the captain Alonso de
Alvarado was. He tried by means of words to excuse himself from going,
but this availed him nothing. So he went, and the Provincial, Fr.
Tomás, went with him; and when they arrived, he put himself between
the two, and prevailed upon them to make friends. Having arrived at
the quarters at Guaylas on Easter eve, the Governor resolved to halt
there for two days, with the assent of all who came with him.[101]
FOOTNOTES:
[99] Clerical errors or misprints. Probably Mato and Carhuaz.
[100] This was not Gómez the brother of Don Pedro de Alvarado, and one
of the old captains of the Adelantado Diego de Alvarado. He appears
to have been no relation, and was called Gómez de Alvarado _el mozo_
(the lad) to distinguish him from his namesake. We first hear of him
in Cuzco in 1538, as having been arrested by Almagro as a partisan
of Pizarro, just before the battle of Las Salinas. He then went with
Alonso de Alvarado for the exploration and settlement of Chachapoyas.
He afterwards joined Gonzalo Pizarro and was at the battle of
Anaquito, when he saved the wounded Belalcázar from the ruffian
Bachicao and others who wanted to kill him. Gonzalo Pizarro gave him
the government of the Chachapoyas. But he deserted his Chief and
joined La Gasca, who made him a captain of cavalry. After Sacsahuana,
Gómez de Alvarado "the lad" went to Upper Peru, and when Giron
commenced a civil war, he joined Alonso de Alvarado, but was killed in
the battle of Chuquinga. Garcilaso confuses him with the other Gómez
de Alvarado.
[101] The reader will have observed some repetition and confusion in
this chapter. It is as Cieza de León wrote it.
CHAPTER LIX
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro held a review of the Spaniards
who were with him, and how he sent the captain Lorenzo de
Aldana, and also Diego Maldonado, to the camp of Pero Alvarez._
AS the Governor had arrived so near to Guaraz, where the
Captain-general Pero Alvarez Holguin was encamped, many came from
thence to see him and offer their services for the king, some
remaining and others returning. And as in these parts of the Indies
there is much craft, and men put so little faith in each other, it
was not long before they began to sow discord between the Governor
and Pero Alvarez: in this way. To Vaca de Castro they said that Pero
Alvarez was suspicious, and that it was his intention, if he were not
retained in the rank of General, not to furnish the troops he had
raised, nor acknowledge Vaca de Castro as Governor. To Pero Alvarez
they said that, owing to what Gómez de Tordoya and Garcilaso de la
Vega had said to Vaca de Castro, he and others who had come from his
camp showed no inclination to recognize the great service Pero Alvarez
had rendered to his Majesty, and advised him not to hand over the
banners. While these things that we are relating were going on Vaca
de Castro consulted with the Provincial about what they told him. His
intention was not to leave the command with Pero Alvarez as General,
for it would not be proper that he himself, as Governor for the king,
and having to be on the battle-field in person, should share the title
of General with any other officer if the enemy attacked them. He also
intended to bestow the position of Camp-master on Lorenzo de Aldana.
The Provincial gave him his opinion as to what would be best for his
Majesty's service, and advised the Governor to send some trustworthy
persons to explain matters privately to Pero Alvarez and persuade him
to conform.
The advice of the Provincial appeared to Vaca de Castro to be good,
and, seeing that Lorenzo de Aldana, who was an intimate friend and
relative of Pero Alvarez, was there, he arranged to send him to speak
with Pero Alvarez on his behalf. He was to say that the Governor had
the greatest pleasure in recognizing all the service that Pero Alvarez
had done his Majesty, but he was to persuade him to deliver the
banners to Vaca de Castro, because, the Marquis being deceased, he was
now the Governor of the Realm by commission from his Majesty as Pero
Alvarez was already aware. As to what had been heard of him, that he
desired to retain the command, the Governor would promise that, after
himself, no one who was with him or elsewhere in the Realm should have
precedence of Pero Alvarez in honour, nor rank above him in the camp.
And since Aldana had always been such a loyal servant of his Majesty,
and was such a close friend and relative of Pero Alvarez, it was to
be expected that he would put his hand to this business in such a way
that the king's service would not suffer in any respect. The Governor
moreover wished that Diego Maldonado, a citizen of Cuzco, should go
with Aldana, as he was a person of importance and well known to all.
Lorenzo de Aldana replied cheerfully, expressing a confident hope that
the king would be well served by the mission of Diego Maldonado and
himself, inasmuch as there could be no reasonable doubt of the loyalty
of Pero Alvarez. So they presently set out and arrived at Guaraz in
a few days. After having been handsomely welcomed some discussions
took place between the parties. Aldana and Maldonado explained to Pero
Alvarez the suspicions that had been raised against him, and said
that having done such splendid service to the king's cause he should
not tarnish it by not conforming to the Governor's plans. In the end
they persuaded him to act with all friendship and loyalty, assuring
him that Vaca de Castro would look upon him as the second person in
all the camp, and would give him the position of Camp-master. So Pero
Alvarez delivered the banners to be given to Vaca de Castro and wrote
him a polite letter; and the same was done by the other captains and
cavaliers who were there with him.
Meanwhile the Governor Vaca de Castro had set out from where he had
halted and was approaching the place where Alonso de Alvarado's camp
was pitched, on learning which that officer prepared to receive him
in the most honourable way possible, with many festoons of sedges
and sweet-smelling flowers round about the tent. As the Governor
approached, Alvarado and his officers mounted their steeds and rode
out to meet him, in their armour, while the footmen came with pikes,
cross-bows, and arquebuses, in squadron formation and in fine order,
as if ready to fight, that the Governor might see how dexterous they
were in military drill. When Alonso de Alvarado came to the Governor,
he dismounted to make obeisance, and Vaca de Castro received him very
well, commending him for the great service he had done to his Majesty
in raising the banner in his royal name, and for the honour he had
acquired in having been the first to declare against the party of the
men of Chile. Alvarado replied that he had done what he would never
cease to do, which was to serve the king. Presently Gómez de Alvarado
and the other gentlemen and soldiers composing the cavalry and the
squadron came up to kiss hands, and the Governor embraced them all
affectionately and gave them sure hopes that they would be rewarded
for what they had done in his Majesty's interests. After saying this
and other things they all remounted and went into the camp, where
Vaca de Castro was lodged in quarters that had been prepared for him.
He was so happy and contented at seeing himself in command of the
troops assembled there, and at finding that Alonso de Alvarado was
loyal to him, that he could not conceal his pleasure.
CHAPTER LX
_How it became known at Guaraz that Vaca de Castro was in the
camp of Alonso de Alvarado, and how Captain Castro went thither,
and of Vaca de Castro's going to Guaraz and taking command of
the troops there, and of what else happened._
As the camp at Guaraz was so near to the camp of Alonso de Alvarado
the news of what was passing reached there quickly, and Pero Alvarez,
with the rest, were greatly pleased. For they had been encamped there
many days and were anxious to depart. So they at once made ready to
welcome the Governor, and Captain Castro presently set out with a
small escort for the place where he was quartered. On arriving in Vaca
de Castro's presence the latter greeted him with much affection, as a
relation of his own through the Countess of Lemos,[102] with whom Vaca
de Castro also claimed near relationship.
Captain Pedro Anzures also came out from the camp at Guaraz, by order
of Captain Pero Alvarez, because he looked upon him as a very special
friend, although there had been some points in dispute between them,
too. And Vaca de Castro received Pedro Anzures very cordially. After
Pedro Anzures had left Guaraz, Lorenzo de Aldana and Diego Maldonado
resolved to go to the Governor and represent Pero Alvarez's keen
desire to serve his Majesty, and advised Alvarez, as he was so near,
to go himself and see de Castro. He replied that he would go gladly
and that he was ready to start. So, leaving their camp well guarded,
they set out for that of Alonso de Alvarado, where the Governor was.
When Vaca de Castro heard that Pero Alvarez was coming he was very
glad, and some gentlemen went out to welcome him. The Governor showed
great love and goodwill when he saw Pero Alvarez, and promised to
honour him for the good service he had done for his Majesty, and for
the satisfactory results throughout the Realm. Pero Alvarez told him
of all that had happened since the time when the banner was raised at
Cuzco. Gómez de Tordoya, and Garcilaso de la Vega were also there.
After Pero Alvarez had spent one day with Vaca de Castro he returned
to his camp, not over pleased, some would have us believe, because it
seemed to him that it would have been a fair thing to leave him with
the rank of General, seeing he had so truly shown himself to be such a
loyal servant of his Majesty.
As soon as Pero Alvarez was gone, the Governor, Vaca de Castro, after
taking the opinions of all the principal people who were with him,
determined to go to Guaraz, where the banners were to be delivered to
him. Although he was anxious to see the camp united, and placed under
his command as Governor, yet he remained for three days, resting after
his long and fatiguing journeys. After that, accompanied by Alonso
de Alvarado and the rest of the people, he set out for the camp of
Pero Alvarez Holguin. When they arrived there Holguin came out with
all the cavaliers and soldiers he had with him, and gave him the most
solemn reception that was possible, quoting the name of the king and
declaring that all would serve him with the utmost loyalty until they
had wrested the Realm from those who had usurped it, and that they
acknowledged and would obey the Governor in the royal name. Having
joyously declared these things they fired off their artillery and
arquebuses. All the horsemen came fully equipped, with lance in hand,
and drew up before the Governor to salute him and welcome him on his
arrival. He replied to them very graciously, thanking them for their
services to his Majesty; and all made their obeisance together. Taking
the royal standard in his hand, Pero Alvarez Holguin then addressed
the Governor. He said that when he, and many other cavaliers who were
here present, were about to set out for the exploration of the region
beyond the Chunchos, they received news of the untoward death of the
Marquis and of the great calamity it had brought upon the Realm.
Deploring those events they returned to Cuzco, where he, Pero Alvarez,
was accepted as Captain-general by all the Spaniards who were there
and attended. On being informed that Vaca de Castro was coming, in the
King's name and with his authority, he did not care to risk anything,
although his force was increased by those in the lists at Cuzco and
was fairly well equipped with arms, artillery, and horses, and with
strong wills to chastise the tyranny that had risen up; for it was
clear that the evil, if he failed, would be greater than the profits
of a success. He had therefore traversed the provinces of Jauja and
Bombon as far as to Guaraz, intending to wait there for the Governor's
instructions. "And since Our Lord," he continued, "hath guided events
prosperously, and you are the king's Governor by virtue of the
death of the late Marquis, receive, Sir, the royal standard and the
banners which have been raised for this war, under which I and all the
cavaliers and soldiers who are here enroll themselves."
Vaca de Castro, with very great delight, took the royal standard in
his hands, and gave it to Rodrigo de Campo, his captain of the guard,
and thus answered Pero Alvarez:--"You have delivered to me the banners
and the men who are here. As you are a knight, and coming from such
loyal predecessors as were your ancestors, I expected nothing less."
He ordered his captain of the guard to keep the standard, because he
did not wish to display any other than the one he had ordered to be
made at Quito.
FOOTNOTE:
[102] The Counts of Lemos derived from Rodríguez Alvarez Osorio, and
his wife Aldonça daughter of Alonso Henríquez, Admiral of Castille.
Their son Pedro Alvarez Osorio, who died in 1483, was Count of Lemos
by right of his wife, Beatriz de Castro, the heiress of Lemos. His
great granddaughter was Beatriz de Castro Osorio, Countess of Lemos.
She married a son of the Portuguese Duke of Braganza, and had a son
who was the 4th Count of Lemos. Vaca de Castro was a cousin. The
4th Count of Lemos had a daughter Teresa married to the 4th Marquis
of Cañete, Viceroy of Peru, and a son Beltrán de Castro, governor
of Callao under his brother-in-law, to whom Sir Richard Hawkins
surrendered, and of whom he said that he was a very noble knight and a
perfect gentleman. A later Count of Lemos was Viceroy of Peru.
CHAPTER LXI
_How the captain Pero Alvarez Holguin felt somewhat aggrieved
because the standard he had presented was not displayed, and
there was even some commotion; and how Vaca de Castro again made
public the decree of His Majesty that he held, and requested, by
virtue of it, that he be acknowledged as Governor._
As soon as Vaca de Castro ordered the standard which Pero Alvarez
presented to him to be taken over they all moved off towards the place
where the camp was pitched, which was not far away, and, as there were
many tents, it looked like a great town. When they were starting Pero
Alvarez observed that the standard the Governor had brought with him
was displayed, but not so the one he himself had presented. This hurt
his feelings very deeply. Some of his friends saw it also, and began
to make a disturbance, but not so as to reveal the cause of their
annoyance. Pero Alvarez, prudently dissembling his feelings, rode side
by side with Vaca de Castro, who had clearly discerned the other's
pique. When they arrived at the camp they found it all decorated
with sedges and green boughs. Before entering the quarters which had
been arranged for him, he ordered that all should remain where they
were, without moving or going to rest, because he had something to say
to them. When the Spaniards heard this, none of them went away: on
the contrary, all the captains and other principal people wanted to
hear why Vaca de Castro directed them to stay. A high stage was set
up covered with a cloth of black velvet, and on it was placed a blue
velvet chair. Then, without seating himself, he addressed them with a
countenance and mien of great authority, and spoke thus:
"Loyal Cavaliers, Renowned Captains, Subjects of Caesar our Emperor
and great King:--
"I am not unaware, for I well know, of the great loyalty and generous
valour which have moved you to serve his Majesty, and to undo the
rebellious tyranny which has been set up by Don Diego and those who
subserve his nefarious aims. Be assured that the value which his
Majesty, and I in his royal name, will put upon such loyalty cannot
be overrated. It has pleased God to at length bring me here, after
having suffered many perils by the way and endured such illnesses and
unrest as you all now know. I do not think lightly of telling you
these things; but rather do I rejoice and feel it a great happiness,
and congratulate myself that, with your favour, I may now perform
whatsoever is fitting in the king's interest. My desire will be to
reward and gratify each according to his service. That my coming
might be known in this illustrious army, I sent forward a copy of his
Majesty's decree commissioning me to govern these Realms to Captain
Pero Alvarez, and to the other officers belonging to it; and now it is
proper, having seen the original document, that you should receive and
acknowledge me anew as Governor and Captain-general."
When he had said this he took out the commission and ordered the
secretary to read it aloud, and all, holding up their right hands,
began to shout out: "Long live the King!" and that they took and held
Vaca de Castro to be their Governor. He then turned to them and said
that he had to apportion the land among them all. Having finished
his speech, the Governor stepped down and went to his lodging, where
the captains Alonso de Alvarado, Pero Alvarez Holguin, Garcilaso de
la Vega, Lorenzo de Aldana, Diego de Rojas, Pedro Anzures, and Don
Pedro Puertocarrero, with many other captains, remained with him. He
observed to them that since there are citizens and councillors in all
the cities of the Realm, those of each place should meet together and
elect municipal officers, to acknowledge him as Governor, just as the
army had recognized him as Captain-general: and this they presently
did. Then Vaca de Castro retired to rest, and the captains and
cavaliers did the same; where we will leave them for the present, in
order to say a little about Don Diego de Almagro.
CHAPTER LXII
_How, when Don Diego de Almagro arrived at the city of Guamanga,
Martín Carrillo, his Camp Master, killed Baltanas; and of his
departure from Guamanga for Cuzco, and how he supplied himself
with arms, and constructed artillery._
Don Diego de Almagro arrived at Guamanga, and went to the place where
lodgings had been prepared for him, and all the inhabitants made a
show of great zeal for his service, so that he should not carry them
off with him. The city was nearly deserted, however, the rest of the
inhabitants having joined Pero Alvarez. His Ensign-general, Gonzalo
Pereira, because they had not found him a lodging promptly enough,
went to the public square in a great rage, and, seeing the gibbet
which was set up in the centre, he leaned his standard against it, and
with no little arrogance, as if he ought to be thought of before his
commander, exclaimed that here should be his lodging, since he was not
fit for anything better, for they had given him none. Judgments are
of God, and in them he shows His great power. Here was this officer,
carrying the standard as an emblem and precious object, and resting
it against the gallows, where, afterwards, all the captains and
principal persons who followed the party of Almagro were put to death
by judicial sentence. Don Diego was very angry when he heard of it.
The office of Camp Master had devolved on Martín Carrillo.[103] At
Guamanga he had arrested Baltanas on some not very important charge,
and while the man was being escorted as a prisoner, some of his
friends came out to rescue him. When Don Diego knew of it, he grasped
his sword and said that Martín Carrillo should not be interfered
with, but that he should be left to execute justice. Martín Carrillo
put Baltanas into his tent. The captain Juan Balsa and others went
to prevent them from killing him, but when Martín Carrillo saw them
coming he ordered a negro to stab his prisoner. Thus was murdered
Baltanas, who was a great friend of Cristóbal de Sotelo. Although Don
Diego approved of his death, the Camp-master Carrillo was afraid of
Sotelo, and, therefore, began to make great friends with García de
Alvarado, who had not yet started for Arequipa. Carrillo represented
to him that Sotelo wanted to be above everybody and to have no equal,
and other similar things; and as Alvarado's mind was inflated with
pride, little was needed to enlist his sympathies, and arouse his
hatred for Sotelo. After these things, Don Diego set out for Cuzco
with all his following, but first he sent García de Alvarado to
Arequipa to collect more men and arms.
Continuing his journey, Don Diego arrived at Cuzco, where he met with
a grand reception, and he and all his men were lodged in the city. A
few days afterwards, Diego Méndez came to the town of Plata, where he
treacherously captured Antón Alvarez, a resident of the place, and
seized all the gold and silver there was in the mines of Porco and
in that region; and with all these spoils he took the road to Cuzco.
When he drew near, the Governor went out to welcome him, and was very
delighted because he brought such a good supply of money to pay the
soldiers with. All the men that could be collected were thus brought
together, and Cristóbal de Sotelo managed everything extremely well.
They were so well supplied with all there was in the land that many
had enough and to spare, while none went short. The captains had
tables set up in their houses, where the soldiers usually took their
meals. But Don Diego and all his followers knew full well that they
could retain neither lives nor estates unless they could successfully
defend them. After Holguin had passed beyond Jauja many lost heart,
and some would have been glad not to be in Cuzco; others, however,
with Don Diego, wanted to strengthen their forces in such wise that
their enemies would not be able to triumph over them. They, therefore,
determined to prepare themselves and make ready a stock of arms. They
collected a vast quantity of copper, and Pedro de Candía offered to
cast several heavy pieces of artillery. He gave out that he wished to
serve Don Diego in that war, although afterwards he seemed to favour
the other side. The first moulds he made for the new cannon were very
large, but they got him to have them made smaller. It was now known
that Vaca de Castro had joined Pero Alvarez at Guaraz, so they set to
work with all possible speed and no little industry. Some brought the
copper, others made the charcoal, others prepared the furnaces, and in
a short time they had turned out six large and well-made cannon. This,
too, notwithstanding that Pero de Candía's castings proved failures
three or four times--designedly as it seemed to all, because he
repented of having said that he knew how to make them. The excuse he
gave was that the metal cooled too quickly, and that the bellows would
not work properly.
As soon as the artillery had been cast, orders were given to collect
more than 300 silversmiths to repair and make arquebuses and other
arms, under the superintendence of Juan Pérez, a very ingenious man
who had had charge of the cross-bowmen in the battle of Las Salinas,
as we before related. He understood the business so well that the
arquebuses he turned out were as good and trusty as if they had been
made in Vienna. They made many military saddles of steel, with silver
on the pummels and cantles, and finished them with many ornaments and
coverings of coloured silk. They also made very gaily painted lances,
with their guards and very fine points of adamant, many corselets of
silver and gold, and smart well-made helmets of the same, and all
other necessary arms for thirty-five[104] men-at-arms ready to join
battle.
FOOTNOTES:
[103] In the absence of Sotelo at Cuzco. Carrillo was one of the
murderers of the Marquis. He was hanged at Guamanga after the battle
of Chupas.
[104] Misprint for 350.
CHAPTER LXIII
_Of what further happened in the city of Cuzco, of the speech
Don Diego made to his companions; and of what García de Alvarado
did._
In relating the things that passed in the city of Cuzco between Don
Diego de Almagro and his people, and their great activity in equipping
themselves with arms, it must be understood that the good captain
Cristóbal de Sotelo was quite indefatigable. Out of his own estate he
had given 100,000 _pesos_ among the soldiers, his companions; and he
had sent spies, by order of Don Diego, to find out whether Vaca de
Castro was advancing. The Inca Paulo also ordered runners to find out
at Jauja what was happening at Guaraz; and when Vaca de Castro had
joined Alonso de Alvarado and Pero Alvarez Holguin the news of their
union spread over all the provinces of the Realm in such a way that
it soon reached Cuzco, and the Indians said that Vaca de Castro had
brought many Spaniards and foot-soldiers. This news did not fail to
cause some stir--not that it caused dismay to young Don Diego and his
accomplices. They entered into consultation, he and his captains and
principal supporters in the city, to decide what had best be done.
They agreed to leave Cuzco as soon as possible, and to induce Vaca de
Castro not to give battle nor cause an encounter, because they were
waiting to see the royal command of Caesar, and his commission, in
order not to go beyond his orders in any way. They knew not the hour
when García de Alvarado would come; but ordering all the Spaniards of
his party who were in Cuzco, horse and foot, to assemble in a place
where they could hear him, Don Diego thus addressed them:
"You all know, and no one can cease to remember, the great worth of
my father to this Realm, and the constancy with which he tried to
open up the country; also the desire he displayed not to fail in
his duty to his Majesty in a single point, and the cruel death they
inflicted upon him, as witnessed by some of the veterans who were with
him at Las Salinas and are now with me to follow in his footsteps.
Afterwards, having endured this great calamity for you and for me, and
being in Lima, I was so badly treated by the Marquis that in truth I
often abhorred my life and wished for death, which he was about to
order to be inflicted on me. To escape from such odious bondage, and
to avenge my father's death, I took the life of the Marquis, which
he justly forfeited, for the life he took or ordered to be taken of
one who had so greatly honoured and befriended him. Now that the
Marquis is dead--and even if he were not dead--let it not appear to
you that we are doing any ill service to his Majesty in wishing to
conduct the government that he conferred upon my father. His Majesty
even empowered my father to nominate a successor to administer his
government in the royal name in the event of his own death; and that
all who were unaware of this may now take it for certain, I have
resolved to order the commissions and grants that his Majesty issued
to my father to be read before you all. Mind ye, therefore, that my
desire goes no farther than to see myself placed in full charge of the
province of New Toledo, in order that I may pay back the much I owe
to you, as well as reward the services you rendered my father in past
wars and explorations."
Then, having ordered them all to go to an open field outside the city,
the commissions held from his Majesty by the late Adelantado were
read. Amongst them was one which said: "Whomsoever shall be nominated
by him as Governor after his own days, him shall the municipalities
obey and accept as his successor." His father's will gave further
proof wherein there is a clause showing that he appointed his son
Don Diego to be his successor as Governor, and Diego de Alvarado to
be his executor. As soon as these documents had been read, and which
the soldiers were not a little glad to hear, Don Diego concluded his
speech in these words: "Now that you know this to be clear, I appeal
to you to be my faithful friends and companions, and not to forsake
me until it is seen what my fate will be, and what his Majesty will
order. Vaca de Castro does not bring any power or authority with him
to dispossess me of the government; and do you bear in mind how many
and great were the services of my father, and the ingratitude of the
Pizarros."
So well did this young man know how to address the Spaniards that
he won all their hearts and incited them to follow him against any
leader who might come against them. Most of the soldiers who were
in Cuzco, indeed, were men of worth and of white blood; and, as
they had shown themselves to be friends and supporters of Don Diego
from the beginning, they bestirred themselves to follow him with a
constancy which was unwavering, and not--as some mean minds are wont
to believe--feigned. It is said that they felt such hatred against
Cardinal Loaysa,[105] knowing that Vaca de Castro had been appointed
through his influence, that they burnt him in effigy, and spoke many
insulting words against him.
García de Alvarado had gone, as we said, to the lowlands, by order
of Don Diego, and was to raid the coast tracts as far as Arequipa.
He went by way of Lunahuana, plundering all he could, and seizing
all the arms and horses he found. He arrived at Arequipa, where he
committed gross excesses, and killed a resident called Montenegro,
and another Spaniard; and they do say that he was so grasping that he
went the length of carrying off the sacred vessels of silver and gold
from inside the churches. After he had inflicted not a few outrages
at Arequipa he set out with the reinforcements and arms he had been
able to get, for Cuzco, where he was warmly welcomed by Don Diego
de Almagro. Sotelo knew very well about the murder of Baltanas at
Guamanga by Martín Carrillo, and that there had been conversations
between him and García de Alvarado, which proved to him that they
were his covert enemies. Considering that it is not necessary to be
too precise in such times, he concealed what he felt in his breast,
and spoke to García de Alvarado, as soon as he arrived at Cuzco with
others, desiring to be on friendly terms. Alvarado said that Cristóbal
de Sotelo had done wrong in nominating Juan Gutiérrez Malaver to be
captain of the men raised in Cuzco, and that he had not any intention
to condone or overlook it.
Now Sotelo was the officer whose duty it was to provide what was
necessary in the city, and he took great care that the soldiers should
not commit any robberies or excesses nor provoke the native Indians.
But war brings with it unbridled license, and soldiers do not consider
they show pluck unless they appropriate the goods and property of
peaceful people. And so two soldiers, who called themselves the
Machines, broke into the house of Captain Gabriel de Rojas, to kill
another soldier and make off with what they could. In fine they killed
him, and though they tried to shelter themselves in a place where
Sotelo could not arrest them, they did not succeed; for as soon as
he got notice of their crime he promptly had them searched for and
ordered their arrest. He told them to confess, for they would be
presently put to death for the crime they had committed.
FOOTNOTES:
[105] Fray García de Loaysa, President of the Council of the Indies,
Archbishop of Seville, and confessor to Charles V. He was a brother
of Dr. Gerónimo de Loaysa, the first Archbishop of Lima and friend
of Vaca de Castro. The appointment of Vaca de Castro by the Emperor,
would have been settled on the recommendation of the Council of the
Indies, submitted through its President.
CHAPTER LXIV
_How the captains García de Alvarado and Saucedo went to ask
Cristóbal de Sotelo to pardon the soldiers he had in prison,
and of their fate; and of what else happened until García de
Alvarado killed the good knight Cristóbal de Sotelo._
As the soldiers in Cuzco were not well under control, their feeling
was that, provided it were not against military discipline or matters
relating to the war, there ought to be no punishment for any crime
they might commit. They therefore became very riotous when they heard
of the imprisonment of the Machines. Don Diego presently knew of the
arrest, but took no steps. García de Alvarado and Saucedo determined
each to go to Sotelo, and ask him to pardon those men that he had
under arrest. Saucedo being the first to call at the prison, admission
was refused him, nor would Sotelo do anything in response to the
request made to him. Then Saucedo shouted at him that he had better
take care what he was about, for the prisoners were his friends and he
was going to demand justice. Cristóbal de Sotelo was much enraged at
these words, and answered by telling Saucedo to go to his lodging; if
not, he would put him where he was soon going to put the prisoners.
Saucedo then went away and joined García de Alvarado, who, by this
time, was also near; but although he too knocked at the door, they
would not open it nor answer him. Sotelo, after holding an enquiry
into the affair for which the men had been arrested, sentenced one of
them to be hanged.
Now that the day was approaching when the field of Chupas and its
slopes would absorb much noble Spanish blood, and the party of the
Almagros would come to an end, it was meet, and necessary for its
destruction, and for the due commemoration of the Marquis's obsequies,
that envy and malice should bring about the death and removal of
the principal captains among the men of Chile, so that those of the
Pachacama party might encounter less resistance in completing the
triumph that was to be theirs. For Francisco de Chaves being already
dead, and Juan de Herrada having been poisoned (as they say) by Juan
Balsa, the only captains left to them were Cristóbal de Sotelo and
García de Alvarado. And so, that these should come to an end like the
others, it fell out in this wise.[106]
García de Alvarado, being a spirited youth, and having come from
Arequipa very proud of bringing in so much stolen treasure, began
to feel aggrieved because Sotelo was more considered than himself
and always first and foremost above the rest. He set about to making
friendships, feigned or true, with many who had been soldiers under
Francisco de Chaves, and were on bad terms with Sotelo because they
said their old captain's death was due to him. García de Alvarado
now wormed himself into their favour so as to make use of them when
necessity should arise; though he thought little of Don Diego de
Almagro himself. He next began to distribute the money he had brought
among those who were his friends and who appeared to him to be on his
side, glad always to asperse Sotelo and to belittle his affairs. The
accomplices with García de Alvarado in this business, and those who
went among the soldiers for him, probing their dispositions, were
Rodrigo Núñez, who had been the old Adelantado's Camp Master, a man of
little knowledge and less judgment, Martín Carrillo, Juan Rodríguez
Barragán, and many others.
Cristóbal de Sotelo did not fail to perceive García de Alvarado's
design against him, but as he was prudent he pretended to treat it
with unconcern and not pay much attention to it. Nevertheless they
say that he spoke to Don Diego on the subject. But since García de
Alvarado had won over many of the soldiers who were in the city,
and some of the veterans who had followed the banners of the old
Adelantado, he covertly and of set purpose raised the question as to
who was to be General of the camp, himself or Cristóbal de Sotelo,
so that they should declare that he and no other should be the one.
In those days Sotelo was laid up with a calenture, owing to which
he passed a serpent or worm from below, a fathom in length, and he
rather suspected that he had been given poisonous herbs. Don Diego
and all the captains and citizens went to visit him, and so did many
of the soldiers who were his friends. He said before some of them
that he cared nothing for any Alvarados, past or present, the which
being overheard, it was not long before García de Alvarado got to know
of it. He was offended, nursed evil intentions against Sotelo, and
resolved to kill him. Riding one day through the city with some of his
friends, García de Alvarado met Juan Balsa, who was also mounted; and
proposed to him that they should go and visit the captain Cristóbal
de Sotelo, as he was ill. Juan Balsa said he was willing, and, taking
leave of Alvarado's other companions, they went. There went with
them one Juan García, of Guadalcanal, and Diego Pérez Becerra, great
friends of García de Alvarado. When they reached Sotelo's lodging
they entered his bedroom, and after a few words had passed, García
de Alvarado said: "Why did you say that you held the Alvarados as
nought, and other things which have been reported to me, and are to
my detriment or against my honour? You must give me satisfaction." At
the time when this happened, Sotelo, besides being ill, had no friend
or servant present with him, although there were usually plenty in
the house. As his illness had not diminished, but indeed was rather
worse, he replied that he was not in a condition to answer him or give
satisfaction; for that he was not himself, and indeed so ill that
he was passing devils and serpents from his body. Juan Balsa showed
himself, in his words, to be favourable to Sotelo. He said to García
de Alvarado that it was not a time for settling such affairs, and he
got up as if about to go. García de Alvarado, seeing him rise, did
the same and took leave of Sotelo. Cristóbal de Sotelo, being a man
of spirit, and one who held his honour very dear, after thinking over
for a little in his own mind what had passed between him and García de
Alvarado, loudly called him back, and said: "I do not remember having
said of you nor of any Alvarados what you allege, but if I did say
anything heretofore I repeat that, being who I am, I do not concern
myself much about Alvarados." When García de Alvarado heard that he
exclaimed in a great rage, "I swear to God that I shall have to kill
you, Sir Traitor." Sotelo, jumping out of bed, cried out "I will kill
you."
García de Alvarado, clapping his hand upon his sword, made towards the
infirm Sotelo to wound him, but Juan Balsa, with great promptitude,
made a spring at the assailant, and threw his arms round him. Sotelo
went into an inner chamber, where there was one of his servants, named
Lizcano, and looking round for arms, saw only a sword and a cloak.
With these he came out to where García de Alvarado and Juan Balsa were
talking. By this time some of García de Alvarado's friends had come
along, and had surrounded the house. Alvarado had freed himself from
Juan Balsa and now came in alone, with his sword raised, looking for
Sotelo. But when Sotelo's servant saw him advancing he assailed him
from behind, and gripped him tightly in his arms. Sotelo, seeing his
enemy so near, came forward to kill him; but Juan Balsa stayed his
hands, saying that he must not do such a thing. Meanwhile Alvarado,
although the servant Lizcano bore him down, managed to get clear and
wounded him on the head, and then made at Sotelo to kill him, and gave
him several stabs and cuts. Hearing the noise, Juan García, whom we
mentioned above, came in and wounded Sotelo so seriously that, in a
short time, he lay dead on the floor, clasped by Juan Balsa, either
to rescue him from death or in his eagerness to see him dead--which
latter is my belief and I hold to be the more certain of what they
say. In this manner died the foremost and most upright leader among
the party of the "men of Chile." In his death may be clearly seen the
fall and destruction of them all, for had he remained alive, he would
by his prudence have guided subsequent affairs in a different way from
that in which they came about.
FOOTNOTE:
[106] This gives a wrong impression. The captains of the old
Adelantado Almagro had not all come to an end. Most of them had
declined to take part with the murderers of Pizarro. Francisco de
Chaves, it is true, had been murdered by Juan de Herrada. Of the
others Diego de Alvarado had returned to Spain. Gómez de Alvarado and
Juan de Sayavedra had left the young Almagro at Jauja, and returned to
Lima. Montemayor and Guevara were actually with the army of Vaca de
Castro. Sotelo alone had remained with young Almagro, from devotion to
his father's memory, although he had protested against the murder of
the Marquis.
García de Alvarado was not an old captain of Almagro. He is first
heard of in history as one of the accomplices of the murderers--a
truculent young ruffian.
CHAPTER LXV
_Of the concern shown by Don Diego and many of the Chile party
at the death of the captain Cristóbal de Sotelo; and of how
García de Alvarado and others fortified themselves in his
quarters, and Don Diego wanted to attack them there._
The news of the murder of Captain Cristóbal de Sotelo soon spread
throughout the city, and great was the excitement, for he was beloved
by many soldiers for his valour, by the veterans who had served under
the old Adelantado, and by those others who had recently chosen to
follow the banners of Don Diego. They were so affected that it did
not fail to be evident from their sad countenances and from the tears
that flowed from their eyes. With sorrowful lamentations they girded
on their arms and repaired to the quarters of Don Diego, abandoning
García de Alvarado, and calling him vile and cowardly for murdering
Sotelo when he was disabled by sickness. They desired to have the
traitor delivered into their hands that they might put him to death
for daring to take the life of the captain they so greatly adored.
Presently Juan Balsa went to young Don Diego's quarters and apprised
him of what had happened, though he was out at the time. Don Diego was
much concerned, because some told him that García de Alvarado wanted
to deal with him in the same way, and revolt against him with the
whole camp. Although Don Diego showed no weakness, but was anxious to
go and seize or kill the murderer there and then, they advised him to
enter the house of Pedro de Oñate, who was afterwards Camp Master,
whence he ordered the alarm to be given through the city. He went to
the great square, with those who rallied round him, whence it was his
intention to go and attack the house where García de Alvarado was
ensconced. The captain Felipe Gutiérrez and other prudent cavaliers
urged him not to do this, because it was not a time for expending
men's lives, they said, and it might give rise to a mutiny against Don
Diego himself, for it was known that some captains and many soldiers
had a true friendship for García de Alvarado, and that if things came
to blows, all their fury would be against Don Diego. He was thus
persuaded not to attack the house in which García de Alvarado had shut
himself up with the others who stood by him. Martín Carrillo, although
he no longer enjoyed the post of Camp Master, but was only a private
person, went out and about the city, without any authority whatever,
forbidding everyone, on pain of death, to quit their houses. Don
Diego, observing the luke-warmness and lack of will to carry out his
wishes in those who were with him, returned very sadly to his house.
When the quarrelsome García de Alvarado saw how prosperously, and
favourably to his wishes, the affair of the murder of Sotelo had
turned out, he sent some of his friends to induce as many as they
could to side with him; and since the Spaniards in Peru are so
changeable and fickle, and hold to no faith but their own private
interests, seeing that García de Alvarado had more power than he whom
they had chosen and appointed as their Governor, they joined him who
seemed the stronger in greater numbers than he expected, offering
their arms and their persons as far as he might wish to avail himself
of them. Don Diego was now in his house, as we said, feeling very
deeply the death of Cristóbal de Sotelo, and the fact that he was not
strong enough to punish the author of so foul a deed. Taking counsel
with his captains and principal persons as to what it would be best to
do, they agreed that it was not expedient, nor was it a time to form
themselves into cliques and parties, for the enemy was at their gates.
So a truce was arranged between Don Diego and García de Alvarado.
Don Diego covertly sent to say that García de Alvarado had better
stay in his house and not come out of it, because no other course was
convenient. García de Alvarado was so haughty and presumptuous that
he cared very little for any words or commands of Don Diego; but he
answered, in bad faith, that he would do as he was ordered, and would
not leave his house until it should be Don Diego's pleasure.
CHAPTER LXVI
_How Don Diego de Almagro gave Sotelo's troop to Diego Méndez
and how García de Alvarado was killed, and Cristóbal de Sotelo
avenged, at his hands._
After the events we have related had passed in the city of Cuzco,
there did not cease to be some tumult in the city following the death
of Cristóbal de Sotelo. Don Diego, who felt most keenly the insolence
of García de Alvarado, reflected within himself what scheme would lead
to the satisfaction of his desire, which was that no one else, with
the example of García de Alvarado before him, should attempt another
treason such as that person had perpetrated. He also wanted to get
rid of García de Alvarado as a companion, in order to advance his
desire and give effect to his plans. Summoning to a consultation the
captains and old soldiers who were entirely faithful to him, through
having followed the banners of the Adelantado his father, Juan Balsa
was with the assent of them all nominated Captain-general--a man
unworthy of such a charge; and the troop lately Cristóbal de Sotelo's
was entrusted to Diego Méndez, because he was known to cherish enmity
against García de Alvarado, who was still esconced in the fortified
house with his supporters. As the soldiers in Cuzco had now received
news of the entry of Vaca de Castro into the Realm, they felt the
necessity for peace among themselves in order to be in a position to
resist attack, come whence it might; and they therefore approached
their captains, with a view to mediation between Don Diego and García
de Alvarado. But as the latter knew he was to blame in reference
to past transactions, he asked that Don Diego would make him his
Captain-general and give him sufficient power to govern the camp in
Don Diego's name. Failing that, Alvarado would not trust to promises,
but in that way his person would be secure and he would serve Don
Diego loyally. The latter desired to punish Alvarado, but, seeing
there was no other course open, he agreed to give him the power that
was requested and to appoint him his General, first arranging with
Juan Balsa and others to concert crafty and cautious plans to kill
him. So Alvarado was presently sent a commission naming him General
and Deputy-Governor. When they delivered it to him he tore it up
in front of the officer who had brought it, and spoke ugly words
against Don Diego because it did not include power to displace and
appoint captains, declaring that he was not the man to be contented
with limited power. And as he had heard it said that Juan Balsa had
previously been named for General, he conceived that Balsa must have
intrigued with Don Diego not to give the full powers he claimed. So he
talked with some friends about a way to kill Balsa, by sending to call
him up and then stabbing him. His friends replied they would execute
his command.
So Alvarado sent one of his henchmen to Juan Balsa, requesting him
to be so particularly kind as to come to his house, as he wished to
talk some things over with him. When the messenger arrived and Juan
Balsa, who was not a little wary and cunning, learnt the nature of
his errand, he immediately guessed it was to complain about the
commission Don Diego had sent to Alvarado; and he thought that he
might soothe him by means of smooth words and lure him to the house
of Don Diego, where he could be killed. So he went with the messenger
to García de Alvarado's house, where he was courteously received with
outward goodwill, though with the real object and intention we have
mentioned. When he had come in, García de Alvarado said to him: "I am
astonished, Juan Balsa, that Don Diego should have wished every one
to know that he does not show me the friendship due for the splendid
things I have done in his service and the loyalty with which I have
followed him. Ingratitude is a sin which is not easily forgiven. The
leaders who take part in wars like this, and whom Don Diego treats as
if they were his vassals, endure much at the hands of his friends, and
put up with many things to avoid coming to a rupture with them and
losing his favour. He has chosen to show as much anger with me for
the death of Sotelo, as if his happiness depended wholly upon that
captain's life, and his troubles and misfortunes arose solely from his
death. He does not consider the good reason I had for killing Sotelo,
and the little cause he had to oust me from his service. But after
all, neither does my honour nor my personal existence require that I
should change my fortunes or deny him my friendship. If Don Diego will
consider the times, and how profitable it is to have friends, and will
send me the commission with adequate power, as I asked for it to be,
he shall keep me as devoted to his service as I have been from after
the death of the old Marquis until now."
García de Alvarado believed that Juan Balsa would answer peevishly,
which would afford an occasion for killing him. But Juan Balsa, who
well knew what he was about, replied very blandly, saying that if Don
Diego had not sent Alvarado power in the commission to appoint and
discharge captains, it was owing to an omission by the scrivener, and
that he himself should draw the commission and have it written out for
him, Balsa, to then bring back signed by Don Diego. As for himself,
added Balsa, he wished it so, knowing that it would be advantageous
for them all to have Don García as General. It was true that Don Diego
had nominated him, Balsa, as General some few days previously, but he
had voluntarily declined the charge, desiring that Alvarado should be
the lord and chief over them all, because he was so much looked up to
by the people.
These things, and others of like plausibility, said Juan
Balsa--resourceful man that he was in such contingencies--to García de
Alvarado, under an artful veil of great caution. Alvarado, believing
what Balsa told him, replied very graciously, giving him to know that
he had sent for him to kill him, but now that he understood his views
and good wishes he would always look upon him as a true friend. He
asked him to procure the commission he desired from Don Diego, and let
him know how truly he was his servant and friend. Juan Balsa, after
promising that he would do this, departed for the house of Don Diego,
where he gave him an account of all that had passed between him and
Alvarado. He and others then advised that the commission should be
sent to García de Alvarado in the form he wanted, and that, when time
and place should subserve, he should be killed. Don Diego did not
like it, feeling that the scheme betrayed a lack of courage, and that
he was losing his authority; but, seeing that it was advisable, he
ordered the commission to be made out in the form García de Alvarado
wanted and, after he had signed it, he sent it to him. With this
García de Alvarado felt himself secure, and was content. He went
forth from his quarters well escorted, and was proclaimed in the
public square of the city, to the sound of many trumpets, and was
acknowledged by all the soldiers. Meanwhile Don Diego bided his time
for a chance to kill Alvarado, fearing lest this person might want to
do the same with him as he had done to Cristóbal de Sotelo.
CHAPTER LXVII
_In which the preceding chapter is concluded, down to the death
of García de Alvarado._
With the passing of the events we have narrated, there did not cease
to be deep mistrust between the one party and the other. Some soldiers
insisted to García de Alvarado that he should kill Don Diego, and
march with the remains of his army against Vaca de Castro, wherever
he might appear, for they did not deem it safe to trust Don Diego
any longer, nor others who had shown themselves to be their enemies.
Alvarado, who was very inconstant, but a bold youth to boot, did not
hesitate about doing what his friends advised, or killing Don Diego.
At this time there was, in Juan Balsa's troop, a cavalier named San
Millán,[107] a native of Segovia belonging to the family of the
Bocudos, very rich merchants. He had been one of the _conquistadores_
in various parts of this Realm, and was present at the murder of the
Marquis. He was very liberal and a great spendthrift, having lavished
upwards of 80,000 _pesos de oro_ upon the soldiers in camp. When
García de Alvarado was nominated General, San Millán wished to offer
him his friendship and service; and as San Millán was prodigal of
his means, he pressed Alvarado, after having made him many offers,
to accept the hospitality of his house and friends, at a social
reception he wished to give him. García de Alvarado, knowing that San
Millán's words to him were spoken with good intention, without any
afterthought or admixture of malice, thanked him for the invitation,
and replied that he would be happy to do what San Millán had asked
of him, especially as they might bring together at the reception or
banquet many who were disaffected towards each other, and so promote
friendship among all; and he told San Millán that he might get ready
for any day he wished, as he would like to invite Don Diego. They say
that, after this, García de Alvarado conferred with his friends about
murdering Diego Méndez,[108] Alonso de Sayavedra, Diego de Hoces,[108]
Juan Gutiérrez Malaver,[109] and other captains and soldiers who
were deemed to have been friends of Sotelo. They even resolved to
kill Don Diego de Almagro himself, and after these murders, to send
messengers to Vaca de Castro, offering to deliver up the camp and
render him obedience, upon which Alvarado was to be made captain, so
that he might go forth to explore some remote and unknown portions of
these Realms. After having formed this conspiracy, its authors and
conspirants, who were not few, set about preparing to carry it out,
and García de Alvarado, when he had arranged it, went to Don Diego
and announced that San Millán wished to give an entertainment and had
invited him. He begged that Don Diego would be present and allow the
captains to come too, as it was right that all should enjoy themselves.
Don Diego quite understood that García de Alvarado did not say this
in good faith or of his own choice exactly; but as it seemed that
this might open a way in which to get Alvarado killed, he accepted
the invitation courteously, and observed that he thought it would
be good for them to have some diversion and enjoy themselves. This
being arranged, García de Alvarado took his leave, and returned home
to complete his arrangements, while San Millán went about collecting
all manner of things for the banquet, buying wine at 300 _pesos_
the _arroba_, for the guests to drink. Don Diego conferred with his
friends, and those he most trusted, and concerted plans for them to
be prepared to take García de Alvarado's life at this reception that
he wanted to take place. Juan Balsa, Diego de Hoces,[109] and Juan
Gutiérrez Malaver, Diego Méndez and others, agreed to comply with
the mandate in this affair and leagued themselves against Alvarado.
Being all imbued with this good purpose, the afternoon arrived. Don
Diego had retired to his chamber a little after vespers, and with him
those who were to kill García de Alvarado. Stretched on his bed Don
Diego pretended to be ill, in order that Alvarado should come and want
to take him to the reception or supper, for all had dined already
and there was to be a second repast, at which each party expected
to achieve its deed. Don Diego ordered Martín Cote[110] to take the
guard that night, and see that the soldiers were well supplied with
bullets, for what might happen. Martín Cote sent his ensign with fifty
arquebusiers to carry out the orders given by Don Diego. When they
arrived at the gate of Don Diego's house they were secretly ordered to
fire the salute without bullets, but at the second round to fire with
bullets and to be in readiness to obey further orders. By this time
the supper was ready, and García de Alvarado sent a request, couched
in submissive terms, that Don Diego would come to it, intending to
put into practice what had been preconcerted. Don Diego, who was not
rash where nothing less than his life was concerned, pretended of
set purpose that his illness was worse, so that García de Alvarado
should come to him and there would be a chance to kill him. When the
messenger came, Don Diego answered--"Tell the Captain-general that
I am feeling so unwell that I do not want any supper; but that out
of regard for him I will go presently to where he wishes me to be
present." On the messenger's return, it seemed to García de Alvarado
that it would be bad manners not to go to Don Diego, since it was
plain that he was unwell, and therefore, so that they should get him
to where they wished without arousing suspicion, he said to those who
were with him--"Hi! Gentlemen, let us go to the Governor, for they
tell me he is not well." Thereupon he left his house and went to where
the entertainment was to be, with many men well armed, and shielded by
every precaution. He himself wore his sword and a short coat of mail,
thick and of a fine mesh. On the way he met Martín Carrillo, a fast
friend of his and an enemy to Don Diego. Learning whither Alvarado was
going, Carrillo urged him to go back, for that, if he went on, he was
lost, and if Don Diego should find him in his house it would certainly
be his death.
García de Alvarado, with his usual audacity, turned and said "Who
is man enough to kill me? Let us go. Don't you be afraid; for I am
not." Martín Carrillo, divining the just death that awaited Alvarado,
again warned him not to go, declaring that he would never return from
thence. Alvarado, not heeding these remonstrances, arrived before the
entrance to Xapana, which was where Don Diego had his quarters. On
seeing so many arquebusiers he was troubled. They gave him the salute
without bullets, which reassured him, and he passed and entered the
house. He had no sooner gone in than the arquebusiers reloaded with
bullets. He entered through the _sala_ accompanied by all his friends,
and went on to the room where Don Diego was. The captain of the guard,
Juan de Guzmán, stood at the door. Alvarado pushed abruptly into the
room, asking where was the Governor. As soon as he was inside, with
three or four of his friends, the captain Juan de Guzmán shut the door
and secured it well with a halberd, to prevent the others who had come
with him from entering. Don Diego was much elated that Alvarado had
come to him. He got off the bed where he was reclining, and called
out to those who were with him, "Hi! Gentlemen, let us go to supper."
García de Alvarado said, "What has been your lordship's illness? I am
much troubled to hear that you have not been well." Don Diego answered
that it was nothing now, and that they might well go to supper. As he
said this, Juan Balsa as Lieutenant-general, stepped forward and threw
himself upon García de Alvarado and closed with him saying, "You are
arrested in the King's name." Don Diego, drawing his sword, cried out,
"Arrested, no; but dead--yes!" and so saying he gave Alvarado a bad
wound on the head, while those who were present struck blows at him,
and pierced his body with many wounds. He only exclaimed "God protect
me! where are my friends?" Saying this he fell dead on the floor, and
paid for what he did to Cristóbal de Sotelo. His friends, when they
knew what had occurred, were scared at such a strange proceeding,
and went away, some in one direction and some in another, to hide in
various buildings of the city. Don Diego desired nothing more than to
punish García de Alvarado; and now that he had him dead the Governor
pardoned all those who had figured as Alvarado's friends. Many came
accordingly to kiss hands and to renew their offers of service to him.
On the death of Alvarado there was great relief among the rest of the
Almagro party, for owing to his arrogance and presumption all wished
him ill. He ended by dying a death in conformity with the life he had
led, and paid for his complicity in the murder of the Marquis, the
robberies and outrages he committed, and the death he inflicted on
Sotelo--above all, for his treachery in wanting to gain renown, and
obtain pardon at the expense of the youth Don Diego and the others.
García de Alvarado was a cavalier aged twenty-nine years, of handsome
mien and comely form, ambitious, proud, highly presumptuous, and very
vain. He was very spirited and brave, but fond of low company, and
prone to listen to their advice. They robbed his house, where he kept
a deal of plate, and other articles of value.
By this time the members of the Almagro party had fallen not far
short of effacing each other, and their tyranny had almost triumphed
over themselves, so that it seemed as if it had pleased God our Lord
that the posthumous honours of the Marquis should be celebrated with
the blood of the very men who were foremost in his murder, and in
committing so great an atrocity as that of which they were guilty.
Considering in my own mind the ill-starred deaths of Francisco de
Chaves, Juan de Herrada, Cristóbal de Sotelo, and García de Alvarado,
who were the principal leaders of the Almagro band, and the bad ends
they all came to, I am astonished that the promoters of seditions
and tyrannies which have arisen did not take warning from them, to
estrange themselves from such a hateful and iniquitous thing as the
usurpation of the kingdom from its natural Lord.[111] But the people
in Peru do not know how to take warning from the example of others.
Let us leave this, however, and say a little about the Governor Vaca
de Castro.
FOOTNOTES:
[107] One of the murderers. He was with Pizarro at Caxamarca, and got
his share of the Atahualpa ransom.
[108] Murderers of the Marquis.
[109] Accomplice.
[110] One of the murderers of the Marquis.
[111] He means Charles V, not the Inca Manco.
CHAPTER LXVIII
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro decided to send his army to the
province of Jauja, while he himself went to Lima._
The reader will remember that, farther back, we told how Vaca de
Castro arrived in the province of Guaraz, and how he was acknowledged
as Governor and Captain-general in the name of the King: and other
things. A few days later an assembly of captains and principal
cavaliers was summoned, to consider what ought to be done for the
pacification of the Realm. It was agreed that the captains should be
posted to the command of the several companies, and that they and
the sergeants and other officers were to understand that the war was
undertaken by the Governor Vaca de Castro's orders. He appointed the
captains to their former companies, and issued commissions to them
without making any change except in the case of Pero Alvarez Holguin,
who still looked to be General. But Vaca de Castro wanted that office
and dignity for himself, which Pero Alvarez begrudged him. These
things having been arranged by the Governor, he asked the captains and
principal cavaliers to rejoice and make merry, seeing that the mercy
of God our Lord in uniting their forces together had been very great.
On hearing this, they arranged tournaments with canes and rings;[112]
and the Governor entertained them at his tent. After their festivities
he named the licentiate León as chief magistrate of the camp; and
because Pero Alvarez learnt that his authority as Camp Master was not
to extend beyond military affairs, and not to touch the administration
of justice, he began to complain, and to say that that was how his
services were being requited. Vaca de Castro desired to establish
complete concord among his people; so without withdrawing the duty
given to the licentiate León, he sent to tell Pero Alvarez that, since
he was a gentleman, he should give his attention to serving God and
the King, and that, in the exercise of the office he held, he might
take over certain pikemen over whom to be captain; for the Governor
desired that, except himself, no person there should rank before Pero
Alvarez. With this order all questions ended between the Governor and
his officers and all were content, unless it were the captain Gómez de
Tordoya, who entertained enmity towards Pero Alvarez. Although he was
given a company of mounted men, he would not take charge of them, but
wanted to be merely a private soldier entering into the battle. He was
a very close friend and kinsman of the captain Garcilaso de la Vega,
and tried to persuade him by means of words to take the same course as
himself. Garcilaso wishing to see the realm at peace and to do just
what might be his Majesty's pleasure, would not, in all loyalty, do
anything but what the Governor ordered him.
These things having passed, and the companies having become known
to their respective captains, it was found that they had no good
pikes, which caused them great concern. But there happened to be one
Cervantes there, a resident of Lima, and this man knew where there
was wood suitable for making pikes, in the province of Jauja, where
he held some Indians in _encomienda_. He offered to go and see to
the matter. He went to Jauja and arranged with the Indians to cut
wood in the forests, for making pikes sufficient for the war, and
many very good ones were turned out. The captains then again entered
into consultation with the Governor, and they agreed that it would
be well to send scouts into the province of Jauja to learn the
state of affairs beyond and gain that region for the King. It having
been decided that this should be done, they told off Captain Diego
de Rojas, with troops sufficient for the purpose, to undertake this
duty. Diego de Rojas thereupon set out with those who were to go
with him. After further consultation between the Governor and the
captains it was their opinion that the Governor should go down to the
coast valleys and proceed to Lima, where his lieutenant Aliaga was
in charge, in order to obtain money for the payment of the soldiers,
and to enlist men wherewith to increase his forces. They also agreed
that the captain Pedro Anzures should go to the city of San Miguel and
arrest a certain Santiago, a rich man who lived there, and had plenty
of money, and who had shown himself to be a friend of Don Diego. His
goods were to be sequestrated, and any money of his that they might
find was to be brought to Lima by way of the coast road. So Pedro
Anzures presently set out. Then the Governor ordered the captains Pero
Alvarez and Alonso de Alvarado to lead the troops into the province of
Jauja without halting, and form the camp there pending the Governor's
arrival from Lima to join them. Having ordered these things, Vaca de
Castro proceeded to Lima, sending messengers before him to announce
his approach. As all those who were left in Lima were friends of the
Marquis, they were very glad when they heard that the Governor was
coming, and they gave him a grand reception. He made his entry on the
eve of _Corpus Christi_.
The licentiate Benito Suárez de Caravajal, who was then in Lima, came
out to welcome him, as well as his brother Illán Suárez de Caravajal
the factor, the captain Diego de Agüero, the treasurer Alonso de
Riquelme, the lieutenant Jerónimo de Aliaga and the magistrates, and
with them the Governor Barrionuevo. After they had kissed hands and
the ceremonies usual at similar functions had been gone through, Vaca
de Castro was lodged, and very well regaled by the inhabitants. As he
was entering the city the Factor addressed him in the name of all the
rest, saying that he was as welcome as the _Gran Capitán_ had been in
Italy, as to all that would conduce to the service of his Majesty, and
that he and all the gentlemen of that city were ready to serve him and
do all things in his Majesty's interests, like loyal subjects. The
Governor thanked him and showed pleasure at what the Factor had said.
FOOTNOTE:
[112] Tilting at the ring.
CHAPTER LXIX
_Of what Vaca de Castro did in Lima, of the arrival of the
captains at Jauja, and how Pedro Anzures went to San Miguel._
After the Governor Vaca de Castro arrived in Lima, and was welcomed
and acknowledged as related in the preceding chapter, he was informed
by the factor Illán Suárez, his brother the licentiate, and Francisco
de Godoy, of all the events that had happened there. He put before
them and the other officials and magistrates how the captains Alonso
de Alvarado and Pero Alvarez Holguin had collected a brilliant array
of troops, all desirous of serving His Majesty, and determined not
to rest until the tyranny of Don Diego should be put down. He found
in them all a true and earnest readiness to do the same. In Lima he
also found Gómez de Alvarado,[113] brother of the Adelantado Don
Pedro, with whom he was much pleased. Exertions were made to raise
money, and to collect men to augment his force. They were called up
at the sound of the drum, and when they had all been mustered, Gómez
de Alvarado was made captain of the mounted men, and Juan Vélez de
Guevara of those on foot. At this time Alonso de Alvarado and Pero
Alvarez, with Garcilaso and the rest, had gone forward from Guaraz and
marched by stages until they arrived in the province of Jauja, where
they found Diego de Rojas. They ordered him to advance to the city of
Guamanga[114] and make a fort there, where he was to wait until the
rest of the division should arrive, pending the receipt of news of
what Don Diego was doing, and whether he had departed from Cuzco.
The camp was pitched in Jauja, and the captains and men-at-arms were
well supplied by the _Guancas_, natives of that valley. Vaca de
Castro was at Lima procuring necessaries, where the captain Juan de
Sayavedra, the licentiate Benito Suárez de Caravajal, the captains
Diego de Agüero and Francisco de Godoy, with the secretary Jerónimo
de Aliaga, had attached themselves to him, whilst Montenegro and
other inhabitants of Lima offered to go with him. Diego Gavilán the
_conquistador_,[115] a native of Guadalcanal, did the same, and they
prepared to leave Lima.
The captain Pedro Anzures made such good speed that he soon reached
the city of San Miguel, and arrested Diego de Santiago, from whom
he took 18,000 _pesos de oro_. With this he proceeded to Lima, and
was welcomed by the Governor. The money brought by Anzures supplied
pay and outfits for the soldiers. In the port of Callao there lay
anchored the great galleon, with four other ships. Not knowing what
might be the result of the war, Vaca de Castro thought it well to
hold the sea secure, so as to be able to escape by it if they should
find themselves closely pressed. After having taken the advice of
the senior persons there he appointed Juan Pérez de Guevara, the same
who had gone to settle Moyobamba, to command the ships. He promised
that he would do what he was ordered, in all loyalty. When Vaca de
Castro had put things in order at Lima, he set out on his journey,
and travelled until he arrived in the valley of Jauja, where he
was welcomed by the captains. Diego de Rojas had marched as far as
Guamanga, and ascertained from the Indians that Don Diego was still at
Cuzco, where all the inhabitants were favouring the King's service.
Vaca de Castro now thought it well to set out from Jauja, and they
made preparations, when a thing happened which presently bid fair
to cause much harm. It arose about certain Indians who were wanted
to carry loads for the company of Alonso de Alvarado, but whom Pero
Alvarez, in his capacity as Camp-master, would not supply. Alvarado
was so angry that he sent Pero Alvarez a challenge. When Pero Alvarez
received it he became exceedingly enraged, and was about to meet
his adversary when Vaca de Castro heard of it. In a great hurry,
before the friends of either could take sides, he sent for Alonso
de Alvarado, and ordering him not to go from where he was, the
Governor began to expostulate with him. He appealed to him as the
oldest captain, and one who had always served the king, not to show
enmity for so slight a cause and in such difficult times towards Pero
Alvarez, nor any other captain. Having said these things, Vaca de
Castro then ordered his secretary Pero López to go to Pero Alvarez
and ask him for the letter containing the challenge. Pero Alvarez
answered that he did not treat such things seriously, and that he had
already torn up the letter. The Governor then directed Pero López,
Lorenzo de Aldana, and Francisco de Godoy to go and get the letter;
and Pero Alvarez sent the torn pieces to Vaca de Castro. Francisco
de Godoy, Lorenzo de Aldana, Garcilaso de la Vega and other gentlemen
then intervening, Alonso de Alvarado and Pero Alvarez were induced
to make friends, and they remained on good terms as before. Vaca de
Castro recompensed the native dwellers in Jauja for the supplies they
had given, and distributed the new pikes among the soldiers; and they
prepared to leave Jauja at once.
FOOTNOTES:
[113] This was the elder Gómez de Alvarado (no relation to the other),
one of the old captains of the Adelantado Almagro. He disapproved of
the murder of the Marquis, and of the subsequent proceedings of the
young Almagro, and had therefore remained at Lima.
[114] Now called Ayacucho.
[115] _i.e._, with Pizarro at Caxamarca, and received his share of the
Atahualpa ransom.
CHAPTER LXX
_How Don Diego de Almagro, after the death of García de
Alvarado, determined to prepare for departure from Cuzco; how
he sent one Juan de Aguirre with ten other mounted men to
reconnoitre, and how they were taken and killed._
After the captain García de Alvarado had been killed in Cuzco, as
we have written in earlier chapters, some who had been his friends
expressed discontent on account of his death; and it pleased God that
there should be so much disagreement amongst them that the civil war
they were engaged in should come to an end; and that the youth Don
Diego, constrained by necessity, would either put himself separately
into the hands of Vaca de Castro, or retire, with the few who would
follow him, into the regions lying beyond [the] Maule. Pondering over
the discontent which was showing itself among some of his party, Don
Diego secretly called for Martín Carrillo and Baltasar de Castilla,
and the other leaders, and said to them that inasmuch as he, and
not García de Alvarado, was the person who must provide rewards and
distribute the various tracts of the Realm amongst them, he asked them
all to be faithful friends and such loyal companions, that they would
all count on his constancy. They well knew, he said, the important
reason there was for killing García de Alvarado, and the little
cause that captain had, after Sotelo's death, to mix in conspiracies
against himself and his friends. These and other things said Don
Diego to those who came, and they were content to follow him, and
all of one mind to pursue the course they had entered on. Though the
Indians reported that Vaca de Castro had arrived at Lima, there was no
certainty of his actual position, so it was agreed to send a Biscayan
named Aguirre, with ten other mounted scouts, in the direction
of Guamanga, to see if he could capture anyone from whom to gain
information of what was afoot thereabouts, as it was very important
for them to be posted in what was happening in the lower provinces.
Presently Aguirre and his ten followers started to carry out the order
of Don Diego. By this time all the provinces had information that Vaca
de Castro was at Jauja with a force larger than that of Don Diego.
It therefore seemed to the inhabitants wholesome advice to be on the
winning side, and not to help Don Diego. The party who left Cuzco with
the object I have stated proceeded on their way. In a valley called
_Uripa_ the Indians killed Aguirre, who had gone on ahead from another
village where his companions had tarried. The Indians then attacked
the others and so harassed them that they could not get back to Cuzco.
They withdrew towards Guamanga, where Diego de Rojas was, but the
Indians warned him and they were all captured and judicially executed.
Don Diego heard of this disaster through the Indians, and grieved at
the fate of his scouts, though without letting others know it. He
reflected very seriously and felt that his followers must hasten their
preparations, and look well to their lances, for the whole power of
Peru was uniting against him. He had suspicions of Martín Carrillo and
of a citizen of Cuzco, so he had them arrested, and wrote letters to
Arequipa, to one Idiáquez, in whom he trusted as a friend, asking for
his advice as to what he had better do with these prisoners, whether
to leave them at Cuzco or take them with him. Idiáquez answered that
his advice was neither to take them nor to leave them. Although Don
Diego understood the letter perfectly, he did not care to resort to
such cruelty, and, after a short detention, he released them. He left
Juan Rodríguez Barragán as his lieutenant at Cuzco. The artillery was
in good order, the cannons clean, with the necessary powder. Carts
were brought up for its transport, and Pedro de Candía was the captain
in charge of it.
As it seemed to them now that it was time to leave Cuzco, Don Diego
ordered the captains to lead out their companies, the General
in command being Juan Balsa, a man of little resource. Having
quitted the city they proceeded to pitch their camp in the valley of
Xaquixaguana. Don Diego followed shortly; but Juan Balsa remained in
the city to see that any soldiers loitering there were hustled away.
After he was outside Cuzco, Don Diego was apprised that there were
some in the camp who wanted to make off and go over to the enemy.
These were Pedro Picón. Alonso Díaz, and Juan Montañés, all brave and
capable soldiers.[116] For it seemed to them a bad business that they
were engaged in; they wanted to desert their captain and pass over
to him who came in the name of the king and with power, forsooth,
to pardon them. But although they intended to leave the camp very
secretly, Don Diego got wind of it, and they were promptly arrested,
sentenced to death, and executed by strangulation with a cord, as a
warning to others.
The Inca Manco, hating the Pizarros as he did, on hearing what was
afoot, and that Vaca de Castro was in Jauja, with some of his men at
Guamanga, and that Don Diego had quitted Cuzco, sent his messengers
to Don Diego to tell him that he had retired to _Víticos_, owing to
his evil treatment by Pizarro and the quantity of gold he demanded
of him. For these reasons he made war on the Christians until Don
Diego's father returned from Chile. Owing to the friendship he felt
for his father, if Don Diego would go to Guamanga he would there meet
him in peace. He further informed Don Diego that Vaca de Castro was
in Jauja with a powerful army, and that he had some men at Guamanga.
When Don Diego heard this, he gave orders for Juan Balsa to come away
from Cuzco with the remnant of the soldiers who were there, with all
possible speed; and at the same time he sent word to his lieutenant,
Juan Rodriguez Barragán to hold the city with every precaution and
care. Juan Balsa came accordingly with the rear-guard and such
portion of the baggage as had been left there. In Xaquixaguana the
order of the march was given out, which was that all were to travel
on horseback, none on foot. No soldiers were to leave the camp to
forage for provisions, for they travelled with an ample number of
menials specially provided for that duty. A captain was to accompany
the baggage day by day in turns. The people who were thus gathered
together, if they had not lost Herrada or Sotelo, might certainly have
accomplished some great deed, though it would have been very difficult.
FOOTNOTE:
[116] None of them were actual murderers of the Marquis, though Picón
was an accomplice who waited outside. They saw reason to expect pardon
from Vaca de Castro.
CHAPTER LXXI
_How Don Diego de Almagro and his followers quitted the valley
of Xaquixaguana and set out for the Apurimac bridge, and how
they thought of withdrawing to the Collao._
After the execution of the three Spaniards, it was thought that
all was secure, and that no more of those who followed the banners
of Chile would desert or forsake them. Don Diego ordered that all
should saddle up and be ready to start. The tents were struck, the
soldiers and commissariat men were collected, and everything was
done with such regularity that no camp that had ever been pitched in
that Realm was better managed. The daily stages were not very long.
The various troops were halted in their order, and when the camp was
formed it looked like a town, but an open space for fighting was
always left, where the soldiers could form up in case of a sudden
attack by the enemy. No one had meals in his tent. The tables spread
around bore rations common to all, and terms of brotherhood and close
companionship prevailed throughout. But the course and frailty of
events soon overwhelmed them all with a calamity so great that the
hills of Chupas will give testimony of it for all time. Wherever
they halted there were no idlers. The men-at-arms exercised their
bodies, or engaged in trials of skill with their pikes, while the
mounted troopers did the same, and the arquebusiers practised their
skirmishing. They made reconnaissances, and counter reconnaissances,
and posted look-outs and sentries, all with such marvellous order and
care that it was something to see. The Indians, who followed them
constantly, set up their markets, or _tiánguez_, where necessaries
could be bought. Nevertheless, and although order was kept such
as I have said, and there were few common people among them, but
particularly spirited captains, knights of great bravery, most gallant
soldiers, excellent artillery--yet, it would seem that they were too
few to resist such numerous enemies as had assembled against them.
And therefore, seeing plainly that they held no more land in their
possession than that on which they stood, Don Diego and the captains
in whom he placed most trust consulted together over what would be the
wisest course for them to adopt.
They knew from the Indians and from the Inca himself that Vaca de
Castro was in the province of Jauja, and had augmented the force
which had been collected by the captains who were at Guaraz. And
further, that the whole Realm was turning against them and was paying
no heed to anything but their destruction. They felt, too, that it
would be a great piece of temerity if they presumed to tempt God, or
trust to their luck, so far as to believe that they could overcome
the forces marshalled against them, who were all Spaniards, when they
themselves were so few. Considering what were best to be done in this
business to prevent their enemies, Pero Alvarez Holguin and Gómez de
Tordoya, from triumphing over them, it was concluded that it would
be a profitable thing to advance as far as the Apurimac bridge, so
that information of their going should reach the enemy who, thinking
that of a surety they had gone in search of him, would stay where he
was: whilst they, after crossing the bridge, could make good their
retreat by a track that winds away towards the right into the country
of the Quichuas and thence past the Charcas by a devious route, and
thus evade their many enemies until time should make clear to them
how they must act. But, though these were the plans discussed at this
council, and though they intended to put them into practice, yet it
did not please God that they should carry them through. For there
were persons among them who had committed many murders, and had been
the authors of numerous evil deeds, and they could not be allowed to
escape punishment. So they marched by stages until they arrived at the
bridge over the Apurimac, where they spent some days in repairing it,
as it had been much knocked about and was in a ruinous state. When the
captains and soldiers had passed over to the other side of the river,
with the intention already explained, there put up at the rest-house
of Curahuasi, where Almagro and his captains were already installed,
a priest named Márquez, who, coming from Lima over the uninhabited
wilds, chanced to reach this spot and was freely welcomed by Don
Diego and his people. He told Almagro and his captains privately that
they need not be afraid of giving battle to Vaca de Castro, because
the men who had joined him were not so numerous as had been stated,
nor were they so well provided with arms and other things needful
in war. They took heart from the conversations and remarks of this
priest, and Martín de Bilbao and other captains said that they should
march against Vaca de Castro and give him battle, because he had
joined their enemies and adopted them as his defenders. Don Diego,
too, agreed with him.
Some captains held to the earlier decision, and gave sound reasons for
not pushing forward; but, after discussion, it was finally decided
to go and take up a position at Guamanga and thence search for Vaca
de Castro. They called upon Father Márquez to declare to all the
soldiers the smallness of the force that Vaca de Castro was bringing,
and that it was not fit to oppose the strength and efficiency they
themselves possessed. The priest did this. Afterwards he said mass
before all the Spaniards, and when it was over he affirmed, by that
true body of God which had been in the chalice, that what he had told
the captains and soldiers was fact. On hearing this oath they all
rejoiced. They quitted that place the next day and, keeping the same
order, marched towards Andahuaylas, where the Chief, named Guasco,
had carried off all the provisions to a place of hiding. For being
in the _encomienda_ of the wealthy Diego Maldonado who, he knew, was
with Vaca de Castro, this Chief was unwilling to befriend the opposite
party. Moreover he had a writ from Vaca de Castro empowering him to
kill any Spaniard of the men of Chile's party who should countermand
the Governor's requisitions. When the Spaniards saw that the Indians
were not peaceably disposed, they were enraged with them; but this was
no time to busy themselves with punishing Indians, so they made their
own preparations for getting onward as best they could, having first
despatched the licentiate de La Gama with an embassy to the camp of
Vaca de Castro to discuss peace. Vaca de Castro ordered him and those
who came with him to lodge at Guaylas, which is on the other side of
the river. He listened to the message of the embassy, and remarked
that there were many in the camp of Don Diego who desired to quit the
error of their ways, but had not been able to contrive to do so. The
upshot of this embassy was, that Vaca de Castro directed that Juan
Balsa and another leader from among the principal men should come, and
he would discuss terms of peace with them.
At this time, Don Diego had arrived at the royal residence of Vilcas,
where he made himself secure, and pitched his camp among those ruined
[Inca] edifices, under the superintendence of his Sergeant-major
Suárez, a trusty fellow well versed in affairs of war. Here Don Diego
and his captains determined to send messengers afresh to Vaca de
Castro, in order to treat for peace; and they deemed that it would
be of great help in justifying their claims if two letters were
written, one by Don Diego and the other by his captains. I possess the
originals of those letters, which I here set down word for word, as it
is my habit to do with many others that I put in and will put in. The
messenger who carried them was Lope de Idiáquez. The letter from Don
Diego ran thus:
LETTER FROM DON DIEGO DE ALMAGRO TO THE GOVERNOR VACA DE
CASTRO
"VERY MAGNIFICENT SIR,
News that I have heard has disquieted me to such an extent
that, were it not affirmed by eye-witnesses, I could not have
imagined that your Worship, coming as his Majesty's minister
to establish peace and justice in this his land, is favouring
the very people who have disturbed it: a thing unheard of and
truly unworthy to be believed of such a person, and one so
qualified, who, combining great tact with abilities that many
others have lacked--according to what has been publicly stated
hereabouts--was selected for the Presidency of [the Audience of]
Panamá and for the redress of grievances.
It seems to me that your Worship is adding point to the injuries
done to my father by the Pizarros; for, whilst their followers
are the men who sowed the trouble in these parts, your Worship
comes not to root them out, that the evil seed may be lost,
but conspires with those who have hitherto helped to maintain
it against me and against those who are striving with me to
defend so just a cause, together with the well-merited favour of
the territory and government of New Toledo, which his Majesty
granted to my father for his very signal services.
On account of those services it was his pleasure that I, as a
grateful and dutiful Prince, should enjoy the position after
his day, as your Worship will have learnt from the licentiate
Antonio de La Gama and the assessor Gonzalo Hernández who, I
make no doubt, have been with you now some days. Besides the
credentials I gave them, they carried certain instructions and
drafts to discuss with your Worship; but as I am not certain
whether those about your Worship's person will have taken steps
to prevent my pleas from being heard, or my messengers from
stating them to your Worship on my behalf, I am now sending,
charged with the same, Lope de Idiáquez who, actuated solely
by zeal for his Majesty's service, and free from all bias, as
those who know him are aware, has resolved to undertake this
mission, without my being able to deter him from it, in spite
of its dangerous nature at the present time, owing to the native
Indians waging war and not sparing the life of any Christian;
which natives say and declare that what they do is by your
order, communicated to them by Maldonado, on the part of your
Worship, through his servant named Juan de Pinos, who is now in
their villages, and that Palomino and other dwellers in Guamanga
are spurring them on to act up to it. This has been the cause of
ten Christians being killed, some of whom were on their way home
to Spain with what they possessed; and, in addition to that, the
Indians have seized their holdings. Notwithstanding all these
alarms he [Idiáquez] has been ready to risk his safety in this
praiseworthy effort. He sympathizes with the Indians for the
vast toil and loss of life suffered by them, and recognizes the
great evils that would fall upon this country if your Worship
persist in the aims which I am assured you have in view. He
knows well what has happened in these parts since they were
discovered, what faults the Pizarros have committed, and what
was done against my father and those who followed him. He knows
my intention, for I have declared it; he knows my right [of
possession], and will state my justifications for me as one who
understands how proper and equitable I hold them to be, that
that right may be preserved to me.
And having sent those whom I did send with what I have to say,
but having as yet received no reply from your Worship nor from
them, I am earnestly hoping to learn what moves your Worship
to side with my enemies in this regard. Since therefore, the
bearer will fully and always truthfully explain matters, I
will not dally with the subject, but commit myself entirely to
his statement, which is, that--being aware that your Worship
comes against me with an armed force for my detriment, in
association with my enemies, or it were better to say his
Majesty's enemies--being myself likewise in arms, not against
your Worship but to support you against any who will not
obey your Presidential decrees, as I will do if it should be
necessary--and fearing that your Worship is deceived by those
who appear to me so bent, I quitted Cuzco to go and seek for
you; and on my arrival here I learnt what I have stated, which
scandalized me not a little. So, however, let your Worship
understand that I possess letters patent from his Majesty in
which he constituted this Government in favour of my father,
with a provision that it should devolve upon whomsoever he
should leave it to; and he left it to me, his son, as set forth
in the clause of his will, which, if you have thought proper,
you will by now have seen, for the Licentiate and the Assessor
conveyed it to you with every precaution.
I say that my followers and myself are servants and subjects
of His Majesty, and, as such, we carry the imperial standard
and fight under it in defence of this constitution, until
His Majesty--being informed of the shameful death inflicted
on my father and many of his followers, of the great wrongs
done him and them, and of how the Pizarros killed him to rob
him of what was his, that they might bribe whom they thought
fit and become sharers of his property in despite of his heir
[and such abominable outrages should never reach his Majesty's
ears]--shall send to order whatever action will best conduce
to his service. And if I should learn that the issue of his
pleasure is that I am not to hold this Government in his name, I
will resign it, together with the arms; and I and those about me
will go, without any delay, to justify ourselves on bended knee
before his imperial presence.
In case your Worship should not have joined with, or should
sever yourself from, my enemies, you will receive my obedience
accordingly; but I declare to your Worship that, in the
contrary event, my followers and myself will defend the
boundaries of this Government, and oppose ourselves against all
who would usurp them. Frankly, therefore, see the evils that may
arise, and weigh well the situation, and the great disservice
to God and to his Majesty. Consent not that the clouds which
have gathered shall pour forth, and plunge the subjects of his
Majesty, and the natives of this hapless land, in wretchedness
yet greater than they have suffered in the past, which is not a
little. Do not bring upon them the miseries of war; but, laying
arms aside, let your Worship rest with the government of New
Castille, and leave me with this which his Majesty has conferred
upon me, where I shall see that the roads are opened up, and
the Indians live in peace, and his Majesty's good pleasure is
known, for that will I obey. And this I commend to your Worship
not once, but twice, and thrice over, and as many times as of
right I may and ought, in God's behalf and that of his Majesty;
and as to the injuries and loss of life that must result in the
land and among the natives of the soil, which are very pitiful
to behold, and also the losses of royal fifths, so long as your
Worship and those of your party remain obdurate, be they upon
your Worship's head and upon the heads of your followers, and
not upon mine and my companions'! For your Worship comes not
wanting peace--though you were sent to promote that, and not to
foment war--but with sword in hand and the favour of my enemies,
to slay me and mine for defending his Majesty's territory, which
he has conferred upon me by commission. And therefore, being
unwilling to gloss over these scandals, I say that the cause of
them will be laid to your Worship's account. If you do not seek
me out I will endeavour to delay this affair for so long a time
as I may be able to, and while not constrained to strike in my
own defence; pending a knowledge of what course his Majesty may
be pleased to direct to be taken in reference to the despatch
which Jerónimo de Surbano carries from me, and who is by now
surely in yonder country [Spain] with it. But if your Worship
acts to the contrary I shall not quit the field until one or the
other side lies vanquished.
And I pray to God to hear me, now as in the past, that I
may inspire the whole country with devotion to his Majesty,
and restore his royal fifths and estates which have been so
plundered in the past, and daily look to be yet more so, by the
disturbers of the peace who have come from Cuzco. Furthermore,
I would bring the Inca, the natural lord of these parts, to his
allegiance, for it is my enemies who have been the cause of his
not submitting through my intervention before; and I hope to see
this very soon, for though he is an Indian he recognizes the
treasons and misdeeds of the Pizarros and their adherents, as
such, and the justice and right that are on my side, and upholds
me. Thus the Inca leads the way for me in making war upon those
false servants of his Majesty; and against your Worship likewise
(unless you change your front) for having linked yourself with
them. Yet I hold it for sure that your Worship can have no
desire to injure me, if it be, or has been, in your power to do
so. Farewell.
Vilcas, the fourth of September of [the year] one thousand five
hundred and forty-two."
DIEGO DE ALMAGRO.
The foregoing letter was given by Don Diego de Almagro out of his own
hand to Lope de Idiáquez; and also this other, from the Captains,
which, taken from the original without altering a sentence or anything
else, ran word for word thus:--
LETTER FROM THE CAPTAINS OF DON DIEGO TO THE GOVERNOR VACA DE
CASTRO
"ILLUSTRIOUS SIR,
We have not yet heard the thunder of justice which your Lordship
comes to establish in these parts, nor seen the flash of the
justice you wish to afford us, for we have been blind these many
days. Your Lordship was right in holding us to be servants and
vassals of his Majesty; but we could not persuade ourselves that
we are so if we let pass in silence what we hear, and did not
announce to your Lordship what the service of God and of his
Majesty appears to us to be. Of this we are confident, that,
if your Lordship takes the opinion of our enemies, in nothing
will you advance the cause of peace in preference to war. God
loves peace, and in his name Don Diego de Almagro loves it out
of respect for God and his Majesty's interests. We also desire
it as being his right, and because we see him inclined towards
every good purpose. And as a messenger offers who will give
your Lordship a full account of our wishes, we refer you to
him. Further we say, that his Majesty's interests cannot be
served by a war and the deaths of so many people; and since,
coming as your Lordship does in company with our enemies, this
cannot be avoided, we beseech your Lordship to part from them,
and, placing yourself between us as mediator, strive to bring
about some sort of agreement until his Majesty, on being made
aware of what has occurred, and of the justice of Don Diego's
cause, shall decide according to his royal will. For we, who
have hitherto helped, and will continue to help until death, to
maintain the privilege which his Majesty granted to Don Diego's
father, and to Don Diego himself in his name, of this government
of New Toledo, do declare to your Lordship that, if you persist
in opposing it by force of arms, you will find us on its
frontier defending it against all the world until his Majesty
may otherwise command: and unless we know that, of his imperial
pleasure, he has issued a command to us to the contrary, we
fight until those of one party are vanquished.
Now that our rights and our minds are known to your Lordship,
also our equipment of artillery, munitions, friends, and arms
and the rest, as well as very stout wills to attack against
odds, we supplicate you, again and again, for some fair
arrangement for peace. Being all in agreement, we unanimously
ask this from your Lordship in the name of God and his Majesty,
with all the respect we owe and are under obligation to observe.
If it be refused, we protest that all the harm, shortages,
deaths of men, losses of land and of its natives, deterioration
of royal fifths and estates, will lie at the doors of your
Lordship and of those who are banded with you, as persons who
on account of their private interests do not desire peace, but
neglect the service of our King for the sake of profit, and do
not support the Governor and Ministers. So then we approach you
betimes and peacefully, and, finding your Lordship, as we are
informed, thus committed to war against subjects of his Majesty
among whom you were sent here to preserve harmony, we ask for
that which it is your bounden duty to promote.
And why is it that Pero Alvarez and Tordoya, and the passionate
men who went from here in their company, and have now been
received into yours, are now urging you to come against Don
Diego and us who follow him, giving you to understand that
of the people who favour him, some, on hearing the King's
name, will go over to your Lordship, and others will make off
to Chile, so that you would be able to become a great lord
and acquire land without risking anything? To this we reply
that Don Diego, and we who are with him, have the will of his
Majesty, and the good of his service more at heart than our own
lives and properties. We, therefore, support his royal decrees;
and since you have sheltered yourself under the protection
of our enemies and come against us in such ruthless fashion,
seeking to destroy us and put to death those of us whom they
list, we now assure your Lordship that, in the hour when we hear
that your Lordship is moving against Don Diego, we shall march
to do battle with minds galled by the ill treatment we have
received and expect to receive, from your Lordship, if we do not
defend ourselves. It seems to us that in this course we fulfil
a duty we owe to God and to our King, so that we at no time
fail to be deemed his true subjects and vassals, and jealous
guardians of his honour like faithful servants. And wishing to
be the same towards your Lordship we cannot exaggerate the boon
we should feel it if your Lordship would ponder this deeply and
become a mediator, and not remain partial on the side of the
most unjust cause in the world. But if peradventure you will not
reconsider it, we trust that God will make his justice manifest,
as in the past. Feeling sure that your Lordship will see that
what we ask is the best, we will not prolong our argument any
further. From Vilcas, September fourth one thousand five hundred
and forty-two.
Juan Balsa (_killed in flight_)[118]
Diego de Hoces (_hanged_)[117]
Diego Mendez (_killed for the murder of the Inca Manco_)[117]
Martin de Bilbao (_killed in battle at Chupas_)[117]
Cardenas (_hanged_)[118]
Pedro de Candia (_killed by Don Diego at Chupas_)
Martin Cote (_hanged_)[117]
Juan Gutierrez Malaver[118]
Pedro de Oñate (_hanged_)[118]
Juan Perez (_hanged_)."[118]
When this letter had been written it was entrusted to Lope de Idiáquez
for him to deliver to Vaca de Castro, and he was to do his best to
avoid any breach, adhering to the saying of Cicero that he had "never
known a peace so bad but it was not better than a good war." Although
Don Diego and his captains could easily have enjoyed peace if they
had been so minded, yet people desirous of laying violent hands on
what does not belong to them are not wont to keep or appreciate that
blessing. Idiáquez intended to conduct the negotiations in such a way
that they should have a good ending.
FOOTNOTES:
[117] Murderers of the Marquis Pizarro.
[118] Accomplices.
CHAPTER LXXII
_How the Governor Vaca de Castro quitted the province of Jauja
for the city of Guamanga, where the captain Diego de Rojas then
was._
After the Governor, Vaca de Castro, had adroitly restored friendship
between the captains Alonso de Alvarado and Pero Alvarez Holguin, and
had distributed among the soldiers all the arms that were there, he
addressed them, urging them to prove themselves strong men, and so
firm that, by chastising the insurgents, the country might be free
from oppression and his Majesty absolute lord of the land. For the
despatch of business he brought with him as his secretary Pero López,
a native of Llerena, as we have already said, and he ordered him to
keep the letters which the licentiate de La Gama and the assessor
Gonzalo Hernández had brought. And as the infantry had already begun
to march out, an order was given to the cavalry to do the same, and
the Guancas were requested, in friendly words, to provide Indians for
carrying the munitions and camp baggage, which they did. When all was
in order, the Governor set out, with the royal standard of the eagle
carried by Rodrigo de Campo. They marched in good order until they
reached the village of _Picoy_, where they had a short rest, being
anxious to get on to Guamanga, where Diego de Rojas had taken up a
position and prudently built a fortress for his garrison to remain
entrenched in if he should be attacked by the enemy. As it was thought
certain throughout the Realm that there would be a battle between the
factions of Pachacama and Chile,[119] public prayers were offered up,
especially in the city of Lima, where they made great sacrifices to
our God, the monks of all the orders going forth in processions, and
praying for Divine aid, and that the victory might be given to Vaca de
Castro, because he was waging war in the name of the king. The Spanish
women, on their part, did the same, and fearing lest victory might
fall to the Chile party, they put their goods and chattels on board
the ships, intending, if the news should prove bad, to embark also
themselves.
Diego de Rojas received word that Don Diego was at Vilcas, and sent
messengers to Vaca de Castro, urging him to come to Guamanga with all
possible speed, to forestall the enemy's approach. When this news
reached the Governor at Parcos it caused great excitement, as if the
enemy were already charging lance in hand, and the alarm was given at
once. The Governor, in a state of perturbation, went from place to
place, ordering his troops to march off in haste and occupy Guamanga.
He ordered Captain Pedro Anzures to rush back and call up Alonso de
Alvarado, who had dropped behind with his company of lancers, as well
as the rest of the people who were still on the road. Pedro Anzures
went back and gave the news to Alonso de Alvarado, who presently
arrived at Parcos. The Governor then advanced, going down by the way
where Juan Chico was killed, when the ill-fated de Morgobejo retired
to die on the heights of _Lunahuana_. From there Vaca de Castro
ordered Lope Martín to push forward on horseback to Guamanga and find
out whether Diego de Rojas had any further news. He came back with the
same news they had before. As some of the companies of foot had gone
far ahead, the Governor gave orders for them to be halted until the
whole force was together. At _Vinaque_ he pitched the camp with them
all united. From the scouts sent out by Diego de Rojas, the news came
that Don Diego was marching down from Vilcas to occupy Guamanga. This
report caused more excitement than the former one, and Vaca de Castro
held a consultation with his captains, whereat it was decided to push
briskly forwards so as to reach Guamanga before Don Diego could enter
it. They began their march in great disorder, so that, if the enemy
had been near, they would easily have been routed. On arriving at
Guamanga, the various sections entered the _plaza_, and mounted the
culverins they had brought with them, at the ingress to the streets.
They remained there that night, and next day the truth was learned,
which was that Don Diego was still at Vilcas, and had not started nor
moved his men the distance of an arquebus shot. The Governor passed
out from the city on the side towards Vilcas, the tents were pitched,
and the captain Pedro Anzures arrived with the laggers behind and the
baggage train, so that all were united.
FOOTNOTE:
[119] _i.e._ of Vaca de Castro and Diego de Almagro.
CHAPTER LXXIII
_How Idiáquez arrived at the camp of Vaca de Castro to treat
for peace just when the Governor wanted to send messengers to
Vilcas._
Vaca de Castro and his captains consulted together, after the camp had
been pitched in the manner related, as to what should be their next
step, being now so near the enemy. All agreed that messengers should
be sent to Don Diego, demanding that he should withdraw his unjust
pretensions, enter his Majesty's service, and deliver up his banners
and troops. The messenger was also to take letters and despatches to
some of his principal adherents. The Governor had just ordered his
secretary to get the letters written when Lope de Idiáquez and the
factor Mercado arrived and went in to see Vaca de Castro. The letters
of Almagro and his captains were presented together with the protocol
of terms proposed, which were that Vaca de Castro should disband the
force he had collected, that Don Diego would do likewise with his,
that Vaca de Castro would withdraw to Lima and remain there as Chief
of New Castille, and that Don Diego would return to Cuzco and the
province of New Toledo until the king should make his pleasure known;
and other things not needful to quote. The Governor Vaca de Castro
displayed some anger and vexation at the letters they had written
to him. But he had doubts whether to pursue the war, and privately
desired peace, knowing that there would be a great slaughter, since
there were men of such fortitude and undaunted spirit on both sides,
and that it would lie in his hands to give battle, but in God our
Lord's to award the victory to whom He pleased. So, wishing in his own
mind to avoid a day so critical as must be that on which the battle
would take place, he had his most influential supporters summoned to
a consultation, together with his captains, and they discussed the
question of what they ought to do, somewhat hotly. They decided that
Vaca de Castro should write to Don Diego and to all his captains, in
a kindly and mild tone, to attach them to the service of his Majesty
and to propose that Juan Balsa should come to the royal camp to ratify
peace, while, to fully assure him of safety and that he need not be in
any fear of treachery, Alonso de Alvarado would go to Don Diego's camp.
So the Governor ordered his secretary, Pero López, to write the
letters forthwith, urging Don Diego to yield to the call of his
Majesty's service, and reminding him of the labours undergone by his
father to acquire honour and fame; so that he should not lose, by his
conduct, all that the old Adelantado had gained. The letter to Don
Diego pointed out too that nothing had been altered by his father's
death, as it was understood that he [the son] lacked level-headed and
prudent men to give him temperate advice but that, nevertheless, he
ought not to pin his faith on arms and artillery alone, for if the
conscience be not clear, force avails but little, seeing that it is
ordained from above by command of the Most High God that justice must
prevail. Besides this, he wrote other things counselling him what was
proper, and bidding him give ear to what Lope de Idiáquez and the
factor Mercado would say, from him, when they should get back. Letters
were also written to the captains, urging them to join the service of
the king, and they gave private letters to the messengers for many
other persons in the camp.
CHAPTER LXXIV
_How Vaca de Castro, notwithstanding that he had entered into
these negotiations, sent Alonso Çamarilla as a spy to the camp
of Don Diego, with letters to many who were there, and how he
was captured by Juan Diente when scouts were sent out from
Vilcas, and on confessing what he went for, was put to death._
Having issued the despatches to the messengers who were to carry them,
the Governor Vaca de Castro resorted to a precaution, by which he
sought, privily and without the messengers who were engaged in the
negotiations knowing it, to send a spy. This spy was a certain Alonso
García Çamarilla, a great walker whom we mentioned in an earlier book,
when he was sent by Hernando Pizarro, during the siege of Cuzco, to
Yucay with Manco Inca. They then wanted to kill him, but he escaped
from thence by his swiftness of foot, because his place of sepulture
was destined to be at Vilcas. In all the land there was not a man
ready and fitted to act the spy, unless it were this one, and Juan
Diente who captured him, as we shall relate. Having removed his beard
and casting off his Spanish clothes, he put on the garb of an Indian,
rubbed his lips and back teeth with that precious herb which grows
on the skirts of the Andes, and leaving the sword of which he was
unworthy, he took a staff in his hand, and in a pouch or small wallet
he put the letters which Vaca de Castro gave him for the camp of Don
Diego. Having acquainted himself with the features of that camp and
the method that was observed in it he was to return with all diligence
and make his report. In such wise was Alonso García despatched, that
anyone who saw him set forth from the camp would, of a certainty, have
believed he was some Indian. Lope de Idiáquez and the factor Mercado
also took their leave of the Governor.
At this time the Chile faction, after they had despatched those who
were to treat for peace, were very watchful in their camp. They sent
scouts out in all directions, that their enemies might not take
them unprepared; and one day it fell to the lot of Juan Diente, an
excellent soldier and great walker, to go out scouting. He struck away
to the right of the position of Vilcas, near some snowy mountains, and
went up to the crest of a ridge to see if by chance any Spaniard might
be coming in the direction of Guamanga. Alonso García was then coming
along, and had a mind to pass that way; he was seen, however, by Juan
Diente who thought he was an Indian, as the man's dress led him to
assume. Nevertheless Diente went briskly down towards the place where
he had seen him. Alonso García, who travelled by no means unwarily,
raised his eyes to the high crests and snowy tracts above and noticed
the Spaniard coming down. Seeing that he was one of the enemy he
turned back into another path which led to some great rocks and deep
caves. Diente, who excelled him in agility, got down with no little
difficulty; and following the other's trail, his great experience
told him that the man in front was not an Indian. He went forward and
presently he overtook him already hiding in one of the caves. Though
Alonso García was a tremendous walker and a unique spy, he came at
last to be captured by Juan Diente, who was a better, though no other
man in the country was his equal. Having secured him, Diente took him,
as a prisoner, to the camp at Vilcas; where, in obedience to military
exigency, and notwithstanding that he had been a soldier of the old
Adelantado's, they tortured him until he confessed that he came as
a spy, and with letters from Vaca de Castro, and other things. In
payment for his activities, and the mischief those activities would
have brought upon the men of Chile if Juan Diente had not outwitted
and captured him, Don Diego ordered that Çamarilla should be hanged.
When they were about to fix the rope round his neck he said these
words: "By the pass in which I am, I tell you that there are a
thousand and one hundred fighting men against you, very well equipped,
and thoroughly bent on your destruction. This I say because, although
you are taking my life, it irks me that you should be undone." Then
the rope was tightened, and he yielded up his soul.
The words that Juan Diente[120] spoke to those indomitable captains
and soldiers with such earnestness caused no fear in the minds of
those who were no more than five hundred and fifty, while their
enemies numbered one thousand one hundred. With great uproar, grasping
their beards in their hands, they declared that they would not be
a party to any terms for peace, but rather would they give battle
undaunted by any power that might come against them. I know not what
cause may have inspired the few to feel so little fear against the
many, for they had all been born in that country which is comparable
to a bullock's hide.[121] And in truth, it was ordained that many or
all of them for their sins were never again to see the land of their
birth. Cruel fortune was about to make an end of the warriors from
Maule, and overthrow the Chilean faction at a single blow. Fired with
enthusiasm they one and all vehemently sought for battle, though I
cannot tell whether they sought it through the stimulus of valour or
overmastering anger. Some there are whom fear of expected disaster
drives to risk every danger; and these waited very anxiously to
see what result the negotiation, that Lope de Idiáquez had gone to
conduct, might have. One Francisco Gallego went over to the enemy
whilst out scouting, and before that, Juan García, Pero López de
Ayala, Diego López Becerra, and others who had been friends of García
de Alvarado had done the same. But although these had escaped, and
it was clearly known that some others had the same desire, this was
not enough to daunt the Almagrists, or put fear into their adamantine
hearts, for they already held the latter cause fixed in their breasts.
FOOTNOTES:
[120] Should be Çamarilla.
[121] Spain in geographical outline.
CHAPTER LXXV
_How the messengers returned to the camp at Vilcas, no way being
found that could lead to peace, so that they had to trust to
arms for the defence of their cause._
When the letters were given to Alonso García, neither Lope de Idiáquez
nor the factor Mercado observed it, because the others took care
that they should not know or understand. They left Guamanga with the
letters and despatches they were given, and travelled until they
reached Vilcas. The terms demanded by Vaca de Castro were then made
known. He required the Almagro camp to be broken up, and that Martín
de Bilbao, San Millán, Diego de Hoces, Juan Rodríguez Barragán,
Martín Cote and the others who had been concerned in the death of the
Marquis, should be given up to him; and promised that the fullest
mercy would be shown to Don Diego in the name of his Majesty. To
effect this settlement Juan Balsá was to go to Guamanga, and the
captain Alonso de Alvarado was to come to Vilcas, so as to avoid by
this plan the vast evils that would result if the war continued.
The captains resolved to meet and consider what should be done, Don
Diego and the messengers being also present at the consultation. After
some discussion they decided to send Juan Balsa to offer that if Vaca
de Castro would pardon the murderers, they would abide by his terms
as regards everything else. While affairs were in a fair way to reach
this conclusion, a letter came on the scene, which Agamenon had
written to Pedro de Candía, his father-in-law, inciting him to tamper
with the artillery, for he saw that he had gone astray and was acting
against the service of his royal Majesty, and warning him that, such
was the strength of the Governor's forces, the Almagro party could
not fail to be conquered, and that then they would be looked upon as
traitors: and other things in like strain. This letter was brought
from the aforesaid Agamenon by an Indian, and at the time when he
delivered it, this Indian was asked whether any other Spaniard had
seen the letter: he replied that the messengers had read it. Pedro
de Candía, on reflection, then guessed that this was a snare laid to
entrap him;[122] so without reading the letter he went straight to
the consultation of officers which was just then in progress, where
he showed the letter and read it openly. At this, the lives of the
messengers came near being forfeited there and then: so monstrously
indignant were Don Diego and the others on seeing that while in one
hand they brought an appeal for peace, they craftily waged war with
the other. In a raging passion all swore that they would conquer or
die, ordering the messengers to go back with that for an answer,
and tell the enemy to hurry up, and that neither they nor any other
messengers were to return again with overtures, if they valued their
lives. Thus was every way towards peace closed. The messengers did not
dally, but promptly got their horses and were hustled out of the camp.
Don Diego de Almagro, mounted on a powerful steed, ordered a general
muster of all his men in the _plaza_, which occupied a triangular
space between the ruined palaces and the temple of the sun. As they
were all so fond of the youth there was little slackness in obeying
his command, and stationing himself in the midst of them all, Don
Diego thus addressed them:
"Oh my companions and loyal friends!--I well believe that none of
you are ignorant of the great merits, valour and liberality of the
Adelantado Don Diego de Almagro, my father, or unaware that his was
the first sword to reclaim from their savagery the multitude of
barbarians in this region and in those which extend as far as the
river Maule, thus bringing many of them under the Spanish yoke and
into the royal service. He was the ladder by which the Pizarros rose,
in recompense for which he was most cruelly deprived of his life.
Afterwards, through lack of attention in Spain in providing for the
administration of justice for which we waited, and finding, as was
publicly known, that the Judge who was coming would be disposed only
to add to our troubles and forlorn condition, and would not afford us
justice (as he had been appointed through the influence of that warm
befriender of the Pachacama party, Cardinal Loaysa) and seeing that we
were denied on all sides the justice we had so long been expecting,
it pleased God to lift the veil from his hidden judgments and, that
they might be known now and for ever, to let the Marquis pay with his
life for the death which through his cruelty and that of his traitor
brother had been inflicted on my father. Well! since our Lord put
such fortitude and spirit into your hearts that without difficulty
you became indomitable men ready for any deed of strength, willing to
suffer great hardships, hunger, cold and heat, I entreat you, in all
earnestness, not to fail now, when fortune calls upon us to defend our
lives and honour, which are poised but on the points of our lances and
in the bullets of our arquebuses. Therefore I bid ye sally forth from
this fort with willing heroism to seek out our enemies, and to let
them understand the gallantry and courage with which our persons are
endowed. And should it not please God to give us the glory of victory,
we shall at least sell our lives at such a price that no one else will
care to purchase them, whilst winning perpetual fame by our deeds.
Upon that soldier who shall bring me an enemy's head, from that moment
I will bestow the lordship of his victim's _repartimiento_, and, if he
should have been a married man, the victor shall step into his place
in the marriage chamber, and enjoy the society of the widow."
Young Don Diego had scarcely finished his speech when the soldiers,
raising their right hands, shouted clamourously to be led to battle.
So the camp was at once broken up and next day they marched to
_Pomacocha_, a strong position, where they proposed to halt, and even
to wait until they could know whether the enemy had quitted Chupas to
offer battle at _Sachabamba_, a suitable, open plain where artillery
could be effectively used. But as Death was now hovering over their
heads, in their eagerness and impetuosity they had the tents struck
again, and insisted on moving forward to pass the night at Sachabamba,
intending next day either to come face to face with the enemy, or
march into Guamanga.
FOOTNOTE:
[122] As his name implies, the wily Pedro was a Cretan.
CHAPTER LXXVI
_How the messengers arrived at the camp of Vaca de Castro, how
it was learnt that Don Diego had left Vilcas, how Pedro Anzures
went to reconnoitre; and how the opposing forces approached to
give battle, each leader animating his men and exhorting them to
fight._
The time was now approaching when the hills of Chupas would be
sprinkled with the blood of men who were born in Spain, to bear
witness in future times that the herbs and stunted bushes growing on
them are seedlings sprung from Spanish elements. And you! ghosts of
Tabogan captains, if one may call you such, there in the place where
your deeds have laid you, gaze upon the fabric you have woven, and
watch how your ever-binding oath is accomplished to the utmost! Ay,
remember the famous Incas, with their Huayna Capac, and consider
the dire vengeance being exacted for the ruin brought about in the
Yupanqui lineage, and whether other weapons were not called for
rather than those by whose means rash men brought about and wreaked
that havoc. And you Romans! who so exalt the events that occurred
in your Rome during the civil wars, see how there arose another mad
struggle, near the equator, so long-drawn that eleven years sped
by before it ended, wherein there were not wanting its Curios, its
Scaevolas, its Centalios, nor its Brutuses! For in this war, while
hearts were transfixed by lance, and bullets tore by their impetuosity
the entrails and the caul, as if to cast the soul out by the mouth,
some gave the battle cry "Almagro!" and others "Pizarro!" but all
shouted for "the King!" I know not how I shall set about relating such
a horror, nor which side I can lock upon as in the right, but, after
all, tyranny is a fearsome and hateful thing before the divine throne.
And since I must not leave unfinished the task I have begun--though
many times I have stayed my hand, and thrust the paper on one side
that we might escape the sooner from such pangs--it will be necessary
to relate what Lope de Idiáquez and the factor Mercado did when they
left the camp which was about to become a sacrifice to its own folly.
They were not a little glad to find themselves clear of it, and at
once made for Guamanga.
The Governor, Vaca de Castro, having sent the messengers, and with
them, as their text, the law of the _Partida_, which, according to
the lawyers, declares those who deny obedience to the king to be
traitors, he held a consultation with the principal leaders in his
camp. Learning from the Indian Chiefs that Don Diego had departed
from Vilcas, and suspecting that he might be going by the route of
Guaytara to Lima, where he would do even more harm than when he killed
the Marquis, Vaca de Castro moved his forces from where they had
halted, and marched that day, which was a Friday, until they took up
a position on the level ground of _CHUPAS_. This was done on
the advice of them all.
That night there was a storm so violent that nothing short of torrents
of water fell from the clouds and thickness, accompanied by loud
peals of thunder, insomuch that the very elements appeared to be
enemies. They passed a very troublous night, for many soldiers had
no protection from the rain for the arms they would have to fight
with on the following day; and if the armies should meet it seemed
likely that the artillery and arquebuses could do little harm. If
this battle were being joined in Spain, or if one host encountered
another in Italy, there would be no cause for wonder, and nothing
need be stated beyond the fact that two thousand men met to kill each
other. But it is a striking and remarkable thing that, after making
such protracted voyages as those by way of the Southern Ocean, and
arriving in driblets a few at a time, so many of our people should
join together, and that, though in the aggregate their numbers are not
large, they should cause all the nations and regions from the Strait
to the uttermost parts of the land to tremble, without the barbarians
daring to oppose them. I know well that two thousand Spaniards outside
my country, wherever they may be, are feared, and that they can carry
on civil war with terrible savagery, as will presently be shown by the
case of a soldier who filled the post of Sergeant-major in the force
of Vaca de Castro.[123] Never was a Marius, or Sylla, a Dionisius,
or Falaris, his equal in cruelty; for in every phase of cruelty he
showed himself a past master of the class I have mentioned and the
trees[124] from Quito to the hill-crest of Potosí bear witness to it.
And now when the night was far spent and the falling snow had
scattered many of its flakes over the face of the country, and the
weather seemed clear enough to go forth, the Governor Vaca de Castro
ordered a reconnaissance to be made. Presently a very laughable thing
happened, which was that Don Pedro Puertocarrero, and one Juan de
Mora, straying apart from the rest of the scouts, came to where there
were some crags and great rocks. In the twilight Don Pedro thought
they were the enemy's patrols and that he could dash through them
to give notice to his captain, so he put his lance to the rest and
charged the rocks in such fashion that the lance was shivered to
pieces, and his horse and himself nearly broke their necks. Those
who went out to reconnoitre that morning did get sight of the enemy
scouts, and reported it to Vaca de Castro. Little time elapsed before
the factor Mercado and Lope Idiáquez arrived where the Governor was,
and reported what had occurred, and how the men of Chile had been
minded to kill them; and finally that war was certain, and peace quite
out of reach, for the enemy would brook none but what they might win
at the point of their lances. They said that there were five hundred
Spaniards at Vilcas, well armed and mounted, and some experienced
fighting men amongst them, all firmly resolved to conquer or die. On
hearing this the Governor ordered his secretary Pero López to enter
it in the records together with the letters from Almagro and his
captains. He then called a meeting of all his captains and combatant
officers, and said to them: "You are aware of the correspondence I
have had with Don Diego and his followers who are accomplices with
him in the tyranny they have set up. To avoid bloodshed and for the
service his father rendered to his Majesty I was anxious that this
boy should not be lost, but he has refused to repent and enjoy the
clemency and the pardon his Majesty would have granted him. On the
contrary, he was on the point of murdering the ambassadors, and, not
to mention the crafty and insincere letters he has written to me,
now comes against us to give us battle with tyrannical fury, and an
insatiable greed to usurp and rule over the Realm: a thing to which
we cannot consent, nor allow such a great calamity to befall. That
our men may take heart, and that punishment proportionate to so
great a crime may be dealt, my decision is that he and his defenders
are traitors, and that whatever may be found in his camp is lawful
plunder."
The captains Alonso de Alvarado, Pero Alvarez Holguin, Garcilaso
de la Vega, Diego de Rojas, Pedro de Castro and the Sergeant-major
Francisco de Caravajal, and the rest who were present, replied
that Vaca de Castro was Governor on behalf of the King, and very
learned in letters, and that therefore they, as his executive, would
support him in all things he might feel it right to be done. When
the meeting broke up, the drums were sounded, the soldiers stood to
their arms and, in a loud voice that all might hear, Don Diego and his
confederates were proclaimed as traitors, unless they should surrender
within six days from the date of summons. The soldiers of the King
were given free leave, also, to loot the enemy's camp. Vaca de Castro
did not hold a commission to proclaim this on his own authority, nor
had his Majesty given him powers to that effect; but in such times war
must be conducted in a way to instil fear. Having done this, Vaca de
Castro retired into his tent, lifted up his hands before a crucifix,
and besought God for aid, for he knew how strong His desire was for
peace and how He deprecated war.
At this time the men of Chile were about a league from the Pachacama
forces. Don Diego held a consultation with his officers to decide what
should be done. There was some difference of opinion. Some thought
that they should give battle to their enemies, which could easily be
done. Others said that victory would be easier to gain by going out to
the spur of Chupas, wheeling to the right, and marching into Guamanga.
Having occupied that city the enemy would run short of provisions, and
soon be in such straits that he would have to seek for them, whilst
themselves, having by then chosen a position and formed a camp, would
have the artillery so planted that the enemy would be broken up by
it. This seemed a good plan to all present, and they set to work to
carry it into effect; it being agreed that if the enemy should come
against them on the way they must give them battle without waiting for
anything else. Presently they started off accordingly, sending out
scouts in all directions.
FOOTNOTES:
[123] Francisco de Carbajal, afterwards the lieutenant of Gonzalo
Pizarro and a ruthless executioner of traitors to his cause.
[124] From which he hung his victims.
CHAPTER LXXVII
_How the captains Castro and Pedro Anzures went out to
reconnoitre, and how the royal army advanced to give battle,
each captain encouraging his men and exhorting them to fight._
Now approached that fateful Saturday[125] on which the battle was
fought. All the heights of Chupas, and their steep slopes, were
crowded with the natives of those regions, some following the Almagro
faction, some the party of Pachacama. In both camps there were many
_pallas_,[126] natives of Cuzco much beloved by the Spaniards, whose
feeling they reciprocated, delighting to dwell in the service of such
doughty men and to act as proxies for their lawful wives in Spain.
When they saw the last day of the war at hand they foresaw the death
that must befall their lovers and wandered, wailing and dishevelled,
according to the custom of the country, from place to place. The
Indians made such a clamour that it was heard over the valleys and
heights of Chupas and their yells were re-echoed beyond in the gorges
of the Andes, so that these same Indians were frightened at the sound
of their own voices. But they were delighted at seeing the spectacle
of Spaniards fighting against each other without having any reasonable
quarrel, and gave thanks to the Sun for the glorious revenge about to
be taken for the ills that had been inflicted on their elders.
As the enemies were now drawing near together the men of Chile pitched
their camp, with the intention of striking the tents during the second
night watch and marching, if possible, into Guamanga, and thence by
the Guaytara road on to Lima.
At this juncture the forces of Vaca de Castro were encamped in the
valley of Chupas,[127] and to reach the summit of the spur there was
more than a league of ascent.[128] The scouts sent out by Vaca de
Castro had got so far as to see the camp of Don Diego, and, after a
spirited discussion with other scouts of their party, returned to
report that Don Diego was nearing the summit of the hills. When Vaca
de Castro heard this, he ordered captain Pedro de Castro, with a
hundred Spanish arquebusiers, to set out at once for the summit, and
try to get there before the enemy could occupy it. Captain Castro
immediately departed on this service, followed by Captain Pedro
Anzures with his troop of lancers as a rear-guard.
Using all possible speed, Castro reached the heights where he posted
his company, Anzures following him closely. Soon they descried the
scouts of Don Diego coming out from the camp to see what was going
on and whether the enemy had pitched his camp or was making for the
height. Seeing the arquebusiers there, it was clear to them that these
were already in possession, and after some words had passed between
them, such as are customary under such circumstances, they returned to
the camp. Meanwhile, Vaca de Castro and his captains set out, in the
best order they could, to join the soldiers who were in his camp and
on the height. Moving as rapidly as possible, they arrived a little
after the hour of vespers. Here there presently assembled Vaca de
Castro and the captains
Pero Alvarez Holguin
Alonso de Alvarado
Garcilaso de la Vega
Pedro Anzures
Diego de Rojas
Francisco de Caravajal
(_Sergeant Major_)
with other cavaliers and principal persons. They held a consultation
to decide on what they should do, and whether it would be more prudent
to give battle to the enemy on the following day, or to wait until it
was seen what Don Diego de Almagro would do. There were differences
of opinion among the gathering. Some, for reasons they gave, said
that they ought not to give battle until they understood the enemy's
intentions. Others said that they should leave the present position,
and occupy one nearer the enemy, and that the choice of it would be
in their own hands. Others also advised that the encounter should not
be put off until later than the next morning at daybreak; because, at
such times, a lost opportunity is not readily regained, and quickness
and suddenness of attack count for much, whilst to delay is to court
disaster. Alonso de Alvarado was of this opinion, and told Vaca de
Castro that, without further ado, the battle should be joined on
the coming morn, for the soldiers were ready and eager and the first
shock of a conflict is steady and forceful, because the heated blood
courses through the body and gives strength to the men. If that flush
of vigour wavers or cools down, their minds are apt to become more
timorous than bold and they lose their steadiness. To this and other
things, Vaca de Castro answered: "Is your brain good?"[129] and he
proceeded to reply to what had been said. Finally it was resolved
by all to give battle, and again they turned to encourage the men,
urging that they fought for the honour of the King, and that they must
display all the valour that was in them, with other exhortations.
Don Diego and his captains did not sleep during this time; on the
contrary, they were thinking over further topics before deciding what
they should do. They saw that they could not now, with the enemy so
near, get into Guamanga without difficulty, and that it would be
better to put that scheme aside and give battle; so, after commending
themselves to God, they resolved to fight. Don Diego, seeing that
the battle was inevitable, mounted his horse, with his lance in his
hand, and, turning to the soldiers, addressed them thus: "Oh captains,
to whom I owe so much, and soldiers so valorous! the battle must be
fought, for the enemy is at hand. Bear in mind that to-day is the day
when fortune promises us the government of the country, with full
vengeance on our enemies and the best _repartimientos_ for yourselves,
so do not fail to smite those who have shown themselves to be our
enemies. You know that neither has it been my desire nor yours to do
anything contrary to the service of the King, and that in the end it
will rest with your arms to condemn the loser as a tyrant, and the
conqueror will be held to be loyal." Saying these words and others, he
exhorted his friends to prepare for the battle they had to fight.
[Illustration: THE COUNTRY around GUAMANGA]
[Illustration: SITE of the BATTLE OF CHUPAS 1542
Hakluyt Society: Series II, vol. 42]
[DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTRY AROUND THE BATTLE FIELD OF CHUPAS.
By C. R. M.
The position of the battle of Chupas is interesting. Prescott
and Helps had not a true idea of it. Prescott wrote of "the
bloody _plains_ of Chupas," and "the neighbouring lowlands known
as the _plains_ of Chupas": Helps as "the _valley_ of Chupas."
These are quite wrong terms for the place. Chupas is neither a
plain nor a valley, but a farm on a lofty Andean spur.
The city of Guamanga (now called _Ayacucho_) is in 13° 8´ S.
Lat., 72° 2´ W. Long., and 8660 feet above the sea. There is a
small plain outside the town to north-west, called the _Pampa
del Arco_, but the battle field was miles away, on the other
side.
Guamanga is at the western base of the great maritime
cordillera, its slopes descending in long spurs, with
intervening ravines, to the city and its neighbourhood. The
scene of the battle was high up, 9,500 feet above the sea,
extending over two of these spurs and the ravine between them.
The road from Guamanga to Yca across the maritime cordillera,
leaves the city along a pretty avenue, and then up the hill of
Carmenca and the steeper ascent of Quica-pata.[130] Half way
up this ascent a path turns off to the left, skirting along
the spurs of the cordillera, and after two miles the ravine of
_Lambras-huayccu_[131] is reached. Here, on the spur, Vaca de
Castro formed his first camp. The stream below supplies Guamanga
with water. In the upper part of the ravine there is a swamp
during part of the year. Its width is about half a mile, more
in some parts, wide enough for cavalry charges. On its further
side the ascent is steep, and on this spur the artillery of
Almagro was posted, near what is now the farm house of Chupas.
All this country is now covered with wheat fields. Guamanga
would be easily reached by following the Lambras-huayccu stream.
Lying 9,500 feet above the sea, Chupas is exposed to storms of
snow in the winter and early spring. Beyond Chupas, on another
spur, is the farm of my old friend Don Manuel Tello, called
_Cochabamba_. The view towards the cordillera is very grand.
The sides of some of the gorges form perpendicular precipices,
above which rise the snowy peaks. Beyond Cochabamba is the wheat
farm of another of my old friends called _cojo_ Arias;[132] and
further on is the village of _Chiara_, whence the road leads
by _Sachapampa_ and _Pomacocha_, to Vilcas. This was the route
taken by Almagro's army from Vilcas, after crossing the lofty
ridge of Cangallo. Guamanga is now usually written Huamanga.
_Cojo_ Arias told me that bones and a spur had been found on
his estate; also that Alonso de Alvarado brought some Indians
of Chachapoyas with him and that, for services in the battle,
they were granted land with freedom from tribute, and that they
founded the village of Chiara. The wheat farm of Chupas belonged
to Don Basilio Guillen.
My visit to the battle field of Chupas was on 26 February 1853.]
FOOTNOTES:
[125] 16th of September 1542.
[126] Inca ladies.
[127] Ravine of Lambra Luopica, _not_ Chupas.
[128] Only a mile and a quarter.
[129] _Y vuestro buen seso_ [_sic_] in the manuscript.
[130] _Quica_ is grey in Quichua, _pata_ an ascent.
[131] _Lambras_ is the local name for a tree like an elder. _Huayccu_
means a ravine.
[132] Lame (_cojo_) Arias. I did not know his Christian name.
CHAPTER LXXVIII
_Of the cruel battle between Vaca de Castro and Don Diego de
Almagro, and how the men of Chile were routed and defeated with
the loss of many lives, and their party for ever undone._
The night having passed with great fears and hopes, each party
thinking that they had justice on their side, the captains ordered the
ensigns to muster their companies, and to give the signal by beat of
drum that the soldiers, on hearing it, might know that the time for
giving battle was so near that it only needed one side to strike the
first blow. So the men of Chile went forth full of ardour, and raising
their shouts to heaven, advanced with their hearts animated against
their foes, and with minds longing to satisfy their hatred of their
enemies. Their artillery, consisting of sixteen pieces, was placed in
a good position, so that, from whatever point the enemy might try to
assail it, it would overcome all attacks. The cavalry was formed into
two squadrons, one under Don Diego himself and Juan Balsa, the other
led by the captains Saucedo and Diego Méndez. One of these squadrons
was larger than the other, and its flanks were held by Diego de Hoces
and the same Diego Méndez. The infantry, stationed in rear of the
artillery, was under Martín de Bilbao; and Martín Cote, a most valiant
captain, led the arquebusiers, having detailed those necessary for
the front of the squadron and either flank. The standard was planted
near the squadron led by Don Diego, and Pedro de Candía was with the
artillery, ready to fire whenever the order should be given. The
Sergeant-major, Pedro Suárez, went about from one part to another,
giving necessary orders. He was relied upon for his knowledge of war,
having served in several countries, and being well versed in the art.
In the forefront of the squadron there were men at arms posted, and
the whole force numbered 550 Spaniards, a very brilliant array, for in
truth there were cavaliers of good family, as we have pointed out in
several places.[133]
While Don Diego and his followers were marshalling their forces, Vaca
de Castro ordered Lope Martín, a bold man, to mount his horse and go
forward to reconnoitre the enemy's position. He did so, and returned
after he had seen them, telling the Camp-master Francisco de Caravajal
how the artillery was placed. As soon as he knew this, he ordered his
men to march more to the right, and led the way himself, saying many
witty things. Then they saw that it was time to marshal the squadrons,
and placed them in the positions assigned to them, with their banners.
The captains Pero Alvarez Holguin, Gómez de Alvarado, Garcilaso de
la Vega, and Pedro Anzures, with their companies of horsemen, formed
one squadron. In the other was the captain Alonso de Alvarado, with
his cavalry, and the royal standard. The infantry were formed up
between the cavalry squadrons, with the captains Pedro de Vergara and
Juan Vélez de Guevara at their head, and the captain Castro with the
vanguard. They had 160 arquebusiers, and they mustered in all more
than 700 Spaniards.
The Governor Vaca de Castro did not enter into the battle. He remained
apart from the actual fray, giving it to be understood by his words
that he wanted to fight, but, as the captains represented to him
that this was not desirable, he retired. He sent to the squadron of
Alonso de Alvarado, where the royal standard, then borne by Cristóbal
de Barrientos was, saying that he desired twenty-seven of the
principal persons to accompany him as an escort and bodyguard. When
Alonso de Alvarado heard this, he sent to say that such a thing was
not permissible; that, in an army of 20,000 men, the withdrawal or
retention of even twenty men might turn the scale of victory. Although
Vaca de Castro saw that there was reason in this, he again ordered his
captain of the guard, Rodrigo de Ocampo, to come to him with Lorenzo
de Aldana, Diego de Agüero, Francisco de Godoy, Diego Maldonado, the
licentiate León, Antonio Navarro, Sebastián de Merlo, Cristóbal de
Burgos, Nicolás de Ribera, and others up to twenty-seven; and these,
whilst wishing to remain at the front, turned to obey the order of
Vaca de Castro.
At this juncture, both sides discharged their arquebuses; and
Francisco de Caravajal said: "Forward! good cavaliers, forward!
advance without fear, and care nought for the arquebuses. Look at me,
how fat I am, yet I go forward without feeling any fear of them."
As they approached each other, the noise and the shouting were very
great. Both parties advanced courageously, those of Don Diego shouting
"Long live the King and Almagro," and the others "Long live the King
and Vaca de Castro," all calling upon the name of the apostle Saint
James, while the bullets from the arquebuses filled the air.
The Camp-master Pero Alvarez Holguin, after having passed through
and shown some excitement during the day, charged his horse against
the enemy, wishing to show his contempt for his opponents. Though
men of great valour are often not recognized in the smoke of battle,
Holguin was known by the device he wore. The enemy's arquebuses were
pointed against him, and he was hit by two bullets before he could
break his lance. He fell to the ground in the throes of death, and
never spoke again--just able to make a sign to his men to dash at the
enemy. Gómez de Tordoya was also wounded so badly that he died a few
days afterwards. And now the two sides encountered each other, both
infuriated one against the other. A great disaster to the men of Chile
then happened. It was that, when the captain Saucedo saw that the
sharpshooters were employing their arquebuses with effect, and had
caused some deaths, he thought it would be well to move the artillery
to another position, where one of the enemy's flanks was exposed--not
noticing that it was already so placed as to rout them all the moment
they should advance a little farther. He therefore ordered Pedro de
Candía to move it, upon seeing which Sergeant-major Suárez called
out loudly to him not to budge, for if it did not remain where it
was posted they were lost. But his words were disregarded and Candía
transferred the guns to the position Saucedo had directed. Then the
enemies mingled in the open with the soldiers of Almagro, and, though
many cannon shots were fired off, only one took effect, which did much
damage, tearing heads from bodies, and breaking the legs and arms of
others. The other shots were fired, as some say, too high, or missed
their mark owing to the artillery being so badly placed.
By this time great damage had been done and there were many dead. But
were I to set forth in detail each one who, when about to discharge
a bolt, was shot through the heart by a bullet and so instantly fell
dead,--or whose arms were shot away just as he was placing the match
to fire,--or others killed suddenly by a bullet just as they were
couching the lance or drawing the sword, the tale would never end. The
squadrons of horse clashed, brother breaking lance against brother,
but in that desperate peril no man would have hesitated to wound even
his father, if he had seen him. One Garcia de Mala, having lost an
arm, went forth out of the battle to where Vaca de Castro waited, and
asked him why he was not helping his people. On hearing this Diego de
Agüero rushed excitedly into the fray, and confronted the enemy. A
bullet passed through the mouth of Antonio de Loaysa, and knocked out
several of his back teeth, causing him to swoon. The cavalry fought
with desperate valour and with a fervour so inflamed by anger, that
no one cared to be wanting in ability to wound. Antonio de Robles,
having been thrown from his horse, without losing his intrepidity, and
he had not a little, turned with much agility towards the artillery
and wounded one of the gunners, also getting wounded himself. Pedro
de Candía did not discharge any more shots. The noise made by all was
very great.
The lad Don Diego whilst fighting away, was told that there had been
treason in the artillery firing. It is said that he went to Pedro de
Candía and exclaimed: "Traitor! why have you sold me?" and thrusting
at him with his lance, killed him. Others will have it that Candía
used deceit with Don Diego and was disloyal in the matter of the
artillery, but that he was killed by some soldiers of Vaca de Castro
who penetrated to where he was stationed. Don Diego, seeing that his
life depended on gaining the victory, went about in all parts of the
battle animating his men.
The captain Alonso de Alvarado, on this day, gave proofs of his
valour, and fought with great intrepidity. Diego de Rojas, Pedro
Anzures, Garcilaso de la Vega, and Pedro de Vergara did likewise.
The same is said of Juan Vélez de Guevara. The captain Martín de
Bilbao fought with Pedro de Castro. The battalions of infantry had
now driven home the pikes, and had penetrated their several quarries
with the iron points until they reached the entrails. All were now
turning back. Night showed signs of approach while yet the strife of
battle was at its highest pitch; and at last, both sides being worn
out with fatigue, they separated for a moment to gather breath for
a renewal of the conflict. In the part where the captain Alonso de
Alvarado was fighting, were Diego de Hoces and Saucedo with all the
leading men of the Chile party. Some of these they killed, and whilst
shouting "Victory!" they tried to capture others. Pedro de Vergara,
with some infantry, bore a hand in that part, and Alonso de Alvarado
being thus strengthened, ordered a renewed attack to disable the men
of Chile, seeing how few there were. Against the grain they fell back
for a short rest, still face to face, and then renewed the obstinate
contest. Swords clashed down on helmets, stunning their wearers, and
cut through coats of mail: then, pausing for a short space, apart,
men glared at each other like bulls in the rutting season. Then the
Sergeant-major Francisco de Caravajal called out, in a loud voice:
"Shame! shame! gentlemen of Cuzco! this is not a time for letting
these traitors remain in the field against us," and so saying he
rushed into the midst of the enemy. The horse of the licentiate Benito
Suárez de Caravajal was killed, and he boldly took his place among
the infantry, still fighting. There were many killed; and the wounded
uttered mournful groans, yet encouraging those who fought, some with
the battle cry of Almagro, others of Pizarro. The artillery was of
no use and did no damage, because Pedro de Candía and his men being
killed, there was no one to put a match to the guns.
As the battle was most fiercely contested in the part where Captain
Alvarado was, Don Diego, either to encourage his men, or because he
thought that his side was winning, began to call out loudly, "Victory!
Take prisoners, but kill not!" Then it was that a thing happened from
which it may well be said that death does not flee from a coward. The
captain Pedro Anzures had a servant of whom he asked, many times, if
he would not join in the battle. The man was not only unwilling, but,
to be more remote from danger, he got under some rocks where he could
have a clear view of what was going on, having by his side a small
skin of wine. When the artillery was in action a shot struck the rocks
where we have said this man was. It knocked off a boulder which fell
and smashed the head and body of the man to pieces, so that he died,
although he had been taking such care of himself.
The battle was at the critical point, and those who were standing with
Vaca de Castro went forward to reinforce their friends. They went
towards the place where the captain Diego Méndez was, thinking he was
one of their party because victory was already certain for Vaca de
Castro. As they went along singing a song of triumph, the men of Chile
saw they were enemies, and they killed Montalvo with some others, cut
off an arm of Cristóval de Burgos, a citizen of Lima, and wounded
Merlo in the face. Thus they succeeded in doing more damage; but the
Pachacama party, being the more numerous, though not surpassing their
opponents in bravery, it began to be seen which side must win. Don
Diego, and those of his captains who were still alive, continued to
encourage the survivors wherever they went. The sun had now set, and
after the men of Chile had done all that was possible to the utmost of
their ability, they were defeated, and it became clear that Vaca de
Castro's side were the conquerors.
A youth, named Jerónimo de Almagro, valuing his life very little,
and hating to be conquered, rushed in amongst the enemy shouting,
"Hi! strike your blows at me! at me! and wreak your vengeance. 'Twas
I who slew the Marquis." Saying thus he charged recklessly into the
host, and received so many blows that he fell dead headlong. Martín de
Bilbao did the same, saying that _he_ had murdered the Marquis; and
he met the same death as Jerónimo de Almagro.[134] Those who survived
began to flee, with loose rein and no little anguish.
The Indians and negroes who took any men alive, killed them.[135] The
Spaniards did uglier things, for they slashed the faces and bodies
of those who had surrendered, and reviled them with words. Diego de
Almagro fled towards Cuzco[136] with Diego Méndez, and the camp was
pillaged. The Almagro party was routed and broken up for ever. This
battle was fought late on Saturday afternoon the 16th of September, in
the year of our redemption 1542.
There were present on the side of Vaca de Castro the captains already
named and many other gentlemen, among whom were: Lorenzo de Aldana,
Diego de Agüero, Francisco de Godoy, Pedro de los Ríos, Gómez de
Tordoya, Diego Maldonado, Lope de Mendieta, D. Pedro Puertocarrero,
Pedro de Portugal, Pedro de Hinojosa, D. Alonso de Montemayor, Lope
Martín, Alonso de Mendoza, Diego Cénteno, Felipe Gutiérrez, D. Martín
de Guzmán, Pero López (secretary), Juan de Mora, Vasco de Guevara,
and others. With Don Diego there were the captains, and many valiant
gentlemen and men, among whom were D. Baltasar de Castilla, Jerónimo
de Almagro, Martín Carillo, Juan Tello, Juan Ortíz de Zárate, Pantoja,
Juan de la Rinega, Pedro de Oñate, and others.
The Licentiate Vaca de Castro was delighted at the good success and
the victory that God had given him. He ordered certain priests and
friars to attend on the wounded and to confess the dying. He also
directed a very careful search to be made for those who were concerned
in the murder of the Marquis Pizarro, that they might be punished.
But as the night was already quite dark, the orders of Vaca de Castro
could not be very completely carried into effect. Most of his soldiers
thought of nothing but plunder, and of appropriating horses from among
those that were straying about loose, and also of the Indian girls,
who were what the soldiers were most eager about in those times.
[OTHER OFFICERS IN THE ARMY OF VACA DE CASTRO AT THE BATTLE OF
CHUPAS. (_Note by C. R. M._)
Aliaga, Gerónimo de. Ancestor of the Counts of Lurigancho at Lima.
Alvarado, Alonso de. Cavalry--left wing.
Alvarado, Gómez de. An old captain of the Adelantado Almagro.
Anzures, Pedro de. Trusted captain of Pizarro cavalry--right wing.
Barbarán, Juan de.
Barriento, Cristóval, Ensign. Left wing.
Burgos, Cristóbal de. Wounded.
Caravajal, Illán Suárez de. Factor. Trusted friend of Pizarro.
Caravajal, Benito Suárez de (Licentiate), brother of the Factor.
Caravajal, Francisco de. Sergeant Major of the army. Led the
Infantry.
Cáceres, Alonso de. Tried to hide Carillo after the battle, but
failed.
Carrasco, Pedro Alonso.
Castro, Pedro de. An old and trusted captain of Pizarro. Garcilaso
calls him Lope. Infantry.
Guzmán, Diego Ortíz de.
Hinojosa, Alonso de.
Hojeda, Juan Julio de.
Holguin, Pero Alvarez. Camp Master (_i.e._
Quartermaster-general); killed in battle. Cavalry--right wing.
Lara, Gaspar.
Loaysa, Alonso de. Brother of the Bishop.
Loaysa, Gerónimo de.
León (Licentiate).
Macerela, Alonso.
Melo, García de. Wounded.
Mendoza, Lope de.
Merlo, Sebastián de. Wounded.
Montalvo. Killed in action.
Navarro, Antonio.
Ocampo, Rodrigo de.
Palomino, Juan Alonso.
Pancorvo, Juan de.
Quiñones, Antonio de}
Quiñones, Suero de } brothers.
Quiñones, Pedro de. Cousin. Ribera, Nicolás de. An old friend of
both Pizarro and Almagro.
Ríos, Diego de los.
Rojas, Diego de. A trusted young captain of Pizarro.
Rojas, Gabriel de.
Saavedra, Juan de. An old captain of the Adelantado Almagro.
Salas, Juan de.
Salas, Valdés de.
Serra, Miguel de la.
Soto, Alonso de.
Truxillo, Diego de.
Vásquez, Tomás. A turbulent character in every row.
Vega, Garcilaso de la. Captain for Pizarro, always loyal, always
trustworthy. Cavalry--right wing.
Verdugo, Melchor.
Vergara, Juan Vélez de. Infantry.
Vergara, Pedro de. Infantry.
FOOTNOTES:
[133] The real truth was that there was not a single one of the old
and trusted captains of the elder Almagro with his son; Diego de
Alvarado had gone to Spain, Orgónez and Lerma were slain at or after
Las Salinas, Francisco de Chaves had been murdered by Juan de Herrada,
and Sotelo by García de Alvarado. The rest were disgusted with the
murder of the Marquis and at Juan de Herrada being placed over them.
Four, indeed, were actually fighting in the army of Vaca Castro,
namely Gómez de Alvarado, Saavedra, Guevara, and Montemayor.
The murder of the ever faithful and very able Captain Sotelo was
a fatal blow to young Almagro. There was no one at Chupas that
he could trust. Six of his captains were actual assassins of the
Marquis Pizarro, three others were accomplices outside the chamber.
Little reliance could be placed on the rest. The assassins and their
accomplices would be fighting with ropes round their necks and would
fight hard. But the ill-fated young half-caste, with his ability and
bravery, was doomed.
[134] Both were assassins of the Marquis. They did this to escape the
halter.
[135] Some authorities say that the Inca Paula and his Indians, on the
side of Almagro, made an attack early in the day, which was repulsed.
[136] Juan Rodriquez Barragán, the ensign Enrique, and eight others
also fled with Don Diego, as well as Diego Méndez.
Juan Balsa, Almagro's Captain-general, fled to Vilcas where he was
killed by the natives. He had a house at Cuzco and had married an Inca
Princess.
Some authorities say that Pedro Suárez, when he marshalled Almagro's
army, told Don Diego to remain on the spur. His plan was to defend the
ascent from the Lambras-huayccu ravine and not to attack. It is said
that when Don Diego charged down at the head of his cavalry, Suárez
told him that he would be defeated, but that if he had taken his
advice he would have been victorious. It is added that he abandoned
Don Diego, and went over to the side of Vaca de Castro. This story is
not mentioned by Cieza de León.
CHAPTER LXXIX
_How, after the battle, the Governor ordered the wounded to
be tended, and had Gómez de Tordoya carried to Guamanga; how
retribution was inflicted on the conquered, and how Gómez de
Alvarado, being ill, died at Vilcas, and was taken to be buried
at Guamanga._
On the night after the battle it was very sad to hear the groans of
the wounded, and the complaints they gave utterance to. But they
received very little pity or help; on the contrary, the barbarians
slaughtered them and stripped them of their clothes and left them
naked. The captain Gómez de Alvarado was attacked by an illness
of which he died at Vilcas. His body was conveyed to Guamanga for
interment. They had also taken Gómez de Tordoya to Guamanga, sorely
wounded, and after he had received the last offices of the Church he
also died. Every one mourned for the deaths of these gentlemen and of
Pero Alvarez Holguin, and the others who fell in the battle. They were
very honourably interred, as men of such mettle deserved.[137] There
were killed on the field in that battle, counting both sides, 240
men. Some make the number higher, but I do not care to affirm anything
that I do not know for certain.
On the morning after the battle, Vaca de Castro, taking with him his
secretary and the chief magistrate of the camp, visited the tents to
see whether there were any of the murderers of the Marquis Pizarro
among the prisoners. As he did not see Martín Carrillo, but heard
that the captain Alonso de Cáceres was keeping him concealed, giving
out that he was dead, he ordered that he should be brought to his
presence dead or alive, and this was done. Carrillo was a native of
Ciudad Real. He and Pedro de San Millán of Segovia, and Francisco
Coronado[138] of Jerez by Bádajoz, and two others, were executed, and
their quarters stuck on poles. Knowing that many fugitives had made
for Guamanga, Vaca de Castro ordered the captain Diego de Rojas to
take some mounted men and return to that city and arrest all who might
be found there belonging to the enemy. While this was being arranged
there was an alarm in the camp, owing to a report that a large body
of men was in sight, who might be enemies. The Governor ordered the
troops to stand to their arms until it was known to whom the men who
were in sight belonged. Some horsemen rode out and found that they
were their own people returning with plunder they had taken from the
enemy's camp.
Then Vaca de Castro ordered a start to be made for Guamanga, which
was done, and on arrival he was received with much joy. He entrusted
the business of retributive justice to the licentiate De la Gama, the
licentiate León, and the bachelor Guevara. Diego de Rojas had already
executed judgment on some,[139] but we will put down here together in
one list all who were executed at Guamanga as well as those who met
their fate between that city and Cuzco. They were--
Captain Cárdenas, of Toledo
Pedro de Oñate
Captain Diego de Hoces,[140] of Zaragoza
Capt. Juan Tello, of Sevilla
Bartolomé de Arbolancha[140]
Francisco Pérez[140]
Antonio Noguero, of Puerto de S^{ta} María
Basilio (an Italian)
Martel, of Sevilla[140]
Francisco de Mendibar, of Torrejón de Velasco
Captain Martín Cote (a Guipuzcoan)
Captain Juan Muñoz
Barragán (the younger),[140] of los Santos
Martín Carrillo[140]
Juanes de Santiago, of Santander
Juanes (a Biscayan)
Captain Juan Pérez, captain of cross-bowmen
Juan Gómez de Salvatierra, of the Almendral
Baltasar Gómez,[140] of Valladolid
Juan de Guzmán[140] de Acuña, son of Vasco de Guzmán
Juan Sánchez,[140] of Estremadura
Bartolomé Cabezas,[140] of Jerez
Ramírez, of León
Losa,[140] of Zamora
Carreño, of Sevilla
Juan Diente,[140] of Gibraltar[141]
Vaca de Castro was guilty of great remissness in not sending the
news forthwith to the King our Lord and those of his Royal Council.
Nay rather, several vessels were detained many days in the port of
Lima, and many merchants and traders were put to serious loss through
his action in not allowing them to leave the ports where they were
anchored. The captain Francisco de Herencia and some others were
banished, and a shipmaster was ordered to convey them to New Spain.
When they were far from the coast of Peru they mutinied and went to
Panamá. At that time I had come thither to negotiate certain business
with the Audience which then sat at that city. The mutineers presented
themselves before the members of the Audience, who set them free.
To return to Vaca de Castro. He remained for eight days in Guamanga,
reforming various things for the good of the Realm, and despatching
letters to the various cities in it to announce the victory that God,
our Lord, had given him. Hearing that Don Diego had fled towards
Cuzco, he ordered the captain Garcilaso de la Vega to set out at once
for that city, with some cavalry, and occupy it in the name of his
Majesty the King, our Lord. Should Don Diego be found in the city, he
was to be arrested, as well as any of his followers who were there. So
Garcilaso de la Vega departed, with some lancers, to carry out what
the Governor Vaca de Castro had ordered him.
FOOTNOTES:
[137] Holguin, Tordoya, and Gómez de Alvarado are said to have been
buried in the little church of San Cristóbal at Guamanga, near the
head of the avenue leading to the Chupas road. But _Cojo_ Arias told
me of the tradition that Gómez de Tordoya was not buried with the
others, but in the church of La Merced, nearer the centre of the town.
In 1887 a statue of a warrior was found in a niche in La Merced,
recumbent on a mortuary bed, embracing his sword. It is of sandstone
and 6½ feet long. It no doubt represents Gómez de Tordoya, probably
due to the piety of his cousin Garcilaso de la Vega. The Indians of
Guamanga (Ayacucho) are renowned as sculptors.
[138] All three were actual assassins of the Marquis Pizarro.
[139] Viz., Juan Tello de Guzmán, and Almagro's Camp-master Pedro de
Oñate.
[140] Assassins of the Marquis.
[141] Also Pedro de San Millán and Francisco Coronado.
CHAPTER LXXX
_Of things that were done by the Governor Vaca de Castro, and
how he despatched some captains to undertake conquests in the
Realm._
The Governor Vaca de Castro was in the city of Guamanga, quite
complacent at seeing the ditch under the gallows full of dead bodies,
and the fine blood of Spaniards being shed in that square. This was no
little pleasure for the natives to see also, though they were amazed
on reflecting that many of the victims had been captains and men
holding posts of honour. They carried the news of all this to the King
Inca Manco Yupangue at Viticos, where he was staying; and although
he was glad that so many Spaniards had been killed, he regretted that
Vaca de Castro was the conqueror and Don Diego was defeated, whilst
pleased that it was left for himself to protect the young Almagro
from the cruelty of Vaca de Castro. Having sent Garcilaso de la Vega
to the city of Cuzco, as we have related, it occurred to Vaca de
Castro that there were a great many people collected in Guamanga, that
the provisions were being consumed, and that the citizens and other
inhabitants were being unduly put to straits. So he decided to order
some of those of his army to leave it. Presently he instructed Pedro
de Vergara to go, with such followers as he required, to the province
of Bracamoros, of his own conquering, where he had already done
good service for his Majesty. He granted warrants and _encomiendas_
there to Vergara and many others, desiring them to set out as soon
as they could get ready. Vergara desired nothing better and, as soon
as the wounds he had received in the battle were healed, he made
his preparations to depart. Orders were also sent to Juan Pérez de
Guevara, who was then at Lima, to proceed to the province of Moyobamba
and settle it.
The Governor also wrote to all the cities of the Realm directing that
if any of the men of the Chile party should seek refuge in them, they
were to be arrested and put to death. He ordered the bodies of all who
fell in battle on his side to be interred in the churches at Guamanga,
and arranged that a hermitage should be set up on the battle field,
for the invocation of our Lady of Victory, where the rest of the dead
had been buried. The captain Pedro Anzures, and the others who were
wounded, recovered. The municipality of Guamanga made a request to
Vaca de Castro that he would confirm certain things in his Majesty's
name, and that the city be thenceforward called "of the Victory,"
instead of, as heretofore "of the Frontier," a request which the
Governor was pleased to grant, and so it is called at the present day.
Notwithstanding that several vessels were detained in the port of Lima
by order of Vaca de Castro, and that leave was asked for permission
to depart for Tierra Firme, he would not grant it, which was felt to
be no small grievance. After he had made various arrangements, and
given permission to those who wished it to return to their houses,
Vaca de Castro set out for Cuzco, leaving the licentiate De la Gama in
the city to complete his judicial work. He had not gone more than two
leagues when he turned back again, so as to reach Guamanga at break
of day, without letting those who were with him be aware of it. When
he appeared again in the great square the people were astonished.
This return was because many of those who escaped from the battle had
hidden in some houses, and he wished to secure their arrest. This was
soon effected, and they were delivered over to the licentiate De la
Gama, who passed judgment on them. This being concluded Vaca de Castro
continued his journey with those who were to accompany him to Cuzco.
But as we must treat of the return of Gonzalo Pizarro to Peru, we will
now tell how he got out of the Canela.
CHAPTER LXXXI
_Of the things that happened to Gonzalo Pizarro until he came
safely out of the Canela expedition and arrived at the city of
Cuzco._
The reader will remember that in previous chapters we mentioned the
great labours and dire want of Gonzalo Pizarro and those who survived
in the valley of the Canela, and the great desire they felt that God,
our Lord, would show them some way by which they might return to a
Christian land. Having heard the account of the two Spaniards who
had gone up the river in a canoe, and how they had seen that great
mountain range or cordillera, Gonzalo Pizarro resolved to ascend the
river with the remnant of his men as speedily as possible. So all
the people got ready, some Spaniards going ahead to clear the way
with axes and bush knives. Passing not a few swamps, they arrived
after ten days' travel at the mark left by the men who had gone up
the river before. Here Gonzalo Pizarro ordered Juan de Acosta to go
with a small party, as quickly as possible, to where the Indians said
there was a village. Juan de Acosta thereupon set out with eighteen
Spaniards, armed with their swords and bucklers, and after walking
for a good long time, they came to the village they were in quest
of, on a high hill and very strong. But the Indians had no mind to
admit them if they could help it, and with their usual dash they came
out armed to oppose them. Juan de Acosta and his companions, though
exhausted by hunger, entered like true Spaniards upon the encounter.
After Juan de Acosta and two others had been wounded, the Indians
fled, as usual. The Spaniards then ascended the hill and rushed the
village, where they found plenty of food, to the no small delight
of those sorry starvelings. They saw that the country they were in
was a vast uninhabited wilderness, which must be traversed to reach
Quito. Gonzalo Pizarro followed Juan de Acosta with the rest of the
party, and in passing those swamps eight Spaniards died. When the
worn-out survivors knew that they must cross that great wilderness,
they were much afflicted, having all passed through so many hardships
and sufferings. They cursed their luck which had been so adverse to
them. But in the end, making the best of their misfortunes, those who
remained alive prepared to face that infernal journey, taking the sick
along on the few horses left to them as best they could.
So they toiled over the uninhabited waste, eating of all sorts,
without leaving a dog, nor saddle leather, nor anything else that they
could tear with their teeth. After having passed through infinite
labour and fatigue they arrived at the village of _Coca_ (where they
had originally entered the Canela country) on foot, shoeless, and
so transfigured that they could scarcely recognize each other. The
natives received them as friends, and gave them what supplies they
had; and, to get themselves into some sort of order, it was settled
that they should stay there for ten days. In talking to the Indians
it was found that there was a shorter way to Quito by another track,
not the one they had followed, so they determined to take it. But on
this track they met with several broad and very deep rivers, so that
they were obliged to make bridges over some of them. Journeying in
this way they came to a river which was so rapid that it took them
four days to make a bridge; and whilst keeping watch at night, lest
the Indians should come and attack them by surprise, they saw a great
comet traversing the heavens. In the morning Gonzalo Pizarro said
that, in his dreams, a dragon came and plucked out his heart, and tore
it to pieces with his cruel teeth. He then sent for one Jerónimo de
Villegas, who was held to be something of an astrologer, to ask him
what he thought of it. He is said to have answered that Pizarro would
find that the object he most prized was dead. After other things had
occurred, which may be counted as trifles rather than as history,
Gonzalo Pizarro and the remnant of his followers finally reached the
confines of Quito. Those who survived from that expedition say that
240 Spaniards started on it, and that most of them died of hunger,
though they took with them from Quito 6,000 pigs, 300 horses and pack
animals, 900 dogs, and many sheep, all of which were eaten or lost.
We cannot lightly describe the deep sorrow Gonzalo Pizarro showed
when he heard of the disastrous death of his brother. Although
Sarmiento, his Lieutenant, sent horses for him and some of his
companions, they would not mount them, but preferred to enter Quito
on foot, in such sort that it was grievous to see them. When Gonzalo
Pizarro heard that Vaca de Castro had been accepted as Governor by the
whole Realm, he felt it keenly. He said that _he_ ought to govern, and
that the King had been very ungrateful in not ordering that he was to
succeed, on the death of the Marquis. He began to prepare to go in
search of Vaca de Castro, wherever he might be; for it was not then
known that the war was ended, nor that the victory had fallen to him
in the battle.
CHAPTER LXXXII
_How Garcilaso de la Vega arrived in Cuzco; of the imprisonment
of Don Diego, and how Vaca de Castro travelled to that city._
After the rout at the battle of Chupas, Don Diego de Almagro and
Diego Méndez rode away together, with the intention of seeking refuge
with the Inca Manco. They could have done this easily, if Diego
Méndez had not caused delay by going to see a woman he kept as his
mistress at Cuzco. To induce Don Diego to go to that city, he said
that without fresh shoeing the horses could not take them anywhere,
and that they must go to Cuzco to provide themselves with what they
required, and that, after that, they could go to where the Inca was
staying. Don Diego had to consent, although it was against his will,
and they arrived in the city. Diego Méndez went off to the arms of his
mistress, just as if he had come home victorious, but at that time
the news of what had happened had not reached Cuzco. Don Diego made
haste to start; but, when at last they did, the result of the war was
public knowledge. When Don Diego and Diego Méndez had got clear of
Cuzco, they took the road to the valley of Yucay, intending to make
their way thence into the mountains, in search of the Inca. Barragán,
who had been left as Lieutenant at Cuzco, had by this time been made
a prisoner; and when they heard that Don Diego was gone, Rodrigo
Salazar, Juan Gutiérrez Malaver, and some others went in chase. After
some exigencies he was captured, with Diego Méndez, in the valley of
Yucay, brought back to Cuzco, and lodged in custody.
Garcilaso de la Vega, and those who left Chupas with him, proceeded
to Cuzco and at once took possession of the city in the name of the
King, to keep order there until the Governor should arrive. Vaca
de Castro left Guamanga as we have related, and travelled until he
arrived at the ruined edifices of Vilcas. He remained there a few days
to provide for the despatch of Pedro de Puelles as his Lieutenant to
install settlers in the city of León. He selected those who were to
go, gave them warrants for _encomiendas_, and ordered Pedro de Puelles
to proceed on this duty. News arrived that Juan de Vargas, a veteran
_conquistador_ in those parts, had, after much trouble, cleverly
captured Illa Tupac, one of the Inca's captains who had risen in
rebellion and done much mischief. This was, indeed, a notable service
that Juan de Vargas, who was a native of La Higuera, near Fregenal de
la Sierra, performed; and the Governor approved of it. Having received
his warrants, Pedro de Puelles set out from Vilcas with the Spaniards
who had been told off to accompany him, and travelled until he reached
the province of Huanuco, where, in the name of his Majesty, he founded
the city of León.
While the Governor Vaca de Castro was still at Vilcas, news came to
him that one of young Almagro's captains was near by. In a former
chapter we made mention of all who were put to death, and among them
was included this one, named Juan Pérez. The Governor ordered that he
should be sought for by the Indians, and that when he was captured
he should be quartered. After giving this order, Vaca de Castro
left Vilcas, and proceeded to the province of Andahuaylas. There
he received word that there was scope for founding a city near the
Bracamoros and Pedro de Vergara's territory, and, as it was desirable
to arrange about the disposal of the people, he appointed Juan Porcel
to be captain there. So Porcel started off with the Spaniards of
his following for the place we have said. Vaca de Castro continued
his journey until he arrived at the buildings of Limatambo, whence
he sent off despatches to his Majesty informing him of the victory
God had granted him, of how the Realm had been brought back to the
royal allegiance, that Don Diego was a prisoner, that sentence had
been duly executed on his captains, and other matters relating to the
administration. Before he left Limatambo, there came certain captains
from the province of Chile, where the captain Pedro de Valdivia was
in charge, requesting the aid of more Spaniards for the subjugation
of those parts. After Vaca de Castro had taken note of what those
captains had to report, he set out for the great city of Cuzco, where
a solemn reception was accorded him, and he was welcomed by all the
people with great joy.
CHAPTER LXXXIII
_Of the things that were done in the city of Cuzco by the
Governor Vaca de Castro, and of his great avarice and vainglory._
As soon as Vaca de Castro arrived at the city of Cuzco, he received
many visits from the residents there. He was naturally inclined to be
arrogant and haughty, and when he found that his party had routed Don
Diego's and won the battle he became inflated with vanity to a degree
quite unbefitting the profession to which he belonged. He ordered many
gentlemen to attend him as his yeomen of the guard, and with them he
spent money splendidly, having grand sideboards loaded with plate
and huge candlesticks which might well have been dispensed with. He
thought of nothing but amassing wealth, to satisfy his greed. This
was a very ugly thing, for whilst his Majesty sent him to administer
justice and conduct himself with rectitude, he set about gathering
treasure for himself by unlawful means--and it is said that he had
great natural skill in the art of acquisition. Indeed, some of his
rivals allege that he received presents and bribes for the sale of
_repartimientos_, which ought not, however, to be believed; nor have
I been able to find any evidence of it. It is true that he wanted to
make the valuable profits from coca his own perquisite, and not leave
them open to all as they were before; and he ordered that no one, on
pain of severe punishment, was to dare to contract for it from any of
the best _repartimientos_, which he had reserved for himself. From
this source and from other Indians he did strive to make money; and in
this way, though he got little enjoyment out of it, he amassed great
wealth, and he always endeavoured to settle his servants and friends
in the best positions. Yet, although Vaca de Castro had the vices of
meaningless presumption, vainglory, and avarice, apart from them he
was a good governor, and did useful things for the kingdom, all of
which I will mention, for I am thereby a friend of truth, and let not
anything otherwise ever be thought of me.
Well, returning to our Governor Vaca de Castro, he was busy with
affairs appertaining to the government of the Realm, and, with the
desire to partition the provinces, he accepted some presents from the
native Chiefs. He visited Don Diego de Almagro, Diego Méndez, Juan de
Olivas in prison, and the others who were detained. He said to them:
"What utter folly can have induced you to make such a mistake as to
rise in rebellion and publicly appear in arms against his Majesty's
service, and to have done other ugly things which are well known?"
The lad Don Diego answered that neither he nor those who had been
his defenders had opposed his Majesty's interests or had any such
thought. On the contrary, he always believed that he was working in
the King's behalf, and to assume charge of the province, seeing that
he had sufficient warrant to do so, from his nomination as successor
to his father the Adelantado, made by virtue of a royal commission.
Vaca de Castro retorted by casting contempt on what had been done.
After some further talk, he took leave of the prisoners, saying that,
notwithstanding they were all condemned to death by the general
sentence, he desired that they should beg him for justice, and that
they would be freed or condemned as the law might dictate. Having said
this, he returned to his house. Don Diego was so afflicted that his
feelings could not be more wrought upon, and all felt great sorrow for
him. But Caspar Rodríguez and others told Vaca de Castro that he had
better behead the lad.
CHAPTER LXXXIV
_How Don Diego, when he was in prison, tried to escape, and how
he was beheaded by order of the Governor Vaca de Castro._
Don Diego de Almagro was imprisoned in the house of Hernando Pizarro,
in a rather strong room which existed there, and Vaca de Castro's
captains took care that he should not escape. After he had been there
for some days, he began to seek for some means of escape, intending
to take refuge at Viticos with the Inca Manco, and believing that,
by adopting this course, his life might be saved. Certainly not a
few felt regret that the lad should be put to death. The captains
Gaspar Rodríguez de Camporredondo and Pedro Anzures de Castro, who
were the favourite advisers of Vaca de Castro, would not hear of the
execution not taking place. When Don Diego learnt this, he treated,
as secretly as possible, with a page of his, for the purchase of two
horses, the swiftest he could find. He was to have them ready in the
river which flows through Cuzco close to his place of confinement, at
a certain hour of the night. Some persons who knew about the purchase
of the horses told Vaca de Castro, who, when he knew it, ordered Don
Diego to be removed to the house of captain Gabriel de Rojas, and
there he was watched with more care than before. The Governor Vaca de
Castro took the opinions of some of his captains and friends as to
what should be done with Don Diego. To all it seemed that the best
course would be to put him to death, both on account of the crime he
had committed and in order to safeguard the Realm and prevent the
occurrence of fresh trouble. An indictment against him was drawn up,
he was condemned to death, and the sentence was ordered to be notified
in his presence. Don Diego replied by appealing to his Majesty, or,
in the first instance, to the President and Judges of the _Audiencia_
then accredited in Tierra Firme. He was told that this appeal could
not take place; and, having made his protests, he retorted that since
they would not allow his appeal, but insisted on putting him to death,
he cited Vaca de Castro to appear before the Judge of Heaven, our God,
where all would be judged without prejudice or passion.
After these events and some further parley he confessed, always
displaying the mind of a man, and not of a youth such as he was,
combined with a lofty and serious presence quite out of keeping
with the humility of his parents. His eyes were steadily raised to
a crucifix and, on being taken from the prison, the crier walked in
front, shouting: "This is the judgment his Majesty the Emperor our
Lord, and the Governor Vaca de Castro in his name, inflicts on this
man as a usurper of the royal rights, and for having tyrannically
rebelled and given battle to the royal standard," and other things
about what had been done by him and his followers. On approaching
the pillory, adjoining which was the block and an executioner ready
to strike, Don Diego asked a favour. It was that he might die at
the place where his father was executed, and be buried in the grave
where his father's body rested, and that he might be placed beneath,
and the bones of his father above him. When he reached the place of
execution, they wanted to put a veil over his eyes, but he said there
was no need for that, and they only had to order the executioner to
perform his office. He asked them to let him have the little time
that remained to him to enjoy with his eyes the sight of the image
of our God, which stood there. Finally they persisted and bound his
eyes against his will. He was extended on the block and with great
courage he suffered death at the very spot where in a bygone year his
father had suffered.[142] The son's body was buried in the church
of La Merced, in the same grave as his father, and in the manner he
had requested. Don Diego was of medium height, twenty-four years of
age,[143] or a little more, very just-minded and intelligent, brave
and a good horseman, liberal and a friend to good works. His mother
was an Indian woman, a native of Tierra Firme. There was great hope
for his career if he had lived. He was not altogether free from
vices: on the contrary, he had those which men of the Indies usually
display. Captain Pedro Anzures went about enquiring of those who were
present whether they had heard Don Diego say that he deserved his
death, because the Marquis had been assassinated by his order. He did
not ask this in ignorance, for he and every one else knew perfectly
well that Don Diego had never used any such words; but he, and Vaca
de Castro, and others thought that this would be useful for their own
justification. Thus closed the career of Don Diego de Almagro the
younger, and with him came to an end all that remained of his father's
party, both men meeting the same manner of death in the city of
Cuzco.[144]
FOOTNOTES:
[142] Cieza de León had already told us that the elder Almagro was
strangled in his prison. But his body was publicly beheaded.
[143] Not so old, if he was born at Panamá. That city was only founded
in 1520, and Almagro came there some years later. He was not more than
nineteen.
[144] The story of Diego de Almagro is very interesting, and
exceedingly pathetic. It is interesting because this lad was the
first _mestizo_ or half caste distinguished for ability, nobility of
conduct, and bearing. There have been many since.
Young Diego was born at Panamá. He was the son of an Indian servant
girl who went by the name of Ana Martínez. Panamá was founded late in
1519. The elder Almagro did not settle there until after Espinosa's
expedition, two or three years later than the founding of the city.
Being the lad's father, his birth probably took place in 1522 or 1523.
The lad is said to have been well "endoctrinated," so he no doubt
learnt to read and write, and to repeat the usual invocations and
prayers of the period. When Martín de Alcántara came to Panamá on
his way to join his half brother Francisco Pizarro in Peru, he met
the young lad Diego, and very kindly took charge of him, to join his
father. This was in 1535 when the lad was twelve or thirteen. At
Lima Alcántara took young Diego to his house and treated him as one
of his own children, until a way of sending him to his father (then
engaged on his Chilean expedition) could be found. At last a servant
named Juan de Herrada was engaged, who had come to Peru with Pedro
de Alvarado. He also took the royal patent appointing the Adelantado
Almagro to be Governor of a province to the south, to be called
New Toledo. Pizarro's province, to be called New Castille, was the
northern half of the Inca Empire, and the boundary was to be fixed
by an arbitrator appointed by the King. Almagro did not wait for an
arbitrator, but immediately marched north to settle the boundary
himself, declaring Cuzco, and even Lima, to belong to him. This was
the beginning of civil dissension in the Realm.
Young Diego must have had a very good time, with all the marching and
adventure and none of the responsibility. Doted upon by his father,
liked and made much of by the Adelantado's old captains, some of
them men of good family and position, he acquired habits of breeding
and self-respect. When his father was on the coast, young Diego was
proposed as a hostage by the Judge-Arbitrator Bobadilla. Again when
Almagro released Hernando Pizarro, his son was sent with the escort
to the Governor's camp and received presents. These are the first
occasions when he appears in history.
Diego was too young to take part in the battle of Las Salinas, and he
does not appear to have been with his father. But he was at Cuzco,
and Hernando Pizarro decided that he should be sent to his brother
the Governor and Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro. He went with Alonso
de Alvarado, Gómez de Alvarado, and his father's servant Juan de
Herrada. They found Francisco Pizarro at Jauja. In interviews with
the Marquis the lad entreated him not to put his father to death, and
Pizarro assured him that he had no such intention. Young Diego was
treated with hospitality, and even distinction, and when he went to
Lima with Juan de Herrada, the Marquis sent orders that the lad was to
be lodged in his own house, and treated as his son. Then the news came
of the execution of the Adelantado Almagro. The son was persuaded by
Juan de Herrada that it was done by order of the Marquis, which was
quite untrue. The next news was that the royal patent authorized the
Adelantado to nominate a successor to the government of New Toledo;
and that he had named his son in his will. Herrada, who was the lad's
evil genius, filled his mind with ideas of vengeance and ambition.
When Pizarro returned to Lima he found young Almagro full of these
ideas, and constantly intriguing with Herrada and others. He could no
longer have the boy as an inmate of his house.
Herrada had acquired complete influence over young Diego's mind. This
man had come to Peru with Pedro de Alvarado; and transferred his
services to the elder Almagro, to attend on his son. He was a man of
great energy, quick decision, and some power in acquiring influence
over others. But here his good qualities ended. He had little ability,
no judgment, and no mercy. His one virtue was devotion to Almagro
and his son, but he only knew how to show it by an act of brutal
vengeance.
The murder of the Marquis was entirely planned by this ruffian. All
the old captains of the elder Almagro but one[145] were against it.
The question arises how far young Diego was an accomplice. He was told
by Herrada that Pizarro was going to kill him and all his friends, and
it was proposed to him that the Marquis should be seized until Vaca de
Castro arrived, who would judge between them. But I think that the boy
was not cognizant of the intended murder until after its perpetration.
In a letter which young Diego wrote to the Judges of the Royal
Audience of Panamá, putting forth his claim to succeed as Governor,
he states that his object was to seize the Marquis, not to murder
him: and that he regretted his death. The letter is dated 14 July
1541.[146] I think that this may be believed.
Juan de Herrada showed great energy after the murder; disarming and
arresting, and forcing the municipal officers to acknowledge young
Diego as Governor. But when nearly all the Spaniards outside Lima
rose against him, he showed nothing but incapacity and arrogance. He
tortured and killed Pizarro's secretary, and murdered Francisco de
Chaves owing to a private feud, the only old captain of the elder
Almagro who was an accomplice, though not an actual murderer. Both
were acts of unwisdom and stupid violence. The accomplice of whom he
had the highest opinion was a young ruffian named García de Alvarado,
violent, incapable, and brutally selfish--an unscrupulous robber.
Yet the ill-fated boy remained completely under the malign influence
of Juan de Herrada, and consented to make him General of the forces
he was collecting. He was thus placed over all the veteran captains
of the elder Almagro, men of position, of tried valour, with great
military experience. They were not prepared to serve under the upstart
Herrada, and they were all disgusted at the murder of the Marquis, an
atrocious crime which could not be forgiven, as well as a piece of
folly, which no one with any judgment would have committed. Sooner or
later all his father's old captains except one left the service of
the unhappy boy, and joined the royal Governor--Gómez de Alvarado,
Saavedra, Montemayor, Guevara, all fell away from the murderers.
One only stood firm for the boy, for the sake of his father. This
was Cristóval de Sotelo, an old soldier of the school of Orgóñez,
but able, experienced in war, and possessing no common skill in all
matters relating to his profession. He was true as steel to the cause
he had once espoused.
Herrada found it necessary to leave Lima and make for Cuzco, there to
await events. He was taken ill on the way and died at Jauja showing
his incapacity with his dying breath, by advising that Sotelo and
García de Alvarado should command jointly. Sotelo of course declined
such a position, and García de Alvarado went with a following to
Arequipa, nominally to collect men and arms, but really for plunder.
Young Diego, now free from the evil tutelage of Juan de Herrada, began
to act for himself, and showed that he possessed ability and force
of character. He was not altogether without help, though surrounded
by murderers and self-seekers. In Sotelo he found a true friend and
wise counsellor, and during the march to Cuzco, under such guidance,
he brought his levies of 550 men into a state of tolerable military
efficiency.
At Cuzco young Diego worked hard with Sotelo, in preparing arms,
superintending the casting of cannon by Pedro de Candía, and
consulting about the best course to pursue. Then the young ruffian
García de Alvarado arrived from his freebooting expedition to
Arequipa, with a large amount of treasure. He used it to form a party
of his own in the camp. He was jealous of Sotelo, who at the time was
ill in bed with a fever, and he went to his house to pick a quarrel,
ending by murdering him. Young Diego did not dare to arrest the
assassin owing to the party his stolen treasure had got around him. He
bided his time. He even consented to make him second in command with
special powers. The ambition of the young ruffian (he was twenty-nine)
was to have chief command. He intended to murder young Almagro. But
the half-caste was more than a match for him at that game. There was
to be a grand supper, and García de Alvarado was to go to Diego's
house and invite him, having arranged for his murder after the supper.
Diego made a different arrangement, which was to kill García de
Alvarado when he came to say that the supper was ready. This was done.
But the lad was still surrounded with difficulties and dangers. There
was a well paid Alvarado party which was discontented. The loss of
Sotelo was fatal. The gallant boy had not a single friend whom he
could trust--his associates were a gang of murderers and self-seekers.
He thought he had a friend, in a man named Lope de Idiáquez, and
consulted him. But he proved a traitor. There was also an old soldier
who had served in the Italian wars and could marshal an army to the
best advantage, but he too was false and a traitor.
Thus, without a single friend upon whom he could rely, this boy of
nineteen prepared to encounter the Governor's army led by all the
experienced cavaliers and soldiers in Peru. To have undertaken this
showed great courage, and that he should have done it so well denotes
rare ability. It is true that he must have known that all the leaders
would fight to the last, for they fought with halters round their
necks. But the equipment of the force, the provision of arms and
accoutrements, the organization, the route, the marching order, were
all due to the energy and ability of this half-caste boy.
Young Almagro would have been pardoned before the battle, if he had
consented to abandon the cause of the murderers who were in his army.
He was too honourable to entertain such a proposal. He fought with
great valour and determination at Chupas, to the bitter end.
This fortune followed him in his flight from the lost battle. He
had with him Diego Méndez, who was a fool as well as an unmitigated
scoundrel. Young Almagro should have made his way direct from the
Apurimac to the mountain fastness of the Inca. But Diego Méndez
persuaded him to come to Cuzco for horse shoes, merely because the
rascal wanted to visit his own mistress, the news of the battle of
Chupas not having yet reached the city. The delay was fatal to young
Diego. The bad news arrived when he had only got as far as the valley
of Yucay. A party was sent in pursuit and he was captured.
Young Diego made a final effort to escape his fate. A faithful young
page bought two horses, and he intended to take refuge with the Inca.
But the scheme was betrayed, and he was more strictly guarded. This
misfortune is much to be regretted. Inca Manco would have received
the able young soldier with hospitality and kindness. He would have
thrown in his lot with the Incas and, as their very efficient General,
would probably have repulsed the force sent against Tupac Amaru, and
thus prevented the disgraceful scene, for which the Viceroy Toledo was
responsible, in the _plaza_ of Cuzco.
Young Don Diego de Almagro met his death with the calmness and dignity
of a Christian knight, and the courage of an Indian Chief. He should
have been spared. The political reason for the execution of his
father--that he was a source of danger owing to the still unbroken
strength of his party--did not exist in the case of the son. The
Almagro party had been annihilated. The lad should have been sent to
Panamá or to Spain.
It is a very sad story, and most interesting as a proof of the ability
and courage of the first distinguished half-caste.
[145] Chaves, and he was not among the assassins.
[146] _Muñoz Coll._ It is printed in Spanish by Prescott, in an
appendix at the end of vol. ii of his work.
CHAPTER LXXXV
_Of other things that were done by the Governor Vaca de Castro,
and how he appointed Diego de Rojas and Felipe Gutiérrez to be
his captains in the subjugation of the region of the Rio de la
Plata._
After Don Diego de Almagro had been executed, as related in the
last chapter, some of those who had sided with him in the battle
were judged and, in deference to their excuses, received moderate
sentences.[147] The Governor then sent off despatches to his Majesty
and his exalted Council relating all that had happened. He ordered
the royal officers to watch closely that nothing of the property
confiscated for the royal treasury should be lost, and in all things
great care was taken. The captain Monroy had come from Chile, where
Pedro de Valdivia was governing, to ask for assistance, as the force
there was insufficient either to overcome the natives or to complete
the exploration of the interior in that region. As Vaca de Castro saw
that it would be advantageous for the royal service he gave all the
help he could. A little less than a hundred Spaniards were raised,
with arms and horses, for Monroy to take back, and a ship laden with
necessaries was sent coastwise. As the Governor Vaca de Castro could
not satisfy all those who had joined him by giving them allotments of
Indians, he took great care to furnish those who undertook discoveries
and conquests, with horses and other equipment, so that they might set
out from the Realm well provided. We may well praise this policy as a
prudent one.
There were highly promising reports of the provinces extending to the
west [_sic!_], where the very large and powerful river of La Plata
flows, so broad that when it enters the Ocean it appears more like
some arm of the sea than a river. In former times, when its mouth was
discovered, certain Spaniards who ascended this river recounted great
things; but the fame of such stories always exceeds the reality. It
was said that there was so vast a quantity of gold and silver that the
Indians held it for nought, and that there were emeralds there as well.
I knew Francisco de César, who was a captain in the province of
Cartagena, which is situated on the coast of the Ocean, and one
Francisco Hogaçon, who was also one of the first conquerors of that
province, and I have often heard them talk, and affirm with an oath
that they saw much treasure and great flocks of the cattle we call
here Peruvian sheep, and that the Indians were well dressed and of
good mien. They said many other things that I need not write of.[148]
Afterwards Don Pedro de Mendoza went out as Governor to that country,
and events took place which I will relate in the account of the last
war and the coming of the President Pedro de la Gasca.
As the fame of that rich country spread far and wide many desired to
be in it. When the captain Pedro Anzures went to explore the Chunchos,
he got reports of that river. It was supposed that it had its source
in the lake of Bombon; and that the principal affluents of this river
of La Plata were the Apurimac and the Jauja. Felipe Gutiérrez and the
captain Diego de Rojas, desirous of making some conquest which would
be memorable and give satisfaction to his Majesty, asked the Governor
Vaca de Castro to entrust them with the leadership of an expedition;
and as he was anxious to see the soldiers dispersed, the back country
opened up and thoroughly explored, and the name of Christ made known
in all parts, he was glad of their proposal and very willingly
favoured all who wished to take part in the adventure, by furnishing
them with arms and horses and money. So he nominated Felipe Gutiérrez
as Captain-general, Diego de Rojas as Chief Judge, and Nicolás de
Heredia as Camp-master, with the necessary powers and commissions,
in the name of our lord the King. In default of Gutiérrez through
illness, or being killed by the Indians, Diego de Rojas was to succeed
to the chief command; and if, in his turn, Rojas should fail, Heredia
was to take over charge. When the soldiers learnt that Diego de Rojas
was going to be a leader in the expedition, many, holding him to be a
good captain, prepared to follow him.
FOOTNOTES:
[147] Diego Méndez and seven others took refuge with the Inca, who
showed them great kindness. In return they murdered their host and
tried to escape, but were promptly seized and put to death by the
Inca's servants. The murder took place in 1545. The design of these
villains was to obtain a pardon for having borne arms with Don Diego,
by disposing of the Inca.
[148] César was at the Rio de la Plata before he went to Cartagena.
CHAPTER LXXXVI
_How the Governor, Vaca de Castro, parcelled out the lands, and
how the Captain Gonzalo Pizarro arrived at the city of Lima and
talked openly about affairs._
Having made the arrangements just described, Vaca de Castro, by
virtue of the commission he brought as Governor, ordered a general
_repartimiento_ to be made of all the _encomiendas_ that were vacant,
taking care not to forget himself nor those he took to be his friends,
for to himself and them he allotted the best and greater portion.
Either to justify the course he took, or to become acquainted
with everything down to the roots, he ordered four of the old
_conquistadores_ to inform him, under a solemn oath, of the services
rendered by every one who had been in the Realm from the beginning.
This being done, he allotted all the natives of the provinces among
them, and issued titles to the _encomenderos_; requiring them,
however, in the name of our lord the King, to use them fairly, and
to instruct the bondsmen in the affairs of our sacred religion; and
he gave orders that all the villages and towns in the Realm should
be visited. As many captains might be leaving Peru, to undertake
conquests, Vaca de Castro ordered that they might take just a moderate
number of Indians for their service; for it would not be a fair thing
to still further deplete provinces which were nearly depopulated owing
to the calamities of the late wars. If any soldier tried to deviate
from this order he was to be punished. This order of Vaca de Castro
was certainly very beneficial, for there had been great irregularities
in the past.
We have already mentioned how Gonzalo Pizarro came out of the Canela
country very worn out, both himself and the others who escaped from
that adventure. When he heard of the murder of his brother the
Marquis, and that Vaca de Castro had been acknowledged as Governor,
Gonzalo was much annoyed, for it seemed to him not just that he should
be deprived of that charge, seeing that by virtue of a royal provision
and the nomination of the Marquis, he, Gonzalo, was Governor of Quito.
He spoke about it in this wise quite openly, saying that _he_ ought
to govern the Realm, no matter whom it might displease, and that
the ingratitude of his Majesty was great, with other disrespectful
words. When, on the road, he heard of the victory of Vaca de Castro,
he rejoiced in so far that the murderers of his brother had received
their deserts, and he would have been glad to be present in that
battle with the rest, in order to fully revenge himself on them. But
when his journeying brought him to Lima he talked still more freely,
as we have said, and between him and his friends a conspiracy was
hatched against Vaca de Castro. As nothing is hidden from those who
govern, the news of all this soon reached the Governor, and when
he heard it he sent the bachelor Juan Vélez de Guevara to Lima as
his lieutenant, with orders not to permit any disturbance, nor any
disrespect to his authority. With these instructions Guevara set out
for Lima, Vaca de Castro first having written letters to Gonzalo
Pizarro, directing him to come to Cuzco. Gonzalo, therefore, on
seeing this command departed from Lima for the city of Cuzco, and as
soon as Vaca de Castro knew of his approach he ordered that there
should be men at hand ready for anything that might crop up, and that
his captain of the guard, Gaspar Rodríguez de Camporedondo, should
exercise special care in watching the Governor's person.
CHAPTER LXXXVII
_How they discovered great deposits of gold in the river
Caravaya, how Vaca de Castro ordered all the old tambos and
lodgings to be occupied, and of the departure of Pedro Anzures
and Francisco Becerra for Spain._
Very great things happened in the Realm at this time; and
notwithstanding the constant wars, the people who lived in it appeared
very contented and seemed to take fresh heart, at all points. And it
pleased God, in appreciation of the Christian zeal of the Emperor
Don Carlos, our lord, that great kingdoms and provinces should be
discovered during his reign, full of rivers and hills, the richest
in metals of gold and silver that have ever been seen. Although the
sins of the men who live out here are many, their Catholic aspirations
and eagerness to make war on the infidels in support of the great
expense and disbursements involved, led them on in these enterprises.
So it was that in this year the richest of all the gold mines in this
country were found at a river called _Caravaya_--of which I do not
treat here, because I have told about it in my "Book of Foundations."
The gold that was extracted was of perfectly pure quality, and there
were many instances of 500 and 1,000 _pesos_ being taken from one
trough. Altogether they got from this river more than 1,300,000
_pesos_' worth. As the treasure was so great, so also the labour
was not less. It employed many gangs of Indians and, the climate
being very different from that of Peru, a great number of them died.
From these natives Vaca de Castro got lavish supplies of gold; and,
retaining the _coca_ profits as he did for himself alone, he realized
further large sums of money to meet the extravagant expenditure caused
by his ostentation and by requiring greater ceremonial homage than
was a Governor's due. The rich yield of the river of Caravaya was
increasing, and ordinances were enacted to regulate affairs concerning
the mines. Hearing that great outrages were being committed on the
natives because many of the post houses or _tambos_ on the royal road
from Cuzco to Quito were badly provided, and that some men had been
carried off in chains, by which God our Lord was ill served, and his
Majesty too, Vaca de Castro issued an ordinance which was very proper
and beneficial at the moment. He ordered the feoffees and the caciques
or Chiefs of the various provinces to see that the post houses were
maintained in the same manner as in the days of the King Inca Huayna
Capac, and that they should always be kept supplied with provisions
for persons travelling in the Realm. The Chiefs were also obliged to
provide certain Indians to go from _tambo_ to _tambo_ with what was
necessary; and if any Spaniard should exact more than the statutory
provision we have stated, he was to be rigorously punished. In this
way the roads were well provided and Spaniards passed along them
without trouble.
At this time the captain Alonso de Alvarado, now that the war was
over and the King was in possession of the whole country, resolved to
proceed to Spain, to give an account to his Majesty of all that had
occurred. He set out accordingly and arrived at Tierra Firme just when
the Ordinances which his Majesty caused to be sent out reached those
parts; the transcript being brought by one Diego de Aller, who also
said that Blasco Nuñez Vela was coming in the capacity of a Viceroy
to enforce them. As the captain Pedro Anzures and the accountant Juan
de Cáceres were then in Panamá, with other settlers from Peru, they
urged Don Alonso to return--for the defence of his property and to
petition against the Ordinances. Alonso de Alvarado answered prudently
that if he returned and any disturbance should arise, they would
blame him for it. The proper thing for them all to do, said he, was
to memorialize the King, with great humility, respecting the laws;
and that, being so Christian a prince, he would not allow them to be
deprived of their estates which they had acquired with so much labour,
and that they should go to Spain to present themselves before his
Majesty, who would order justice to be done. Besides this that Alonso
de Alvarado said to those who were in Panamá, he wrote to the cities
of Lima, Truxillo, and Chachapoyas, and others in Peru, advising that
they should act in this and in no other way: which fact I adduce in
order that the fidelity with which this captain was determined to
serve his King may be understood, and even in the presence of the
President Gasca I saw clear enough evidence of his loyalty over this
business, and it seemed to be true.
But let us now return to our subject, which is that the Governor Vaca
de Castro being desirous of dispersing the Spaniards who had collected
together owing to the war now ended, and understanding that beyond
Charcas, to the west, there were natives and capabilities for founding
a city, he ordered the captain Gabriel de Rojas to go and attend to
it, and gave him the requisite powers and faculty, in the name of the
King. Though Gabriel de Rojas set out to found the city, he did not
succeed; and therefore we will say nothing more about that, but we
will now speak of the arrival of Gonzalo Pizarro at Cuzco.
CHAPTER LXXXVIII
_How the captain Gonzalo Pizarro arrived at the city of Cuzco,
accompanied by some followers, but had not laid aside his
rebellious design of occupying the Realm; and of what else
happened._
The captain Gonzalo Pizarro travelled to Cuzco accompanied by a few
comrades who had come out of the Canela country with him, and others
who now joined him, who, by always talking of things of the past
without considering the serious trouble that must overtake them in the
future, incited him to no good purpose, but to a course which might
do much harm. This is the great sorrow I feel--that many princes and
great lords, if vain words had not been poured into their ears by the
voices of youths and flatterers, would not have involved themselves
and their neighbours in so many calamities and disasters. It has been
the same in these Indies, where the men living in them are alike
astute and malicious, as well as so much addicted to uproars that
the governors and captains who wish to live peaceably get no chance
of doing so. Some to avenge themselves on others, some to obtain
commands and dignities, some to secure favours and riches, incite the
poorer sort to live at enmity with their equals. They rise for certain
objects, and, forced by necessity, have to carry their opinions
forward, while those who thus commit them slip out of the mess when
they see a time for it. So it was with the ill-fated captain Gonzalo
Pizarro who, besides being ambitious to command, was so stirred up by
his followers that, after having served his Majesty loyally and well,
he entered upon bad and ugly courses,[149] as we are told on a stone
memorial which is set up in the city of Cuzco, forever branding him as
a traitor.
When Gonzalo Pizarro had arrived within a short distance of Cuzco, his
companions urged that, having been acknowledged as Governor at Quito
on the strength of his appointment and nomination by his brother, he
ought now to be Governor of the whole kingdom just as his brother the
Marquis was before his death. Should he not take this step, they said,
he would be looked upon by all as a weak man wanting in resolution,
and he would be held in poor esteem for not daring to take what was
rightfully his. With this specious talk matters reached such a pass
that he came to an understanding with them, and they with him, to kill
Vaca de Castro and seize the Realm: at least so it is said. Villalba
was present amidst these intrigues, but disapproved of their upshot
and pressed on in advance to Cuzco, where he warned Vaca de Castro of
what was in the wind. The Governor, when he was told about it, gave
orders to the guard to be very watchful; and, on collecting as many
more as he was able to, he found himself with 400 men. The principal
captains were acting in concert, and agreed that if, when Gonzalo
Pizarro should come, he did anything that was not lawful nor proper
for the King's service, they would cut off his head. By that time
Gonzalo Pizarro had arrived close to the city and, as there is never
any lack of some one to give information, letters were sent along
to meet him, advising him to be careful of his person, because Vaca
de Castro intended to kill him. When he knew this Gonzalo Pizarro
spoke to Juan de Acosta and others, warning them to be ready to kill
Vaca de Castro when they would meet, and that he himself would give
the signal. When Gonzalo reached the city, some persons came out to
receive him. It was now publicly known that Villalba had disclosed the
plot, so Gonzalo Pizarro declared with an oath that he had no such
thought, and that Villalba had spoken lies. Villalba maintained what
he had said, and retorted by declaring the names of those concerned in
it. As they now saw and understood that they were found out, some of
them fled, but Vaca de Castro ordered them to be searched for and, if
discovered, to be put to death.
When Gonzalo Pizarro came to the street where the Governor's house was
situated, there were numerous arquebusiers posted along the walls,
and a bodyguard within. Martín de Guzmán was at the door, with orders
not to let anyone enter except Gonzalo Pizarro himself, and this was
obeyed. Vaca de Castro received him very well, and conversed with him
on his expedition into the Canela country, and the great hardships
he had endured. After he had advised Pizarro to now give himself
rest, the latter took leave of him. But the men around Pizarro did
not discontinue their intrigues. They told Gonzalo Pizarro that Vaca
de Castro wanted to kill him while others told Vaca de Castro that
Pizarro wanted to kill _him_ and seize upon the government. Then Vaca
de Castro sent for Gonzalo Pizarro and, by a writ under the hand of
the secretary Pero López, required him to proceed to Charcas, where he
had estates, and to stay there, without maintaining any body of men
which might give rise to a renewal of the scandal, on pain of being
declared a traitor and forfeiting all his property. He was to live
there as a private person.
They say that, after this, Gonzalo Pizarro continued to entertain
damaging intentions against the Governor, and that one day, when Vaca
de Castro was out with his guards, Pizarro came up to speak to him.
The arquebusiers, seeing him approach, stepped forward to intercept
him; but on observing this Vaca de Castro said, "Stay where you are,
for where Don Gonzalo Pizarro is, I deem myself safe and need no
other guard." When Pizarro heard these confident words he abandoned
the design he had been nursing, and set out, accompanied only by his
servants, for the town of Plata, where he had Indians who yielded more
income than is possessed in Spain by the Archbishop of Toledo and the
Count of Benavente.
[149] He, at the request of all the principal Spaniards in Peru,
took up their cause against the New Laws, and, when it suited their
interests, they basely deserted him.
CHAPTER LXXXIX
_How the captains Felipe Gutiérrez and Diego de Rojas set out
from Cuzco on their expedition of conquest._
It will be well, now that the wars of Las Salinas and of Chupas are
bygones, while the time has not yet come for those of Quito and
Huarina, and the others which were fought in the Realm, that we should
continue our history by relating the things that happened, for I have
set myself the task of giving an account of them to my country. Yet my
mind is so confused in trying to comprehend the affairs which we yet
have to deal with, and my body so aweary through the long journeys and
protracted vigils I have passed through, that I certainly need divine
help to complete the great undertaking that I have in hand.
My condition is like it was during the expeditions I took part in,
when climbing great and rugged mountains so lofty that their summits
were lost in the clouds and the scud that accompanied them. At times,
when I saw myself in the midst of the ascent, I used to feel so fagged
that it was very difficult for me to reach the top; and on turning
to gaze beneath me it seemed as if the deep ravines must reach down
into the inferno. So in my exhausted state I prayed to God to give me
strength to pass onward. Looking back at what I have written since
1523 down to the present time, and realizing how voluminous the
writing has been, as well as the much that remains to be finished, I
am in still greater trouble than I was in the mountains. For were I
to finish off here what is begun, the work would be incomplete; while,
if I go on, my judgment is so weak, and my head so vacuous that I know
not how I shall be able to do it. But reflecting, as the Philosopher
says, that some men must attempt great deeds and worship lofty ideals,
the commoner sort being open to all, I will go on, while praying to
God to give me strength, and invoking the aid of His most holy Mother;
and I will finish the work, or perish in the attempt.
We have already said that the Governor Vaca de Castro appointed the
captain Felipe Gutiérrez to be the leader of an exploring party to
the region lying to the northward of the famous river of La Plata and
the Strait of Magellan, and the captain Diego de Rojas to remain as
Governor of the first city they might found; and that he named Nicolás
de Heredia, jointly with these, as Camp-master. As, in this empire of
the Indies, there had been great trouble, owing to the death of those
in command, Vaca de Castro desired that his Majesty's interest should
not suffer in such a contingency this time. So he provided that, if it
should please God to take Felipe Gutiérrez, the command should vest in
the two, and, if one of them died, the other should remain in charge.
There were great reports of a river called _Arauco_, on the borders
of Chile, and the intention was to explore in that direction. As soon
as the captains received their commissions, they busied themselves
in enlisting men, and soon got 130 Spaniards together, horse and
foot. To provide for them, besides the help given by Vaca de Castro,
they all three laid out as much money as they could provide. For
Ensign-general they had Hurtado, for captain Pedro López de Ayala, for
royal officer Rodrigo de Cantos. Among them, too, was the spirited
youth Diego Alvarez, who was afterwards Ensign-general at the rout
of Huarina. When all things were ready, Diego de Rojas set out for
the valley of Chiquana[150] with sixty Spaniards, where he decided to
wait for the General Felipe Gutiérrez, and the Camp-master Nicolás
de Heredia. So Diego de Rojas departed, and marched until he reached
that valley, where he learnt from the local Indians that there were
large native settlements farther on and that the Indians thereabouts
had many Spanish fowls. These were derived from the Spaniards who went
out from Spain by command of his Majesty to explore the river of La
Plata, taking Don Pedro de Mendoza with them as Governor, and who went
through many wonderful experiences, concerning which I will not write.
Now let the reader please observe what a deal there is for us to
understand in the affairs of Peru. A very particular friend of mine
has told me that I ought to give information respecting the great
rivers Uriaparia and Marañón, and this one of La Plata. I answered
him that if it should please God to give me grace to get through with
the itinerary of my journeys I would write a special book for him
on those subjects; but that at present I am concerned with the true
account of men who in those days were engaged in discoveries, and must
therefore leave the reader to find in that one what is here wanting.
For the purpose of pursuing this, our work, there is no need to state
more than that the Spaniards who accompanied Mendoza had but recently
come from Spain, and did not understand the ways of the New World,
nor what men have to surmount there; so that many of them died. The
survivors, after their Governor's death, were gentlemen and men of
honour, for death takes more quickly those of low degree than the
noble; and these pushed on inland from the east side, traversing many
regions and great provinces, until at last they came out very near to
the town of Plata, as we will relate farther on. As the ships that
had landed them on the coast left some of the fowls I have mentioned,
our two explorers were able to procure some, and the natives, finding
that they were profitable, and dainty eating, bred so many that they
became distributed and increased far and wide, and thus it was that
Diego de Rojas came to hear about them. As these Indians were such
romancers, they exaggerated the reports of that country, saying that
the Christians who went there were very fortunate, and that the
land was very rich in gold and silver of its own production. The
Spaniards, hearing these things, besought Diego de Rojas to leave the
eastern[151] road, which led towards the river Arauco, and to make for
the part mentioned by the Indians, so that in a short time they might
perchance find themselves in a country where all would become rich.
Diego de Rojas, eager for discovery, was overjoyed on hearing the
words of those who wanted to go that way, and decided to do so.
FOOTNOTES:
[150] Now _Chicuana_. But the modern place is far from the old site.
[151] Western?
CHAPTER XC
_How the General, Felipe Gutiérrez, and the Camp-master set
out from Cuzco, and how Diego de Rojas went to explore in the
direction indicated by the Indians._
The General Felipe Gutiérrez and the Camp-master Nicolás de Heredia
had remained in the city of Cuzco, and, as soon as Diego de Rojas
departed, they sent the Spaniards outside, because, being in small
parties, they would gain supplies more easily, and the Indians would
suffer less hardship. When everyone else had gone, the captains
departed likewise. It is very commonly the case that the men who roam
about this country are ill disposed, friends to turmoil and enemies of
concord, without having any reason for breeding strife; and thus, some
of those who had arrived at the place where Diego de Rojas was waiting
told him that Felipe de Gutiérrez was coming with some of his friends,
and harboured an intention of murdering him, when they arrived, so as
to gain the sole command. Diego Rojas did not fail to be disturbed
on hearing what we have said, but, being a prudent man, he did not
believe it to be altogether true, nor did he put all suspicion aside,
but took warning to look out for himself. As those who were with
him were eager to go forward with the expedition, he ordered forty
Spaniards to get ready to go with him, at the same time writing to
Felipe Gutiérrez to make haste and join him. He left Diego Pérez
Becerra in charge of the camp, and secretly instructed Pero López de
Ayala to go back and meet Felipe Gutiérrez, ascertain his intention
and proceedings, and report the result to Diego himself. Pero López de
Ayala went, with three mounted companions. As soon as these messengers
had departed, Diego de Rojas left Chiquana and, guided by what the
Indians had told him, made his way over pretty difficult country until
he reached a province called _Tucumá_,[152] which lies beyond the
cordillera of the Andes, and at the foot of very rugged hills, which,
however, are not more than four leagues across. To reach this province
they followed down the course of a stream. The distance from there to
Chiquana, where the camp was left, is fifty leagues.
In some parts of this province there are dense forests; the rest is
open plain, and there the Indians have built round houses of heavy
timber framing, thatched with straw. The natives knew of the coming
of the Spaniards, rumours of it having spread far and wide, but they
had not the courage to oppose them. On the contrary, they fled from
their homes like cowards, through fear of the invaders. When Diego de
Rojas arrived at Tucumá and found that the natives did not come out
to him, having intelligence of a more populous district farther on,
he decided to continue his march to another village called _Capayán_.
The Chief of that place, when he heard that the Christians were
coming, ordered 1,500 of his vassals to assemble, all loaded with
straw, besides carrying their ordinary weapons. When they came near
to where Diego de Rojas and his comrades were advancing, the Chief
ordered the straw to be laid down as a mark beyond which the Spaniards
must not advance, and warned them that if they passed it they would
all be killed, for that they had no right to invade the land which
belonged to the Indians and had been in their occupation without let
or hindrance for many ages. The captain Diego de Rojas, seeing what
the Indians did and said, told his companions to be mounted and ready
for whatever might happen, as he wanted to speak to the natives, and
to explain to them the cause of his coming. After the Chief had made
his speech, all the Indians took up their bows and arrows, while Diego
de Rojas, moving to where the Chief stood, explained that he and those
other Christians were subjects of the Emperor Don Carlos, and that
they came from other places where he also was lord. If the Indians
would believe in our God, and have the Emperor for their natural lord
and king, there would be peace and true friendship between them;
if not, war could not be avoided until, forced by necessity, they
themselves should pray for peace. Diego de Rojas made them understand
this through the interpreters present.
The Chief, and those who had come with him, answered by repeating
what they had said before, being astonished at seeing the horses and
their swiftness of foot, and at the appearance of the Spaniards and
their being so silent. After spending a short time in contemplating
them, the Indians made up their minds to approach Diego de Rojas, and
presently, by gathering round him, tried to cut him off. He was by
no means off his guard, but, understanding the Indians' cunning, he
chided them for what they had done, and told the interpreter to repeat
what he said, to the Chief. The Chief replied that his Indians were so
ill-behaved that even when he gave an order they would not obey, nor
give up doing what they were about. When Diego de Rojas heard this, he
put spurs to his horse, and began capering about in all directions.
The natives were astounded at seeing the swiftness of the horse and
the fury with which it galloped. The Spaniards, when they saw that
their captain no longer held discourse with the Indians, pointed
their lances, and charged among the Indians, and began to drive them
into their naked bodies. When the latter saw that the game was up,
they began to run away in great terror. Diego de Rojas ordered the
Spaniards to cease the slaughter, because the Chief had been sorry
for the impudence of his people. When the Spaniards heard the order,
they desisted from wounding those who had fallen, and the Indians also
refrained and gave heed by command of their Chief.
FOOTNOTE:
[152] Tucumán. It was then a common practice to substitute the _â_
for the terminal _an_. The name of the Chilean commander Villagran is
often spelt without the n--Villagrâ.
CHAPTER XCI
_Of what else happened to the captain Diego de Rojas._
All the natives of the regions near where the Spaniards were marching
were in great terror. They thought that there must be some deity in
the invaders and, though they did not number forty, all who even heard
their name trembled with fear. They said to each other that the
horses understood the Spaniards, and that they were such great and
fierce animals that they would kill every one they met. As the Chief
of those Indians who had come out on the war path was more alarmed
than any one, he sought with a good will to make peace with Diego
de Rojas, who granted it, saying that he did not come to make war
unless he was forced into it. Taking counsel with the other Spaniards
who were with him, he determined to return to Tucumá, as it was not
prudent to advance further, they being so few and the natives so
numerous. Speaking to those who were present, the captain Diego de
Rojas said that he would return to where he had left many Spaniards
and horses, so that all might go together to conquer those regions,
and place them under the dominion of the king Don Carlos. Having said
this, he set out on his return to Tucumá, where they found a large
supply of provisions.
In order that the Indians might not think that the Spaniards fled from
fear of them, Diego de Rojas resolved to send Francisco de Mendoza
with six horsemen to return to Chiquana to make all those come, who
had remained. Francisco de Mendoza having departed, Diego de Rojas ran
a great risk with only thirty men, the six being taken off. But his
watch was so careful, that it was not easy for the Indians to take him
unawares. The supplies were so abundant, that they could get plenty
without any trouble; there were more hens than in the land of Campos,
and very plump ones; also a great quantity of ducks, and not a few
guanacos in those provinces. The Indians would have been glad enough
to kill the Spaniards, and to clear them out of their provinces,
but seeing their enemies so watchful and well prepared they did not
venture to make opposition. They agreed to wait and see what would
come of the invaders' presence.
The natives of these provinces are well made. They wear long cloaks
of wool from below the arm, a strip from it passing over the shoulder,
and the waist belt is arranged so that the private parts do not
appear. In warm weather they have very graceful and handsome cloaks
of ostrich[153] feathers. The women go naked, with no more than a
small apron fastened round the waist, like the _maures_ which, as we
have written, are worn by the women of Anzerma and Antiochia [_sic_].
They wear their hair very long and well combed; they pride themselves
on washing frequently, and use no _bija_[154] nor any other mixture
on their faces. The food of these Indians is maize and the flesh of
guanacos and their ewes. They are great sorcerers and the devil is
always talking to them. They have no belief, and merely think that
they have to live, and must die. When they die, the relatives make
burial places in the hills where the bodies are placed, and they stick
a tall stout post over the grave, on which is carved a figure of the
devil as he was seen by the deceased when, in life, they talked to
him. They do not eat human flesh, and detest the sin of sodomy. Their
houses are large and round, and the villages not very close together.
They have not so much fruit as in other parts. These customs and
habits of Indians relate to those who dwell beyond the province of
Tucumá, for those nearer[155] had been subjugated by the Incas, and
many of them wore clothes. The reason why the Incas did not subjugate
the natives farther on was that they received glowing reports of
the provinces stretching towards Quito and of the vast quantity of
gold in them, so they extended their conquests in that direction. To
make their dominion secure, in the time of the Inca Yupanqui, who
was father of Tupac Inca, and grandfather of Huayna Capac, certain
_orejones_[156] were sent by his order, not with any great company of
people nor with an army, but with articles for barter, in order to
learn the disposition of the natives and the character of the country.
The greatness of the Incas was so well known, and the fame of their
victories had made such an impression, that these _orejones_ easily
induced the natives to become vassals of the King Inca Yupanqui. The
latter agreed that their friendship should be perpetual, but that they
should not be required to do more than defend the frontier so that no
enemy should invade the Inca's territory on that side; and so this
peace was made. In Tucumá they believed the Sun to be God. All hold
that things had a beginning and that there was one Creator, to whom
they offered sacrifices, but all their beliefs were inspired by the
devil because they were deceived by him in their illusions.
FOOTNOTES:
[153] _Avestruces_ in the MS.--but really the _Rhea_.
[154] _Bixa orellana_--anatto.
[155] The MS. is defective here.
[156] _Orejones_ was the name given by Spaniards to some wild tribes
of the Gran Chaco, because they perforated and stretched the ear lobes.
CHAPTER XCII
_How Felipe Gutiérrez came to join Diego de Rojas; of the
arrival of Francisco de Mendoza at Chiquana, and what else
happened._
In preceding chapters we mentioned that the General Felipe Gutiérrez
and the Camp-master Nicolás de Heredia had departed from Cuzco, and
had gone, with all speed, to join Diego de Rojas. Francisco de Mendoza
had hastened to do what he had been ordered by the captain Diego de
Rojas, and in a few days he arrived where the Spaniards had left their
camp. There he reported to Pero López de Ayala and the others what had
happened, and the hope there was that farther on they would come to
a very rich country; also that all these regions are well supplied
with provisions, which was no small relief and advantage to those who
desired to continue the war and discoveries. As the principal object
of Francisco de Mendoza was to meet Felipe Gutiérrez and learn his
wishes, he set out with some mounted men to meet him, and, having
travelled for several days, he came upon him at a village called
_Totaparo_, where he gave him an account of all that had happened.
While travelling with him, Mendoza tried to find out the humour in
which Gutiérrez came, and the feeling he had towards Diego de Rojas.
For so it was that there were not wanting those who said to Felipe
Gutiérrez just what had been said to Diego de Rojas, telling him to
look out for himself because Diego de Rojas wanted either to kill him
or to send him out of the province so that he, Rojas, might have sole
command. Notwithstanding these reports and others spread by men prone
to mischief, Felipe Gutiérrez, being a sensible and God-fearing man,
gave little credit to them. In the presence of all who came with him,
he said that he asked them to receive him as their captain until he
joined his companion Diego de Rojas, who was a captain well acquainted
with Indian warfare, having grown old in such service, both in
Nicaragua and in other parts. Having joined him, both they and himself
must place themselves under him and regard him as their superior
officer. He added that, please God, he would not give any credit to
the gossip against Diego de Rojas, which he looked upon as churlish
camp rumours.
When Felipe Gutiérrez had said this, Pero López de Ayala took him
apart, and told him secretly of the things they had said to Diego
de Rojas, and of the evil intentions of some who, without shame or
the fear of God, strove to create discord between them by means of
those misunderstandings. When Felipe Gutiérrez understood this, he
resolved to send other messengers, jointly with Pero López de Ayala,
namely Alonso de Zayas and Pablo de Montemayor, with letters making
known his arrival and stating what had happened, declaring that he
looked upon Rojas as his leader and true friend, and that he desired
to join him as his subordinate; also begging him not to believe the
treacherous men who were striving to create enmity between them. He
added that those who carried the letters would inform him of anything
else he might wish to know. At this time the camp had been moved from
Chiquana to Tucumá. The captain Diego de Rojas found himself with
such a force that he could overrun the country without difficulty,
and compel the barbarians to render obedience to the great Charles
our Lord. Having fixed his camp at Tucumá, he set out in various
directions, with some mounted men, to explore the province. Zayas
and Pero López de Ayala and the others who came by order of Felipe
Gutiérrez were in some danger, there being no troops at Chiquana. The
Indians yelled in defiance, but at last, by courage and perseverance,
they reached Tucumá, and thence proceeded to where Diego de Rojas was
waiting, at a village called _Capaya_. His joy was very great when he
saw the letters and learnt that Felipe Gutiérrez was coming with good
intentions towards him. Moreover, he felt that he would do well to
deal circumspectly with his own followers.
CHAPTER XCIII
_How the natives of those provinces concealed the provisions,
and of the want that, it was believed, would be the consequence;
also how Diego de Rojas sent messengers to Felipe Gutiérrez._
When the natives saw that the Christians were settling in the land
without any intention of leaving it, but on the contrary had sent
for those who remained in Chiquana, they unanimously determined to
conceal the provisions in order that, forced by necessity owing to
the hunger they would suffer, they might quit the province. So, all
at once and with great promptitude, they worked with such good will
that, in a few days, nothing was found but the maize in leaf; for this
they could not carry off. The Christians, feeling the want of food,
searched for it in all directions, and when Diego de Rojas saw that
there was none he took whom he thought necessary with him and, leaving
the camp with a sufficient guard, resolved to go out and look for
anything they could eat wherever they might find it. First, however,
he ordered Pablo de Montemayor to return to Felipe Gutiérrez with all
speed, and tell him what straits they were in for food; and that,
while he himself was seeking out where the Indians had concealed the
supplies, he thought it would be prudent for Gutiérrez to halt until
further messengers could be sent him. In order that Montemayor might
go in safety, so that the Indians could not do him any harm, they
sent to obtain some horsemen from border settlements near the Andes.
Diego de Rojas endeavoured with great diligence to find the maize and
other eatables hidden by the Indians, but failed to meet with anything
whatever. The Spaniards who accompanied Felipe Gutiérrez talked freely
against the captains, regretting that Diego de Rojas should have
come on by that route, knowing it was the intention of all of them
to go towards Chile and the river Arauco. They murmured in such a
way that Felipe Gutiérrez feared there would be a mutiny. Montemayor
having made good speed on the way they met each other in a village
called _Irequire_, at the end of the valley of Chiquana, and there he
delivered the message from Diego de Rojas. Having seen the letter,
Gutiérrez regretted the want of provisions, and reflecting that hunger
was a lesser evil than that the soldiers should mutiny or kill him,
and, moreover, that they were near the high road leading to Chile, he
determined not to make all the news public, but to push on with all
speed to where Diego de Rojas was, and so they set out at once.
When the captain Diego de Rojas could not find any provisions in all
those parts, thickly peopled as they were from one end to the other,
he received news of another very great province called _Concho_, and
his necessity being so great, he resolved to adventure his person
and those of his followers in an effort to find something to eat.
Having decided to go there, they succeeded in reaching it in a few
days. The fame of the horses had so cowed the Indians that they were
stricken with terror and were able to offer but little resistance to
the Spaniards, who found plenty of maize and other supplies. Farther
on they discovered another settlement where there were many ewes
and fowls and ducks. Diego de Rojas had come upon such abundance
of provisions that he now regretted having sent to detain Felipe
Gutiérrez who, notwithstanding that he encountered some difficulty
in the march through the forests, was already very near at hand, on
learning which Diego de Rojas was exceedingly glad. It was not long
before Diego Gutiérrez and the Camp-master Nicolás de Heredia arrived,
and they were received by all with great joy, thanks being given to
God that they should thus be united without the loss of a man.
CHAPTER XCIV
_How, after the captains were united, they determined to go
forward; how they suffered much from thirst, insomuch that many
of their servants perished, yet how they went on exploring._
The captains and all the Spaniards, after having rested for some days
from their former hardships, and discussed what might be best for them
to do, it seemed good to all that they should pass on and traverse as
many provinces as they could; for, if they could reach the mighty Rio
de la Plata, they would certainly find that its banks were peopled
by very rich nations, and they would all soon be very prosperous,
and would settle in that land which all who came from Spain were so
anxious to see. When they had come to this resolution, they were told
by the Indians that fourteen leagues farther on to the west [_sic_]
there was a wide tract called _Mocaquaxa_,[157] but that there was
no water on the way, and no trees but _algarrobos_.[158] When the
captains knew that there would be scarcity of water, in order that
the servants who carried the baggage might not fail, they ordered
ewes' skins to be prepared and calabashes to be collected for carrying
water. They did not take much count of this desert because, if it was
only fourteen leagues wide, they could march quickly over it and they
would not be much troubled about water. So they struck camp and began
the march late in the afternoon, when the sun was sinking to hide
its brightness behind the high hills to the westward. They marched
with much haste that evening and part of the night, until it was so
dark that the guide could not make out the way, nor guess where he
was going. So, as they could march no farther, the tents were pitched
with the intention of continuing onwards at daylight. Day had scarcely
shown signs of dawning when the Spaniards were again on the march. The
heat was so intense that it is almost absurd to believe it. They truly
affirm that neither the heats of the Libyan deserts, nor of Egypt, nor
of the sandy desert of the coast near Piura were greater, for at that
time the sun reigned in the south.
As the heat was so great the water they had brought was soon consumed;
and the more they drank the more they were harassed by thirst. Many of
the servants, who came with the Spaniards, died of the heat and want
of water. The horses were very tired. The Spaniards, seeing the pass
to which they had come, and knowing that if all the servants died the
expedition must be a failure, some of those who had horses pushed on
with what speed they could to bring water in the calabashes and skins
and succour the foot soldiers and native servants, and enable them to
advance. With no little trouble, the horses being much fatigued, they
returned with the vessels full of water, and thus saved many lives.
They passed the night as best they could. As the dawn approached our
Lord God, who at such times reveals his marvels, ordained that the
clouds, by the thunder that rolled amongst them, should show signs
of approaching rain; and the people, cheered by the sound, threw
themselves down with their backs on the ground, open mouthed, that
the drops might fall into them should the rain come. It was not long
before a heavy shower came down and Spaniards and Indians made big
pits to receive it. Soon the pits were full, and the people were able
to drink at their pleasure. The barbarians of the province whither
they were going, when they heard of the coming of the Spaniards,
deserted the country, from the fear in which they held them; and when
the Spaniards arrived there no Indians were to be found. Whilst they
were looking about to see which direction they could have gone off
in they came upon some spies and scouts who had been left behind [by
the Indians] to carry word of the Spaniards' arrival. These fellows
wounded two horses with their arrows and then made off to give notice
to the Indians and inform them how few in number the Christians were.
When the Indians heard this, many of them readily assembled to make
war, and while the native servants and some friendly Indians were
gathering herbage for the horses, the enemy came in a troupe of as
many as six hundred Indians, and killed some of them. The alarm being
given, the Spaniards came out on their horses and joined in the fight.
Notwithstanding that a few of these were wounded, more than two
hundred natives were slain on the field and many more were wounded, so
with no little outcry they turned their backs in terror, astonished
at the valour of the Spaniards, and unable to believe but that their
enemies had some deity among them. The captains regained the village
where they had encamped.
FOOTNOTES:
[157] _Macagax_ in the Argentine province of Santiago del Estero.
[158] Algarrobo (_Prosopis alba_, or perhaps _ruscifolia_, Gr.).
CHAPTER XCV
_How the bachelor, Juan Vélez de Guevara arrived at Lima, where
the municipality would not receive him; and of the departure of
the accountant Juan de Cáceres for Panamá._
The reader will remember how, in previous chapters, we related that
when Vaca de Castro heard of the arrival of Gonzalo Pizarro in
Lima, and of how things were freely talked about between him and
his followers, in a way that could not be overlooked, the Governor
despatched the captain Juan Vélez de Guevara to that city (who had
been in the battle at Chupas) to act there as his Lieutenant, and to
remedy what had been said. Having quitted Cuzco the bachelor Juan
Vélez arrived at Lima after Gonzalo Pizarro had already left that
city. He presented to the municipality the commission he brought from
the Governor Vaca de Castro by which the latter appointed him his
deputy, and Captain over the city. The treasurer Alonso Riquelme,
the accountant Juan de Cáceres, the factor Illán Suárez, and the
councillors who were present, valuing highly the credit of their
city, complained openly of Vaca de Castro in that, having amongst
themselves persons of high quality who were known to be anxious for
the King's service, he should send a stranger to be over them; and
they agreed among themselves not to receive him. On this subject there
were discussions in the Municipal Chamber, and things came to such
a pass that the bachelor was expelled from office and turned out of
the Council. As he refused to submit to their ruling they laid hands
upon him, with the approval of the Municipality, and broke the verge
of office which he had brought. Thus insulted Guevara quitted the
scene; but, as the councillors knew that Vaca de Castro was irascible
and vindictive, they began to fear that some harm might come to them
on account of what they had done. The accountant, Juan de Cáceres,
not daring to remain until Vaca de Castro should arrive, departed in
a ship for Tierra Firme. The other councillors and officers remained
in great fear lest some evil should befall them, for having declined
to receive Guevara. We will now resume the narrative about Felipe
Gutiérrez and his companions.
CHAPTER XCVI
_How the Indians who escaped front the hands of the Spaniards
returned to take counsel, and resolved, with much boldness, to
go forth again and fight them, and of the death of Diego de
Rojas._
In a former chapter we related how the Indians of a village where the
captains Diego de Rojas and Felipe Gutiérrez were encamped, had come
and fought with them; and that although more than two hundred were
killed, and as many more wounded, yet they sent messages to all the
districts announcing how few the Spaniards were, and ordering the
natives to assemble and to attack them vigorously, as it would be easy
to kill them all and their horses. The Indians were told to anoint the
points of their arrows with a very poisonous herb they have, for it
was known by experience that no one who was wounded by it ever escaped
death, and that for the liberty of their country and that they might
not be under greater subjection than their forefathers, they ought
not to fly from death if it should face them. Moreover, should any
of them be captured by the Spaniards, they were on no account to
reveal the antidote [to the arrow poison], for if that secret were
made known neither they nor any number of people who might join them
could prevail against the valour of the Spaniards or the fierceness
of the horses. As all desired to see the foreigners who had invaded
their provinces driven out again they assembled as large a force as
they could and after they had offered their accustomed sacrifices and
invoked the devil to their aid, marched in the direction where the
Spaniards were encamped.
Diego de Rojas and the other captains had decided to stay there a few
days, until they could receive information about the country ahead of
them. When the Indians approached them, the Spaniards saddled their
horses and rode towards them to give battle. As it is our Lord God's
will and pleasure that those unknown countries, so distant from Spain,
shall be opened up and His glorious standard of the Cross be known
there, He almost miraculously protects the Christians; that they may
find a way before them until they reach the extremity of the land,
where there is little left before seeing the sun complete its course
around the world. So it was that, though these Indians came armed with
arrows tipped with the poison we have mentioned, God watched over His
Christians. But no special favour was needful on that day, as a single
volley sufficed for the Indians' dispersal, and after a number of
them had fallen the conflict ceased. Diego de Rojas then sent Pedro
López de Ayala with forty horsemen to explore the country ahead. The
Indians, undismayed by their losses, fought on continuously during the
next two days, and Diego de Rojas doing his duty as a famous captain
in the midst of the fray, was wounded in the leg by an arrow. After
having chased and overtaken the Indians who had wounded him, they
retired to the camp. Diego de Rojas thought little of his wound, as
it was so small. But, since the herb was so poisonous, it began to
work. Diego de Rojas felt ill, and there being a woman in the camp,
who served Felipe Gutiérrez, she came to nurse him. After she had
given him certain things to eat, Diego de Rojas became worse, and some
of his servants said that he had been poisoned by order of Felipe
Gutiérrez. Believing this to be true Diego de Rojas drank a great
quantity of oil.
The captain Felipe Gutiérrez, when informed of this suspicion,
declared his innocence. He assured Diego de Rojas, and all who might
disbelieve him, that he never had any such evil thought, and that no
one would regret the loss of his companion so much as himself. When
the poison arrived near the heart, Diego de Rojas, seeing himself
so near death, requested Felipe Gutiérrez to appoint in his place
Francisco de Mendoza, whom he loved as if he were his son. Felipe
Gutiérrez answered that although, under the authority they held from
Vaca de Castro, this could not be done, the command should, after
Rojas' death, remain vested in the two, and that he was delighted to
please him.
After this, Diego de Rojas died during a violent fit of retching. He
was a native of the city of Burgos: a valiant man, liberal, anxious
always to do what was right. In war he was always cautious, at all
times watching and patrolling like any other soldier. It is believed
that if he had lived these regions would have been completely
explored. His death was due to the poison in the herb, for which a
plant of such virtue as an antidote was afterwards discovered, that
the poison lost its strength, and the wounded were cured by means of
it.
CHAPTER XCVII
_How Pero López de Ayala discovered the river Soconcho, found a
well-peopled region, and returned to where the general Felipe
Gutiérrez was, and how they all set out for that region._
Before the death of the captain Diego de Rojas, Pero López de Ayala
had started out with a few mounted Spaniards to explore to the
eastward; passing without meeting with any resistance over wide arid
wastes and dense _algarrobo_ forests, peopled by other Indians, who
showed no inclination to attack them. At length they reached the banks
of the river called _Soconcho_,[159] and found large villages on both
sides. Reflecting that it would not be prudent to advance farther
with so small a force, they returned to report to their leaders. When
Felipe Gutiérrez heard what they had seen and discovered, he resolved
to move his camp as far as the province of _Tesuna_, a distance of six
leagues. He first sent Francisco de Mendoza to fetch certain Spaniards
who had remained in Tucumá. In this service Mendoza heard much yelling
and had some skirmishes with the Indians.
When they arrived in that province they found abundance of necessary
things. The natives had retired, not daring to offer battle to the
Christians. They now knew clearly that they were in the country of
the poisonous herb, and that Diego de Rojas had been killed by it,
and not by connivance of Felipe Gutiérrez as had been thought. After
all were united the general Felipe Gutiérrez complained, saying that
consent could not be given for Francisco de Mendoza to take over the
post which had been filled by Diego de Rojas, nor could he suffer
him to do so; and thus there began to be enmity between them, Felipe
Gutiérrez wishing Francisco de Mendoza to remain subordinate to him
like the rest, while Mendoza, knowing that he could not prevent this,
had, by making use of the effects of Diego de Rojas, gained friends
who gave him to understand that they would not see him deprived of the
post he then held, and over this they would all stake their lives.
When Felipe Gutiérrez wanted to carry his intention into effect, some
of those in the league formed by Mendoza admonished him to desist
from a measure that must cause scandal and bloodshed, and be followed
by no advantage, but engender great evil. And mediators thereupon
intervening between them they made friends, and Mendoza retained
his appointment as before. But although this was then arranged, the
suspicion that each felt of the other was not removed.
FOOTNOTE:
[159] The river Salado, which watered the province of Socotonio, first
evangelized by St. Francis Solano late in the sixteenth century. They
were by this time on the south-western fringe of the Gran Chaco.
CHAPTER XCVIII
_How the General, Felipe Gutiérrez, pursued his exploration down
the river of Soconcho, and what else happened._
After the private negotiations between the captains which we have
recounted had been settled, Felipe Gutiérrez, with the concurrence
of the rest, went on exploring down the _Soconcho_ river towards the
west.[160] This river is not very large, but there are extensive
native villages near it; so that those who saw them were of opinion
that some new settlements of Spaniards might be formed there, whose
members could derive large _repartimientos_ and other advantages.
The civil wars there have been in the Realm hindered what now,
with the help of our Lord, will be achieved; but let the leaders
who may contemplate expeditions in this direction go well provided
with horses and defensive armour of cotton; for other kinds do not
avail. Proceeding down the river with their exploration, Gutiérrez
and his party came to a populous district. The natives have the same
dresses and customs as those first met with; but they have different
kinds of religion among themselves, and they speak many tongues. They
are a people under no description of rule, and so entirely without
organization that they appear like brutes.
They came out to the Christians with a great yelling, astonished at
seeing them on horses, and took them for immortals, some of them
thinking that horse and man were one animal. Diego Maldonado had
been left with the baggage, and Felipe Gutiérrez waited at a place
that seemed to secure the best supply of food. Felipe Gutiérrez felt
sore that Francisco de Mendoza should occupy the position he held,
and sought to deprive him of it. He sent to him to claim the stores
and provisions which had been collected when Diego de Rojas died.
Francisco de Mendoza would not give them up. On the contrary, he
assembled his friends, and asked them whether they would be faithful
to him, and not allow him to be deprived of his present post by
Felipe Gutiérrez. They replied that he need have no fear of Felipe
Gutiérrez, for that they would be such true friends that it would not
be possible to deprive him of the position. It was reported to Felipe
Gutiérrez that Francisco de Mendoza always went about closely attended
by some of those in camp; but he did not dare to arrest Mendoza, and
for the time being dropped the subject. He decided to advance to a
large village also called _Soconcho_,[161] like the river. Leaving
Sotomayor on guard at the camp, he set out from thence, taking
Francisco de Mendoza with him; and here we will leave them awhile.
FOOTNOTES:
[160] East? Its general direction thereabouts is S.S.E.
[161] The village Soconcho is shown on the Abbé Jolís' map, in his
_Historia del Chaco_ (1789), on the east bank of the Rio Dulce, or
Saladillo, in lat. 28° 40' S. Its true latitude is 28° 55'.
CHAPTER XCIX
_How, when the news of the Marquis Pizarro's death reached
Spain, it was ordered that a Viceroy and an Audiencia should be
appointed; and of the conference over the Ordinances which were
issued for the government of the new empire of the Indies._
When the Marquis was murdered in Lima by the Almagro party the news
came with extraordinary celerity to the ships which were about to
sail for Spain, and the Emperor Charles V received it at....[162] He
held that it was an evil service to him, on hearing that the Marquis
had been murdered with such cruelty and violence, considering the
great services he had rendered to his Majesty and the rich provinces
he had added to the Realm. His Majesty wished that the Marquis could
have enjoyed some repose in his old age, and that he had not died so
ignobly. At the same time, his Majesty had felt that he had also been
ill-served by the death inflicted by the Marquis's brother on the
Adelantado Don Diego de Almagro in a former year. Taking counsel with
his grandson, and with others who attended him for that purpose, and
seeing how remote those kingdoms were from Spain, that in the time
of the governors there had been great outrages and robberies, and
that cruel deaths had been inflicted on not a few lords and principal
people, it was resolved that they should be so justly ruled that
God our Lord and the Royal Crown should not suffer displeasure. His
Majesty therefore decided to send out learned men as judges to form
a Court of Justice or _Audiencia_, and also a Royal Chancellery, in
order that causes might be determined and that in all things there
might be right decisions so needful in such a free country where
all men are prone to commit evil. In order that justice might have
greater force, it was also resolved that there should be a Viceroy,
whose duty it would be to see that the natives were well treated by
the Spaniards. The councillors then considered at several sittings
whom should be entrusted with so important a service. His Majesty had
been informed by many people, and from various directions, of the
great oppression the Indians suffered from the Spaniards, and how
the latter, in order to extort gold from them, had burned them and
thrown them to the dogs; also how they seized the natives' wives and
daughters for their own uses, and committed other atrocities. Above
all, there was very great remissness about their conversion; no one
caring for the souls of the poor natives. As a Christian prince,
fearing God, the Emperor was very anxious to find a remedy for these
great evils. He felt that, as universal pastor, he was responsible
to God. Nevertheless, his Majesty's repeated absences from Spain,
so important for the worship of God and for his own service, had
interfered with the mature consideration of what should be done to
avoid these great evils, and of what laws ought to be made for the
protection of the Indians.
At this time the reverend Friar Bartolomé de las Casas, who was
afterwards Bishop of Chiapa, arrived in Spain, by whom it was
asserted that the Spaniards were treating the natives in the manner
we have mentioned, and it was even hinted that their behaviour
was worse still. His Majesty ordered the assembly of grandees and
prelates, jointly with men learned in the law who were members of
his distinguished and puissant Council, to determine what should
be provided for the good government of the new realm or empire of
the Indies. They met many times in the presence of the King, some
arguing, others thinking; and their deliberations resulted in the New
Laws, which for this, and not for what the people in Peru supposed,
were enacted; so that we can, in each one of them, see points which
demonstrate the feeling and the reason for their adoption. As these
Ordinances were very famous, and as Gonzalo Pizarro stood in Peru in
opposition to them, thereby giving rise to great battles and many
wars, we will insert them in this place word for word, taken from the
originals.
I know from my experience gathered during a long residence in the
Indies that there were great cruelties and much injury done to the
natives, such as cannot be lightly stated. All know how populous the
island of Española was, and that if the Christians had treated the
natives decently and as friends there would certainly be many there
now. Yet there remains no other testimony of the country having once
been peopled than the great cemeteries of the dead, and the ruins of
the places where they lived. In Tierra Firme and Nicaragua also not an
Indian is left. They asked Belalcázar how many he found between Quito
and Cartago, and they desired to know from me how many now remain.
Well, there are none. In a town which had a population of ten thousand
Indians there was not one. When we came from Cartagena with Vadillo
I saw a Portuguese, named Roque Martín, who had quarters of Indians
hanging on a perch to feed his dogs with, as if they were those of
wild beasts. In the new Realm of Granada and in Popayán they did
things so ruthless that I would rather not mention them. In fine, as
nothing is concealed from princes, his Majesty became fully informed,
and as soon as he was able to spare time from the affairs of the
empire, he gave his attention to these matters.
We must also say that not all those who had estates in the Indies were
so bad as to commit such great sins. On the contrary, there were many
who deplored and strongly denounced such acts. There were men who had
passed through great hardships, misery, and hunger such as cannot be
briefly described; many had lost their lives in the exploration and
subjugation of the Indies, leaving wives and children behind them.
These resented their fathers' Indians being placed under the direct
authority of the King, and the _encomienda_ they held being taken
from them, as it had been granted for certain lives. But this was
not sufficient excuse for taking up arms, for his Majesty would have
listened to the petitions of those who humbly approached him.
The laws having been made and ordained, they were proclaimed with the
sound of a trumpet in the city of Seville, and are as follows:--
NEW LAWS
_Don Carlos_ by the divine clemency Emperor always august, King
of _Germany_; Doña Juana his mother, and Don Carlos himself, by
the grace of God, King of _Castille_, of _Leon_, of _Arragon_, of
_the two Sicilies_, of _Jerusalem_, of _Navarre_, of _Granada_, of
_Toledo_, of _Valencia_, of _Galicia_, of _Majorca_, of _Sevilla_,
of _Sardinia_, of _Cordova_, of _Corsica_, of _Murcia_, of _Jaen_,
of the _Algarves_, of _Algeciras_, of _Gibraltar_, of the _Canary
Isles_, of _the Indies_, islands and mainland of the Ocean Sea, Counts
of _Barcelona_, Lords of _Biscay_ and of _Molina_, Dukes of _Athens_
and _Neopatria_, Counts of _Roussillon_ and of _Cerdania_, Marquises
of _Oristan_ and of _Gociano_, Archdukes of _Austria_, Dukes of
_Burgundy_ and _Brabant_, Counts of _Flanders_ and the _Tyrol_--to the
most illustrious Prince Philip our very dear and beloved grandson and
son,[163] to the Infantes our grandsons and sons, to the President of
our Council of the Indies, to our Viceroys, Presidents and Judges of
our _Audiencias_, and Royal Chancelleries of our said Indies, islands
and mainland of the Ocean Sea, and our Governors, Chief Alcaldes
and other Magistrates thereof, and to all our Councils, Justices,
Aldermen, Knights, Squires, officials and citizens of all our cities,
towns, and settlements in our said Indies, islands and mainland of the
Ocean Sea, discovered and to be discovered, and to all other persons,
captains, explorers or settlers, inhabitants or natives of whatever
estate, quality, condition or position they may be, as well those who
are already there as those who may come hereafter, to each one and to
all of you in your offices and jurisdictions, to whom this our letter
may be shown, or a copy of it signed by a public notary, or who may
become acquainted with a part of it or its contents or anything which
pertains or may pertain to any part of it in any way whatsoever: to
you all health and greeting.
Know ye that for many years we have had the wish and determination
to occupy ourselves with the affairs of the Indies, by reason of
their great importance both in matters appertaining to the service
of God our Lord and the increase of our holy catholic faith as well
as in those relating to the welfare of the natives of those parts,
their good government and the preservation of their persons. Although
we have endeavoured to attend to these affairs, this has not been
possible, owing to the numerous and constant distractions which
have arisen and which we could not neglect, and to the absence from
these Realms which I the King have been obliged to incur for reasons
which are notorious to all. Inasmuch as these constant occupations
have not ceased even in the present year, we have ordered persons
of all estates, prelates as well as knights, and clerics, and some
members of our Council to study and consider matters of the highest
importance respecting which we have received information, in order
that a decision may be reached. The subject was maturely argued and
discussed, and several times considered and debated in my presence.
Finally, having consulted the opinions of all, I have resolved to
command, decree, and ordain the things now herein contained, which,
besides the other ordinances and provisions which from time to time we
have ordered to be enacted, we command to be observed inviolably as
laws from henceforward.
I. Firstly, We order and command that the members of our Council of
the Indies who reside at our Court and meet every morning for three
hours and in the afternoon for such time as is necessary, as business
may arise, shall in future attend in the same way as hitherto. And
as in the said Council there are a number of Judges, we order and
command that in the cases in which they all sit, which are the suits
of five hundred _pesos de oro_ and upwards, three votes in agreement
may pronounce a decision, and when the other votes differ among
themselves, the three can and shall determine the case. And for the
quicker settlement of cases not exceeding the said five hundred
_pesos_ two members of the Council may hear and, if in agreement,
settle them.
II. As We have directed certain new rules to be drawn for our
_Audiencias_ of New Spain, Peru, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and the island
of Española, touching the order and procedure they should adopt in
considering and determining suits which may come before them, and
in the conduct of other things concerning the good government and
conservation of those parts and the natives of them, and that the
members of our said Council may keep more exactly in mind what powers
and duties are allotted to the _Audiencias_ and not recognize nor
adjudicate upon anything extraneous thereto, I have directed the
said rules to be incorporated here, and we order our said President
and members of our Council of the Indies to keep to and comply with
what they contain, and neither adjudicate upon nor recognize anything
contrary to their tenour and object.
III. We disallow and expressly forbid any servant or retainer of
the President or members of our said Council, any Secretary, Public
Prosecutor or Reporter to be an attorney or suitor in any business
of the Indies, on pain of banishment from the Realm for a term of
ten years, and we order every member of the Council above named who
may know of it, to punish and prevent such things, as tending to our
disservice.
IV. We order and command that it shall be the duty of those of our
said Council of the Indies to keep all the laws and ordinances of
our kingdoms, and especially those made by our Royal Council and the
Judges of our _Audiencias_ and the other Judges of our said kingdoms,
with reference to purity as regards the receiving any gifts, payment,
or loans from litigants and other persons having or expecting to
have business before them, nor shall they write any letters of
recommendation to the Indies on pain of punishments enacted in the
said laws and ordinances.
V. In order that the President and members of our Council of the
Indies may be free to devote themselves to the affairs of the
government of those parts we decree and command that they shall
abstain, as far as possible, from dealing with any private business,
for it is with that aim that we have arranged and ordered all that
touches the said _Audiencias_ and the affairs with which they have to
deal. And though the reviewing of _residencias_ is a matter that it
seems might properly be conducted by the Council, yet, in order that
its work of governing may be the more efficient, and that the Council
may devote greater attention to public affairs and meet with less
interference from other business--taking into account, too, the great
distance to be traversed in reaching those Realms--we order that there
shall be brought before our said Council of the Indies only those
_residencias_ and inquiries that may be held in respect of the Judges
and officials of the _Audiencias_, and of our Governors throughout the
Indies, and we allow and direct all the others to be heard, adjudged,
and determined by the said _Audiencias_, each one in its own district
and jurisdiction. As our principal intention and will has always been
to preserve and augment the numbers of the Indians, and that they may
be instructed and taught the articles of our holy catholic faith, and
be well treated as free men and our subjects, as in fact they are, we
charge and command our said Council always to give great attention and
special care to the conservancy, good government, and good treatment
of the said Indians, and to ascertain how our Ordinances are complied
with and executed, especially those We have issued and shall issue for
the good government of our Indies, and the administration of justice
in them, and to see that these are observed, complied with, and put
into execution without any remission, fault or neglect.
VI. We charge and order those of our said Council of the Indies to
sometimes think over and discuss and learn in what ways we may be
justly served and derive advantage in the affairs of the Indies. As
observance and compliance with what is enacted or may hereafter be
enacted for the good government and welfare of the Indies is of great
importance to our service and to the discharge of our conscience, we
order our _Procurador Fiscal_,[164] who is or may hereafter be a Member
of our Council, always to take great care and be very vigilant in
inquiring and learning how the laws are being observed and complied
with in those parts, and to report the same in our said Council,
taking steps against those who do not comply, so as to enforce
obedience to what is enacted, and he is to give us notice when this is
not done.
VII. We order and command that, in the provinces and Realms of Peru,
there shall reside a Viceroy and a Royal _Audiencia_ consisting
of four learned Judges, the said Viceroy presiding over the said
_Audiencia_, which shall be established in the city of The Kings, that
being the most convenient position, for henceforward there will be no
_Audiencia_ in Panamá.
We order that a Royal _Audiencia_ shall be established on the confines
of Guatemala and Nicaragua, consisting of four learned Judges, one
of them being President, as may be appointed by Us, and at present
we order that the President shall be the Licentiate Maldonado (who
is a judge in the _Audiencia_ at Mexico), and that this _Audiencia_
shall have charge of the government of the said provinces, and
their dependencies, in which provinces there will not be Governors,
unless We should otherwise order, and these _Audiencias_, like those
established in Santo Domingo, are to observe the following rules:--
Firstly, we will, decree, and command that all the criminal cases
of whatever quality or importance which are pending, and that may
arise hereafter before any of the four Royal _Audiencias_[165] of the
Indies, may be considered, adjudged upon, and decided by our said
_Audiencias_, by trial and revision, and the judgments thus given
shall be executed and carried into due effect without any further
appeal, petition, recourse, or other remedy whatsoever.
In order to avoid the delay which would occur and the great injury,
charges, and expense to the litigants, which would ensue should they
come to our Council of the Indies following on any suit or civil
action on which appeal was made from our said _Audiencias_, and in
order that justice may be done more quickly and with less loss,
we enact and command that in all civil suits which may be brought
and which are brought, and are under the consideration of our said
_Audiencias_ and our said Presidents and Judges who have been or may
be appointed, these same shall try them and pass judgment and decide
them by trial and revision; and the judgment given on revision may be
carried out without there being any further step by appeal, petition,
or any other recourse whatever, unless the suit be of such nature and
importance that the value of the property in question be ten thousand
_pesos de oro_ or upwards, in which case we will that they may appeal
a second time before our Royal Presence, provided the suitor making
the said second appeal do present it before us within one year from
the time that the revised judgment is notified to him or to his
Attorney.
But we will and command that, notwithstanding the said second appeal,
the judgment which the Judges of our said _Audiencias_ shall have
given on revision be carried out, the suitor, in whose favour it is
given, first of all furnishing sufficient security and proof that,
if the said judgment be revoked, he will restore and pay whatever he
shall have been and will be awarded and granted by that [judgment],
according to the decision which shall be given by the persons to whom
the matter was by us intrusted. However, if the judgment on revision
given in our said _Audiencias_ should be on a question of real estate,
we declare and command that the second appeal shall not lie, but that
the said revised judgment, notwithstanding it be not in accord with
the judgment on [first] trial, shall be carried out.
We decree and command that the Judges to whom we may commit such a
suit on second appeal, do examine and decide the suit by the same
procedure as would have been followed in our said _Audiencia_, without
admitting new evidence or new charges, in conformity with the laws of
our kingdoms touching a second appeal.
And in order that our said _Audiencias_ may possess the necessary
authority, and that what is decreed and ordained by them may be better
obeyed and executed, we will and command that the letters, writs and
other instruments decreed by them, be issued and delivered in our name
and under our royal seal; and let the same be obeyed and complied with
like our own letters and writs signed with our Royal Name.
As in each of our said _Audiencias_ there are to be four Judges, we
decree that all four shall sit in suits for five hundred _pesos de
oro_ and upwards, and for the settlement of such a suit three votes
must be in agreement; but if the suit be for less than five hundred
_pesos_, we decree that two votes in complete agreement shall suffice,
the other two votes differing from one another. Up to the said sum of
five hundred _pesos_, in order to expedite business, two of our said
Judges may try, hear, and give judgment if they are in agreement.
Moreover, we decree that in whatever is not here stated or directed
our said Presidents and Judges of our said _Audiencias_ shall be
obliged to observe, and let them observe, the ordinances issued
to them by Us and the Rules of Court made for our _Audiencias_
established at the City of Grenada and the Town of Valladolid, and the
several benches of _Corregidores_ and Judges of _Residencia_, and the
laws of these our kingdoms and the commentaries and procedure relating
to them.
Moreover, we decree that the appeals which are referred from
Governors, where there is no Royal _Audiencia_, shall go before the
_Audiencia_ of that district and jurisdiction, and in such cases we
decree that the laws of these kingdoms which do not permit of a second
appeal be observed.
X. We decree and order that our said Presidents and Judges be
empowered to send and do send to take _residencias_ of our Governors
who are subject to our said _Audiencias_, and of their Officials
and our other Magistrates, how and when it may seem to them proper,
according to the suits that may arise. For this purpose they shall
send trustworthy and prudent persons who know how to conduct them
and do justice to those who have made complaints against them [these
officials]--in conformity with the laws of our kingdoms and the rules
for _Corregidores_. The reports of _residencias_ which may be taken
as aforesaid of our Governors of Islands and Provinces are to be
sent with all despatch to our Council of the Indies that they may be
considered and decided by it. But all other _residencias_ which may
be taken of our other Magistrates, we will and command that they be
examined and adjudged upon, by our Presidents and Judges of our said
_Audiencias_ and be not sent or brought to our said Council; it is
not to be understood from this that the members of our Council may
not send and take the _residencia_ of the said Governors when it may
appear to be necessary.
As one of the principal things in which the said _Audiencias_ are to
serve us is to take very special care about the good treatment and
preservation of the Indians, we command that they shall always keep
themselves informed of excesses or bad treatment which are or may be
committed by Governors or by private persons, and of how these have
observed the Ordinances and instructions that have been given them,
which have been made to ensure the good treatment of the Indians; and
in so far as such excesses have been or may in future be committed,
let the said [_Audiencias_] take care to remedy it, by punishing the
offenders with rigour in conformity with justice; and in suits between
Indians or against Indians, let them not permit ordinary procedure
to be followed, nor allow the hearing to be protracted, as sometimes
happens through the jobbery of some advocates and attorneys, but
let them be settled summarily, allowing weight to their usages and
customs, if they be not clearly unjust; and let the said _Audiencias_
take care that this is observed by the other lesser Judges.
XI. We decree and command that from now onward, neither because of
war, even though under the category of rebellion, nor by barter, nor
for any other cause in any other way, may any Indian be made a slave;
and we wish them to be treated as our subjects of the Crown of Spain,
for that they are.
No persons may make the Indians serve by way of "naboria" or
"tapia,"[166] nor in any other way against their wills.
As we have decreed a provision that from now henceforward no Indians
shall be made slaves, both with regard to those who up to this time
have been made so against justice and right, and against enactments
and instructions issued, we direct and command that the _Audiencias_
summoning the parties shall summarily and briefly, merely ascertaining
the truth, without legal quibble, place the enslaved at liberty,
unless the persons holding them as slaves can show a title that they
hold and own them legally. And in order that Indians should not be
held unjustly as slaves for lack of persons to urge the aforesaid, we
command the _Audiencias_ to appoint persons to manage such suits on
behalf of the Indians, and to remunerate them from fines of the Court;
and let them be men of integrity and diligence.
XII. We order that, for the protection of the Indians, the
_Audiencias_ are to take special care that these do not carry loads;
or, if in some parts it cannot be avoided, that it be done in such a
way that the load be not so heavy as to endanger the life, health or
preservation of the said Indians, nor be done against their wills, nor
unless they are paid. In no circumstances is such work to be forced on
them; let those who act otherwise be very severely punished. In this
no exception is to be made for any person whatever.
As we have been informed that the pearl fishery has not been conducted
with the good order that is desirable, and that it has resulted in
the deaths of many Indians and Negroes, we order that no free Indian
shall be taken to the said fishery against his will, under pain of
death; and let the Bishop and the Judge who may go to Venezuela
direct what may appear to them just in order that the slaves employed
in the same fishery--Indians as well as Negroes--be protected, and
deaths cease. And if it should appear to them that the risk of death
cannot be avoided by the said Indians and Negroes, then let the pearl
fishery cease; for, as is reasonable, we value much more highly the
preservation of lives than the profit which may come to us from the
pearls.
As the viceroys, governors and their lieutenants, and our officers,
prelates, monasteries, hospitals, religious houses, mints, as well as
officers of our revenue, and other persons favoured as officials hold
Indians in _encomienda_, and as disorders have arisen in the treatment
of those Indians, it is our will and we command that all the Indians
they hold and possess shall be promptly placed under [the protection
of] our Royal Crown, by whatever title they may have been held by
those who are or were viceroys, governors or their lieutenants,
or any of our officials of justice, of revenue, of hospitals,
confraternities, and other similar bodies. Although the Indians may
not have been placed in _encomienda_ by virtue of the said offices,
and though the said officials and governors should say they would
rather resign their official positions and keep the Indians, they are
not thereby excused from compliance.
We further order that all persons who hold Indians without having a
title, but have possessed themselves of them on their own authority,
are to give them up and place them under our Royal Crown. As we are
informed that other persons, though they hold a title, have been given
_repartimientos_ in excessive quantity, we order our _Audiencias_,
each one within its own jurisdiction, to inform themselves fully
about this and with all possible despatch, and to reduce the
_repartimientos_ of such persons to fair and moderate proportions, the
rest being promptly brought under our Royal Crown, in spite of any
petition and appeal that such persons may make. The _Audiencias_ are
to send an early account of what they have done that we may know how
our commands have been obeyed. In New Spain let especial adjustment be
made of the Indians held by Juan Infante, Diego de Ordás, the Master
Roa, Francisco Vázquez de Coronado, Francisco Maldonado, Bernardino
Vásquez de Tapia, Juan Jaramillo, Martín Vásquez, Gil González de
Benavides,[167] and other persons of whom it is said that they hold
a very excessive number of Indians, according to information which
has been given us. As we have also been informed that there are some
persons in New Spain who were among the first _conquistadores_, and
yet have no _repartimiento_ of Indians, we order that the President
and Judges of the said New Spain find out about such persons and
award them, from the tribute the Indians who may be released will
have to pay, what shall appear to them a sufficient sustenance
and fair provision for the said _conquistadores_ who are without
_repartimientos_.
The said _Audiencias_ shall enquire how the Indians have been treated
by the persons who have held them in _encomienda_; and, if it should
appear that they ought in justice to be deprived of their Indians,
owing to excesses and ill treatment of them, we order that they be
promptly so deprived, and that such Indians be placed under [the
protection of] our Royal Crown. The Viceroy and the _Audiencia_ shall
furthermore enquire, with reference to settlers in Peru, into the
excesses which followed the affair between the Governors Pizarro and
Almagro, in order to send us a report on the subject; and from the
leaders whom they find chiefly to blame in those revolutions let them
take any Indians they hold, and place them under the protection of our
Royal Crown.
We further order and command that from now forward no Viceroy,
Governor, _Audiencia_, explorer, or other person whatsoever, has the
right to allot Indians in _encomienda_ whether by original indenture,
transfer, gift, sale, or in any other form or manner, nor by voidance
or inheritance; but when a person who owned Indians dies let them be
placed under our Royal Crown. It shall be the duty of the _Audiencias_
to forthwith inform themselves specially about the person who dies,
his condition, merits and services, how he treated the Indians he
held, whether he left wife and children, and what other heirs, and to
send us a report of the nature of the Indians and the estate, that We
may dispose what may be proper for our service, and grant such aid as
shall seem good to us to the widow and children. If in the meanwhile
it should appear to the _Audiencia_ that it is necessary to provide
some maintenance for such widow and children it may be done by making
them a moderate allowance from the tribute to be paid by the said
Indians, the Indians themselves remaining under our Royal Crown as
above stated.
XIII. We order and command that our said Presidents and Judges take
great care that Indians who become liberated or unclaimed in any of
the above ways be very well treated, and instructed in the doctrines
of our holy Catholic faith, and remain, as our subjects, free men.
This is to be their principal care and that to which we would have
them pay particular attention, and in which they can best serve us;
and let them see to it that the Indians are governed with justice in
the orderly way that the Indians who are under the protection of our
Royal Crown are now governed in New Spain.
As it is reasonable that those who have served as explorers of the
said Indies, and those who have helped by settling in them and have
their wives there, should have preference in the benefits, we order
that in making appointments to magistracies and other positions
of advancement our Viceroys, Presidents, and Judges of our said
_Audiencias_ shall prefer the first _conquistadores_, and after them
the married settlers, provided that they are persons competent to
fulfil the duties; and until these are provided for, no other person
be considered.
As the hearing of lawsuits brought by Spaniards claiming Indians has
been followed by serious objections, it is our pleasure and we direct
that from now forward such suits shall not be heard either in the
Indies or in our Council of the Indies, whether in respect of Indians
under our Royal Crown or in the possession of another third party;
but that every claim that may be preferred upon this subject shall
be submitted to Us, in order that after obtaining the information
proper to the case we may order it to be settled. Any suit that is now
pending, whether before our Council in the Indies, or in any other
place, we order to be suspended and not heard further, the case being
referred to Us.
As one of the things wherein, as we are informed, irregularities
have occurred, and may again arise in the future, is the manner of
conducting explorations, We order and command that in such service
the following procedure be observed:--he who desires to make
discoveries by sea shall apply to the _Audiencia_ of that district
and jurisdiction for a Permit, and having obtained it he may proceed
to explore, provided that, on pain of death, he do not take any
Indian either from islands or mainland, even though he say that they
sell them as slaves and this be so, or even though they wish to come
voluntarily (excepting as to three or four as interpreters), nor
may he seize or be in possession of anything against the will of
the Indians, unless by way of barter and in presence of the person
appointed by the _Audiencia_. The explorer shall observe the rules and
comply with the instructions that the _Audiencia_ may give him, on
pain of forfeiture of all his goods and [arrest of] his person, at our
discretion. He shall be instructed to take possession in Our name of
all the places he may reach, and record all the latitudes.
XIV. Every such explorer is to afterwards submit to the _Audiencia_
an account of what he has done and discovered, and the _Audiencia_
shall send the full report to our Council of the Indies, that it may
decide what is appropriate for God's service and our own. And let
such explorer be charged with the settlement of the parts he has
discovered, and have the reward that we may grant him in proportion to
his labour, achievements, and expenses. The _Audiencia_ is to send
with each explorer one or two _religiosos_, approved persons; and if
such _religiosos_ should wish to remain in the country discovered they
may do so.
XV. No Viceroy or Governor is to undertake new discoveries by land or
sea, because of the inconveniences which have resulted from the same
individual being at once an explorer and Governor.
XVI. Agreements and contracts having been made with some persons
at present engaged in exploration we will and command that
notwithstanding any contract that may have been made with them, such
explorers do keep and observe what is contained in these Ordinances,
and in the instructions which the _Audiencia_ may have given them,
provided the latter be not contrary to what we have ordained. Let them
be notified that if they do not obey, or should exceed in anything,
they will in such case, and _ipso facto_, be suspended from their
appointments, and will incur the loss of all favours they might have
derived from Us; moreover their persons shall be at our mercy. We
order the _Audiencias_, each one of them within its own district and
jurisdiction, to issue to the said explorers instructions that may
appear proper, in conformity with what they will be able to gather of
our intentions from these our decrees, in order that exploration may
be conducted with more rectitude, and that the Indians may be well
treated, and safeguarded, and instructed in the tenets of our holy
faith. And let especial care always be taken to find out how this is
being attended to, and to ensure its being carried out.
In addition to the aforesaid we command the said persons who are
exploring at our orders to promptly make a valuation of the tribute or
service which the Indians in the land discovered should render as our
vassals, and let the same tribute be moderate, so that they can endure
it, bearing in mind the preservation of these same Indians; and the
_Comendero_, where there is one, may be supported from such tribute.
In this way let the Spaniards have neither authority nor intimacy with
Indians, nor any ascendancy or command (over them) and let them not
make use of them either for domestic service or in other way whatever,
in much or in little, nor do more than enjoy their tribute in
accordance with the rules which the _Audiencia_ or Governor may issue
for its collection. Let this (be in force) until We, being informed
of the quality of the land, decree what settlement is proper. And let
this be placed among the other clauses of the contract with the said
explorers.
It often happens that persons who live in the Indies come or send
to beg us to grant a favour about some affairs of theirs out there,
and that from not having knowledge here concerning the character
of persons who submit such petitions, or their merits or ability,
nor respecting the substance of their petitions, the case cannot be
duly and satisfactorily dealt with. We therefore decree that such a
person should show cause before the _Audiencia_ on the spot for what
he wishes to petition Us, so that the Judges of the said _Audiencia_
may inform themselves respecting the character of the petitioner and
the particulars of his plaint; and let them send such information,
together with their opinion thereon, closed and under seal, to our
Council of the Indies, so that by this means more light may be thrown
on what decision it will be proper in our interests to come to.
It is our will and we decree that the Indians now alive in the islands
of San Juan, and in Cuba and Española, both for the present and as
long as it shall be our pleasure, be not oppressed with tribute or
other royal services, whether of a personal or mixed kind, in excess
of what is due from Spaniards who reside in the said islands; but let
them be left at their ease that they may the better increase and be
instructed in the tenets of our holy catholic faith; and with this
object let suitable religious persons be assigned them.
The said Ordinances and matters comprised in this our letter, each
one matter and every part thereof, we command you all and each one of
you, in your said places and jurisdictions respectively, as aforesaid,
to abide by and carry out and cause to be observed and obeyed and
executed in all respects unreservedly and with the utmost diligence
and particular care as laid down in this our letter. You are neither
to go against nor overstep its form or meaning, nor allow it to be
contravened or exceeded either now or at any time whatsoever, or
in any manner: under the penalties stated in it. And in order that
all the above-mentioned [provisions] may be the more widely known,
especially among the natives of our said Indies in whose behalf and
for whose benefit it is enacted. We command that this our letter be
printed from type and sent to all our Indies to the _religiosos_
entrusted with teaching the said Indians, whom we charge to get
it translated into the Indian language, that these may understand
it better and know what is provided. Let no party fail in this in
any respect, on pain of our displeasure and [a fine of] a thousand
_castellanos de oro_ for our treasury for each one who shall act
to the contrary. Furthermore, We command the man who will show you
this letter to summon you, and you to appear, before Us at our Court
wherever We may be, within one year from the date of such summoning,
under the said penalty; under the which likewise we direct our public
notary who shall be called for this duty to deliver a certificate
signed with his sign to the effect that he has shown this [letter] to
you, that we may know how our command is obeyed.
Given at the city of Barcelona on the twentieth day of the month of
November, in the year of the birth of our Saviour Jesus Christ one
thousand and five hundred and forty-two.
I, THE KING,
I, Juan de Samano, Secretary to their Cæsarean and Catholic
Majesties, caused it to be written by command.
Fr. Garsias, Cardinalis Hispalensis.
Doctor Guevara.
Doctor Figueroa.
Registered. Ochoa de Luyando. For the Chancellor. Ochoa de Luyando,
FOOTNOTES:
[162] Blank in the original MS.
[163] That is, his mother Juana's grandson, his Majesty's own son.
[164] Attorney General.
[165] Santo Domingo, Mexico, Guatemala with Nicaragua and Peru.
[166] _Naboria_--domestic service: _tapia_--task work.
[167] _Juan Infante._ No notice seems to be preserved of this
_encomendero_.
_Diego de Ordás._ Was a native of Campos de Valverde or Castro Verde.
He was chief _Mayor-domo_ to Diego de Velásquez, governor of Cuba, and
was sent by him to arrest Cortés at Trinidad, in the Island of Cuba,
when he had already started on the expedition to Mexico. Instead of
arresting Cortés, D. de Ordás joined his company and was made Captain
of one of the ships of the expedition, and became one of the principal
leaders. He was the first Spaniard to ascend Popocatepetl. After the
fall of Mexico he was sent by Cortés on a mission to Spain, when he
was made a _Comendador_ of the order of Santiago, had the grant of
Indians which had been made to him in Mexico confirmed by the Emperor,
and was given a smoking mountain (Popocatepetl) as his coat of arms.
He then went back to Mexico, and two or three years later returned to
Castile, and petitioned for leave to conquer the Marañón region, where
he lost his life. He was about forty years old when he left Cuba for
Mexico.
_Maestro Roa._ When describing the festivities in Mexico to celebrate
the peace made by Francis I and the Emperor at Aguas Muertas, Bernal
Díaz says (ch. cci): "After this, on the following morning, half this
same _Plaza_ had been turned into the City of Rhodes with its towers
... and of the hundred knights commanders ... the Marquis Cortés was
their commander and the Grand Master of Rhodes....
"I want to add an amusing story concerning a settler in Mexico called
the Master of Rhodes (Maestro de Roda), already an old man, who had
a great wen on his neck. He had the name of Master of Rhodes because
they called him purposely Master of Rhodes, and it was he for whom the
Marquis had sent to Castile to heal his right arm, which he had broken
in a fall from a horse after his return from Honduras, and he paid him
very well for coming to cure his arm, and gave him some _pueblos_ of
Indians.
"When the festivals which I have mentioned were over, as this Master
of Rhodes was one of the chroniclers [of the festivities], and was
a good talker, he went to Castile at that time, and became so well
acquainted with the Señora Doña Maria de Mendoza, the wife of the
_Comendador Mayor_, one Francisco de los Cobos, that he bewitched her,
and promised to give her drugs so that she should bear a child, and
he said this in such a way that she believed him, and the Señora Doña
Maria promised him that if she bore a child she would give him two
thousand ducats, and would support him before the Royal Council of the
Indies in obtaining further _pueblos_ of Indians. This same Master of
Rhodes also promised Cardinal de Cigüenza, who was President of the
Council of the Indies, that he would cure him of the gout, and the
President believed him, and they allotted him, on the order of the
Cardinal and through the support of the Señora Doña Maria de Mendoza,
very good Indians, better than those he owned. What he did in the
matter of cures was to heal neither the Marquis's arm (if anything
he left him more crippled, although he paid him very well and gave
him the Indians I have mentioned), nor did the Señora Doña Maria de
Mendoza ever bear a child, for all the hot sweetmeats of sarsaparilla
which he ordered her to take, nor did he cure the Cardinal of the
gout; but he kept the bars of gold which Cortés gave him, and the
Indians which the Royal Council of the Indies bestowed upon him in New
Spain.
"He left behind him in Castile among the traders who had gone to law
[about Indians] a joke, to the effect that a little sarsaparilla which
the Master of Rhodes had brought with him was worth more than all the
services the true _conquistadores_ had rendered to his Majesty, for
owing to this name, which had been given him of Master of Rhodes,
and through being a good talker, he had deceived both the President
and the Señora Doña Maria de Mendoza, while other _conquistadores_,
however much they had served his Majesty, got no benefits at all."
[Hakluyt Society, Series II, vol. 40, pp. 191, 197-8.]
_Francisco Vásquez Coronado._ I do not think he was an original
_conquistador_; he probably arrived later in Mexico. He was an
intimate friend of Antonio de Mendoza, the first Viceroy of Mexico. He
married the daughter of Alonso de Estrada, the Treasurer of Mexico.
He was appointed Governor of the State of Jalisco, and left his
government to undertake the conquest of Cibola--"the seven cities."
Bernal Díaz says of him: "Francisco Vázquez had been lately married
to a lady who was a daughter of the Treasurer Alonzo de Estrada, and,
in addition to being talented, was very beautiful; and as he went to
those cities of Cibola he had a great desire to return to New Spain to
his wife. Some of the soldiers who were in his company said that he
wished to copy the Greek Captain Ulysses, who when he was before Troy
was crazy to go and enjoy his wife Penelope, so did Francisco Vázquez
Coronado, who left the Conquest he had undertaken. He was attacked
by incipient madness and returned to Mexico to his wife, and as they
reproached him for having returned in that way, he died within a few
days."
Later on Bernal Díaz says: "Nor will I call to mind the expedition
which Francisco Vázquez Coronado made from Mexico to the cities which
they call Cibola, for as I did not go with him I have no right to
speak of it."
_Francisco Maldonado._ Must have been one of the original
_conquistadores_ as he signed the first letter of the Army of Cortés
to the Emperor. However, there were five men of the name of Maldonado
mentioned by Bernal Díaz. Two of them may be ruled out as their names,
Alonzo and Alvaro, are given--a third, a native of Medellin, returned
to Cuba, invalided. Francisco Maldonado was therefore probably either
"Maldonado 'el ancho,' a native of Salamanca and a distinguished
person who had been in command of expeditions, who died a natural
death," or "Maldonado of Vera Cruz, who was the husband of Doña Maria
de Rincon."
_Bernaldino Vázquez de Tapia._ An original _conquistador_, as he
signed the first letter to the Emperor. He is mentioned as chosen to
accompany Pedro de Alvarado on an embassy to Montezuma, when Cortés
was at Tlaxcala--but he fell ill on the road and the embassy was
recalled. When the first Royal _Audiencia_ of Mexico was dismissed
and many disputes arose, Bernaldino Vázquez was chosen by the
_conquistadores_ as Proctor to go to Spain and represent the interests
of Cortés. Bernal Díaz says of him, "a very distinguished and rich
man, who died a natural death."
_Juan Jaramillo._ Was captain of a launch during the siege of Mexico.
He accompanied Cortés on the expedition to Honduras, and on the way,
at Orizaba, he was married to Doña Marina the mistress of Cortés. He
died a natural death.
_Martín Vázquez._ An original _conquistador_ described by Bernal Díaz
as "a native of Olmedo, a rich and distinguished man" who became a
settler in Mexico--died a natural death.
_Gil González de Benavides._ Was not an original _conquistador_,
but he accompanied Cortés on his expedition to Honduras. He was the
brother of the distinguished _conquistador_ and Captain Alonzo de
Avila, who had received the _encomienda_ of the pueblo of Cuautitlan,
near Mexico. When Alonzo de Avila left Mexico he gave his brother
power of attorney, so that he might benefit from the _encomienda_, and
on the death of Alonzo de Avila the Crown claimed the _encomienda_,
and I think there was a lawsuit about it.
The two sons of Gil González were beheaded for conspiracy.
CHAPTER C
_How, as soon as they had drawn up the Ordinances, they sent
them to most parts of the Indies; how in some places great
resentment was shown, while in others there were no slight
disturbances, and how in the city of Lima the Municipality
despatched the alcalde Palomino and Don Antonio de Rivera to
apprise Vaca de Castro of it._
As had been ordered by his Majesty the Emperor, with the concurrence
of the Grandees and Prelates, clergy and members of his Royal Council,
the Ordinances or laws for the government of the Indies, which we
have quoted, were forthwith sent to New Spain, Española, Popayán,
and Cartagena to be put in force. The Licentiate Hernando Díaz de
Armendáriz came to the interior provinces, and when the tenour of
the Ordinances became noised abroad it caused great excitement. Many
who had spent their lives in the conquests, and had grown old in
the discoveries, displayed great gloom, so that their countenances
reflected the anxiety of their minds. In many places there were
meetings and assemblies to discuss the Ordinances, at which it was
proposed to report to his Majesty so that he might order their
petitions to be entertained until he could be better informed; for the
thing had been done on statements of infatuated friars. In New Spain,
however, there was a man abounding in virtues and quick to perceive
what was best both for the King's service and the pacification of the
country, Don Antonio de Mendoza. With great patience and goodwill he
ignored the first outburst of the people, waiting until the general
excitement had abated; and then, with loving words, though weighty, he
not only gave hearing to their petitions but forthwith suspended the
Ordinances, advising his Majesty that it was best so for his service.
In other provinces also those who governed acted prudently and did the
same; while in yet other parts they waited, as all the rest are doing
now, because that course was wisest for the welfare and tranquillity
of those Realms and best, moreover, for the natives, as any reasonable
man will understand.
When the copy of the laws was brought by Diego de Aller to Panamá,
there was in that Realm the captain Alonso de Alvarado who, ceasing
to listen to vain talk, departed for Spain after having expressed the
opinion I have just written. Then Juan de Cáceres the accountant,
and others who were there, sent the transcript of the Ordinances to
Peru. As soon as they reached that Realm great excitement arose, it
being made known that they were very stringent. Alonso Palomino,
who was then _alcalde_ of the city of Lima, and Antonio de Rivera,
were at once sent off in great haste to the city of Cuzco, where the
Governor Vaca de Castro was, to give him an account of the unrest,
that he might form an opinion on the best course to be adopted for
the common weal and the safety of the Realm. They set out accordingly
for Cuzco, where they found Vaca de Castro very indignant because the
municipality of Lima had refused to receive the Bachelor Juan Vélez de
Guevara as his Deputy. He sent a constable of his to Lima to summon
the officials of New Castille to appear before him at Cuzco; and, at
the same time, he directed certain gold of the royal fifths, amounting
to a hundred thousand _pesos_, to be sent to Spain. And because the
royal officials of New Toledo were feeling aggrieved that Cuzco fell
within the limits of that province, the Governor, after the latitude
in which it stands had been well observed, and other points noted,
ruled that it lay within the government of New Castille together
with fifteen leagues beyond it, and that Arequipa and the very rich
districts of the Charcas and Collao were to be included.
In Spain, after the promulgation of the New Laws, they discussed who
should be sent to Peru as Viceroy. News came that it would be Don
Antonio de Leyva, then again that it was the Marshal of Navarre. Some
allege that this was whom his Majesty intended, but that the Marshal
answered that he would not go out to deprive those who were in the
Indies of their property, to which they were so justly entitled.
It was also said here that in Spain many held that the men in the
Indies were of mean position, and a poor lot who could easily be made
to think that it would be best to comply with the Ordinances, and
that very little sufficed to enable them to live as their fathers
did. These things were heard by the people over here with great
indignation, and, laying their hands on their beards, they said that
it was clear that the glory of Spain's past was entirely attributable
to its illustrious men. Their indignation was the greater in that all
who dwelt in the Realms of New Spain and Peru were men of ancient
lineage, whose forefathers had distinguished themselves in the wars
which the Kings of Spain waged against the Moors. Finally, there
was a wild tumult, the news flying from one part to another, and
foreshadowing a recurrence of great evils.
CHAPTER CI
_Of what further took place between the captains, Felipe
Gutiérrez and Francisco de Mendoza, and how, after having
explored some provinces down the river, Felipe Gutiérrez was
arrested by Francisco de Mendoza._
The reader will remember how, in previous chapters, we said that the
general Felipe Gutiérrez went exploring down the _Soconcho_ river,
taking Francisco de Mendoza with him. Having formed his camp among
people there, well supplied with provisions, Felipe Gutiérrez turned
his attention to his plan of depriving Mendoza of the command he held.
He sent to ask him for his papers, representing that he did so of a
purpose, and because he wished him well, in order that the soldiers
should not influence him to any step that might give rise to a renewal
of mischief in the camp which would cause them all to be lost, for
in no way was it possible for two leaders to govern the same force.
Francisco de Mendoza was in no mind to resign the post that had been
given to him, and replied to Felipe Gutiérrez that he would not
consider any such proposal, because he would rather lose his life than
his command. After this exchange of views the friends of Francisco de
Mendoza warned him to look out for himself, because Felipe Gutiérrez
wanted to kill him. He was astonished to hear such things and always
kept men in his tent to help him if they should see him in any pass.
The general Felipe Gutiérrez moved from there to another large
province; and, leaving Sotomayor on guard over the camp, set out in
quest of discoveries, taking Francisco de Mendoza with him and such
men as he thought fit. He followed the river towards the west,[168]
and they found the land flat and covered with trees and explored it
for fifty leagues, where he came to a well-peopled country. They had
great battles with the barbarians in which, although a few Christians
and horses were wounded, many of the natives were left dead upon the
field. After having advanced the distance stated, they found no more
inhabitants, and Felipe Gutiérrez wanted to go in search of some,
either in one direction or another. The soldiers murmured against him,
saying that if they had gone to explore in the direction of sunrise
they would have found rich settlements where all might gain advantage,
and that he had neither the sagacity nor the prudence requisite for
undertaking this conquest.
Francisco de Mendoza, glad to hear these things, cunningly began to
give out that it was not Felipe Gutiérrez who was to blame, but the
soldiers themselves for having him as their general, since he had not
the ability to command them. In fine he said such things that he moved
their minds to do a very disgraceful deed, and one deserving of severe
punishment, for, revealing himself as the author of the stroke, this
infatuated youth Francisco de Mendoza, accompanied by those who were
his accomplices, went to the tent of his courageous though careless
leader Felipe Gutiérrez and, raising the flap of his tent, shouted at
him: "Why, Felipe Gutiérrez, do you wish to kill me?" Aroused from
a deep sleep by the loud voice, Felipe Gutiérrez said, "I kill you,
Señor Captain Francisco de Mendoza? I have never thought of such a
thing." Without more words they all rushed in upon him, seized him,
and put him in chains, robbing him of all he possessed, which was no
small quantity. Not content with his capture they cried out that he
should be killed. Francisco de Mendoza answered that there was no
cause to kill him, and that it would be enough to turn him out of the
country. Felipe Gutiérrez, finding himself thus treated, and seeing
the disgraceful conduct of the people, fearing they would kill him,
begged Francisco de Mendoza to spare his life, and this he promised
to do. From thence Francisco de Mendoza turned back towards the
place where Sotomayor had remained with the camp, carrying Felipe de
Gutiérrez, and four others who were suspected, as prisoners. These
were Diego Alvarez, Juan Gutiérrez Valderrama and another. When they
were near the camp, Mendoza left Ruy Sánchez de Hinojosa in charge
of the prisoners, and went to the camp himself at night. On entering
it he gave orders that no person was to go outside of his house on
pain of death, and then Francisco de Mendoza managed his affair with
such adroitness, that he got all the people over to his side. In the
morning Mass was said, and when it was finished all took the oath
to him as Lieutenant for the Governor, just as Felipe Gutiérrez had
ordered when Diego de Rojas died. He then ordered Hinojosa to come in
with the prisoners, and a close watch was kept over them.
FOOTNOTE:
[168] _Poniente._
CHAPTER CII
_Of other things done by Francisco dc Mendoza, and how he sent
to arrest Nicolás de Heredia and sent Felipe Gutiérrez away._
After Francisco de Mendoza had gained the people over, and been
received as captain, and sworn to as such, he ordered one Juan García
to go with twenty-six men and turn Felipe Gutiérrez out of the
province; that with six mounted men, he might find his way back to
Peru. García was also to arrest Nicolás de Heredia, the Camp-master,
and to take away his arms and those of the men who were with him,
fearing lest, Felipe Gutiérrez being absent, he might seek for means
to take command by virtue of the commission he held from Vaca de
Castro. Nicolás de Heredia had remained behind with some Spaniards
who were sick, and the captains having gone far ahead, he had not been
able to join them; while, the Indians having made fierce war upon him,
he and his companions had shown much spirit in defending themselves
against them.
After taking charge of Felipe Gutiérrez and the six who were to
go with him, Juan García started off and marched until he came to
where Nicolás de Heredia was encamped, whom, suspecting nothing, he
arrested. Then, having taken Felipe Gutiérrez and his six companions
as far as the outskirts of the mountain country, he left them. With
great risk to themselves and their horses, and with much difficulty,
they reached Cuzco at a time when Vaca de Castro had already left the
city and Gonzalo Pizarro was wishing to set out for Lima.
Juan García returned to Francisco de Mendoza, taking Nicolás de
Heredia with him and, before they arrived at the camp, Mendoza ordered
Gabriel Hernández to go and tell Heredia, from him, that he was there
as captain, that all had sworn to him as such, and that Heredia must
do the same, or else go the same road as Felipe Gutiérrez. Gabriel
Hernández, having arrived at the place where Heredia was, warned him
that it would not do to act otherwise, and Nicolás de Heredia took the
oath to Francisco de Mendoza as his captain, as the rest had done. To
make it more binding they divided the Host between them. Thence they
set out in search of food, always hearing some yelling of the Indians,
who were so numerous that they could not be fairly reckoned.
Francisco de Mendoza next ordered Juan García to go with thirty
Spaniards and explore towards the uplands of Popayán,[169] and he was
away for three months, finding several native settlements, and hearing
news of very prosperous ones farther on. In many of the _pueblos_
they saw they found no other bread than _algarroba_,[170] and the
natives were barbarous and of low type. There were many ewes. Being
in want of horse shoes, they [Juan García's party] returned to where
Francisco de Mendoza remained, who, in view of their long absence,
was about to send and find out what had become of them. Before this,
leaving Nicolás de Heredia in charge of the camp, Mendoza had set
out to see if he could find some profitable country, but came upon
nothing good, so he resolved to go and explore in the direction
Felipe Gutiérrez had taken; and this he did, after the return of Juan
García and his companions. But, coming to swamps and morasses, they
were unable to pass them; so sending some of his party back to the
camp with Pedro López de Ayala, Mendoza with the remainder ascended a
cordillera or chain of hills which traverses those plains and came to
some settlements, and to many streams which rise in the uplands. After
exploring for a distance of eighty leagues and seeing the country
was well supplied, where the camp could be maintained, and having
information of other provinces farther on, he went back in order to
return there with the whole of his people. Coming to a village on the
track, they camped near it for the night, but when the barbarians
found out that they had come there, thinking they would sleep in the
houses, they got fire ready so as to burn them when they should be
inside. In the second watch of the night numbers of Indians came with
a great rush and set fire to the village, which was burnt. Had the
Christians been within doors they would have been in danger, for the
fire was widespread and very sudden. And, though they themselves were
not sleeping in the houses, they had put all their stores inside them
and these were consumed in the fire. Some horses and mules were also
burnt, and many of the servants. The Christians, with great commotion,
got up in astonishment at what was happening, for they had not seen
a single Indian; and thenceforward they continued their march very
cautiously, lest any such disaster as this should occur again.
On reaching the camp Francisco de Mendoza remained there for several
days, waiting for the maize to ripen, as at that time it was only
in leaf. Afterwards he set out from that place with all his men,
intending to proceed in the direction of sunrise, because the
cordillera he had discovered lay on that bearing. After eight days'
march Mendoza judged it wise to go forward himself and explore the
route in advance, and selecting sixty Spaniards, he prepared to do so,
leaving Nicolás de Heredia in charge of the camp with orders to follow
after him; where we will let him be for the present.
FOOTNOTES:
[169] This must be an error, probably for Tucumán.
[170] _Prosopis_ (_Sp. var._), yielding a bean.
CHAPTER CIII
_How his Majesty the Emperor, our Lord, ordered Blasco Nuñez
Vela to proceed as Viceroy to the Realms of Peru, to give effect
there to the new laws that had been enacted for the government
of the empire of the Indies._
AS his Majesty the Emperor Don Carlos our Lord, most fortunate King of
the Spains, and the members of his very high Council, had considered
many times who should go to Peru as Viceroy to maintain peace in
those provinces and enforce the New Laws, and notwithstanding that
several Spanish gentlemen had been discussed with that view, his
Majesty fixed his eyes on Blasco Nuñez Vela, a native of the city of
Ávila, of noble descent, and very zealous for the royal service. He
had already occupied important posts in Spain; and it was always
said that he had discharged the duties of them with fidelity. He had
been chief Magistrate of Malaga, on the frontier of Navarre he was
Inspector-general, and he once came to this country as Captain-general
of the Fleet to fetch the treasure that was here. He was tall, of good
bearing, and gentle mien, he had clear, light blue eyes, aquiline
features, a broad forehead, a thick and very imposing beard, was
an excellent horseman in both saddles, and quick of apprehension
save that it was not very sure. He was one of those who always lay
themselves out to serve their king; very God-fearing, homely, modest,
well bred, an enemy to traitors, the friend of loyalty, he was always
ready to rely upon himself, and put little faith in his followers, but
this I attribute more to the perversity of men in this country than
to his own worth. He was a passionate man and quick to anger; after
reaching this country he placed full confidence in no person, and
thus, impulsive as he was in his wrath he was equally so in killing
those who angered him. This was the person his Majesty summoned before
him and told that it would befit the royal service if he were to go to
Peru and be Viceroy there, and bring those regions under a just rule,
and give effect therein to the New Laws which had been made for the
government of the Realm.
Blasco Núñez Vela, it is said, felt regret that his Majesty had
ordered him to go; but although this was so, he replied that he
would do all that his Majesty might wish, having been born with that
obligation upon him. After other things, of which history does not
call for treatment here, Blasco Núñez Vela was appointed Viceroy of
Peru, and President of the _Audiencia_ which was to be established at
Lima. The Ordinances were given to him to enforce, dealing specially
with each section by itself. Having received the despatches and
instructions, kissed the hands of his Majesty, and taken leave of the
Lords of the Council, Blasco Núñez Vela went to the city of Ávila,
to enjoy a few days with his wife and children. He left that city
accompanied by his brother, Francisco Velásquez Vela Núñez, Diego
Alvarez de Cueto his brother-in-law, and other gentlemen who were his
relations or friends, and set out with a great quantity of luggage and
equipment for Seville. When it became known in Spain that Blasco Núñez
Vela had been selected to be Viceroy of Peru, there were murmurs, and
it was said no good would come of it, but that, on the contrary, great
evils would arise from his going there, for that he was not the man to
keep peace in that land. They affirm that the Marquis del Valle, D.
Hernando Cortés, the mirror of governors and captains in the Indies,
said publicly many times that Blasco Núñez Vela would not succeed
in establishing peace in Peru because the people who live there are
unruly and self-willed, and that when he himself was conducting the
exploration of New Spain he used to set up crosses along all the
roads, whereas the leaders who had discovered Peru had been always
envious of each other, and there was hidden rancour between them,
and transactions that ended in the battles of which everybody has
heard. The commonalty of Spain and the people at large rejoiced at the
promulgation of the new laws, and desired that those living in the
Indies should be governed by them. The gentry and men of backbone, who
understand what fortitude is, said that if the residents in the Indies
were to obey the Ordinances on all points they would be for ever
reproached as weaklings, and the sons who might be born to them would
live in affliction through the supineness of their fathers.
When Blasco Núñez Vela arrived [at Seville], he found there the Judges
who had been appointed, and there was great confidence that they would
discharge their duties well. Their names were the Licentiate Cepeda,
who was a Judge in the Canary Isles, Dr. Tejada, the Licentiate
Alvarez, and the Licentiate Zaratena. With these he set out for the
spacious port of San Lucar de Barrameda, and ordered the ships to be
got ready in which he and those who were going out with him expected
to sail--wishing himself already in the land of the Indies.
CHAPTER CIV
_How the Alcalde Alonso Palomino and Don Antonio de Rivera
arrived at the city of Cuzco, and what happened._
We have already related, farther back, how the municipality of Lima
ordered the _alcalde_ Alonso Palomino and Don Antonio Rivera to set
out and travel, with all speed, to the great city of Cuzco, where they
would find Vaca de Castro, and to give him the Ordinances which the
accountant Juan de Cáceres had sent from Panamá, that he might decide
what course would be best for the Realm. Palomino and Rivera arrived
at Cuzco, causing disquiet to those who were inclined for peace,
urging that such a calamity as this must not be let pass, for they all
knew with what labour these regions had been explored. Vaca de Castro,
having seen the Ordinances, and, being a discreet man, in no wise lost
patience. On the contrary, he summoned the following citizens to meet
in the municipal chamber:
Capt. Garcilaso de la Vega,
Don Martín de Guzmán,
Hernando Bachicao,
Juan Julio de Ojeda,
Juan Vélez de Guevara,
Diego Maldonado.
When they had assembled he caused the Ordinances to be read to them
in his presence. The officers of the municipality then discussed
the matter in session, saying that that city was the headpiece of
the Realm and the others should be governed by it. The Emperor, our
Lord, being so Christian a prince, it was not seemly to believe that,
without hearing their objections, he should wish to deprive them of
their property; and that the Ordinances could not be wholly complied
with, notwithstanding that they must obey them as coming from their
natural King. Vaca de Castro replied with some warmth that they should
be silent rather than show such temper, because, since his Majesty
had ordered that the Ordinances were to come into force, it had to be
done and they must bow to the command, as that of their natural King
and Lord. He said, further, that they must wait for the arrival of
the Viceroy who, it might be, would consent to submit their petition
before the royal presence. Meanwhile, they would not be dispossessed
either of their estates or of Indians.
Subsequently, the _alcalde_ Palomino, Don Antonio de Rivera, Hernando
Bachicao, and Cermeño and others, according to report, wrote to
Gonzalo Pizarro at his estate where he was staying, acquainting him
with the Ordinances that had arrived, urging him to stand as the
defender of everyone. For, said they, he was the brother of the
Governor who opened up these countries and, in times and necessities
like the present, gentlemen should show their worth, and the whole
Realm would be with him to help and petition against these laws, and
would venture their persons and estates in that cause. The letters
I mention having been prepared, they were sent with all speed to
where Gonzalo Pizarro was staying; and the messenger presently
returned to Lima. After these things had occurred Vaca de Castro,
with the concurrence of the leading citizens of Cuzco, arranged to
send messengers to all the cities and towns in the Realm. They were
told to appoint proctors whom they were to send to him to prepare
for despatching representatives to Spain, with all possible speed,
to inform his Majesty as to what was fitting in the interests of his
royal service, and to entreat him to sanction an appeal against some
of the Ordinances. When Francisco de Caravajal, who was sergeant-major
at the battle of Chupas, heard that the Viceroy would soon arrive with
the Ordinances, being a man of good understanding and clear judgment
(though he afterwards put his talents to so bad a use) he spoke to
Vaca de Castro, telling him that he well knew what a loyal friend he
[Caravajal] had been to him, as the Governor had always found him
ready with his services in all the recent events. He therefore now
asked a favour, which was that he might depart for Spain, where he
would give the King an account of affairs in Peru, and tell him how
poorly the _conquistadores_ had been requited for the great services
they had done for his Majesty. Without this, the promulgation of the
Ordinances that were coming would be rendered serious and difficult.
Vaca de Castro and the officers of the municipality, after considering
the matter in council, agreed that Francisco de Caravajal should go on
the errand he proposed, and if perchance he should meet Blasco Núñez
Vela who, it was now generally known, was coming as Viceroy, he was to
explain the state of the Realm to him and counsel him to approach it
with sentiments of consideration and forbearance, so as to preclude
any revival of sedition.
There was great excitement among the people throughout the Realm
when they heard about the Ordinances. The Spaniards were deeply
chagrined, and declared that in the subjugation of this country many
had lost their lives, and that to come here they had parted with their
properties in Spain; while others, too, had grown old in campaigning
in these regions--all without receiving royal pay or any reward
except the Indians they held in _encomienda_, who were now, at their
[liege's] death, to be taken from the widow. In such circumstances
what could be expected but that, forced by necessity, they should do
ugly things and act against [the dictates of] their honour? And that
their children would be left in poverty and their services meet with
no recompense? Besides this they said that as for taking away from
them the Indians whom they had obtained with so much labour, better
were it that they should kill them all. And not only was this question
about the Ordinances talked over, but false rumours were spread that
all who might be found guilty of having been concerned in previous
disturbances would be punished with great severity. The commotion
among the people also gave rise to other versions which were all
greedily listened to, and flew with great celerity from one place to
another nourishing profound discontent and angry passions. Some showed
the wounds they had sustained in their campaigns, which made the
womenfolk shed many tears, saying that if their husbands were deprived
of their estates, where could they themselves go to to maintain their
lives with honour, being so far away from Spain? The agitation was
greatest in the city of Cuzco, because the news was received there
with acute displeasure: insomuch that angry words were bandied about,
coming deep from their breasts, some of them violent and boding ill
for the King's service.
When Vaca de Castro was informed of what was being said, being anxious
to preserve the Realm in peace, tranquillity, and contentment, and to
stifle the wild utterances of persons who spoke so freely, he sent
for Diego de Silva and Juan Vélez de Guevara (_alcaldes_) and said to
them: "Go ye through the city, and if ye hear any one speak openly
against the King's service hang such a man at once, without waiting to
make a deposition." When Diego de Silva and the other _alcalde_ heard
the talk that was going on, and learnt about the gatherings, and that
the people were firm in their contentions and making common cause to
resist, and not obey, the Ordinances, they went relentlessly through
the city ordering all to hold their peace, on pain of death; and they
warned the principal citizens to have patience, and wait to see what
his Majesty would order, and whether the Viceroy would forward the
petition against the Laws. To this it is said they answered, that if
his Majesty did it to raise money, they and their city would make him
a present of five hundred thousand ducats. So Francisco de Caravajal
departed from Cuzco, very pleased at quitting Peru at this time,
carrying despatches from the Governor Vaca de Castro, and from the
people of Cuzco to the municipal authorities of Lima desiring them to
write to his Majesty.
THE END
[Illustration]
INDEX
=Abibe= mountains, 11.
Accomplices and conspirators in the plot to assassinate the Marquis
Pizarro, the parts they played, and their ultimate fates, 102-3,
and _n._
=Acosta=, Juan de, 55, 73, 290, 312.
=Agamenon=, father-in-law of Pedro de Candía, a Greek, 263.
=Agüero=, Diego de, 112-13, 169, 234, 236, 277, 279, 282.
_alcalde_, meaning of, xlvi; 6, 14, 48-9, 51, 79, 127-8, 135,
152-3, 160, 179, 193, 341, 361, 371-2, 374.
=Aldana=, Lorenzo de, xlvi; 4-7, 34, 55, 140-1, 157, 159, 160,
162, 183, 188-9, 191, 199, 200, 203, 207, 237-8, 277, 282.
_algarroba_ bread, 367 and _n._
_algarrobo_, the tree (_Prosopis, sp. var._), 328;
forests, 334.
_alguazil_, meaning of, xlvi; 6, 152-3.
=Aliaga=, Jerónimo de, 112-13;
governor's lieutenant at Lima, 185, 234, 236.
=Aller=, Diego de, 309, 361.
=Almagro=, Don Diego de, the elder, _Adelantado_, xxvii,
xxix-xli, 4, 51-3, 79, 80, 82-4, 91, 92 and _n._, 96 and
_n._, 97, 124, 127, 131, 135, 139, 141, 148, 155, 157, 163,
178, 181, 192, 212, 258, 260, 264, 337, 354;
fate of his captains, 216 and _n._
---- the lad, xxxviii-xlii, 52-3, 81-4, 92-5, 97, 102-3, 111-14;
116-19, 123-5, 127-9, 131, 133-5, 142, 144-5, 147-51, 153, 155-9,
163-7, 169-72, 174, 178-82, 184-5, 188, 190, 192, 194, 206-9, 211,
214-15, 217, 220-31, 235-45, 250-60, 262-3, 266, 268-73, 275-9,
281-2, 292-7;
his parentage and boyhood, 114-15 _n._;
is acknowledged governor at Lima, 115;
his address to the army, 212-13;
addresses his army again, 264-5;
his execution, 298-9;
his history, character, and career, 299-303 _n._
=Almagro faction= or party, known as the "men of Chile" or
"Chile party," xxvii, xxxv; 81-6, 91-5, 98-9, 101-2, 104, 106-8,
111-13, 115, 118, 121-2, 124-5, 128-35, 141, 144, 153, 155, 157,
159, 162, 166-7, 170-1, 173-5, 178, 182, 194, 201, 216, 219,
230-1, 244, 255, 260-1, 263, 268, 270-1, 275, 278, 280-1, 288, 337;
rout and break-up of, 282;
names of its members executed after Chupas, 286.
=Almagro=, Jerónimo de, 102, 106, 281, 283.
=Almendras=, Diego de, 154.
---- Francisco de, 152-3.
---- Martín de, 132-3.
=Alvarado=, Alonso de, xxix, xxxiii, xxxv, 53-4, 117; 122-5, 135,
144, 151, 155-6, 161, 165-6, 170, 172, 176-7, 179, 182, 186-9,
191, 196-8, 201-3, 207, 211, 235-6, 237-8, 254-5, 257, 262, 269,
272, 277, 279-81, 309-10, 361;
declares for the king and is acknowledged as Chief Justice and
Captain-general, 121.
---- Diego de, xxxvi, 80-1;
executor of the elder Almagro's will, 213.
---- Gómez de. See =Gómez= de Alvarado.
---- y Sosa, García de, 103-4, 113, 117-19, 123, 125, 144, 149,
155-6, 158, 168-9, 172, 180-1, 209, 211, 214-18, 220-2, 238,
261-2;
becomes general, 173;
basely kills Sotelo, 219;
appointed deputy governor, 223;
his arrogance and duplicity, 224, 225-9;
killed by Almagro "the lad," 230-1,.
=Alvarez=, Antonio, 153, 181-2.
---- Diego, 315, 365.
=Alvarez Holguin=, Pero, 84, 127, 129-37, 150-3, 156-7, 163, 166-7,
170-9, 186-9, 191-2, 194, 197, 199, 200, 202-4, 206-7, 209-11,
232-8, 243, 252, 254, 269, 272, 276;
accepted at Cuzco as general, 154;
accepted at Guamanga, 165;
at Parcos, 165;
Vaca de Castro relegates him as Camp-master, 201;
delivers the royal standard to Vaca de Castro, 205;
killed in the Battle, 278;
his burial at Guamanga, 284 _n._
=Ampudia=, Juan de, 5-6, 34, 39-42, 48;
killed by Indians, 43.
_anacona, yana-cuna_, 120 and _n._
=Añasco=, Pedro de, 4, 34-6, 41, 48, 55;
wounded, 37;
killed and eaten, 38.
=Andagoya=, Juan de, 89, 90, 138.
---- Don Pascual de, _Adelantado_, 8, 44-6, 48-9, 55, 77-8, 89
and _n._, 90, 138-9 and _n._;
his narrative, 140 _n._
=Andahuaylas=, 244, 293.
=Antioquía=, 184.
=Anzerma=, province and city, 5, 11, 12, 14, 17, 18, 45, 48,
55, 77-9, 157.
=Anzures= de Camporredondo, Pedro, xxvii, xxxiv, 1, 4, 84, 131,
134, 136, 151-3, 156, 163, 188, 203, 207, 234, 236, 255-6,
271-2, 276, 280-1, 288, 297, 299, 305, 309;
his troop of horsemen, 153-4.
=Apia= valley, 14.
=Apirimá=, 35, 38-9.
=Apurimac=, river and bridge, 243, 305.
=Arauco=, river, 315, 317.
=Arbi=, region, 19.
=Arbolancha=, Bartolomé de, 102 and _n._;
kills Chaves, 107 and _n._;
is executed, 286.
=Arequipa=, xxviii, 1-3, 50, 52-3, 137, 154, 176, 208-9, 214,
216, 239, 362;
acknowledges Don Diego as governor, 136.
=Arma=, region, 21, 28, 33-4, 46.
Arrow poison, 331-4.
Assassination of the Marquis Pizarro, xlii, chap. xxxi and _passim_.
Assassins and accessories, xli, xlii;
names and fates of the, 102 and _n._
=Atrato=, river, 16 _n._
_Audiencia_, Royal, 338, 341-51, 354-8.
---- of Guatemala and Nicaragua, 345.
---- of Mexico, 345.
---- of Panamá, xiii, xlii, 80-1, 89, 90, 138, 246, 287, 298.
---- of Perú, 345;
names of judges appointed to, 370-1.
=Ayala=. _See_ López de Ayala, Pedro.
=Ayunga=, valley, 36.
=Bachicao=, Hernando, 128, 136, 371-2.
=Bádajoz=, Juan Alonso de, 168.
=Baeza=, valley of, 7.
---- Juan de, 83.
=Balsá=, Juan, xxxix, 223-6, 228, 230, 240-1, 245, 257, 262, 275;
serving with the Almagro party, 52, 118, 208, 216-18;
his equivocal position at Sotelo's death, 219;
nominated Don Diego's Captain-general, 222.
=Baltanas=, 208, 214.
_barbacoas_, 16, 21.
=Barbarán=, Juan de, 111 and _n._, 283 _n._
=Barragán=. _See_ Rodríguez Barragán, Juan.
=Barrientos=, Cristóbal de, standard bearer at Chupas, 183, 277,
283 _n._
=Barrionuevo=, Francisco de, Governor of Lima, 111, 185, 234.
=Barroso=, Pedro, 119, 120, 144.
=Belalcázar=, Sebastián de, _Adelantado_, 5, 8, 45-6, 49,
54-5, 77-9, 89, 90, 137-8 and _n._, 139 and _n._, 140-1,
157-9, 161, 182-4, 188-91, 339;
his death, 23 _n._
=Beltrán=, Dr., 81, 116.
=Bernal=, Luis, 11, 12, 40.
=Bilbao=, Martín de, 102, 108 (printed in error as M. de
Billar), 244, 262, 275, 280, 282.
Bishop of Chiapa. _See_ Las Casas.
---- of Lima. _See_ Valverde.
---- of Plasencia, 136-7 _n._
---- of Quito. _See_ Díaz de Arias.
=Blázquez=, Dr. Juan, 53, 98, 101, 103, 105-7, 111;
is killed by natives at Puna, 124-5.
=Bogotà= province, 34-5, 38, 77.
=Bombon=, 172-3, 188, 204, 305.
Book of Foundations. See _Libro de fundaciones_.
=Bracamoros= province, 162, 192-3, 288.
=Buenaventura=, port of, 44, 77, 87, 89, 90 and _n._,
91, 118, 137-8, 139 _n._, 140, 157, 159, 164.
=Burgos=, Cristóbal de, of Lima, 277, 281.
=Bustamente=, Pedro de, 74-5.
_Cabildo_, definition of, xlv.
=Cabrera=, Alonso de, the Marquis' chamberlain, 83, 116,
118-19, 125-6, 158.
---- Juan, 184.
---- Pedro Luis de, 82, 85.
=Cáceres=, Juan de, accountant, 82, 119, 309, 330-1, 361, 371.
=Calí=, city of, xxviii, 4-6, 34, 45, 47-9,
55, 75, 77-8, 87, 90 _n._, 137-40, 157-9, 191.
=Camargo=, Alonso de, the navigator, 137 _n._, 154.
=Çamarilla=, Alonso García, 172, 259, 262;
his capture, 260;
his execution, 261 and _n._
_Camporredondo._ _See_ Anzures de, and Rodríguez de.
=Campo=, Rodrigo de, carries the royal standard, 305, 355.
=Candía=, Pedro de, a Greek artillery expert, xxvii, xxxvi,
209-10, 240, 263, 276;
his loyalty questioned, 278-9;
is killed during the battle, 279-80.
=Canela=, the Canela country or "land of cinnamon," xxvii, 2, 55,
162, 289, 291, 307, 311, 313;
Gonzalo Pizarro's expedition through, chapters xix, xx, xxi, xxii,
lxxxi;.
_Canelo_, the (_Canella alba_), 59.
Cannibal practices observed, 8, 20, 22-3 and _n._, 25-6, 28, 35-6.
=Capayán=, village, 319, 325.
=Carangue=, near Quito, 160, 182.
=Caravajal= (Carbajal), Diego de, 51.
---- Francisco de, _alcalde_, 127-9, 269, 272, 277, 280, 373, 375;
sergeant-major, 181 and _n._;
Camp-master, 276.
---- Juan de, a _regidor_ of Plata, 152, 154.
---- licentiate, 99.
---- _See_ Suárez de.
=Caravaya=, river, 308-9.
=Cardenas=, a captain, 168;
executed, 286.
=Cardona=, one of Pizarro's pages, 106, 108 and _n._, 110.
=Carrapa=, region, 19-22, 24, 27, 34, 46.
=Carrillo=, Martín, 103, 115, 214, 217, 221, 229, 238-9, 283;
acts as Camp-master, 208 and _n._;
orders a prisoner to be stabbed to prevent his rescue, 208;
is captured when a fugitive in hiding, 285;
and executed, 286.
=Cartagena= (de Indias), 5, 6, 10-12, 23 _n._, 48, 339, 360.
=Cartago=, 48-9, 77-9, 138, 141, 157, 339;
city founded, 46-7.
=Castilla=, Don Baltasar de, 113, 283.
=Castro=, Captain (Pedro), 130-1, 133-5, 186, 202, 269, 271-2,
277, 280, 297.
---- _See_ Vaca de Castro.
=Cauca= valley, xxvi, xxviii.
=Caxamarca=, 155, 165, 171, 176.
=Centeno=, Diego, 153-4, 283.
=César=, Francisco de, 304 and _n._
=Chachapoyas=, 53, 54 _n._, 117, 120-2, 161, 170, 310.
=Chaco=, _el Gran_, xxvii, 323 _n._, 334 _n._, 336 _n._
=Charcas=, 52-3, 181, 186, 243, 310, 313, 362.
=Charles V=, 360, 368;
the Emperor Don Carlos, xxxvii, xliii;
his humane policy towards the Indians of America, xlii-iii; 338,
348-59.
=Chaves=, Francisco de (the good one), 50 and _n._, 52, 83, 93, 103,
105-6;
receives a mortal wound while defending the Marquis, 107.
---- (the bad one), 50 _n._, 113, 117, 144-50, 216, 231;
is executed, 150.
=Chiapa=, Bishop of. _See_ Las Casas.
=Chile=, _passim_.
---- party, or men of. _See_ Almagro faction.
=Chiquana= valley, 316 and _n._, 318, 321, 325-6.
_Choco, el_, 15.
=Chunchos=, the, 84, 127, 130, 135, 151, 171, 194, 204, 305.
=Chupas=, xxvii-viii, xli-xlii, 113-14, 117 _n._, 154, 168,
178-9 _n._, 216, 241, 265, 267, 270-1, 292-3, 314, 330, 373;
account of the battle of, chaps. lxxvii-viii;
site of, xl, 274-5 _n._;
topography of, by C. R. M., 274-5 _n._;
date of battle, 282;
list of captains present at, 282-3-4 and _n._
=Chuqui-apu= (La Paz), 2, 129, 133.
=Chuquito=, 132-3, 135.
=Cieza de León=, Pedro de, 52 _n._;
his writings, xxv-xxviii,
xxxi-xxxiii, xxxix-xlvii;
denounces cruel treatment of the Indians, xliv, 164-5, 339;
bewails his pen-weariness, 314-15.
"Cinnamon" forest. _See_ Canela.
Clerics, friars, priests, and _religiosos_, various, 22, 55,
67, 97-8, 101, 122, 127;
succour the wounded and confess the dying, 283, 357, 359.
=Cobos=, Don Francisco de los, _Comendador mayor_,
Charles V's secretary, xxxvii, 116.
_coca_ monopoly, 295.
=Coca= river, 62 _n._;
village, 291.
=Collao=, the, xxviii, 1, 50, 127, 132, 362.
=Concho= tract, 327.
=Conchucos= Indians, 118.
_conquistadores_, the original Spanish
invaders of America, 20, 226, 236, 293, 306, 352 n., 354, 373.
Contents, chapter headings, vii-xxi;
maps and plates, xxiii.
=Coronado=, Francisco, 103;
executed, 285.
_Corregidores_, 347-8.
=Cortés=, Hernando, 370.
=Cotabamba=, 156.
=Cote=, Martín, 168, 228, 262, 275;
executed, 286.
Council of the Indies, Royal, 100, 338, 341-6, 348, 355-6, 360.
Cross-bows in warfare, 16, 17, 25, 29, 39, 40, 73-5, 210.
_cuadra_, of Lima, 104 _n._
=Curahuasi= rest house, 243.
=Cuzco=, city of, xxviii, xxx-xxxvi, xxxviii, xlii, 1-3, 52-3,
62, 84, 116-17, 124, 126-31, 133-7, 144, 150-1, 154, 156-7, 161,
163-7, 170, 173-4, 179-82, 186, 194, 200, 203-4, 209, 211, 213-15,
222-3, 236-41, 248, 250, 257, 259, 270, 280, 282, 286-9, 292-5,
297, 299, 307, 309-11, 317, 323, 361-2, 366, 371-2, 374-5;
memorial stone at, 312.
=Díaz de Arias=, Garcí, the favourite, afterwards Bishop of
Quito, 3, 4, 93, 96 _n._, 105-7, 111, 116.
---- =de Armendáriz=, Hernando, licentiate, 360.
---- =de Pineda=, Gonzalo, 6, 7, 55, 69, 73-5.
=Don Diego.= _See_ Almagro, Don Diego de, the lad.
=Diente=, Juan, a scout, native of Gibraltar, 103, 116, 117 and
_n._, 126-7, 259-60, 261 and _n._;
executed, 286.
=Diez=, Garci. _See_ Díaz de Arias,
dogs, employed as fighting units, 25, 39, 61, 291.
_El Dorado_, valley, 55.
---- =Gallo=, island, 85-6.
---- _Mozo_, 92 _n._
_Encomendero_, 350 _n._;
definition of, xlvi.
_Encomienda_, xxix, 20, 50, 233, 244, 288, 293, 306, 340, 350, 354,
373;
definition of, xlvi.
=Enríquez=, Don Alonso, 80.
=Española=, island of, extinction of the natives, 339;
New Laws for, 358;
sent to, 360.
Executions, xlii, xliii;
list of, after the battle of Chupas, 286.
=Frontera, La=, city of (in Chachapoyas), 54, 117, 120-4, 161.
---- (at Guamanga), designation changed to La Vitoria, 288.
=Fuentes=, Pedro de, ensign, 187.
_Fundaciones._ See _Libro de_.
=Funes=, Cristóbal de, 57, 73.
=Gallego=, Francisco, a turncoat, 261.
=García=, Alonso. _See_ Çamarilla.
---- de Alvarado. _See_ Alvarado, García de.
---- de Tovar, Francisco, 40-43, 137.
----, Juan, a turncoat, 218-19, 261, 365-7.
=Garma=, village in Auzerma, 12, 14.
=Gavilán=, Diego, a _conquistador_, 112-13, 236.
=Godoy=, Francisco de, 112, 235-8, 277, 282.
gold, deposits or mines of, 21, 22, 35, 308-9.
---- and golden ornaments, 14, 19, 29, 31-2, 47, 55, 116, 125, 142-3.
=Gómez de Alvarado=, xxxviii, 51-4, 149, 166, 169, 201, 235 and
_n._, 236, 276;
dies at Vilcas, 284;
is buried at Guamanga, 284.
---- the younger, 196 and _n._, 197-8.
=Gómez=, Baltasar, 102;
executed, 286.
---- Hernández, 13, 15, 16.
---- Pero, secretary, iii and _n._ (error for Pero López).
---- de Luna, 105-6;
wounded, 110.
=Gómez de Tordoya=, 106, 108 _n._, 128-31, 113, 135, 152, 154, 166,
174, 186-7, 188, 192, 194, 199, 203, 233, 243, 252, 282;
appointed Camp-master, 134;
family relationships of, 187 _n._;
fatally wounded in the battle, 278;
his death and burial, 284 and _n._
=González de Benavides=, Gil, 351, 353 _n._.
=Gorgona, La=, island, 85.
_Gran Chaco, el_, xxvii, 323 _n._, 334 _n._
=Greciano=, Juan, 11, 12.
=Guamanga=, city or town of (called Ayacucho since 1824), 50,
51, 117 _n._, 126, 144, 151, 164-5, 174, 207-8, 214, 236 and
_n._, 237, 239-41, 244, 247, 255-6, 260, 262, 265-6, 270-1,
273, 285-7, 289, 293;
called "of the Victory," 288.
=Guancas=, natives of Jauja province, 167, 170-1, 236, 254.
=Guanuco=, province and town, 51-2, 120-1, 144.
=Guaraz=, 50, 176-7, 186, 188, 192,
195, 197, 199, 200, 202-4, 210-11, 232, 236, 243.
=Guayaquil=, 55, 162.
=Guaylas=, 50, 118, 177, 179, 197-8, 245.
=Guaytara=, 148;
route by, 266-7, 271.
=Guevara=, Diego Vasco de, 126-7, 165, 171, 191, 283.
---- Juan Pérez de. __See__ Pérez.
---- Juan Vélez de. __See__ Vélez.
=Gutiérrez=, Felipe, Captain, xliii, 181, 221, 283, 315-18, 323-7,
331, 333-6, 363, 365-7;
appointed to lead an expedition, 305;
arrested by his subordinate, 364.
---- Juan, 365.
---- de los Rios, Diego, 80.
---- Malaver, Juan, 214, 227-8, 293.
=Guzmán=, Juan de, 53, 102, 229, 230;
executed, 286.
---- Martín de, 283, 313, 371.
=Henao=, a tell-tale priest, 97-99.
=Heredia=, Nicolas de, Camp-master, 305, 315-17, 323, 327, 365,
367-8;
arrested, 366.
=Herencia=, Francisco de, 97, 287.
=Hernández=, Gonzalo, assessor, 246, 254.
---- Martin, shipmaster, 87.
---- de la Torre, Gonzalo, 105, 110.
=Herrada= (or Rada), Juan de, a self-made leader, xxxix-xli,
50 _n._, 52-3, 81-2, 92 and _n._, 93-5, 97, 99, 101-3,
107, 111, 113-15, 117-18, 123-6, 142-4, 146, 148-50, 155, 172,
174, 180, 216, 231, 241;
discontent at his assumption of the generalship, 166;
is nevertheless acknowledged, 168;
falls ill, 169;
his death at Jauja, 175;
his character, 175 _n._
=Hinojosa=, Pedro de, 152-3, 282.
=Hoces=, Diego de, 102, 168, 227-8, 262, 280;
executed, 286.
=Holguín=. _See_ Alvarez Holguín, Pero.
=Huallaga= river, xxvii.
=Huarina=, 314, 315.
---- The War of (lost book by Cieza de León), xxv.
=Hurtado=, a servant, 105-6, 142-3;
wounded, 110 and _n._;
arrested, 116;
becomes ensign-general, 315.
=Idiáquez=, Lope de, 239, 245-7, 250, 254, 257-9, 261-2, 266, 268.
=Illa= Tupac, an Inca chieftain, is captured by Juan de Vargas, 293.
=Inca=, 322-3.
=Inca=, Atahualpa, xxix.
---- Huayna Capac, xxxviii _n._, 266, 309, 322-3.
---- Manco, xxix-xxx, xxxvii, 1, 2, 240, 242, 250, 259, 266, 287,
292-3, 297.
---- Paula, 211, 282 _n._
---- princess, Pizarro's daughter by, xxxviii _n._
---- Tupac, 322.
---- Yupanqui, 266, 322-3.
=Indian Chiefs=, 162;
viz., Ancora, 20;
Chanvericua, 20;
Chaparra, 125,;
Chuscuruca, 20;
Delicola, 62, 64-5;
Guasco, 244;
Maytama, 31;
commits suicide, 32;
Ocuzca, 13-15;
Picara, 20;
Pimaná, 27;
Samamés, 118;
Tacurumbi, 47;
Umbruza, 13.
=Indians=, frozen to death, 58;
shocked at the murder of Pizarro, 114, 128;
habitual oppression of, by Spaniards, 164, 178;
addicted to lying, 176;
girls a prey to soldiers, 283;
slaughter and rob the wounded, 284;
possess Spanish fowls, 316-17;
of Tucumá, description of, 321;
their attitude towards first Spaniards they saw, 319-20;
atrocities committed on, by Christians, 338-9;
enslavement of, prohibited by New Laws, 349;
the Emperor's humane policy towards, 338, 348-55;
restrictions on carrying loads, and on pearl diving, 350;
rapid extinction of, 339.
Inscription on Pizarro's tomb at Lima, 112.
INTRODUCTION, xxv-xlvi.
=Islands=, Cuba, 358;
Española, 339, 358, 360;
del Gallo, 85-6;
La Gorgona, 85;
Mal Pelo, 85;
of Palms, 45, 87-8, 90;
Puna, 124;
San Juan, 358.
=Jaramillo=, Juan, 351, 353 _n._
=Jauja=, xxxviii, 167, 169-74, 176, 195, 204, 209, 211, 233-4,
236-42;
original seat of Pizarro's government, 104 _n._;
death of Herrada at, 175;
river, 305.
Judges of the first _Audiencia_ at Lima, names of, 370-1.
_Juez de residencia_, definition of, xlvi, 92 _n._, 131, 155, 347.
=Juries=, Indians' territory, 152.
=La Gama=, Antonio de, licentiate, 127, 129, 131, 245-6, 254, 286, 289.
=Lambra Luopica=, 271.
=Lambras Huayccu=, 274 and _n._;
map, 282 _n._
=Las Casas=, Fr. Bartolomé de, Bishop of Chiapa, 338.
=Laso de la Vega=, García (Garcilaso), xlvi, 56 _n._, 59 _n._,
76 _n._, 95 _n._, 152-4, 187, 188, 194, 199, 203, 207, 233, 236,
238, 269, 272, 276, 280, 287-8, 293, 371;
family relationship to Gómez de Tordoya, 187 _n._
=Las Salinas=, battle of, xxvii, xxxvi, 79, 115 _n._,
126-7, 135, 163, 193, 210, 212, 314.
Laws. See =New Laws= or Ordinances.
=Lemos=, Countess of, a relative of Vaca de Castro, 202 and _n._
León, city of, in Guanuco, 86, 293.
---- Cieza de. _See_ Cieza.
---- García de, licentiate, 125, 158, 232-3, 277, 286.
=Lepe, Juan= de, a fool, 91.
=Letters=, D. Diego de Almagro to Vaca de Castro, 245-50;
D. Diego's captains to the same, 251-3;
signatories to the latter, 253;
substance of Vaca de Castro's to D. Diego, and to D. Diego's
captains, 258.
=Leyva=, Antonio de, 362.
_Libro de Fundaciones_, a lost work by Cieza de León, 7, 21, 30, 308.
---- _primero de cabildos de Lima_, xli.
Lima, city of, xxviii-xxx, xxxii-iii, xxxv, xxxviii-xli, 4, 49-52,
82, 84, 91, 103, 114, 116-18, 120, 122-4, 130-2, 135, 137, 140-1,
144-5, 151, 155-8, 161, 165, 167-8, 171, 180, 186, 192, 194-5,
197, 233-8, 243, 255, 257, 267, 271, 286, 288-9, 307, 310, 330,
337, 361-2, 366, 371-2, 375;
Plan of, 104 _n._ and Plate;
foundation of, 104 _n._ and xli;
original city allotments in, 104 _n._ and Plate.
---- first _Audiencia_ of, 370-1.
=Limatambo=, 294.
=Lizcano=, a loyal servant of Sotelo, 219.
=Loaysa=, Alonso de, 153-4.
---- Antonio de, 279.
---- Cardinal, 80, 116, 213 and _n._, 264.
=López de Ayala=, Pedro, 78, 315, 318.
---- =Becerra=, Diego, 261 (an error in the Spanish text for
D. Pérez Becerra).
---- =de Cáceres=, Pedro, secretary, 105, 111 (wrongly quoted
as Pero Gómez) and _n._, 237, 254, 258, 268, 283, 313.
=López Carilló, Iñigo=, 120, 122-3, 155-6.
---- de Cazalla, Pedro, 106.
---- del Infierno, Pero, 35.
---- Zuñiga, Diego de, 152, 154.
=Los Reyes=, xxviii, xlvii, 49.
=Losa=, Enrique, 102;
executed, 286.
=Lozano=, the Marquis' major-domo, 105-6.
=Lugo=, Alonso de, xxxv.
=Luna=, Don Alvaro de, Constable of Castille, 147.
=Lunahuana=, 214, 256.
=Machines=, incident, 214-15.
=Maestro Roa=, 351 and _n._
=Malaver=. _See_ Gutiérrez Malaver.
=Maldonado=, Diego, 128, 157, 161, 183, 200, 203, 244, 247,
277, 282, 336, 371.
---- Francisco, 351, 353 _n._
Manco. _See under_ Inca.
=Manjarrés=, Alonso de, 105, 154.
_manzanas_ (blocks of buildings in Lima), 104 _n._ and Plan.
=Marañón= river (upper =Amazons=),
xxvii, 61 _n._, 64 _n._, 67, 316.
=Marchena=, 103, 152.
_Mar dulce_ (Marañón or upper Amazons river), 61 _n._, 64, 67.
=Márquez=, a priest, 243-4.
Marquis, the. _See_ Pizarro, Don Francisco.
=Martín de Alcántara, F.=, half brother of the Marquis Pizarro,
82, 84, 98, 105-7, 112;
assassination of, 109-10;
his widow, 150, 185.
=Martín=, Gonzalo, 162.
---- Lope, 256, 276, 283.
---- Roque (a Portuguese), killed and eaten, 8, 9;
his savagery, 339.
Martincote. _See_ Cote, =Martín=.
=Maule=, 167, 238, 261;
river, 264.
Maytama. _See_ =Indian Chiefs=.
=Mazuelos=, Rodrigo de, 112-13, 115.
=Mejia=, Hernán, an alderman of Sevilla, 82, 85.
=Méndez=, Diego, 102, 106, 181-2, 209, 222, 227-8, 275, 281-2, 296;
his flight and capture, 292-3;
his escape, treachery, and assassination, 303 _n._
=Mendieta=, Lope de, 153, 282.
=Mendoza=, Alonso de, 23, 154, 283.
---- Alvaro de, 22, 49, 79.
---- Don Antonio de, Viceroy of New Spain, xlv, 361.
=Mendoza=, Francisco de, 321, 323-4, 333-7, 363-8.
---- Gabriel de, 153.
---- Lope de, 154.
---- Pedro de, 304, 316.
"Men of Chile." _See_ Almagro faction.
=Mercadillo=, Alonso, xxvii, 68.
Mercado, Diego Núñez. _See_ Núñez.
---- the factor, 257-9, 262, 266, 268.
Mercy, Our Lady of, monasteries and churches of, at Cuzco, 127;
at Lima, 113, 144;
at Truxillo, 122.
=Merlo=, Sebastián de, secretary, 82, 86-7, 90, 138, 189, 197-8, 277;
wounded, 281.
Mocaquaxa (=Macagax=), 328 and _n._
=Mompox=, 11.
=Montemayor=, Alonso de, 5, 53, 83, 118, 144, 156-7, 163, 171,
192, 282-3.
---- Pablo de, 325-6.
=Montenegro=, of Lima, 103, 236;
of Arequipa, 214.
=Mora=, Diego de, 94, 118-19, 183, 195.
---- =Juan= de, 120-1, 268, 283.
=Moro= province, 196 and _n._
Mountain sickness, 196, 198.
=Moyobamba=, 120, 122, 144, 237, 288, and Map.
=Muñoz=, Juan, executed, 286.
---- Miguel, 34, 45.
_Naboria_, 349 and _n._
Names of officers of Don Diego de Almagro's force when leaving
Lima, 168.
---- Pizarro's friends who were present at his assassination, 105.
---- of Vaca de Castro's principal staff officers at Chupas, 272;
of his other officers, 282-4;
of his Almagrist victims executed after the battle, 285-6.
=Napo= river, affluent of the Marañón, 61 _n._, 62 _n._
Nava. _See_ Suer de Nava.
=Navarre=, the Marshal of, 362.
=Navarro=, Antonio, 105, 277.
---- Pedro, 103.
=New Castille= (northern division of Peru, with part of what is
now Ecuador), xxx, xxxii, 249, 257, 362.
=New Granada=, kingdom or realm of (later Santa Fée, and now
part of Columbia and Ecuador), xxxvii, 35 _n._, 77, 339.
=New Laws= (often quoted as the "Ordinances") for the Indies,
xliii-v, 309-10, 311 _n._, 360-2, 370-5;
reasons for enacting, and legislators of, 337-9;
preamble to, 340-2;
text of, 342-60;
given to Núñez Vela to enforce, 369.
=New Spain= (México), 342, 353, 355, 360, 361.
=New Toledo= (Southern Peru with part of Chile), xxx-xxxii and
_n._, 129, 246, 251, 257, 362.
=Nicaragua=, 339, 345.
=Nidos, los=, Gonzalo de, 130-1.
Notes, separate, by C. R. M., on certain Spanish terms, xlvi-vii;
topography of Chupas, 274-5;
officers with Vaca de Castro at the battle, 283-4.
=Núñez=, Rodrigo, 51, 217.
---- =Mercado=, Diego, _alcalde_, 79.
---- =de Pedroso=, Francisco, 148, 190;
arrested, 149;
his banishment, 150;
his return, 183;
and escape, 184.
---- =de Segura=, Hernán, 105, 154.
---- =Vela=, Don Blasco, first Viceroy of Peru, xxvi-vii, xliii,
309, 370, 373;
his unfitness, xlv;
Cieza's account of him, xlv, 368.
=Ocampo=, Rodrigo de, 7, 277.
Ocuzca. _See_ Indian Chiefs.
=Olivas=, Juan de, 295.
=Oñate=, Pedro de, 220, 283;
executed, 286.
oranges, the first borne in Peru, 95.
=Ordás=, Diego de, 157, 351 and _n._
Ordinances. _See_ =New Laws=.
=Orduña=, Pedro de, 122.
=Orejón=, Pedro, 86.
_orejones_, 323 and _n._
=Orellana=, Francisco de, 58-9, 63, 68, 69;
journeys down the Marañón, 66;
and so on to Spain, where he is appointed _Adelantado_, 67;
returns to the Amazons river and is lost, 67.
=Orgónez=, Captain, xxxiii-v.
=Orihuela=, Francisco de, 116, 125.
=Ortíz de Guzmán=, Diego, 105-6, 112.
---- =de Zarate=, Juan, xlii, 105-7, 110 _n._, 283.
=Osorio=, Captain, 35, 37, 39;
his death, 38.
Overtures for a peaceful settlement of claims, to avoid battle,
245-63;
their failure and its causes, 263.
=Pachacama party= or faction, adherents of Pizarro as opposed
to Almagrists or "men of Chile," 83, 86, 170, 184, 216, 255, 264,
270, 281.
=Paéz=, 35, 41.
---- =de Laserna=, licentiate, 81.
_Pallas_, Inca ladies, 270.
=Pallas= Indians, 162.
Palms, isle of, 45, 87-8, 90.
=Palomino=, Juan Alonso, of Guamanga, 136, 176, 247;
_alcalde_ of Lima, 361, 371-2.
=Panamá=, xlii, 5, 7, 8, 44, 77, 80-1, 85-91, 157, 159, 287, 309-10,
361;
_Audiencia_ of, _see Audiencia_.
=Parcos=, 165, 255.
_Partida_, law of, 266.
=Pasto=, 6, 55, 158.
=Paucura=, province, 19, 27-8.
=Paz, La=, 150, _and see_ Chuqui-apu.
=Peña=, Alonso de, 89 _n._, 139 _n._
---- Cristóbal de, 89, 139.
=Peralta=, Don Diego de, of La Paz, 161;
banished, 150.
=Perdomo=, Luis, _alcalde_ of Plata, 152-3.
=Perero=, Sancho, of Cáceres, 132-4, 152-3.
=Pereyra=, Gonzalo, 168;
ensign-general, 208.
=Pérez=, Francisco, executed, 286.
---- Juan, 105, 210, 290;
executed, 286.
---- =Becerra=, Diego, 103, 218;
a turncoat, 261 (printed López in error for Pérez), 318.
---- =de Esquivel=, Alonso, 105.
---- =de Guevara=, Juan, 122, 144, 237, 288.
Pero Alvarez. _See_ Alvarez Holguín, Pedro.
Peroanzures. _See_ Anzures de Camporredondo, Pedro.
=Pescado=, village and river, 8.
=Picado=, Antonio, secretary to Pizarro, 3, 55, 84, 91, 98,
105, 111-12, 115;
is captured, 116, 124, 126;
is put to the torture, married, and beheaded, 142-4.
=Picara=. _See_ Indian Chiefs.
---- province, 19-22, 24, 27.
=Picoy=, village, 255.
=Pimentel=, Antonio, 17, 22-3.
Pineda. _See_ Díaz de Pineda.
pitfalls with spikes, 18.
=Piura=, 83, 155, 184.
_pixibay_, the "peach palm" [_guilielma speciosa_, Mart.], 16, 30.
=Pizarro, Don Francisco=, the Marquis (generally quoted as "The
Marquis" simply), xxvii-x, xxxii-v, xxxvii-xlii, 1-3, 6, 8, 12,
44, 47, 49-54, 80-5, 91-5 and _n._, 96 and _n._, 97-101,
110 and _n._, 112-14, 116, 118, 120-4, 126-34, 139-42, 145, 147,
151, 155, 157-61, 163, 174, 179, 182, 184, 190, 192, 194, 200,
204-5, 212, 216, 226, 230-1, 234, 241, 264, 267, 282-3, 285, 292,
299, 307, 311, 337, 354;
assassination of, 103-9 and _n._;
disposal of his body, 111 and _n._, and 147;
his children, 185.
=Pizarro=, Gonzalo, xxvii, xxix, xxxii, 1-3, 162, 289-92, 306-7,
310-13, 330, 339, 366, 372;
appointed Governor of Quito, 54;
leads an expedition in search of _El Dorado_, 55-77;
sufferings of his party in the Canela country, chaps. xxi, xxii,
lxxxi.
---- Hernando, xxvii, xxxii-viii and _n._, 259, 297.
---- Juan, xxxii.
=Plasencia=, Bishop of, his expedition under Camargo, 136-7 and _n._
=Plata=, town of, 1, 4, 84, 132-4, 136, 151-2, 163, 179, 181,
188, 209, 314, 316.
---- Rio de la, river and region, 151, 304 and _n._, 305, 315-16, 328.
_Plaza_ (_mayor_) at Lima, xli, 103-4 _n._ and Pl.; 106, 111.
=Pomacocha=, 265.
=Popayán=, city of, xxviii, 5, 6, 8 _n._, 34-5, 38-9, 41,
45, 54 _n._, 75, 78, 138-41, 157-60, 339, 360.
=Porco=, silver mines at, 151, 153, 182, 209.
=Potosí=, 268.
=Pozo=, province, 19-21, 24-8, 34.
=Pozos= Indians, 22, 26.
=Presa=, Domingo de la, 53, 82.
=Prescott=, Mr., xxvi, xxxi and _n._, xxxviii, xlii,
xliii, 95 _n._, 96 _n._, 175 _n._, 274 _n._, 301 _n._
=Puelles=, Pedro de, 55-6, 160, 293.
=Puertocarrero=, Pedro, 84, 126-30, 133, 165, 207, 268, 282.
=Puerto Viejo=, 55, 162.
=Quijos=, Indians and their province, 55, 57.
=Quinbaya= province, 34, 46.
Quito, bishop elect of. _See_ Díaz de Arias.
=Quito=, city of, xxviii, 2, 6, 7, 34, 54-6, 58, 64-5, 75, 125,
138, 140, 156, 158-62, 164, 179, 182-4, 186, 190-2, 205, 268,
290-1, 307, 309, 311, 314.
---- =War of= (book), xxv-vi.
Rada, 175 _n._ _See_ Herrada.
_regidor_, 152, 193, 330-1;
definition of, xlvi;
_repartimiento_, xxxix, 6, 20, 49-51, 78, 91, 265, 273, 295, 306,
335, 351, 353-4;
definition of, xlvi.
_residencia_, 10, 92 and _n._, 116, 131, 343-4, 348.
_See also Juez de residencia._
=Riquelme=, Alonso de, 102, 104 _n._, 111, 115, 234, 330.
=Ríos=, Pedro de los, 130, 133, 282.
=Rivera= (or =Ribera=), Antonio de, 55, 57-8, 63, 73, 76, 112, 361,
371-2.
---- Hernando de, 132.
---- Nicolas de (_el mozo_), 104 _n._;
(_el viejo_), 104 _n._, 277.
=Robledo=, Jorge, Captain, leads an
expedition to Anzerma, 5-6, 8-10, 12-14, 17, 20, 27-8, 45-6, 49,
55, 78-9, 139, 158;
is wounded, 23;
hanged and eaten, 23 _n._
=Robles=, Dr. Francisco, a judge of _Audiencia_ at Panamá, 80-1.
---- Martín de, 133;
appointed ensign-general, 134.
=Rodríguez Barragán=, Juan, 102, 109 _n._, 217, 240-1, 262,
282 _n._;
is hanged, 286.
---- de Camporredondo, Gaspar (brother of Pedro Anzures), 153, 170,
296-7, 307.
---- de Sosa, Hernán, _Comendador_, 5, 18, 22, 24-5, 31, 33;
killed and eaten, 26.
=Rojas=, Diego de, Captain, xxvii, xliii, 154, 207, 234, 236-7,
239, 255-6, 269, 272, 280, 285-6, 320-1, 323, 325-7, 331, 334-6,
365;
is sub-leader of an expedition towards the Rio de la Plata, 305,
315-17;
reaches Tucuman, 318-19;
is wounded, 332;
dies by arrow poison, 333;
his character, 333.
---- Gabriel de, xliii, 116, 126-8, 131, 134-5, 150, 214, 297, 310.
=Ruíz=, Domingo, a tell-tale priest, 101.
=Salazar=, Rodrigo (surname omitted in error in eighth line), 293.
=Salcedo=, García de, 105-6.
=Salinas, las=, battle of, xxvii, xxxvi, xliii, 79, 126-7, 135, 163.
=Salinas, las=, The War of (book by Cieza de León), xxv, xxvii, 34.
=San Juan=, city of, earlier called Santa Ana, 45-6, 49, 78.
---- river, 7, 44-5, 85, 94.
---- de la Vitoria, 4 and _n._
=San Martín=, Fr. Tomás de, 168-9, 185, 197-200.
=San Miguel=, 55, 119-20, 125, 144, 155, 162, 184, 234, 236.
=San Millán=, Pedro de, 102, 226 and _n._, 227-8, 262;
executed, 285.
=Sánchez=, Francisco, Sergeant-major, 129, 136, 154.
---- Juan, executed, 286.
---- de Hinojosa, Ruy, 365.
=Santa= valley, and ruins, 195.
=Santa Ana de los Caballeros=, city of, 6, 12, 15;
renamed "San Juan," 45-6, 49, 78.
=Santa Marta=, river and city, 5, 8, 18, 21, 77.
=Santo Domingo=, monastery of, at Cuzco, 181;
at Lima, 111, 124, 185.
=Sardinas, Ancón de= (a bay), 85-6, 90.
=Sarmiento=, Hernando, 182, 184.
---- Pedro, a notary, 23.
=Saucedo=, 53, 215, 275, 278, 280.
=Sayavedra=, Juan de, 52, 83, 113, 166, 169, 236.
=Serra de Sequidano=, Mancio, xlvi.
=Silva=, Diego de, 127, 129, 374.
Slings in warfare, 21, 40, 42.
=Soconcho= river, 334-6, 363; village, 336 _n._
_solares_, or city allotments, at Lima, xli;
original grantees of, 104 _n._ and Pl.
=Sorio=, Jerónimo de, 130, 136.
Sosa. _See_ Rodríguez de.
=Sotelo=, Cristóbal de, an honourable Almagrist officer, xli,
xlii, 52, 83, 92-3, 97, 114-15, 117-18, 123, 144-7, 167-9, 171,
180-1, 208-9, 211, 214-18, 220-22, 224, 226, 230-1, 238, 241;
his prudence and popularity, 172-3;
is treacherously slain, 219.
=Sotomayor=, 337, 363, 365.
=Suárez=, Ana, marries Picado the night before he is beheaded, 143.
---- Sergeant-major, 168, 245, 276, 278.
---- =de Caravajal=, Benito, licentiate, 53, 113, 234, 236, 280.
---- ---- Illán, the factor, brother of Benito, 53, 113, 168-9,
234-5, 330.
=Suer de Nava=, Melchor, 5, 13, 18, 22-3, 28, 46-8.
Suicide, of an Indian captive girl, 16;
of an Indian captive Chief, 32;
of a number of Indians, 39.
=Surbano=, Jerónimo (Don Diego's envoy to Spain), 250.
Tacurumbi. _See_ Indian Chiefs.
=Tambo=, an ancient Inca fortress, 176.
---- Blanco, 118.
_Tambos_ (wayside rest houses), 309.
_Tapia_, 349 and _n._
=Tello=, Juan, 168, 283;
executed, 286.
=Tesuna= province, 334.
_tiánguez_, native market, 242.
=Tierra Firme=, 7, 44, 77, 79, 138, 289, 298, 309, 331, 339.
=Timaná=, 8, 34-5, 37-8.
=Tomebamba=, an Inca lodgment, 183-4.
=Tordoya=. _See_ Gómez de Tordoya.
=Toro=, Alonso de, 165-6.
Tovar. _See_ García de Tovar.
=Truxillo= (Trujillo), 3, 58, 118, 119, 122-3, 125, 127, 144,
155, 187, 192-6, 310.
=Tucumá= (Tucumán), 318 and _n._, 319, 321-3, 325, 334, 366 _n._
=Umbra= hill, 12.
Umbruza. _See_ Indian Chiefs.
=Urabá=, 11.
=Uriaparia= river, 316.
=Vaca de Castro=, Don Cristóbal, President of the _Audiencia_ of
Panamá, and Governor of Peru, xxvii, xxxii and _n._, xl, xlii,
79, 80, 83-90, 96, 119, 121-4, 130-1, 137 and _n._, 138-41, 144,
156-9, 161-7, 170, 174, 210-11, 213, 223, 176-9, 182-206, 226,
231-42, 244-5, 251, 254-9, 262, 266-9, 271-3, 276, 297-9, 304-13,
315, 330-1, 333, 361, 365-6, 371-5, 279, 281-3, 285-9, 292-4;
arrives in America at Nombre de Dios, 81;
and proceeds to Panamá, 81;
leaves for Peru, 81-2;
is accepted as Governor-general at Quito, 160;
acclaimed as Governor and Captain-general, 207;
did not fight in person, 277;
his avarice and vain glory, 295-6;
.
=Vadillo=, Juan de, licentiate, 6, 10 _n._, 11, 339.
=Valdivieso, Juan= de, 157, 183.
=Valverde=, Fr. Vicente de, Bishop of Lima, 4, 50, 82, 124;
killed at Puna by Indians, 125.
=Vanegas=, Ruy, 6, 8, 10, 12, 14, 17, 18, 49.
=Vargas=, Diego de, page to the Marquis, 106, 108 and _n._;
death of, 110.
---- =Juan= de, 293.
=Vásquez=, Martín, 351, 353 _n._
---- Tomás, 129, 136.
---- =de Coronado=, Francisco, 351, 352 _n._
---- =de Tapia=, Bernardino, 351, 353 _n._
Vega, Garcilaso de la. _See_ Laso de la Vega.
=Velasco=, Pedro de, 22-3.
=Vélez de Guevara=, Juan, bachelor, 128-9, 236, 277, 280, 286,
307, 330-1, 361, 371, 374.
=Verdugo=, Melchor, 155-6.
=Vergara=, Francisco de, 105;
wounded, 110.
---- Pedro de, 162-3, 182, 185, 188, 192-3, 196, 277, 280, 288.
=Viceroy of Peru=, the first, 192, 362, 368, 372-3, 375.
_See also_ Núñez Vela.
=Vilcas=, 245, 250, 253, 255-6, 259-60, 262, 266, 268, 293-4.
=Villacastin=, Francisco de, 130-1.
=Villalba=, 158, 312-13.
=Villalobos=, Dr., 5, 80-1.
=Villanueva=, Luis de, 181-2.
=Villaviciosa de Pasto=, 7, 160.
=Villegas=, 73, 125.
---- Jerónimo de, 291.
=Vinaque=, 256.
=Viticos=, principal residence of the Inca Manco, 2, 240, 287, 297.
=Xaquixaguana=, 240-1.
=Yalcones= Indians, 35-6, 39, 41.
_yuca_ (_Jatropha manihot_), an edible root, 64, 69-73.
=Yucay= river, 3;
valley, 2, 3, 293, 359.
Yupanqui. _See_ Inca.
Zamarilla. _See_ Çamarilla.
=Zumaque= valley, 58-9, 62-3.
Zuñiga, López de, Diego. _See_ López de Zuñiga.
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=1--The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt.=,
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of 1622, and edited by ADMIRAL CHARLES RAMSAY DRINKWATER
BETHUNE, C.B. pp. xvi. 246. Index.
(_First Edition out of print. See No. 57._) _Issued for 1847._
=2--Select Letters of Christopher Columbus=
With Original Documents relating to the Discovery of the New World.
Translated and Edited by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper
of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. xc. 240. Index.
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printed on vellum, one of which is in the British Museum, C. 29. k. 14.)
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=3--The Discovery of the Large, Rich, & Beautiful Empire of
Guiana=,
With a relation of the great and golden City of Manoa (which the
Spaniards call El Dorado), &c., performed in the year 1595 by SIR
WALTER RALEIGH, Knt.... Reprinted from the edition of 1596. With
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=4--Sir Francis Drake his Voyage, 1595=,
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WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY. pp. viii. 65.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1848._
=5--Narratives of Voyages towards the North-West=,
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selections from the early Records of ... the East India Company and
from MSS. in the British Museum. Edited by THOMAS RUNDALL.
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(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1849._
=6--The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia=,
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with the manners and customs of the people, gathered and observed
as well by those who went first thither as collected by WILLIAM
STRACHEY, Gent., the first Secretary of the Colony. Now first
edited from the original MS. in the British Museum by RICHARD
HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S.
pp. xxxvi. 203. 1 Map. 6 Illus. Glossary. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1849._
=7--Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America=,
And the Islands adjacent, collected and published by RICHARD
HAKLUYT, Prebendary of Bristol, in the year 1582. Edited, with
notes & an introduction by JOHN WINTER JONES, Principal
Librarian of the British Museum. pp. xci. 171. 6. 2 Maps. 1 Illus.
Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1850._
=8--Memorials of the Empire of Japon=,
In the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. (The Kingdome of Japonia.
Harl. MSS. 6249.--The Letters of Wm. Adams, 1611 to 1617.) With a
Commentary by THOMAS RUNDALL. pp. xxxviii. 186. 1 Map. 5
Illus.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 185O._
=9--The Discovery and Conquest of Terra Florida=,
By Don Ferdinando de Soto, & six hundred Spaniards his followers.
Written by a Gentleman of Elvas, employed in all the action, and
translated out of Portuguese by RICHARD HAKLUYT. Reprinted
from the edition of 1611. Edited with Notes & an Introduction, & a
Translation of a Narrative of the Expedition by LUIS HERNANDEZ DE
BIEDMA, Factor to the same, by WILLIAM BRENCHLEY RYE,
Keeper of Printed Books, British Museum. pp. lxvii. 200. v. 1 Map.
Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1851._
=10--Notes upon Russia=,
Being a Translation from the Earliest Account of that Country,
entitled Rerum Muscoviticarum Commentarii, by the BARON SIGISMUND
VON HERBERSTEIN, Ambassador from the Court of Germany to the
Grand Prince Vasiley Ivanovich, in the years 1517 and 1526. Translated
and Edited with Notes & an Introduction, by RICHARD HENRY
MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. Vol.
1. pp. clxii. 116. 2 Illus.
(Vol. 2 = No. 12.)
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1851._
=11--The Geography of Hudson's Bay=,
Being the Remarks of Captain W. COATS, in many Voyages to
that locality, between the years 1727 and 1751. With an Appendix
containing Extracts from the Log of Captain MIDDLETON on
his Voyage for the Discovery of the North-west Passage, in H. M. S.
"Furnace," in 1741-3. Edited by JOHN BARROW, F.R.S., F.S.A.
pp. x. 147. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1852._
=12--Notes upon Russia.=
(Vol. I. = No. 10.) Vol. 2. pp. iv. 266. 2 Maps, 1 Illus. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1852._
=13--A True Description of Three Voyages by the North-East=,
Towards Cathay and China, undertaken by the Dutch in the years 1594,
1595 and 1596, with their Discovery of Spitzbergen, their residence
of ten months in Novaya Zemlya, and their safe return in two open
boats. By GERRIT DE VEER. Published at Amsterdam in 1598, &
in 1609 translated into English by WILLIAM PHILIP. Edited by
CHARLES TILSTONE BEKE, Ph.D., F.S.A. pp. cxlii 291. 4 Maps.
12 Illus. Index.
(_Out of print. See also No. 54._) _Issued for 1853._
=14-15--The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and the
Situation Thereof.=
Compiled by the Padre JUAN GONZALEZ DE MENDOZA, & now
reprinted from the Early Translation of R. Parke. Edited by SIR
GEORGE THOMAS STAUNTON, Bart., M.P., F.R.S. With an Introduction
by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British
Museum, Sec. R.G. S., 2 vols. Index.
(_Vol. 14 out of print._) _Issued for 1854._
=16--The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake.=
Being his next Voyage to that to Nombre de Dios. [By SIR FRANCIS
DRAKE, the Younger.] Collated with an unpublished Manuscript
of Francis Fletcher, Chaplain to the Expedition. With Appendices
illustrative of the same Voyage, and Introduction, by WILLIAM
SANDYS WRIGHT VAUX, F.R.S., Keeper of Coins, British Museum. pp.
xl. 295. 1 Map. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1855._
=17--The History of the Two Tartar Conquerors of China=,
Including the two Journeys into Tartary of Father Ferdinand Verbiest,
in the suite of the Emperor Kang-Hi. From the French of Père
PIERRE JOSEPH D'ORLÉANS, of the Company of Jesus, 1688. To
which is added Father Pereira's Journey into Tartary in the suite
of the same Emperor. From the Dutch of NICOLAAS WITSEN.
Translated and Edited by the EARL OF ELLESMERE. With an
Introduction by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps,
British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. xv. vi. 153. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1855._
=18--A Collection of Documents on Spitzbergen and Greenland=,
Comprising a Translation from F. MARTENS' Voyage to
Spitzbergen, 1671; a Translation from ISAAC DE LA PEYRÈRE'S
Histoire du Groenland, 1663, and God's Power and Providence in the
Preservation of Eight Men in Greenland Nine Moneths and Twelve Dayes.
1630. Edited by ADAM WHITE, of the British Museum, pp. xvi.
288. 2 Maps. Index.
_Issued for 1856._
=19--The Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton to Bantam and the Maluco
Islands=,
Being the Second Voyage set forth by the Governor and Company of
Merchants of London trading into the East Indies. From the (rare)
Edition of 1606. Annotated and Edited by BOLTON CORNEY,
M.R.S.L. pp. xi. 83. 52. viii. 3 Maps. 3 Illus. Bibliography. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1856._
=20--Russia at the Close of the Sixteenth Century.=
Comprising the Treatise, "The Russe Commonwealth" by Dr. GILES
FLETCHER, and the Travels of SIR JEROME HORSEY, Knt.,
now for the first time printed entire from his own MS. Edited by
SIR EDWARD AUGUSTUS BOND, K.C.B., Principal Librarian of the
British Museum, pp. cxxxiv. 392. Index.
_Issued for 1857._
=21--History of the New World. By Girolamo Benzoni, of Milan.=
Showing his Travels in America, from A.D. 1541 to 1556, with
some particulars of the Island of Canary. Now first Translated and
Edited by ADMIRAL WILLIAM HENRY SMYTH, K.S.F., F.R.S., D.C.L.
pp. iv. 280. 19 Illus. Index.
_Issued for 1857._
=22--India in the Fifteenth Century.=
Being a Collection of Narratives of Voyages to India in the century
preceding the Portuguese discovery of the Cape of Good Hope; from
Latin, Persian, Russian, and Italian Sources. Now first Translated
into English. Edited with an Introduction by RICHARD HENRY
MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, pp. xc. 49. 39.
32. 10. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1858._
=23--Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico=,
In the years 1599-1602, with 4 Maps and 5 Illustrations. By SAMUEL
CHAMPLAIN. Translated from the original and unpublished
Manuscript, with a Biographical Notice and Notes by ALICE
WILMERE. Edited by NORTON SHAW. pp. xcix. 48.
_Issued for 1858._
=24--Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons, 1539, 1540,
1639,=
Containing the Journey of GONZALO PIZARRO, from the Royal
Commentaries of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega; the Voyage of Francisco
de Orellana, from the General History of Herrera; and the Voyage of
Cristoval de Acuña. Translated and Edited by SIR CLEMENTS R.
MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lxiv. 190. 1 Map.
List of Tribes in the Valley of the Amazons.
_Issued for 1859._
=25--Early Voyages to Terra Australis=,
Now called Australia. A Collection of documents, and extracts from
early MS. Maps, illustrative of the history of discovery on the coasts
of that vast Island, from the beginning of the Sixteenth Century to
the time of Captain Cook. Edited with an Introduction by RICHARD
HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S.
pp. cxix. 200. 13. 5 Maps. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1859._
=26--Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the
Court of Timour, at Samarcand, A.D., 1403-6.=
Translated for the first time with Notes, a Preface, & an introductory
Life of Timour Beg, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B.,
F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lvi. 200. 1 Map.
_Issued for 1860._
=27--Henry Hudson the Navigator, 1607-13.=
The Original Documents in which his career is recorded. Collected,
partly Translated, & annotated with an Introduction by GEORGE
MICHAEL ASHER, LL.D. pp. ccxviii. 292. 2 Maps. Bibliography.
Index.
_Issued for 1860._
=28--The Expedition of Pedro de Ursua and Lope de Aguirre=,
In search of El Dorado and Omagua, in 1560-61. Translated from Fray
PEDRO SIMON'S "Sixth Historical Notice of the Conquest of
Tierra Firme," 1627, by WILLIAM BOLLAERT, F.R.G.S. With an
Introduction by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S.,
ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lii. 237. 1 Map.
_Issued for 1861._
=29--The Life and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman=,
A Knight of Seville, of the Order of Santiago, A.D. 1518
to 1543. Translated from an original & inedited MS. in the National
Library at Madrid. With Notes and an Introduction by SIR CLEMENTS
R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxxv. 168. 1
Illus.
_Issued for 1862._
=30--The Discoveries of the World=,
From their first original unto the year of our Lord 1555. By
ANTONIO GALVANO, Governor of Ternate. [Edited by F. DE
SOUSA TAVARES.] Corrected, quoted, & published in England by
RICHARD HAKLUYT, 1601. Now reprinted, with the original
Portuguese text (1563), and edited by ADMIRAL CHARLES RAMSAY
DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B. pp. iv. viiii. 242.
_Issued for 1862._
=31--Mirabilia Descripta. The Wonders of the East.=
By FRIAR JORDANUS, of the Order of Preachers & Bishop of
Columbum in India the Greater, _circa_ 1330. Translated from the Latin
Original, as published at Paris in 1839, in the _Recueil de Voyages
et de Mémoires_, of the Société de Géographie. With the addition of a
Commentary, by COL. SIR HENRY YULE, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. pp.
iv. xviii. 68. Index.
_Issued for 1863._
=32--The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema.=
In Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, & Ethiopia, A.D. 1503
to 1508. Translated from the original Italian edition of 1510, with a
Preface, by JOHN WINTER JONES, F.S.A., Principal Librarian
of the British Museum, & Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by the
REV. GEORGE PERCY BADGER. pp. cxxi. 321. 1 Map. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1863._
=33--The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon, A.D. 1532-50=,
From the Gulf of Darien to the City of La Plata, contained in the
first part of his Chronicle of Peru (Antwerp, 1554). Translated
& Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R.
MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xvi. lvii. 438.
Index.
(Vol. 2 = No. 68.)
_Issued for 1864._
=34--Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrarias Davila=
In the Provinces of Tierra Firme or Castilla del Oro, & of the
discovery of the South Sea and the Coasts of Peru and Nicaragua.
Written by the Adelantado Pascual de Andagoya. Translated and Edited,
with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM,
K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxix. 88. 1 Map. Index.
_Issued for 1865._
=35--A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar=
In the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, by DUARTE BARBOSA,
a Portuguese. Translated from an early Spanish manuscript in the
Barcelona Library, with Notes & a Preface, by LORD STANLEY OF
ALDERLEY. pp. xi. 336. 2 Illus. Index.
_Issued for 1865._
=36-37--Cathay and the Way Thither.=
Being a Collection of mediæval notices of China, previous to the
Sixteenth Century. Translated and Edited by COLONEL SIR HENRY
YULE, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. With a preliminary Essay on the
intercourse between China & the Western Nations previous to the
discovery of the Cape Route. 2 vols. 3 Maps. 2 Illus. Bibliography.
Index.
(_Out of print; see also Ser. II., Vol. 33._) _Issued for 1866._
=38--The Three Voyages of Sir Martin Frobisher=,
In search of a Passage to Cathaia & India by the North-West,
A.D. 1576-8. By GEORGE BEST. Reprinted from the
First Edition of HAKLUYT'S Voyages. With Selections from
MS. Documents in the British Museum & State Paper Office. Edited by
ADMIRAL SIR RICHARD COLLINSON, K.C.B. pp. xxvi. 376. 2 Maps.
1 Illus. Index.
_Issued for 1867._
=39--The Philippine Islands=,
Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China, at the close of the
16th Century. By ANTONIO DE MORGA, 1609. Translated from
the Spanish, with Notes & a Preface, and a Letter from Luis Vaez de
Torres, describing his Voyage through the Torres Straits, by LORD
STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. xxiv. 431. Illus. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1868._
=40--The Fifth Letter of Hernan Cortes=
To the Emperor Charles V., containing an Account of his Expedition to
Honduras in 1525-26. Translated from the original Spanish by DON
PASCUAL DE GAYANGOS. pp. xvi. 156. Index.
_Issued for 1868._
=41--The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas.=
By the YNCA GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA. Translated and Edited,
with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM,
K.C.B. F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. Vol. 1. (Books I.-IV.) pp. xi. 359. 1
Map. Index.
(Vol. 2. = No. 45.)
_Issued for 1869._
=42--The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama.=
And his Viceroyalty, from the Lendas da India of GASPAR
CORREA; accompanied by original documents. Translated from the
Portuguese, with Notes & an Introduction, by LORD STANLEY OF
ALDERLEY. pp. lxxvii. 430. xxxv. 3 Illus. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1869._
=43--Select Letters of Christopher Columbus=,
With other Original Documents relating to his Four Voyages to the New
World. Translated and Edited by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A.,
Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. Second Edition. pp. iv.
142. 3 Maps. 1 Illus. Index.
(First Edition = No. 2.)
_Issued for 1870._
=44--History of the Imâms and Seyyids of 'Omân=,
By SALÎL-IBN-RAZÎK, from A.D. 661-1856. Translated
from the original Arabic, and Edited, with a continuation of the
History down to 1870, by the REV. GEORGE PERCY BADGER,
F.R.G.S. pp. cxxviii. 435. 1 Map. Bibliography. Index.
_Issued for 1870._
=45--The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas.=
By the YNCA GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA. Translated & Edited with
Notes, an Introduction, & an Analytical Index, by SIR CLEMENTS R.
MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. Vol. II. (Books V.-IX.)
pp. 553.
(Vol. I. = No. 41.)
_Issued for 1871._
=46--The Canarian=,
Or Book of the Conquest and Conversion of the Canarians in the year
1402, by Messire JEAN DE BÉTHENCOURT, Kt. Composed by Pierre
Bontier and Jean le Verrier. Translated and Edited by RICHARD
HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S.
pp. lv. 229. 1 Map. 2 Illus. Index.
_Issued for 1871._
=47--Reports on the Discovery of Peru.=
I. Report of FRANCISCO DE XERES, Secretary to Francisco
Pizarro. II. Report of MIGUEL DE ASTETE on the Expedition
to Pachacamac. III. Letter of HERNANDO PIZARRO to the Royal
Audience of Santo Domingo. IV. Report of PEDRO SANCHO on the
Partition of the Ransom of Atahuallpa. Translated and Edited, with
Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B.,
F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxii. 143. 1 Map.
_Issued for 1872._
=48--Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas.=
Translated from the original Spanish MSS., & Edited, with Notes and
an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S.,
ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xx. 220. Index.
_Issued for 1872._
=49--Travels to Tana and Persia=,
By JOSAFA BARBARO and AMBROGIO CONTARINI. Translated
from the Italian by WILLIAM THOMAS, Clerk of the Council
to Edward VI., and by E. A. ROY, and Edited, with an
Introduction, by LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. xi. 175.
Index. A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia, in the Fifteenth and
Sixteenth centuries. Translated and Edited by CHARLES GREY.
pp. xvii. 231. Index.
_Issued for 1873._
=50--The Voyages of the Venetian Brothers, Nicolo & Antonio Zeno=,
To the Northern Seas in the Fourteenth century. Comprising the latest
known accounts of the Lost Colony of Greenland, & of the Northmen
in America before Columbus. Translated & Edited, with Notes and
Introduction, by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps,
British Museum. Sec. R.G.S. pp. ciii. 64. 2 Maps. Index.
_Issued for 1873._
=51--The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse in 1547-55=,
Among the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil. Translated by ALBERT
TOOTAL, of Rio de Janiero, and annotated by SIR RICHARD
FRANCIS BURTON, K.C.M.G. pp. xcvi. 169. Bibliography.
_Issued for 1874._
=52--The First Voyage Round the World by Magellan. 1518-1521.=
Translated from the Accounts of PIGAFETTA and other
contemporary writers. Accompanied by original Documents, with Notes &
an Introduction, by LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. lx. 257.
xx. 2 Maps. 5 Illus. Index.
_Issued for 1874._
=53--The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque=,
Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of
1774, and Edited by WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, F.R.S.L., of the
British Museum. Vol. I. pp. lx. 256. 2 Maps. 1 Illus. (Index in No. 69.)
(Vol. 2 = No. 55. Vol. 3 = No. 62. Vol. 4 = No. 69.)
_Issued for 1875._
=54--The Three Voyages of William Barents to the Arctic Regions, in
1594, 1595, & 1596.=
By GERRIT DE VEER. Edited, with an Introduction, by Lieut.
KOOLEMANS BEYNEN, of the Royal Netherlands Navy. Second
Edition, pp. clxxiv. 289. 2 Maps. 12 Illus.
_Issued for 1876._
(First Edition = No. 13.)
=55--The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque=,
Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition
of 1774, with Notes and an Introduction, by WALTER DE GRAY
BIRCH, F.R.S.L., of the British Museum. Vol. 2. pp. cxxxiv. 242.
2 Maps. 2 Illus. (Index in No. 69.)
_Issued for 1875._
(Vol. 1 = No. 53. Vol. 3 = No. 62. Vol. 4 = No. 69.)
=56--The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, Knt., to the East
Indies=,
With Abstracts of Journals of Voyages to the East Indies, during the
Seventeenth century, preserved in the India Office, & the Voyage of
Captain JOHN KNIGHT, 1606, to seek the North-West Passage.
Edited by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres.
R.G.S. pp. xxii. 314. Index.
_Issued for 1877._
=57--The Hawkins' Voyages=
During the reigns of Henry VIII, Queen Elizabeth, and James I. [Second
edition of No. 1.] Edited by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B.,
F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lii. 453. 1 Illus. Index.
_Issued for 1877._
(First Edition = No. 1).
=58--The Bondage and Travels of Johann Schiltberger, a Native of
Bavaria, in Europe, Asia, & Africa.=
From his capture at the battle of Nicopolis in 1396 to his escape and
return to Europe in 1427. Translated from the Heidelberg MS., Edited
in 1859 by Professor KARL FR. NEUMANN, by Commander JOHN
BUCHAN TELFER, R.N.; F.S.A. With Notes by Professor P.
BRUUN, & a Preface, Introduction, & Notes by the Translator &
Editor. pp. xxxii. 263. 1 Map. Bibliography. Index.
_Issued for 1878._
=59--The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator.=
Edited by ADMIRAL SIR ALBERT HASTINGS MARKHAM, K.C.B. pp.
xcv. 392. 2 Maps. 15 Illus. Bibliography. Index.
_Issued for 1878._
=The Map of the World, A.D. 1600.=
Called by Shakspere "The New Map, with the Augmentation of the
Indies."
To illustrate the Voyages of John Davis.
_Issued for 1878._
=60-61--The Natural & Moral History of the Indies.=
By Father JOSEPH DE ACOSTA. Reprinted from the English
Translated Edition of Edward Grimston, 1604; and Edited by SIR
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. Vol. 1, The
Natural History Books, I.-IV. pp. xlv. 295. Vol. 2, The Moral History
Books, V.-VII. pp. xiii. 295-551. Index.
_Issued for 1879._
=Map of Peru.=
To Illustrate Nos. 33, 41, 45, 60, and 61.
_Issued for 1879._
=62--The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque=,
Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of
1774, with Notes & an Introduction, by WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH,
F.S.A., of the British Museum. Vol. 3. pp. xliv. 308. 3 Maps. 3 Illus.
(Index in No. 69.)
_Issued for 1880._
=63--The Voyages of William Baffin, 1612-1622.=
Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R.
MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lix. 192. 8 Maps, 1
Illus. Index.
_Issued for 1880._
=64--Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia,=
During the years 1520-1527. By Father FRANCISCO ALVAREZ.
Translated from the Portuguese & Edited, with Notes & an Introduction,
by LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. xxvii. 416. Index.
_Issued for 1881._
=65--The History of the Bermudas or Summer Islands.=
Attributed to Captain NATHANIEL BUTLER. Edited from a MS. in
the Sloane Collection, British Museum, by General SIR JOHN HENRY
LEFROY, R.A., K.C.M.G., C.B., F.R.S. pp. xii. 327. 1 Map. 3
Illus. Glossary. Index.
_Issued for 1881._
=66-67--The Diary of Richard Cocks=,
Cape-Merchant in the English Factory in Japan, 1615-1622, with
Correspondence (Add. MSS. 31,300-I, British Museum). Edited by SIR
EDWARD MAUNDE THOMPSON, K.C.B., Director of the British Museum.
Vol. 1. pp. liv. 349. Vol. 2, pp. 368. Index.
_Issued for 1882._
=68--The Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru, 1532-1550,=
By PEDRO DE CIEZA DE LEON. 1554. Translated and Edited, with
Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B.,
F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lx. 247. Index.
_Issued for 1883._
(Vol. 1 = No. 33.)
=69--The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque=,
Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of
1774, with Notes & an Introduction, by WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH,
F.S.A., of the British Museum. Vol. 4. pp. xxxv. 324. 2 Maps. 2 Illus.
Index to the 4 vols.
_Issued for 1883._
(Vol. 1 = No. 53. Vol. 2 = No. 55. Vol. 3 = No. 62.)
=70-71--The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East
Indies.=
From the Old English Translation of 1598. The First Book, containing
his Description of the East. In Two Volumes, Edited, the First Volume,
by the late ARTHUR COKE BURNELL, Ph.D., C.I.E., Madras C. S.;
the Second Volume, by PIETER ANTON TIELE, of Utrecht. Vol 1.
pp. lii. 307. Vol. 2. pp. XV. 341. Index.
_Issued for 1884._
=72-73--Early Voyages and Travels to Russia and Persia=,
By ANTHONY JENKINSON and other Englishmen, with some account
of the first Intercourse of the English with Russia and Central Asia
by way of the Caspian Sea. Edited by EDWARD DELMAR MORGAN,
and CHARLES HENRY COOTE, of the British Museum. Vol. 1. pp.
clxii. 176. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Vol. 2. pp. 177-496. 2 Maps. 1 Illus.
Index.
_Issued for 1885._
=74-75--The Diary of William Hedges, Esq.=,
Afterwards SIR WILLIAM HEDGES, during his Agency in Bengal;
as well as on his Voyage out and Return Overland (1681-1687).
Transcribed for the Press, with Introductory Notes, etc., by R.
BARLOW, and Illustrated by copious Extracts from Unpublished
Records, etc., by Col. Sir HENRY YULE, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B.,
LL.D. Vol. 1. The Diary, with Index, pp. xii. 265. Vol. 2. Notices
regarding Sir William Hedges, Documentary Memoirs of Job Charnock, and
other Biographical & Miscellaneous Illustrations of the time in India.
pp. ccclx. 287. 18 Illus.
_Issued for 1886._
(Vol. 3 = No. 78.)
=76-77--The Voyage of François Pyrard, of Laval, to the East
Indies=,
The Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil. Translated into English
from the Third French Edition of 1619, and Edited, with Notes, by
ALBERT GRAY, K.C., assisted by HARRY CHARLES PURVIS
BELL, Ceylon C. S. Vol. 1. pp. lviii. 1 Map. 11 Illus. Vol. 2.
Part 1. pp. xlvii. 287. 7 Illus.
_Issued for 1887._
(Vol. 2. Part II. = No. 80.)
=78--The Diary of William Hedges, Esq.=
Vol. 3. Documentary Contributions to a Biography of Thomas Pitt,
Governor of Fort St. George, with Collections on the Early History of
the Company's Settlement in Bengal, & on Early Charts and Topography
of the Húglí River. pp. cclxii. 1 Map. 8 Illus. Index to Vols. 2, 3.
_Issued for 1888._
(Vols. 1, 2 = Nos. 74, 75.)
=79--Tractatus de Globis, et eorum usu.=
A Treatise descriptive of the Globes constructed by Emery Molyneux,
and Published in 1592. By ROBERT HUES. Edited, with annotated
Indices & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM,
K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. To which is appended,
=Sailing Directions for the Circumnavigation of England=,
And for a Voyage to the Straits of Gibraltar. From a Fifteenth Century
MS. Edited, with an Account of the MS., by JAMES GAIRDNER,
of the Public Record Office; with a Glossary by EDWARD DELMAR
MORGAN. pp. l. 229. 37. 1 Illus. 1 Map.
_Issued for 1888._
=80--The Voyage of François Pyrard, of Laval, to the East Indies,
the Maldives, the Moluccas, and Brazil.=
Translated into English from the Third French Edition of 1619, and
Edited, with Notes, by ALBERT GRAY, K.C., assisted by
HARRY CHARLES PURVIS BELL, Ceylon Civil Service. Vol 2. Pt.
II. pp. xii. 289-572. 2 Maps. Index.
(Vol 1. Vol. 2. Pt. I. = Nos. 76, 77.)
_Issued for 1889._
=81--The Conquest of La Plata, 1535-1555.=
I.--Voyage of ULRICH SCHMIDT to the Rivers La Plata and
Paraguai, from the original German edition, 1567. II. The Commentaries
of Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca. From the original Spanish Edition,
1555. Translated, with Notes and an Introduction, by H. E. DON
LUIS L. DOMINGUEZ, Minister Plenipotentiary of the Argentine
Republic. pp. xlvi. 282. 1 Map, Bibliography Index.
_Issued for 1889._
=82-83--The Voyage of François Leguat, of Bresse, 1690-98.=
To Rodriguez, Mauritius, Java, and the Cape of Good Hope. Transcribed
from the First English Edition, 1708. Edited and Annotated by Capt.
SAMUEL PASFIELD OLIVER, (late) R.A. Vol 1. pp. lxxxviii. 137.
1 Illus. 6 Maps. Bibliography. Vol. 2. pp. xviii. 433. 5 Illus. 5
Maps. Index.
_Issued for 1890._
=84-85--The Travels of Pietro della Valle to India.=
From the Old English Translation of 1664, by G. HAVERS.
Edited, with a Life of the Author, an Introduction & Notes by
EDWARD GREY, late Bengal C. S. Vol. 1. pp. lvi. 192. 2 Maps.
2 Illus. Bibliography. Vol. 2. pp. xii. 193-456. Index.
_Issued for 1891._
=86--The Journal of Christopher Columbus=
During his First Voyage (1492-93), and Documents relating to the
Voyages of JOHN CABOT and GASPAR CORTE REAL.
Translated, with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R.
MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. liv. 259. 3 Maps, 1
Illus. Index.
_Issued for 1892._
=87--Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant.=
I.--The Diary of Master THOMAS DALLAM, 1599-1600.
II.--Extracts from the Diaries of Dr. JOHN COVEL, 1670-1679.
With some Account of the Levant Company of Turkey Merchants. Edited by
JAMES THEODORE BENT, F.S.A., F.R.G.S. pp. xlv. 305. Illus.
Index.
_Issued for 1892._
=88-89--The Voyages of Captain Luke Foxe, of Hull, and Captain
Thomas James, of Bristol=,
In Search of a N.-W. Passage, 1631-32; with Narratives of the Earlier
North-West Voyages of Frobisher, Davis, Weymouth, Hall, Knight,
Hudson, Button, Gibbons, Bylot, Baffin, Hawkridge, & others. Edited,
with Notes & an Introduction, by ROBERT MILLER CHRISTY,
F.L.S. Vol. 1. pp. ccxxxi. 259. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Vol. 2. pp. viii.
261-681. 3 Maps, 1 Illus. Index.
_Issued for 1893._
=90--The Letters of Amerigo Vespucci=
And other Documents illustrative of his Career. Translated, with
Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B.,
F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xliv. 121. 1 Map. Index.
_Issued for 1894._
=91--Narratives of the Voyages of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa to the
Straits of Magellan, 1579-80.=
Translated and Edited, with Illustrative Documents and Introduction,
by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S.
pp. xxx. 401. 1 Map. Index.
_Issued for 1894._
=92-93-94--The History and Description of Africa=,
And of the Notable Things Therein Contained. Written by AL-HASSAN
IBN-MOHAMMED AL-WEZAZ AL-FASI, a Moor, baptized as GIOVANNI
LEONE, but better known as LEO AFRICANUS. Done into
English in the year 1600 by John Pory, and now edited with an
Introduction & Notes, by Dr. ROBERT BROWN. In 3 Vols. Vol. 1.
pp. viii. cxi. 224. 4 Maps. Vol. 2. pp. 225-698. Vol. 3. pp. 699-1119.
Index.
_Issued for 1895._
=95--The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea.=
Written by GOMES EANNES DE AZURARA. Now first done into
English and Edited by CHARLES RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A.,
F.R.G.S., and EDGAR PRESTAGE, B.A. Vol. 1. (Ch. i.--xl.) With
Introduction on the Life & Writings of the Chronicler. pp. lxvii. 127.
3 Maps. 1 Illus.
(Vol. 2 = No. 100.)
_Issued for 1896._
=96-97--Danish Arctic Expeditions, 1605 to 1620. In Two Books.=
Book 1. The Danish Expeditions to Greenland, 1605-07; to which is
added Captain JAMES HALL'S Voyage to Greenland in 1612.
Edited by CHRISTIAN CARL AUGUST GOSCH. pp. xvi. cxvii. 205.
10 Maps. Index.
_Issued for 1896._
Book 2. The Expedition of Captain JENS MUNK to Hudson's Bay
in search of a North-West Passage in 1619-20. Edited by CHRISTIAN
CARL AUGUST GOSCH. pp. cxviii. 187. 4 Maps. 2 Illus. Index.
_Issued for 1897._
=98--The Topographia Christiana of Cosmas Indicopleustes, an
Egyptian Monk.=
Translated from the Greek and Edited by JOHN WATSON
MCCRINDLE, LL.D., M.R.A.S. pp. xii. xxvii. 398. 4 Illus. Index.
_Issued for 1897._
=99--A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama, 1497-1499.=
By an unknown writer. Translated from the Portuguese, with an
Introduction and Notes, by ERNEST GEORGE RAVENSTEIN, F.R.G.S.
pp. xxxvi. 250. 8 Maps. 23 Illus. Index.
_Issued for 1898._
=100--The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea.=
Written by GOMES EANNES DE AZURARA. Now first done into
English and Edited by CHARLES RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A.,
F.R.G.S., and EDGAR PRESTAGE, B.A. Vol. 2. (Ch. xli.--xcvii.)
With an Introduction on the Early History of African Exploration,
Cartography, &c. pp. cl. 362. 3 Maps. 2 Illus. Index.
(Vol. 1 = No. 95.)
_Issued for 1898._
WORKS ALREADY ISSUED.
SECOND SERIES, 1899, etc.
=1-2--The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mogul,
1615-19.=
Edited from Contemporary Records by WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A., of
the India Office. 2 vols. Portrait, 2 Maps, & 6 Illus. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1899._
=3--The Voyage of Sir Robert Dudley to the West Indies and Guiana in
1594.=
Edited by GEORGE FREDERIC WARNER, Litt.D., F.S.A., Keeper of
Manuscripts, British Museum. pp. lxvi. 104. Portrait, Map, & 1 Illus.
Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1899._
=4--The Journeys of William of Rubruck and John of Pian de
Carpine=
To Tartary in the 13th century. Translated and Edited by H. E. the
Hon. WM. WOODVILLE ROCKHILL. pp. lvi. 304. Bibliography.
Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1900._
=5--The Voyage of Captain John Saris to Japan in 1613.=
Edited by H. E. SIR ERNEST MASON SATOW, G.C.M.G. pp. lxxxvii.
242. Map, & 5 Illus. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1900._
=6--The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh in Essex.=
Edited by ERNEST GEORGE RAVENSTEIN, F.R.G.S. pp. xx. 210. 2
Maps. Bibliography. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1900._
=7-8--The Voyage of Mendana to the Solomon Islands in 1568.=
Edited by the LORD AMHERST OF HACKNEY and BASIL
THOMSON. 2 vols. 5 Maps, & 33 Illus. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1901._
=9--The Journey of Pedro Teixeira from India to Italy by land,
1604-05=;
With his Chronicle of the Kings of Ormus. Translated and Edited by
WILLIAM FREDERIC SINCLAIR, late Bombay C. S., with additional
Notes, &c., by DONALD WILLIAM FERGUSON. pp. cvii. 292. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1901._
=10--The Portuguese Expedition to Abyssinia in 1541, as narrated
by=
CASTANHOSO and BERMUDEZ. Edited by RICHARD
STEPHEN WHITEWAY, late I.C.S. With a Bibliography, by BASIL
H. SOULSBY, F.S.A., Superintendent of the Map Department, British
Museum, pp. cxxxii. 296. Map, & 2 Illus. Bibliography. Index.
(_Out of print._) _Issued for 1902._
=11--Early Dutch and English Voyages to Spitzbergen in the
Seventeenth Century,=
Including HESSEL GERRITSZ. "Histoire du Pays nommé
Spitsberghe," 1613, translated into English, for the first time,
by BASIL H. SOULSBY, F.S.A., of the British Museum: and
JACOB SEGERSZ. van der Brugge, "Journael of Dagh Register,"
Amsterdam, 1634, translated into English, for the first time, by
J. A. J. DE VILLIERS, of the British Museum. Edited, with
introductions and notes by SIR MARTIN CONWAY. pp. xvi. 191. 3
Maps, & 3 Illus. Bibliography. Index.
_Issued for 1902._
=12--The Countries round the Bay of Bengal.=
Edited, from an unpublished MS., 1669-79, by THOMAS BOWREY,
by Col. SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, Bart., C.I.E. pp. lvi.
387. 19 Illus. & 1 Chart. Bibliography. Index.
_Issued for 1903._
=13--The Voyage of Captain Don Felipe Gonzalez=
in the Ship of the Line San Lorenzo, with the Frigate Santa Rosalia in
company, to Easter Island, in 1770-1771. Preceded by an Extract from
Mynheer JACOB ROGGEVEEN'S Official Log of his Discovery of
and Visit to Easter Island in 1722. Translated, Annotated, and Edited
by BOLTON GLANVILL CORNEY, Companion of the Imperial Service
Order. With a Preface by Admiral SIR CYPRIAN BRIDGE, G.C.B. 3
Maps & 4 Illus. Bibliography. Index. pp. lxxvii. 176.
_Issued for 1903._
=14, 15--The Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, 1595 to 1606.=
Translated and Edited by SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B.,
Pres. R.G.S., President of the Hakluyt Society. With a Note on
the Cartography of the Southern Continent, and a Bibliography,
by BASIL H. SOULSBY, F.S.A., Superintendent of the Map
Department, British Museum. 2 vols. 3 Maps. Bibliography. Index.
_Issued for 1904._
=16--John Jourdain's Journal of a Voyage to the East Indies,
1608-1617.=
(Sloane MS. 858, British Museum). Edited by WILLIAM FOSTER,
B.A., of the India Office. pp. lxxxii. 394. With Appendices, A-F, and
a Bibliography, by BASIL H. SOULSBY, F.S.A. 4 Maps. Index.
_Issued for 1905._
=17--The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, 1608-1667.=
(Bodleian Library. Rawl. MSS. A. 315.) Vol. I. Travels in Europe,
1608-1628. Edited by Lieut.-Col. SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE,
Bart., C.I.E., Editor of "A Geographical Account of Countries
round the Bay of Bengal." 3 Maps & 3 Illus. With a Bibliography,
alphabetically arranged. Index. pp. lxiii. 284. _Issued for 1905._
(Vol. II = No. 35.)
=18--East and West Indian Mirror.=
By JORIS VAN SPEILBERGEN. An Account of his Voyage Round the
World in the years 1614 to 1617, including the Australian Navigations
of JACOB LE MAIRE. Translated from the Dutch edition,
"Oost ende West-Indische Spiegel, &c.," _Nicolaes van Geelkercken:
Leyden, 1619_, with Notes and an Introduction, by JOHN A. J. DE
VILLIERS, of the British Museum. With a Bibliography & Index by
BASIL H. SOULSBY, F.S.A. 26 Illus. & Maps. Index. pp. lxi.
272.
_Issued for 1906._
=19, 20--A New Account of East India and Persia.=
In eight Letters, being Nine Years' Travels, begun 1672, and finished
1681. By JOHN FRYER, M.D., Cantabrig., and Fellow of the
Royal Society. _Printed by R. R. for Ri. Chiswell; at the Rose and
Crown in St. Paul's Churchyard, London, 1698._ Fol. Edited, with Notes
and an Introduction, by WILLIAM CROOKE, B.A., Bengal Civil
Service (retired), Editor of "Hobson Jobson," &c., &c. Vol. I-II.
(Vol. I) Map & 6 Illus. pp. xxxviii. 353; (Vol. II) Map. pp. 371.
(Vol. III = No. 39.)
_Issued for 1909 and 1912._
=21--The Guanches of Tenerife, The Holy Image of Our Lady of
Candelaria.=
With the Spanish Conquest and Settlement. By the FRIAR ALONSO DE
ESPINOSA, of the Order of Preachers. 1594. Translated and Edited,
with Notes and an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM,
K.C.B., President of the Hakluyt Society. With a Bibliography
of the Canary Islands, A.D. 1341-1907, chronologically
arranged, with the British Museum press-marks, and an alphabetical
list of authors, editors, and titles. 2 Maps, by SIR CLEMENTS
MARKHAM, and 4 Illus. Index. pp. xxvi. 221.
_Issued for 1907._
=22--History of the Incas.=
By PEDRO SARMIENTO DE GAMBOA. 1572. From the MS. sent to King
Philip II. of Spain, and now in the Göttingen University Library. And
The Execution of the Inca Tupac Amaru. 1571. By Captain BALTASAR
DE OCAMPO. 1610. (British Museum Add. MSS. 17, 585.) Translated
and Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS
MARKHAM, K.C.B. 2 Maps and 10 Illus. Index. pp. xxii. 395.
---- Supplement. A Narrative of the Vice-Regal Embassy to Vilcabambal
1571, and of the Execution of the Inca Tupac Amaru, Dec. 1571. By
FRIAR GABRIEL DE OVIEDO, of Cuzco, 1573. Translated by
SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B. Index. pp. 397-4
_Issued for 1907._
=23, 24, 25--Conquest of New Spain.=
The True History of the Conquest of New Spain. By BERNAL DÍAZ DEL
CASTILLO, one of its Conquerors. From the only exact copy made of
the Original Manuscript. Edited and published in Mexico, by GENARO
GARCÍA, 1904. Translated into English, with Introduction and
Notes, by ALFRED PERCIVAL MAUDSLAY, M.A., Hon. Professor of
Archæology, National Museum, Mexico. Vols. I-III. (Vol. I) pp. lxv.
396. 3 Maps. 15 Illus.; (Vol. II) pp. xvi. 343. Map and 13 Panoramas
and Illus.; (Vol. III) pp. 38. 8 Maps and Plans in 12 sheets.
(Vol. IV and V = Nos. 30 and 40.)
_Issued for 1908 and 1910._
=26, 27--Storm van's Gravesande.=
The Rise of British Guiana, compiled from his despatches, by C. A.
HARRIS, C.B., C.M.G., Chief Clerk, Colonial Office, and J. A.
J. DE VILLIERS, of the British Museum. 2 vols. 703 pp. 3 Maps. 5
Illus.
_Issued for 1911._
=28--Magellan's Strait.=
Early Spanish Voyages, edited, with Notes and Introduction, by SIR
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B. pp. viii. 288. 3 Maps. 9 Illus.
_Issued for 1911._
=29--Book of the Knowledge.=
Book of the Knowledge of all the Kingdoms, Lands and Lordships that
are in the World.... Written by a Spanish Franciscan in the Middle
of the XIV Century; published for the first time, with Notes, by
MARCOS JIMENEZ DE LA ESPADA. Translated and Edited by SIR
CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B. With 20 Coloured Plates. pp. xiii. 85.
_Issued for 1912._
=30--Conquest of New Spain.=
The True History of the Conquest of New Spain. By BERNAL DIAZ
DEL CASTILLO.... Edited by GENARO GARCÍA. Translated,
with Notes, by ALFRED P. MAUDSLAY, M.A., Hon. Professor of
Archæology. Vol. IV. pp. xiv. 395. 3 Maps and Plan. 3 Illus.
(Vols. I-III, V = Nos. 23-25, 40.)
_Issued for 1912._
=31--The War of Quito.=
The War of Quito, by CIEZA DE LEON. Translated and Edited by
SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B. pp. xii. 212.
_Issued for 1913._
=32--The Quest and Occupation of Tahiti.=
The Quest and Occupation of Tahiti by Emissaries of Spain during the
years 1772-1776. Compiled, with Notes and an Introduction, by B.
GLANVILL CORNEY, I.S.O. Vol. I. pp. lxxxviii. 363. 3 Charts, 8
Plans and Illus.
_Issued for 1913._
(Vol. II = No. 36.)
=33--Cathay and the Way Thither.=
Cathay and the Way Thither. Being a Collection of Mediæval Notices
of China. Translated and Edited by Colonel SIR HENRY YULE,
K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. New Edition, revised throughout by Professor
HENRI CORDIER, de l'Institut de France. Vol. II. pp. xii.
367. Map & 6 Illus.
_Issued for 1913._
(Vols. I, III-IV = Nos. 38, 37 and 41.)
=34--New Light on Drake.=
New Light on Drake. Spanish and Portuguese Documents relating to the
Circumnavigation Voyage. Discovered, translated, and annotated by Mrs.
ZELIA NUTTALL. pp. lvi. 443. 3 Maps and 14 Illus.
_Issued for 1914._
=35--The Travels of Peter Mundy.=
The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, 1608-1667. Edited by
SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, Bart., C.I.E. Vol. II. pp. lxxix.
437. 2 Maps and 29 Illus.
_Issued for 1914._
(Vol. I = No. 17.)
=36--The Quest and Occupation of Tahiti.=
The Quest and Occupation of Tahiti. Edited by B. GLANVILL.
CORNEY, I.S.O. Vol. II. pp. xlvii. 521. 8 Plans and Illus.
_Issued for 1915._
(Vol. I = No. 32.)
=37--Cathay and the Way Thither.=
Cathay and the Way Thither. Being a Collection of Mediæval Notices
of China previous to the XVIth century. Translated and edited by
COLONEL SIR HENRY YULE, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. A new edition by
PROFESSOR HENRI CORDIER, de l'Institut de France. Vol. III.
pp. xv. 270. Map and Portrait.
_Issued for 1914._
(Vols. I, II and IV = Nos. 38, 33 and 41.)
=38--Cathay and the Way Thither.=
Cathay and the Way Thither. Being a collection of mediæval notices
of China previous to the XVIth century. Translated and edited by
COLONEL SIR HENRY YULE, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. A new edition by
PROFESSOR HENRI CORDIER, de l'Institut de France. Vol. I. pp.
xxiii. 318. Map and Portrait.
_Issued for 1915._
(Vols. II, III and IV = Nos. 33, 37 and 41.)
=39--A New Account of East India and Persia.=
A New Account of East India and Persia. In eight Letters, being Nine
Years' Travels, begun 1672, and finished 1681. By JOHN FRYER,
M.D. Edited, with Notes and an Introduction, by WILLIAM
CROOKE, B.A., Bengal Civil Service (retired). Vol. III and last.
pp. viii. 271.
_Issued for 1915._
(Vols. I-II = Nos. 19, 20.)
=40--Conquest of New Spain.=
The True History of the Conquest of New Spain, By BERNAL DIAZ DEL
CASTILLO. Translated, with Notes, by A. P. MAUDSLAY.
Vol. V and last.
_Issued for 1916._
(Vols. I-IV = Nos. 23-25, 30.)
=41--Cathay and the Way Thither.=
Cathay and the Way Thither. New edition. Vol. IV and last.
_Issued for 1916._
(Vols. I-III = Nos. 33, 37, 38.)
EXTRA SERIES.
=1-12--The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, & Discoveries
of the English Nation=,
Made by Sea or Overland to the remote and farthest distant quarters
of the earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeeres.
By RICHARD HAKLUYT, Preacher, and sometime Student of
Christ Church in Oxford. With an Essay on the English Voyages of
the Sixteenth Century, by WALTER RALEIGH, Professor of
the English Language in the University of Oxford. Index by Madame
MARIE MICHON and Miss ELIZABETH CARMONT. 12 vols.
James MacLehose & Sons: Glasgow, 1903-5.
(_Out of print._)
=13--The Texts & Versions of John de Plano Carpini and William de
Rubruquis.=
As printed for the first time by HAKLUYT in 1598, together
with some shorter pieces. Edited by CHARLES RAYMOND BEAZLEY,
M.A., F.R.G.S. pp. xx. 345. Index. University Press: Cambridge, 1903.
(_Out of print._)
=14-33--Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes.=
Contayning a History of the World in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells by
Englishmen and others. By SAMUEL PURCHAS, B.D. 20 vols. Maps
& Illus. With an Index by Madame MARIE MICHON. James MacLehose and
Sons: Glasgow, 1905-7.
THE ISSUES FOR 1917 WILL BE:
SERIES II.
Vol. 42. La Guerra de Chupas. By CIEZA DE LEON.
Translated and edited by SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B.
Vol. 43. A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar
in the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, by DUARTE
BARBOSA, a Portuguese. A new translation by MR.
LONGWORTH DAMES. Vol. I.
OTHER VOLUMES IN ACTIVE PREPARATION ARE:
The Chronicle of Muntaner. Translated and edited by LADY
GOODENOUGH.
Memorias Antiguas del Peru and Anales del Peru by LIC.
FERNANDO MONTESINOS. Translated and edited by PHILIP
AINSWORTH MEANS, M.A. Two Vols.
Jons Olafssonar Indiafara. Translated by MISS BERTHA
PHILLPOTTS. Edited by SIR R. C. TEMPLE, Bart.,
C.B., C.I.E. Two Vols.
The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, 1608-1667. Edited
by SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, Bart., C.B., C.I.E. Vol.
III.
William Lockerby's Journal in Fiji, 1808. Edited by SIR
EVERARD F. IM THURN, K.C.M.G., C.B., and L. C.
WHARTON, B.A.
The Quest and Occupation of Tahiti. Edited by B. GLANVILL
CORNEY, I.S.O. Vol. III and last.
INDEX
TO THE FIRST AND SECOND SERIES OF THE SOCIETY'S
PUBLICATIONS,
1874-1916.
Abd-er-Razzak, i. 22
Abyssinia, i. 32, 64; ii. 10
Acosta, Joseph de, i. 60, 61
Acuña, Cristoval de, i. 24; ii. 22
Adams, Will., i. 8, 66, 67; ii. 5
Africa, i. 21, 58, 82, 83, 92-94, 95, 100
Africa, East, i. 32, 35, 64; ii. 10
Africa, West, ii. 6
Aguirre, Lope de, i. 28, 47
Alaminos, Anton de, ii. 23
Albuquerque, Affonso de, i. 53, 55, 62, 69
Alcock, Thomas, i. 72, 73
Alessandri, Vincentio d', i. 49
Al Hassan Ibn Muhammad. _See_ Hasan
Alvarado, Pedro de, ii. 23
Alvarez, Francisco, i. 64
Alvo, Francisco, i. 52
Amapaia, i. 3
Amat ye Junient, Manuel de, Viceroy of Peru, ii. 13
Amazon, i. 24
America, Central, i. 40
America, North, i. 2, 4, 6, 7, 9, 11, 18, 21, 23, 43, 50, 65, 96, 97
America, South, i. 3, 21, 24, 28, 33, 34, 41, 43, 45, 47, 51, 60,
61, 68, 76, 77, 80, 81, 91; ii. 3, 13, 14, 15, 22
Amherst of Hackney, Lord, ii. 7, 8
Andagoya, Pascual de, i. 34; ii. 22
Andrew, Bishop of Zayton, i. 36; ii. 37
Angiolello, Giovanni Maria, i. 49
Angola, ii. 6
Aquines, Juan. _See_ Hawkins, Sir John
Arabia, i. 32; ii. 16
Arctic Regions, i. 13, 54, 88, 89, 96, 97
Arias, Dr. Juan Luis, i. 25; ii. 14, 15
Arias d'Avila, Pedro, i. 21, 34, 47; ii. 22, 23
Arriaga y Rivera, Julian de, ii. 13
Arromaia, i. 3
Asher, George Michael, i. 27
Asia, i. 5, 8, 13-15, 17, 19, 22, 26, 35-39, 42, 44, 49, 53-55, 58,
62, 66, 67, 69-78, 80, 82, 83, 87; ii. 1, 2, 4, 5, 12, 16, 17, 35
Astete, Miguel de, i. 47; ii. 22, 35
Atahualpa, i. 47, 68; ii. 22
Australasia, i. 25; ii. 7, 8, 14, 15, 18
Avila, Francisco de, i. 48; ii. 22
Avila, Pedro Arias d'. _See_ Arias d'Avila
Azov, i. 49
Azurara, Gomes Eannes de. _See_ Eannes
Badger, George Percy, i. 32, 44
Baffin, William, i. 5, 63, 88, 89
Balak, John, i. 13, 54
Bantam, i. 19
Barbaro, Giosafat, i. 49
Barbosa, Duarte, i. 35, 52
Barcelona MSS., i. 35
Bardsen, Ivar, i. 50
Barentsz, William, i. 13, 27, 54
Barker, Edmund, i. 56
Barlow, R., i. 74, 75, 78
Barrow, John, F.R.S., i. 11
Battell, Andrew, ii. 6
Beazley, Charles Raymond, i. 95, 100;
Extra Ser. 13
Behrens, Carl Friedrich, ii. 13
Beke, Charles Tilstone, i. 13, 54
Bell, Harry Charles Purvis, i. 76, 77, 80
Belmonte y Bermudez, Luis de, ii. 14, 15
Bengal, i. 37, 74, 75, 78; ii. 12
Bent, James Theodore, i. 87
Benzoni, Girolamo, i. 21
Bermudas, i. 65, 86
Bermudez, Joaõ, ii. 10
Beste, George, i. 38
Béthencourt, Jean de, i. 46; ii. 21
Bethune, Charles Ramsay Drinkwater, i. 1, 30
Beynen, Koolemans, i. 54
Biedma, Luis Hernandez de, i. 9
Bilot, Robert, i. 88, 89
Birch, Walter de Gray, i. 53, 55, 62, 69
Bollaert, William, i. 28
Bond, Sir Edward Augustus, K.C.B., i. 20
Bontier, Pierre, i. 46; ii. 21
Boty, Iver, i. 13
Bowrey, Thomas, ii. 12
Bracciolini, Poggio, i. 22
Brazil, i. 51, 76, 77, 80
Bridge, Admiral Sir Cyprian Arthur George, G.C.B., ii. 13
British Guiana, ii. 26, 27
British Museum MSS., i. 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 16, 20, 25, 38, 52, 53, 55,
62, 65-67, 69; ii. 13, 16, 22
Brown, Dr. Robert, i. 92-94
Brugge, Jacob Segersz. van der. _See_ Segersz, Jacob
Bruun. Philip. i. 58
Burnell, Arthur Coke, C.I.E., i. 70, 71
Burre, Walter, i. 19
Burrough, Christopher, i. 72, 73
Burrough, William, i. 72, 73
Burton, Sir Richard Francis, K.C.M.G., i. 51
Butler, Nathaniel, i. 65, 86
Button, Sir Thomas, i. 5, 88, 89
Bylot, Robert, i. 5, 63, 88, 89
Cabeça de Vaca, Alvar Nuñez. _See_ Nuñez Cabeça, de Vaca.
Cabot, John, i. 86
Cabot, Sebastian, i. 5, 12
Cambodia, i. 39
_Canarian, The_, i. 46; ii. 21
Canary Islands, i. 21, 46; ii. 21
Candelaria, Our Lady of, ii. 21
Cape of Good Hope, i. 22, 36, 37, 82, 83
Carmont, Elizabeth, Extra Ser. 12
Carpino Joannes, de Plano. _See_ Joannes.
Caspian Sea, i. 72, 73
Cassano, Ussan, i. 49
Castanhoso, Miguel de, ii. 10
Castilla del Oro, i. 34, 47
Cathay. i. 5, 13, 36-38, 54; ii. 19, 20, 33, 37, 38, 41
Champlain, Samuel, i. 23
Chanca, Dr., i. 2, 43
Charles V., Emperor, i. 40, 47; ii. 22, 23, 24
Charnock, Job, i. 74, 75, 78
Cheinie, Richard, i. 72, 73
China, i. 5, 13-15, 17, 36, 37, 39, 54; ii. 19, 20, 33, 37
Christy, Robert Miller, i. 88, 89
Cieza de Leon, Pedro de, i. 33, 68; ii. 22, 31, 42
Cinnamon, Land of, i. 24
Clavigo, Ruy Gonzalez de. _See_ Gonzalez de Clavigo.
Cliffe, Edward, i. 16
Clifford, George, i. 59
Coats, William, i. 11
Cocks, Richard, i. 8, 66, 67
Cogswell, Joseph G., i. 27
Collinson, Sir Richard, K.C.B., i. 38
Columbus, Christopher:
Journal, i. 86
Letters, i. 2, 43
Congo, ii. 6
Contarini, Ambrogio, i. 49
Conti, Nicolò, i. 22
Conway, Sir William Martin, ii. 11
Cooley, William Desborough, i. 4
Cook, Captain James, i. 25
Coote, Charles Henry, i. 72, 73
Cordier, Henri, ii. 33, 37, 38, 41
Corney, Bolton, i. 19
Corney, Bolton Glanvill, I.S.O., ii. 13, 32, 36
Correa, Gaspar, i. 42
Corte Real, Gaspar, i. 86
Cortés, Hernando, i., 21, 40; ii. 23, 24, 25
Cosmas, Indicopleustes, i. 98
Covel, John, i. 87
Crosse, Ralph, i. 56
Crooke, William, ii. 19, 20
Cumberland, Earl of, i. 59
Cuzco. i. 47; ii. 22
Dalboquerque, Afonso. _See_ Albuquerque.
Dallam, Thomas, i. 87
Dalrymple, Alexander, i. 25; ii. 14, 15
Dampier, William, i. 25
Danish Arctic Expeditions, i. 96, 97
Darien, Gulf of, i. 33
Dati, Giuliano, i. 2, 43
Davila, Pedrarias. _See_ Arias d'Avila.
Davis, Edward, ii. 13
Davis, John, i. 5, 59, 88, 89
De Villiers, John Abraham Jacob, ii. 11, 18, 26, 27
Díaz, Juan, _Clerigo_, ii. 23
Díaz del Castillo, Bernal, ii, 23, 24, 25, 30, 40
Digges, Sir Dudley, i. 63
Dominguez, Don Luis L., i. 81
Donck, Adrian van der, i. 27
Dorado, El, i. 3, 28; ii. 26, 27
Doughty, Thomas, i. 16
Downton, Nicholas, i. 56
Drake, Sir Francis, i. 4, 16; ii. 34
Drake, Sir Francis, the Younger, i. 16
Drake, John, ii. 34
Dryandri, Joh., i. 51
Ducket, Jeffrey, i. 72, 73
Dudley, Sir Robert, ii. 3
Dutch Voyages, i. 13; ii. 11, 13, 18
East India, ii. 19, 20, 39
East India Company, i. 5, 19
East Indies, _See_ India.
Easter Island, ii. 13
Eannes, Gomez, de Zurara, i. 95, 100
Egerton MSS., ii. 13
Eden, Richard, i. 12
Edwards, Arthur, i. 72, 73
Egypt, i. 32
El Dorado, i. 3, 28; ii. 26, 27
Ellesmere, Earl of, i. 17
Elvas, Gentleman of, i. 9
Emeria, i. 3
England, Circumnavigation of, i. 79
Engronelanda, i. 50
Enriquez de Guzman, Alonzo, i. 29
Eslanda, i. 50
Espinosa, Alonso, de, ii. 21
Estotilanda, i. 50
Ethiopia, _See_ Abyssinia.
Europe, i. 10, 12, 13, 18, 20, 49, 54, 58, 64, 72, 73, 79; ii. 9,
11, 17
Ferguson, Donald William, ii. 9
Fernandez de Quiros, Pedro de. _See_ Quiros.
Figueroa, Christoval Suarez de. _See_ Suarez de Figueroa.
Fletcher, Francis, i. 16
Fletcher, Giles, i. 20
Florida, i. 7, 9
Fort St. George, i. 74, 75, 78
Foster, William, B.A., ii. 1, 2, 16
Fotherby, Robert, i. 63
Fox, Luke, i. 5, 88, 89
Foxe, Luke. _See_ Fox.
Frislanda, i. 50
Frobisher, Sir Martin, i. 5, 38, 88, 89
Fryer, John, ii. 19, 20, 39
_Furnace_, H.M.S., i. 11
Gairdner, James, i. 79
Galvão, Antonio, i. 30
Gama, Christovão da, ii. 10
Gama, Vasco da, i. 42, 99
Gamboa, Pedro Sarmiento de. _See_ Sarmiento de Gamboa.
García, Genaro, ii. 23, 24, 25, 30
Garcilasso de la Vega, _el Inca_, i. 24, 41, 45; ii. 22
Gastaldi, Jacopo, i. 12
Gatonbe, John, i. 63
Gayangos, Pascual de, i. 40; ii. 22
Gerritsz., Hessel, i. 27, 54; ii. 11
Gibbons, William, i. 5, 88, 89
Gibraltar, Straits of, i. 79
Globes, i. 79
_God's Power & Providence_, i. 18
Goes, Benedict, i. 36, 37
Gonzalez de Clavijo, Ruy, i. 26; ii. 21
González y Haedo, Felipe, ii. 13
Gosch, Christian Carl August, i. 96, 97
Gray, Albert, K.C., i. 76, 77, 80
Great Mogul, ii. 1, 2
Greenland, i. 18, 50, 96, 97
Grey, Charles, i. 49
Grey, Edward, i. 84, 85
Grijalva, Juan de, ii. 23
Grimston, Edward. _See_ Grimstone.
Grimstone, Edward, i. 60, 61
Gaunches, ii. 21
Guiana, i. 3; ii. 3
Guinea, i. 95, 100; ii. 6
Hackit, Thomas, i. 7
Hakluyt, Richard:
Divers Voyages, i. 7
Galvano, i. 30
Principall Navigations, i. 16, 20, 38, 59;
Extra Ser., 1-12
Terra Florida, i. 9
Will of, i. 7
Hall, James, i. 5, 88, 89, 96, 97
Harleian MSS., i. 8
Harris, C. A., ii. 26, 27
Hasan Ibn Muhammad, al Wazzān, al Fāsi, i. 92-94
Havers, George, i. 84, 85
Hawkins, Sir John, i. 1, 57
Hawkins, Sir Richard, i. 1, 57
Hawkins, William, i. 57
Hawkridge, William, i. 88, 89
Hedges, Sir William, i. 74, 75, 78
Heidelberg MS., i. 58
Herberstein, Sigismund von., i. 10, 12
Hernandez de Biedma, Luis, i. 9
Herrera, Antonio de, i. 24; ii. 22, 23
Hervé, Juan, ii. 13
Honduras, i. 40
Horsey, Sir Jerome, i. 20
Houtman's Abrolhos, i. 25
Howard, Eliot, ii. 12
Hudson, Henry, i. 13, 27, 88, 89
Hudson's Bay, i. 11, 96, 97
Hues, Robert, i. 79
Hugli River, i, 78; ii. 12
Ibn Batuta, i. 36, 37
Icaria, i. 50
Imâms and Seyyids of ´Omân i. 44
Incas, i. 41, 45, 47, 48; ii. 22
Incas, Rites and Laws, i. 48; ii. 22
Incas, Royal Commentaries, i. 41, 45; ii. 22
India, i. 5, 22, 32, 38, 42, 53, 55, 56, 62, 69, 70, 71, 74-78, 80,
84, 85; ii. 1, 2, 9, 12, 16, 17
India Office MSS., i. 5, 56, 66, 67
Indian Language, Dictionarie of the, i. 6
Italy, ii. 9
James I., i. 19
James, Thomas, i. 5, 88, 89
Janes, John, i. 59
Japan, i. 8, 39, 66, 67; ii. 5
Java, i. 82, 83
Jeannin, P., i. 27
Jenkinson, Anthony, i. 72, 73
Joannes, de Plano Carpino, ii. 4;
Extra Ser. 13
Jones, John Winter, i. 7, 22, 32
Jordanus [Catalani], i. 31, 36; ii. 37
Jourdain, John, ii. 16
Jovius, Paulus, i. 12
Juet, Robert, i. 27
Keeling, William, i. 56
Knight, John, i. 5, 56, 88, 89
Lambrechtsen, i. 27
Lancaster, Sir James, i. 56
La Peyrère, Isaac de, i. 18
La Plata, City, i. 33
La Plata, River, i. 81
Lefroy, Sir John Henry, K.C.M.G., i. 65, 86
Leguat, François, i. 82, 83
Le Maire, Jacob, ii. 18
_Lendas da India_, i. 42
Leo Africanus, i. 92-94
Leone, Giovanni, i. 92-94
Leupe, P. A., i. 25
Levant, i. 87
Le Verrier, Jean, i. 46; ii. 21
Leza, Gaspar Gonzalez de, i. 39; ii. 14, 15
Linschoten, Jan Huyghen van, i. 70, 71
McCrindle, John Watson, i. 89
Madras, i. 74, 75, 78
Madrid MSS., i. 29
Magellan, Ferdinand, i. 52
Magellan, Straits, i. 91; ii. 18
Major, Richard Henry, i. 2, 6, 10, 12, 14, 15, 17, 22, 25, 43, 46, 50
Malay Archipelago, ii. 16, 18
Malabar, i. 35
Maldive Islands, i. 76, 77, 80
Maluco Islands, _See_ Molucca Islands.
Manoa, i. 3
Marignolli, John de', i. 37; ii. 37
Markham, Sir Albert Hastings, K.C.B., i. 59
Markham, Sir Clements Robert, K.C.B., i. 24, 26, 28, 29, 33, 34, 41,
56, 57, 60, 61, 63, 68, 79, 86, 90, 91; ii. 14, 15, 21, 22, 28,
29, 31, 42
Martens, Friedrich, i. 18
Maudslay, Alfred Percival, ii. 23, 24, 25, 30, 40
Mauritius, i. 82, 83
Maynarde, Thomas, i. 4
Mendaña de Neyra, Alvaro, i. 25, 39; ii. 7, 8, 14, 15
Mendoza, Juan Gonzalez de, i. 14, 15
Mexico, i. 23; ii. 23, 24, 25, 30, 40
Michon, Marie, Extra Ser., 12, 33
Middleton, Christopher, i. 11
Middleton, Sir Henry, i. 19, 56
_Mirabilia Descripta_, i. 31
Mogul, The Great, ii. 1, 2
Molucca Islands, i. 19, 39, 52, 76, 77, 80
Molyneux, Emery, i. 79
Montecorvino, John of, i. 36; ii. 37
Montezuma, i. 61; ii. 23, 24
Morga, Antonio de, i. 39; ii. 14, 15
Morgan, Henry, i. 59
Morgan, Edward Delmar, i. 72, 73, 79, 83, 86
Mundy, Peter, ii. 17, 35
Munk, Jens, i. 96, 97
Münster, Sebastian, i. 12
Muscovy Company, i. 7, 63; ii. 11
Neumann, Karl Friedrich, i. 58
New Hebrides, ii. 14, 15
New Spain, ii. 23, 24, 25, 30, 40
New World, i. 2, 43
Nicaragua, i. 34
Nicopolis, i. 58
Nikitin, Athanasius, i. 22
Nombre de Dios, i. 16
Norsemen in America, i. 2, 50
North-East Voyages, i. 13
North-West Passage, i. 5, 11, 38, 56, 88, 89, 96, 97
Northern Seas, i. 50
Nova Zembla, i. 13, 54
Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca, Alvar, i. 81
Nuttall, Mrs. Zelia, ii. 34
Ocampo, Baltasar de, ii. 22
Odoric, Friar, i. 36; ii. 33
Olaondo, Alberto, ii. 13
Olid, Cristóval de, ii. 23
Oliver, Samuel Pasfield, i. 82, 83
Omagua, i. 28
'Omân, i. 44
Ondegardo, Polo de, i. 48; ii. 22
Orellana, Francisco de, i. 24
Orléans, Pierre Joseph d', i. 17
Ormuz, Kings of, ii. 9
Oviedo, Gabriel de, ii. 22
Pachacamac, i. 47; ii. 22
Pacific Ocean, i. 1, 34, 57; ii. 13, 18
Paraguay, River, i. 81
Parke, Robert, i. 14, 15
Pascal of Vittoria, i. 36; ii. 37
Pegolotti, i. 37; ii. 37
Pellham, Edward, i. 18
Pelsart, Francis, i. 25
Pereira, Thomas, i. 17
Persia, i. 32, 49, 72, 73; ii. 19, 20, 39
Peru, i. 33, 34, 41, 45, 47, 60, 61, 68; ii. 22
Peru, Chronicle of, i. 33, 68
Philip, William, i. 13, 54
Philippine Islands, i. 39
Pigafetta, Antonio, i. 52
Pitt Diamond, i. 78
Pitt, Thomas, i. 74, 75, 78
Pizarro, Francisco, i. 27, 47; ii. 22
Pizarro, Gonzalo, i. 21, 24, 47; ii. 22
Pizarro, Hernando, i. 47; ii. 22
Pochahontas, i. 6
Pool, Gerrit Thomasz., i. 25
Portugal, i. 64; ii. 10
Pory, John, i. 92-94
Powhatan, i. 6
Prado y Tovar, Don Diego de, ii. 14, 15
Prestage, Edgar, i. 95, 100
Prester, John, i. 64; ii. 10
Pricket, Abacuk, i. 27
Public Record Office MSS., i. 38
Puerto Rico, i. 4
Purchas, Samuel, i. 13, 56, 63;
Extra Ser. 14-33
Pyrard, François, i. 76, 77, 80
Quatremère, i. 22
Quiros, Pedro Fernandez de, i. 25, 39; ii. 14, 15
Quito, The War of, ii. 31
Raleigh, Sir Walter, i. 3
Raleigh, Walter, _Professor_, Extra Ser. 12
Ramusio, Giovanni Battista, i. 49, 52
Rashiduddin, i. 37; ii. 37
Ravenstein, Ernest George, i. 99; ii. 6
Rawlinson MSS., ii. 17
_Recueil de Voyages_, i. 31
Remón, Alonzo, ii. 23
Ribault, John, i. 7
Rockhill, William Woodville, ii. 4
Rodriguez, Island, i. 82, 83
Roe, Sir Thomas, ii. 1, 2
Roggeveen, Jacob, ii. 13
Roy, Eugene Armand, i. 49
Rubruquis, Gulielmus de, ii. 4; Extra Ser. 13
Rundall, Thomas, i. 5, 8
_Russe Commonwealth_, i. 20
Russia, i. 10, 12, 20, 72, 73
Rye, William Brenchley, i. 9
Salil-Ibn-Ruzaik, i. 44
Samarcand, i. 26
Sancho, Pedro, i. 47; ii. 22
Santo-Stefano, Hieronimo di, i. 22
Saris, John, i. 8; ii. 5
Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro, i. 91; ii. 22, 34
Satow, Sir Ernest Mason, G.C.M.G., ii. 5
Schiltberger, Johann, i. 58
Schmidel, Ulrich, i. 81.
Schmidt, Ulrich. _See_ Schmidel.
Schomburgk, Sir Robert Hermann, i. 3
Schouten, Willem Cornelisz., ii. 18
Scory, Sir Edmund, ii. 21
_Seaman's Secrets_, i. 59
Segersz, Jacob, ii. 11
Sellman, Edward, i. 38
Shakspere's "New Map," i. 59
Sharpeigh, Alexander, i. 56
Shaw, Norton, i. 23
Siam, i. 39
Silva, Nuño da, ii. 34
Simon, Pedro, i. 28
Sinclair, William Frederic, ii. 9
Sloane MSS., i. 25, 65; ii. 16
Smith, Capt. John, i. 65, 86
Smith, Sir Thomas, i. 19, 63, 65
Smyth, William Henry, i. 21
Solomon Islands, ii. 7, 8, 14, 15
Soltania, Archbishop of, i. 36; ii. 37
Somers, Sir George, i. 65
Soto, Ferdinando de, i. 9, 47
Soulsby, Basil Harrington, ii. 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 18
Sousa Tavares, Francisco de, i. 30
South Sea. _See_ Pacific Ocean.
Spanish MSS., i. 29, 48
Spanish Voyages, i. 25, 39; ii. 7, 8, 13, 14, 15
Speilbergen, Joris van, ii. 18
Spitsbergen, i. 13, 18, 54; ii. 11
Staden, Johann von, i. 51
Stanley of Alderley, Lord, i. 35, 39, 42, 52, 64
Staunton, Sir George Thomas, Bart., i. 14, 15
Stere, William, i. 13
Storm van's Gravesande, ii. 26, 27
Strachey, William, i. 6
Suarez de Figueroa, Christoval, i. 57; ii. 14, 15
Summer Islands, i. 65, 86
Syria, i. 32
Tabasco, ii. 23
Tahiti, ii. 13, 32, 36
Tamerlane, The Great, i. 26
Tana (Azov), i. 49
Tapia, Andrés de, ii. 23
Tartary, i. 17; ii. 1, 2, 4
Tavares, Francisco de Sousa. _See_ Sousa Tavares, F. de.
Teixeira, Pedro, ii. 9
Telfer, John Buchan, i. 58
Temple, Sir Richard Carnac, Bart., ii. 12, 17, 35
Tenerife, ii. 21
Terra Australis, i. 25
Terra Florida, i. 9
Thomas, William, i. 49
Thompson, Sir Edward Maunde, K.C.B., i. 66, 67
Thomson, Basil Home, ii. 7, 8
Thorne, Robert, i. 7
Tibet, i. 36, 37; ii. 33
Tiele, Pieter Anton, i. 70, 71
Tierra Firme, i. 28, 34, 47
Timour, Great Khan, i. 26
Toledo, Francisco de, Viceroy of Peru, ii. 22
Tootal, Albert, i. 51
_Topographia Christiana_, i. 98
Torquemada, Fray Juan de, ii. 14, 15
Torres, Luis Vaez de, i. 25, 39; ii. 14, 15
Toscanelli, Paolo, i. 86
Towerson, Gabriel, i. 19
_Tractatus de Globis_, i. 79
Transylvanus Maximilianus, i. 52
Tupac Amaru, Inca, ii. 22
Turbervile, George, i. 10
Turkey Merchants, i. 87
Ursua, Pedro de, i. 28, 47
Valle, Pietro della, i. 84, 85
Varthema, Ludovico di, i. 19, 32
Vaux, William Sandys Wright, i. 16
Vaz, Lopez, i. 16
Veer, Gerrit de, i. 13, 54
Velasco, Don Luis de, ii. 34
Velásquez, Diego, ii. 23
Vera Cruz, ii. 23
Verarzanus, John, i. 7, 27
Verbiest, Ferdinand, i. 17
Vespucci, Amerigo, i. 90
Vilcapampa, ii. 22
Virginia Britannia, i. 6
Vivero y Velasco, Rodrigo de, i. 8
Vlamingh, Willem de, i. 25
Volkersen, Samuel, i. 25
Warner, George, Frederic, Litt. D., ii. 3
Weigates, Straits of, i. 13, 54
West Indies, i. 4, 23; ii. 3, 23
Weymouth, George, i. 5, 88, 89
White, Adam, i. 18
Whiteway, Richard Stephen, ii. 10
Wielhorsky, i. 22
William of Rubruck. _See_ Rubruquis, Gulielmus de
Wilmere, Alice, i. 23
Winter, John, i. 16
Witsen, Nicolaas, i. 17, 25
Wolstenholme, Sir John, i. 63, 88, 89
_Worlde's Hydrographical Description_, i. 59
Wright, Edward, i. 59
Xeres, Francisco de, i. 47; ii. 22
Yncas. _See_ Incas
Yucatan, ii. 23
Yule, Sir Henry, K.C.S.I., i. 31, 36, 37, 74, 75, 78; ii. 19, 20,
33, 37, 38, 41
Zarate, Don Francisco de, ii. 34
Zeno, Antonio, i. 50
Zeno, Caterino, i. 49
Zeno, Nicolo, i. 50
Zychman, i. 51
LAWS OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
I. The object of this Society shall be to print, for distribution
among the members, rare and valuable Voyages, Travels, Naval
Expeditions, and other geographical records.
II. The Annual Subscription shall be One Guinea (for America, five
dollars, U.S. currency), payable in advance on the 1st January.
III. Each member of the Society, having paid his Subscription, shall
be entitled to a copy of every work produced by the Society, and to
vote at the general meetings within the period subscribed for; and if
he do not signify, before the close of the year, his wish to resign,
he shall be considered as a member for the succeeding year.
IV. The management of the Society's affairs shall be vested in a
Council consisting of twenty-two members, viz., a President, three
Vice-Presidents, a Treasurer, a Secretary, and sixteen ordinary
members, to be elected annually; but vacancies occurring between the
general meetings shall be filled up by the Council.
V. A General Meeting of the Subscribers shall be held annually. The
Secretary's Report on the condition and proceedings of the Society
shall be then read, and the meeting shall proceed to elect the Council
for the ensuing year.
VI. At each Annual Election, three of the old Council shall retire.
VII. The Council shall meet when necessary for the dispatch of
business, three forming a quorum, including the Secretary; the
Chairman having a casting vote.
VIII. Gentlemen preparing and editing works for the Society shall
receive twenty-five copies of such works respectively.
LIST OF MEMBERS.--1917.[171]
_Members are requested to inform the Hon. Secretary of any errors or
alterations in this List._
1899 Aberdare, The Right Hon. Lord, 83, Eaton Square, S.W.1.
1847 Aberdeen University Library, Aberdeen.
1913 Abraham, 2nd Lieut. H. C., 12 Malvern Road, Gillingham, Kent.
1895 Adelaide Public Library, North Terrace, Adelaide, South
Australia.
1847 Admiralty, The, Whitehall, S.W.1. [2 COPIES.]
1847 Advocates' Library, 11, Parliament Square, Edinburgh.
1847 All Souls College, Oxford.
1847 American Geographical Society, 11, West 81st Street, New York
City, U.S.A.
1901 Andrews, Capt. F., R.N., H.M. Dockyard, Malta.
1906 Andrews, Michael C., Esq., 17, University Square, Belfast.
1847 Antiquaries, The Society of, Burlington House, Piccadilly, W.1.
1909 Armstrong, Capt. B. H. O., R.E.
1847 Army and Navy Club, 36, Pall Mall, S.W.1.
1847 Athenæum Club, Pall Mall, S.W.1.
1912 Aylward, R. M., Esq., 7a, Avenida Sur, No. 87, Guatemala.
1899 Baer, Joseph & Co., Messrs., Hochstrasse 6, Frankfort-on-Main,
Germany.
1847 Bagram, John Ernest, Esq., 10, Old Post Office Street,
Calcutta.
1909 Baldwin, Stanley, Esq., M.P., Astley Hall, nr. Stourport.
1899 Ball, John B., Esq., Ashburton Cottage, Putney Heath, S.W.15.
1893 Barclay, Hugh Gurney, Esq., Colney Hall, Norwich.
1911 Barwick, G. F., Esq., British Museum, W.C.1.
1899 Basset, M. René, Directeur de l'Ecole Supérieure des Lettres
d'Alger, Villa Louise, rue Denfert Rochereau, Algiers.
1894 Baxter, Hon. James Phinney Esq., 61, Deering Street, Portland,
Maine, U.S.A.
1913 Beaumont, Major, H., Rhoscolyn, Holyhead, N. Wales.
1904 Beetem, Charles Gilbert, Esq., 110, South Hanover Street,
Carlisle, Pa., U.S.A.
1899 Belfast Library and Society for Promoting Knowledge, Donegall
Square North, Belfast.
1913 Belfield, T. Broom, Esq., 1905, Spring Garden Street,
Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A.
1896 Belhaven and Stenton, Col. The Right Hon. the Lord, R.E.,
41, Lennox Gardens, S.W.1. (_Vice-President_).
1913 Bennett, Ira A. Esq., Editor _Washington Post_,
Washington, D.C., U.S.A.
1847 Berlin Geographical Society (Gesellschaft für Erdkunde),
Wilhelmstrasse 23, Berlin, S.W., 48.
1847 Berlin, the Royal Library of, Opernplatz, Berlin, W.
1847 Berlin University, Geographical Institute of, Georgenstrasse
34-36 Berlin, N.W.7.
1914 Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum, Honolulu, Hawaii Island.
1913 Beuf, L., 6, Via Caroli, Genoa.
1913 Bewsher, F. W., Esq.
1911 Bingham, Professor Hiram, Yale University, New Haven,
Connecticut.
1899 Birmingham Central Free Library, Ratcliff Place, Birmingham.
1847 Birmingham Old Library, The, Margaret Street, Birmingham.
1910 Birmingham University Library.
1899 Board of Education, The Keeper, Science Library, Science
Museum, South Kensington, S.W.7.
1847 Bodleian Library, Oxford.
1917 Bombay University Library, Bombay.
1894 Bonaparte, H. H. Prince Roland Napoléon, Avenue d'Jéna 10,
Paris.
1847 Boston Athenæum Library, 10½, Beacon Street, Boston, Mass.,
U.S.A.
1847 Boston Public Library, Copley Square, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
1912 Bourke, Hubert, Esq., Feltimores, Harlow, Essex.
1899 Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine, U.S.A.
1894 Bower, Major-general Hamilton, c/o Messrs. Cox and Co., 16,
Charing Cross, S.W.1.
1912 Boyd-Richardson, Lieutenant S. B., R.N., Wade Court, Havant,
Hants.
1914 Braislin, Dr. William C., 425 Clinton Avenue, Brooklyn, U.S.A.
1906 Brereton, The Rev. William, c/o S.P.G., 15, Tufton Street,
Westminster, S.W.1.
1893 Brighton Public Library, Royal Pavilion, Church Street,
Brighton.
1890 British Guiana Royal Agricultural and Commercial Society,
Georgetown, Demarara.
1847 British Museum, Department of British and Mediæval Antiquities.
1847 British Museum, Department of Printed Books.
1896 Brock, Henry G., Esq., 1612, Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa.,
U.S.A.
1909 Brooke, John Arthur, Esq., J.P., Fenay Hall, Huddersfield.
1899 Brookline Public Library, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
1899 Brooklyn Mercantile Library, 197, Montague Street, Brooklyn,
N.Y., U.S.A.
1899 Brown, Arthur William Whateley, Esq., 62, Carlisle Mansions,
Carlisle Place, Victoria Street, S.W.1.
1916 Browne, Prof. Edward G., M.A., M.B., Firwood, Trumpington Road,
Cambridge.
1896 Buda Pesth, The Geographical Institute of the University of,
Hungary.
1910 Buenos Aires, Biblioteca Nacional (c/o E. Terquem, 19, Rue
Scribe, Paris).
1890 Burns, Capt. John William, Leesthorpe Hall, Melton Mowbray.
1914 Byers, Gerald, Esq., c/o Messrs. Butterfield and Swire,
Shanghai.
1913 Cadogan, Lieut.-Commander Francis, R.N., Hatherop Castle,
Fairford, Gloucestershire.
1903 California, University of, Berkeley, Cal., U.S.A.
1847 Cambridge University Library, Cambridge.
1911 Canada, Department of the Naval Service, Ottawa.
1847 Canada, The Parliament Library, Ottawa.
1896 Cardiff Public Library, Trinity Street, Cardiff.
1847 Carlisle, Rosalind, Countess of, Castle Howard, York.
1847 Carlton Club Library, 94, Pall Mall, S.W.1.
1899 Carnegie Library, Pittsburgh, Pa., U.S.A.
1914 Casserly, John Bernard, Esq., San Mateo, California, U.S.A.
1910 Cattarns, Richard, Esq., 7, Gloucester Terrace, Regent's Park,
N.W.1.
1899 Chambers, Captain Bertram Mordaunt, R.N., c/o Messrs. Cocks,
Biddulph and Co., 43, Charing Cross, S.W.1.
1910 Chapelot et Cie., 30, Rue et Passage Dauphine, Paris.
1913 Charleston Library, Charleston. U.S.A.
1910 Chicago, Geographical Society of, P.O. Box 223, Chicago.
1899 Chicago Public Library, Chicago, Ill., U.S.A.
1899 Chicago University Library, Chicago, Ill., U.S.A.
1896 Christ Church, Oxford.
1847 Christiania University Library, Christiania, Norway.
1899 Cincinnati Public Library, Ohio, U.S.A.
1907 Clark, Arthur H., Esq., Caxton Buildings, Cleveland, Ohio.
1913 Clark, James Cooper, Esq., Ladyhill House, Elgin, N.B.
1913 Clarke, Sir Rupert, Bart., Clarke Buildings, Bourke Street,
Melbourne.
1903 Clay, John, Esq., University Press and Burrell's Corner,
Cambridge.
1917 Clements, R. V., Esq., 3, Chapel Field North, Norwich.
1913 Coates, O. R., Esq., British Consulate-General, Shanghai.
1847 Colonial Office, The, Downing Street, S.W.1.
1899 Columbia University, Library of, New York, U.S.A.
1896 Conway, Sir William Martin, Allington Castle, Maidstone, Kent.
1903 Cooke, William Charles, Esq., Vailima, Bishopstown, Cork.
1847 Copenhagen Royal Library (Det Store Kongelige Bibliothek),
Copenhagen.
1894 Cora, Professor Guido, M.A., Via Nazionale, 181, Rome.
1847 Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A.
1903 Corney, Bolton Glanvill, Esq., I.S.O., 4 Clarges Street,
Piccadilly, W.1.
1899 Corning, C. R., Esq., 36 Wall Street, New York.
1893 Cow, John, Esq., Elfinsward, Hayward's Heath, Sussex.
1902 Cox, Alexander G., Esq., Engineer-in-Chief's Office,
Canton-Hankow Railway, Hankow, China.
1908 Crewdson, W., Esq., J.P., Southside, St. Leonards-on-Sea.
1904 Croydon Public Libraries, Central Library, Town Hall, Croydon.
1893 Curzon of Kedleston, The Right Hon. Earl, K.G., G.C.S.I.,
G.C.I.E., 1, Carlton House Terrace, S.W.1.
1911 Cutting, Lady Sybil, c/o the Earl of Desart, 2, Rutland
Gardens, S.W.7.
1913 Dalgliesh, Percy, Esq., Guatemala, C.A.
1847 Dalton, Rev. Canon John Neale, C.V.O., C.M.G., 4, The
Cloisters, Windsor.
1913 Dames, Mansell Longworth, Esq., Crichmere, Edgeborough Road,
Guildford.
1899 Dampier, Gerald Robert, Esq., I.C.S., Dehra Dun, N.W.P., India.
1847 Danish Royal Navy Library (Marinens Bibliothek), Grönningen,
Copenhagen, K.
1912 Dartmouth College Library, Hanover, N.H., U.S.A.
1908 Darwin, Major Leonard, late R.E., 12, Egerton Place, S.W.3.
1894 De Bertodano, Baldemero Hyacinth, Esq., Cowbridge House,
Malmesbury, Wilts.
1911 Delbanco, D., Esq., 9, Mincing Lane, E.C.3.
1899 Detroit Public Library, Michigan, U.S.A.
1893 Dijon University Library, Rue Monge, Dijon, Côte d'Or, France.
1899 Dresden Geographical Society (Verein für Erdkunde), Kleine
Brüdergasse 21^{II}, Dresden.
1902 Dublin, Trinity College Library.
1910 Dunn, J. H., Esq., Coombe Cottage, Kingston Hill, S.W.15.
1917 Durban Municipal Library, Natal (Mr. George Reyburn, Librarian).
1899 École Française d'Extrême Orient, Hanoi, Indo Chine Française.
1913 École des Langues Orientales Vivantes, Paris.
1905 Edge-Partington, J., Esq., Wyngates, Burke's Rd., Beaconsfield.
1892 Edinburgh Public Library, George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh.
1847 Edinburgh University Library, Edinburgh.
1847 Edwards, Francis, Esq., 83, High Street, Marylebone, W.1.
1913 Eliot, Sir Charles, K.C.M.G., C.B., The University, Hong Kong.
1906 Enoch Pratt Free Library, Baltimore, Md., U.S.A.
1917 Essex Institute, The, Salem, Massachusetts, U.S.A.
1917 Evans, J. Fred, Esq., 219K. Street, Salt Lake City, Utah,
U.S.A.
1912 Ewing, Arthur, Esq.
1910 Fairbrother, Colonel W.T., C.B., Indian Army, Bareilly, N.P.,
India.
1911 Fayal, The Most Noble the Marquis de, Lisbon.
1899 Fellowes Athenæum, 46, Millmont Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
1894 Fisher, Arthur, Esq., The Mazry, Tiverton, Devon.
1896 Fitzgerald, Major Edward Arthur, 5th Dragoon Guards.
1914 FitzGibbon, F. J., Esq., Casilla 179, Oruro, Bolivia, viâ
Panama.
1847 Foreign Office of Germany (Auswärtiges Amt), Wilhelmstrasse,
Berlin, W.
1893 Forrest, George William, Esq., C.I.E., Rose Bank, Iffley,
Oxford.
1902 Foster, Francis Apthorp, Esq., Edgartown, Mass., U.S.A.
1893 Foster, William, Esq., C.I.E., India Office, S.W.1.
1911 Garcia, Señor Genaro, Apartado 337, Mexico D.F.
1913 Gardner, Harry G., Esq., Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, Hankow,
China.
1847 George, Charles William, Esq., 51, Hampton Road, Bristol.
1901 Gill, William Harrison, Esq., Marunouchi, Tokyo.
1847 Glasgow University Library, Glasgow.
1913 Glyn, The Hon. Mrs. Maurice, Albury Hall, Much Hadham.
1880 Godman, Frederick Du Cane, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., 45, Pont
Street, S.W.1.
1847 Göttingen University Library, Göttingen, Germany.
1914 Gottschalk, Hon. A. L. M., American Consul-general, Rio de
Janeiro, Brazil.
1877 Gray, Albert, Esq., C.B., K.C. (_President_), Catherine
Lodge, Trafalgar Square, Chelsea, S.W.3.
1903 Greenlee, William B., Esq., 855, Buena Av., Chicago Ill.,
U.S.A.
1899 Grosvenor Library, Buffalo, N.Y., U.S.A.
1847 Guildhall Library, E.C.2.
1887 Guillemard, Francis Henry Hill, Esq., M.A., M.D., The Old Mill
House, Trumpington, Cambridge.
1910 Hackley Public Library, Muskegon, Mich., U.S.A.
1847 Hamburg Commerz, Bibliothek, Hamburg, Germany.
1901 Hammersmith Public Libraries, Carnegie (Central) Library,
Hammersmith, W.6.
1898 Hannen, The Hon. Henry Arthur, The Hall, West Farleigh, Kent.
1916 Harrington, S. T., Esq., M.A., Methodist College, St. John's,
Newfoundland.
1906 Harrison, Carter H., Esq., 408 Briar Place, Chicago, U.S.A.
1913 Harrison, George L., Esq., 400, Chestnut Street, Philadelphia,
U.S.A.
1905 Harrison, William P., Esq., c/o The First National Bank, Los
Angeles, Cal., U.S.A.
1847 Harvard University, Cambridge Mass., U.S.A.
1899 Harvie-Brown, John Alexander, Esq., Dunipace, Larbert,
Stirlingshire.
1913 Hay, E. Alan, Esq., 14 Kensington Court, W.8.
1887 Heawood. Edward, Esq., M.A., Church Hill, Merstham, Surrey
(_Treasurer_).
1899 Heidelberg University Library, Heidelberg (Koestersche
Buchhandlung).
1904 Henderson, George, Esq., 13, Palace Court, W.2.
1915 Henderson, Capt. R. Ronald, Little Compton Manor,
Moreton-in-Marsh.
1899 Hiersemann, Herr Karl Wilhelm, Königsstrasse, 3, Leipzig.
1917 Hinks, Arthur Robert, Esq., F.R.S., Sec. R.G.S., 17,
St. Petersburg Place, W.2.
1874 Hippisley, Alfred Edward, Esq., 8, Herbert Crescent, Hans
Place, S.W.1.
1913 Holman, R. H. Esq., "Wynnstay," Putney Hill, S.W.15.
1913 Hong Kong University, c/o Messrs. Longmans & Co., 38,
Paternoster Row, E.C.4.
1899 Hoover, Herbert Clarke, Esq., The Red House, Hornton Street,
Kensington, W.8.
1887 Horner, Sir John Francis Fortescue, K.C.V.O., Mells Park,
Frome, Somerset.
1911 Hoskins, G. H., Esq., c/o G. & C. Hoskins, Wattle Street,
Ultimo, Sydney, N.S.W.
1915 Howland, S. S., Esq., Ritz Hotel, W.1.
1890 Hoyt Public Library, East Saginaw, Mich., U.S.A.
1909 Hubbard, H. M., Esq., H6, The Albany, Piccadilly, W.1.
1899 Hügel, Baron Anatole A. A. von, Curator, Museum of Archæology
and Ethnology, Cambridge.
1894 Hull Public Libraries, Baker Street, Hull.
1913 Humphreys, John, Esq.
1915 Hyde, Charles, Esq., 2 Woodbourne Road, Edgbaston.
1912 Illinois, University of, Urbana, Ill., U.S.A.
1899 Im Thurn, Sir Everard, K.C.M.G., C.B., 39, Lexham Gardens, W.8.
1847 India Office, Downing Street, S.W.1. [8 COPIES.]
1899 Ingle, William Bruncker, Esq., 10 Pond Road, Blackheath, S.E.3.
1892 Inner Temple, Hon. Society of the Temple, E.C.4.
1916 Ireland, National Library of, Dublin.
1899 Jackson, Stewart, Douglas, Esq., 61, St. Vincent Street,
Glasgow.
1898 James, Arthur Curtiss, Esq., 39, East 69th Street, New York
City, U.S.A.
1896 James, Walter B., Esq., M.D., 7, East 70th Street, New York
City, U.S.A.
1912 Jenkins, Captain F. W. R., Apartado 331, Guatemala.
1907 Johannesburg Public Library, Johannesburg, South Africa.
1847 John Carter Brown Library, 357, Benefit Street, Providence,
Rhode Island, U.S.A.
1847 John Rylands Library, Deansgate, Manchester.
1847 Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md., U.S.A.
1910 Jones, L. C. Esq., M.D., Falmouth, Mass., U.S.A.
1914 Jones, Livingstone, E., Esq., Germantown, Pa., U.S.A.
1913 Jowett, The Rev. Hardy, Ping Kiang, Hunan, China.
1903 Kansas University Library, Lawrence, Kans., U.S.A.
1917 Kay, Richard, Esq., 1 Brazil Street, Manchester.
1887 Keltie, Sir John Scott, LL.D., 1, Kensington Gore, S.W.7.
1909 Kesteven, C. H., Esq., 2, Hungerford Street, Calcutta.
1899 Kiel, Royal University of, Kiel, Schleswig-Holstein.
1898 Kinder, Claude William, Esq., C.M.G., "Bracken," Churt,
Nr. Farnham, Surrey.
1890 King's Inns, The Hon. Society of the, Henrietta Street, Dublin.
1899 Kitching, John, Esq., Oaklands, Queen's Road, Kingston Hill,
S.W.15.
1912 Koebel, W. H., Esq., Author's Club, 2, Whitehall Court, S.W.1.
1913 Koloniaal Instituut, Amsterdam.
1910 Koninklijk Instituut voor de Taal Land en Volkenkunde van
Nederlandsch Indie. The Hague.
1899 Langton. J. J. P., Esq., 802, Spruce Street, St. Louis, Mo.,
U.S.A.
1899 Larchmont Yacht Club, Larchmont, N.Y., U.S.A.
1913 Laufer, Berthold, Esq., Field Museum of Natural History,
Chicago.
1899 Leeds Library, 18, Commercial Street, Leeds.
1899 Lehigh University, South Bethlehem, Pa., U.S.A.
1893 Leipzig, Library of the University of Leipzig.
1912 Leland Stanford Junior University, Library of, Stanford
University, Cal., U.S.A.
1912 Lind, Walter, Esq., 1° Calle, Guatemala, C.A.
1847 Liverpool Free Public Library, William Brown Street, Liverpool.
1896 Liverpool Geographical Society, 14, Hargreaves Buildings,
Chapel Street, Liverpool.
1899 Liverpool, University of Liverpool.
1911 Loder, Gerald W. E., Esq., F.S.A., Wakehurst Place, Ardingly,
Sussex.
1899 Loescher, Messrs. J., and Co., Via Due Macelli, 88, Rome.
1847 London Institution, 11, Finsbury Circus, E.C.2.
1847 London Library, 12, St. James's Square, S.W.1.
1899 London University, South Kensington, S.W.7.
1895 Long Island Historical Society, Pierrepont Street, Brooklyn,
N.Y., U.S.A.
1899 Los Angeles Public Library, Los Angeles, Cal., U.S.A.
1899 Lowrey, Joseph, Esq., The Hermitage, Loughton, Essex.
1912 Luard, Major Charles Eckford, M.A., D.S.O., Indore, Central
India.
1880 Lucas, Sir Charles Prestwood, K.C.B., K.C.M.G., 65, St.
George's Square, S.W.1.
1895 Lucas, Frederic Wm., Esq., 21, Surrey Street, Strand, W.C.2.
1912 Lukach, H. C., Esq., M.A., Government House, Cyprus.
1898 Lydenberg, H. M., Esq., New York Public Library, Fifth Avenue
and Forty-second Street, New York City, U.S.A.
1880 Lyons University Library, Lyon, France.
1899 Lyttleton-Annesley, Lieut.-General Sir Arthur Lyttelton,
K.C.V.O., Templemere, Oatlands Park, Weybridge.
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1908 Maggs Brothers, Messrs., 109, Strand, W.C.2.
1847 Manchester Public Free Libraries, King Street, Manchester.
1916 Manchester University (c/o J. E. Cornish, St. Ann's Square).
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Gate Place, S.W.7.
1892 Marquand, Henry, Esq., Whitegates Farm, Bedford, New York,
U.S.A.
1899 Martelli, Ernest Wynne, Esq., 4, New Square, Lincoln's Inn,
W.C.2.
1847 Massachusetts Historical Society, 1154, Boylston Street,
Boston, Mass., U.S.A.
1905 Maudslay, Alfred Percival, Esq., Morney Cross, Hereford.
1899 McClurg, Messrs. A. C., & Co., 215-221, Wabash Avenue, Chicago,
Ill., U.S.A.
1914 Means, Philip A., Esq., 196, Beacon Street, Boston,
Massachusetts, U.S.A.
1913 Mensing, A. W. M., Esq., (Frederik Muller and Co.), Amsterdam.
1901 Merriman, J. A., Esq., c/o T. M. Merriman, Esq., 96, Finchley
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1911 Messer, Allan E., Esq., 2, Lyall Street, Belgrave Square,
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1912 Milward, Graham, Esq., 77, Colmore Row, Birmingham.
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1899 Mitchell, Wm., Esq., 14, Forbesfield Road, Aberdeen.
1902 Mombasa Club Library, Mombasa, c/o Messrs. Richardson & Co.,
26, King Street, St. James', S.W.1.
1899 Monson, The Right Hon. Lord, C.V.O., Burton Hall, Lincoln.
1901 Moreno, Dr. Francisco J., La Plata Museum, La Plata, Argentine
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1893 Morris, Henry Cecil Low, Esq., M.D., The Steyne, Bognor,
Sussex.
1899 Morrison, George Ernest, Esq., M.D., H.B.M. Legation, Peking.
1899 Morrisson, James W., Esq., 200-206, Randolph Street, Chicago,
Ill., U.S.A.
1895 Moxon, Alfred Edward, Esq., The Hazells, Spencer Road, New
Milton, Hants.
1899 Mukhopadhyay, Hon. Sir Asutosh, Kt., C.S.I., D.Sc., LL.D.,
77, Russa Road North, Bhowanipur, Calcutta.
1847 Munich Royal Library (Kgl. Hof u. Staats-Bibliothek), Munich,
Germany.
1913 Natal Society's Library, Pietermaritzburg, S. Africa.
1899 Nathan, Lt.-Col. Sir Matthew, G.C.M.G., R.E., The Albany, W.1.
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1913 Needham, J. E., Esq., Bombay Club, Bombay.
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Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap), Singel 421, Amsterdam.
1899 Netherlands, Royal Library of the, The Hague.
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1897 New Zealand, The High Commissioner for, 13, Victoria Street,
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1917 Nicoll, Lieut., C. L. J., Royal Indian Marine, c/o Director
R.I.M., Bombay.
1911 Nijhoff, Martinus, The Hague, Holland.
1896 North Adams Public Library, Massachusetts, U.S.A.
1893 Northcliffe, The Right Hon. Lord, Elmwood, St. Peter's, Thanet.
1917 Northwestern University Library, Evanston, Illinois, U.S.A.
1899 Nottingham Public Library, Sherwood Street, Nottingham.
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1911 Pan-American Union, Washington, D.C., U.S.A.
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1899 Parlett, Harold George, Esq., H.B.M. Consulate, Dairen, Japan.
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1847 Peckover of Wisbech, The Right Hon. Lord, Bank House, Wisbech
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1893 Peek, Sir Wilfred, Bart., c/o Mr. Grover, Rousdon, Lyme Regis.
1904 Peirce, Harold, Esq., 222, Drexel Building, Philadelphia, Pa.,
U.S.A.
1911 Penrose, R. A. F., Esq., Bullitt Buildings, Philadelphia,
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1899 Pequot Library, Southport, Conn., U.S.A.
1913 Petersen, V., Esq., Chinese Telegraph Administration, Peking,
China.
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Melbourne, Australia.
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1912 Provincial Library of British Columbia, Victoria, British
Columbia.
1911 Pykett, The Rev. G. F., Anglo-Chinese School, Methodist Epis.
Mission, Penang.
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W.1. (12 copies).
1913 Queen's University, The, Kingston, Ontario, Canada.
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1890 Raffles Museum and Library, Singapore.
1914 Rawson Lieut. G., Royal Indian Marine, Bombay.
1847 Reform Club, 104, Pall Mall, S.W.1.
1895 Rhodes, Josiah, Esq., The Elms, Lytham, Lancashire.
1907 Ricketts, D. P., Esq., Imperial Chinese Railways, Tientsin,
China.
1882 Riggs, T. L., Esq., 1311, Mass. Avenue, Washington, D.C.,
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1911 Rio de Janeiro, Archivo Publico Nacional, Sa da Republica,
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1917 Robertson, Wheatley B., Esq., c/o Messrs. Thos. Cook & Sons,
Rangoon, Burma.
1917 Rodger, A., Esq., F.L.S., Rossendale, Maymyo, Burma.
1906 Rotterdamsch Leeskabinet, Rotterdam.
1917 Routledge, W. S., Esq., 9 Cadogan Mansions, Sloane Square,
S.W.1.
1911 Royal Anthropological Institute, 50, Great Russell Street,
W.C.1.
1847 Royal Colonial Institute, Northumberland Avenue, W.C.2.
1896 Royal Cruising Club, 1, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.1.
1847 Royal Engineers' Institute, Chatham.
1847 Royal Geographical Society, Kensington Gore, S.W.7.
1890 Royal Scottish Geographical Society, Synod Hall, Castle
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1897 Royal Societies Club, 63, St. James's Street, S.W.1.
1847 Royal United Service Institution, Whitehall, S.W.1.
1899 Runciman, The Right Hon. Walter, M.P., Doxford, Chathill,
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1904 Ruxton, Captain Upton Fitz Herbert, Little Drove House,
Singleton, Sussex.
1900 Ryley, John Horton, Esq., 8, Rue d'Auteuil, Paris.
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San Antonio, Texas, U.S.A.
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1911 Saise, Walter, Esq., D.Sc., M. Inst. C.E., Stapleton, Bristol.
1913 Salby, George, Esq., 65, Great Russell Street, W.C.1.
[2 COPIES.]
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1914 Sheppard, S. T., Esq., Byculla Club, Bombay, No. 8.
1847 Signet Library, 11, Parliament Square, Edinburgh.
1890 Sinclair, Mrs. William Frederic, 102, Cheyne Walk, Chelsea,
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1910 Skimming, E. H. B., Esq., 6, Cleveland Terrace, W.2.
1913 Skinner, Major R. M., R.A.M. Corps, c/o Messrs. Holt and Co.,
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1912 Skipper, Mervyn G., Esq., care of Eastern Extensions Tel. Co.,
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1904 Smith, John Langford, Esq., H. B. M. Consular Service, China,
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1906 Smith, J. de Berniere, Esq., 4, Gloucester Terrace, Regent's
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1917 Smith, Miss D. Lawrence, 31, Portman Square, W.1.
1913 Smith, The Right Hon. James Parker, Linburn, Kirknewton,
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1899 Societá Geografica Italiana, Via del Plebiscito 102, Rome.
1847 Société de Géographie, Boulevard St. Germain, 184, Paris.
1899 South African Public Library, Queen Victoria Street, Cape Town,
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1904 Stanton, John, Esq., High Street, Chorley, Lancashire.
1916 Stein, Sir Aurel, K.C.I.E., D.Sc., D.Litt., Stein Collection,
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1912 Stein, Herr Johann. K. Ungar, Universitäts-Buchhandlung,
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Street, W.C.1.
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1904 Suarez, Colonel Don Pedro (Bolivian Legation), Santa Cruz, 74,
Compayne Gardens, N.W.6.
1909 Swan, J. D. C., Dr., c/o Messrs. Holt & Co., 3, Whitehall
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1908 Sydney, University of, New South Wales.
1899 Sykes, Brigadier General, Sir Percy Molesworth, K.C.I.E.,
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1916 Soutter, Lieut.-Commander James J., H.M.S. Malaya,
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1914 Taylor, Frederic W., Esq., 1529, Niagara Street, Denver,
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1917 Taylour, Charles, Esq., Belmont Road, Sharples, Lancs.
1910 Teleki, Count Paul, Joszef-tér., 7, Budapest V.
1899 Temple, Lieut.-Col, Sir Richard Carnac, Bart., C.B., C.I.E.,
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1916 Thompson, Lieut. H. H., R.N.V.R., R. N. Airship Station,
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1894 Thomson, Basil Home, Esq., C.B., 81, Victoria Road, Kensington,
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1906 Thomson, Colonel Charles FitzGerald, late 7th Hussars, Kilkenny
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1915 Thorne, J. A., Esq., I.C.S., Calicut, Malabar, India.
1904 Todd, Commander George James, R.N., The Manse, Kingsbarns,
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1896 Toronto Public Library, Toronto, Ont., Canada.
1890 Toronto University, Toronto, Ont., Canada.
1911 Tower, Sir Reginald, K.C.M.G., C.V.O., British Legation, Buenos
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1847 Travellers' Club, 106, Pall Mall, S.W.1.
1899 Trinder, Arnold, Esq., River House, Walton-on-Thames.
1913 Trinder, W. H., Esq., The Old Vicarage, Kingswood, Surrey.
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1911 Tuckerman, Paul, Esq., 59, Wall Street, New York, U.S.A.
1916 Tufts College Library, Tufts College, Mass., U.S.A.
1890 Turnbull, Alexander H., Esq., Elibank, Wellington, New Zealand.
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1847 Upsala University Library, Upsala, Sweden (c/o Simpkin,
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1911 Van Ortroy, Professor F., Université de Gand, Belgium.
1913 Vasquez, Señor Don Ricardo, Guatemala, C.A.
1899 Vernon, Roland Venables, Esq., c/o Ministry of Munitions,
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1905 Vienna, K. K. Geographische Gesellschaft, Wollzeile 33, Vienna.
1887 Vignaud, Henry, Esq., LL.D., 2, Rue de la Mairie, Bagneux
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1912 Villa, Dr. F. Luis de, Banco Colombiano, Guatemala, C.A.
1909 Villiers, J. A. J. de, Esq., British Museum
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1902 War Office, Mobilisation and Intelligence Library, Whitehall,
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1847 Washington, Department of State, D.C., U.S.A.
1847 Washington, Library of Navy Department, Washington, D.C.,
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1899 Watanabe, Chiharu, Esq., 4 Shimotakanawamachi, Shibaku,
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1899 Watkinson, Library, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A.
1899 Weld, Rev. George Francis, Weldwold, Santa Barbara,
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1899 Westaway, Engineer Rear-Admiral Albert Ernest Luscombe, 36,
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1913 Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, U.S.A.
1898 Westminster School, Dean's Yard, S.W.1.
1913 White, James, Esq., Commission of Conservation, Ottawa.
1914 White, John G., Williamson Building, Cleveland, Ohio, U.S.A.
1893 Whiteway, Richard Stephen, Esq., Brownscombe, Shottermill,
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1910 Wihlfahrt, E., Esq.
1914 Willard, A. F., Esq., Lloyd's Agency, Livingston, Guatemala.
1899 Williams, O. W., Esq., Fort Stockton, Texas, U.S.A.
1914 Williams, Sidney Herbert, Esq., 32, Warrior Square, St.
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1895 Wisconsin, State Historical Society of, Madison, Wisc.,
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1913 Wood, Henry A. Wise, Esq., 1, Madison Avenue, New York.
1900 Woodford, Charles Morris, Esq., C.M.G., The Grinstead,
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1907 Woolf, Leonard Sidney, Esq.
1899 Worcester, Massachusetts, Free Library, Worcester, Mass.,
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1914 Wright, Dr. J. Farrall, 46, Derby Street, Bolton, Lancs.
1913 Wright, R., Esq., The Poplars, Worsley Road, Swinton, Lancs.
1847 Yale University, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A.
1894 Young, Alfales, Esq., Salt Lake City, Utah, U.S.A.
1847 Zürich, Stadtbibliothek, Zürich, Switzerland.
FOOTNOTE:
[171] Sent to press, Jan. 1st., 1918.
PRINTED AT THE BEDFORD PRESS, 20 AND 21, BEDFORDBURY, STRAND, LONDON,
W.C.
Transcriber's Notes:
1. Obvious punctuation, hyphenation and spelling errors have been
corrected.
2. Page xliv: "ryotwarry" - spelling has been corrected to "ryotwari".
3. In the Index, under "Encomendero", reference is made to a note on
page 350. There is, however, no note or mention of this term on this
page but there is a mention in Footnote 167.
4. In the Index, under Gómez, Pero, reference is made to page iii and a
note on page iii. There is no text on page iii, but the reference
pertains to page 35 and the note on this page.
5. Caret characters are shown as ^{xx} or ^x.
6. Italics are shown as _text_ and bold as =text=.
7. Some archaic words have been retained, e.g. aweary.
8. There are many inconsistencies in spelling and accentuation in the original
work. These have been kept as found.
9. Corrections described in the corrigenda have been applied to the text.
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