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Title: The Boy's Hakluyt - English Voyages of Adventure and Discovery
Author: Bacon, Edwin M. (Edwin Monroe)
Language: English
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the handling of any textual issues encountered during its preparation.
THE BOY’S HAKLUYT
------------------------------------------------------------------------
IN THE SAME SERIES
PUBLISHED BY CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
------------------------------------------------------------------------
=The Boy’s Catlin.= My Life Among the Indians, by GEORGE CATLIN.
Edited by MARY GAY HUMPHREYS. Illustrated. 12mo
_net_ $1.50
=The Boy’s Hakluyt.= English Voyages of Adventure and Discovery,
retold from Hakluyt by EDWIN M. BACON. Illustrated. 12mo
_net_ $1.50
=The Boy’s Drake.= Edited by EDWIN M. BACON.
(_In Preparation_)
[Illustration:
QUEEN ELIZABETH GOING ABOARD THE “GOLDEN HIND.”
From a painting by Frank Brangwyn.
]
THE
BOY’S HAKLUYT
ENGLISH VOYAGES OF
ADVENTURE AND DISCOVERY
BY
EDWIN M. BACON,
AUTHOR OF “HISTORIC PILGRIMAGES IN NEW ENGLAND,”
“LITERARY PILGRIMAGES IN NEW ENGLAND,” “THE CONNECTICUT RIVER
AND THE VALLEY OF THE CONNECTICUT,” ETC.
ILLUSTRATED
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
1910
COPYRIGHT 1908, 1909, BY
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
--
Published September, 1908
[Illustration: logos]
PREFACE
This account of Richard Hakluyt and his narratives of English
exploration and adventure, from the earliest records to the
establishment of the English colonies in North America, has been
prepared at the instance of Edwin D. Mead, the fine mainspring of the
far-reaching system of historical study widely known as the “Old South
Work,” for the instruction of young folk, by engaging methods, in
genuine American history. The purpose of the book was to draw the youth
of to-day to a source of American history of first importance, and a
work of eternal interest and value.
To this end I have sought to utilize the huge foolscap volumes of the
_Principal Navigations_ and to summarize or compress the narratives into
a coherent story from the earliest adventures chiefly for conquest to
those for discovery and expansion of trade, and finally for
colonization, down to the settlement of Virginia. The American note is
dominant throughout this animated story of daring, pluck, courage,
genuine heroism, and splendid nerve displayed by the English captains of
adventure and discovery North, East, and West.
I have endeavored also to recall Hakluyt’s significant work in his
publications which preceded the _Principal Navigations_, and in his
equally important personal efforts to forward American colonization by
England, in order to re-present him in his true position, recognized by
the earlier historians—that of a founder hand in hand with Raleigh of
the English colonies, out of which developed the national life of the
United States.
The dictum of William Robertson in his eighteenth century _History of
America_ (1777), that to Hakluyt England was more indebted for her
American possessions “than to any other man of that age,” was sustained
by Sir Clements Robert Markham, the English traveller, geographer, and
historian, upon the occasion, in 1896, of the fiftieth anniversary of
the founding of the Hakluyt Society, of which Sir Clements was then the
president, when he said: “Virtually Raleigh and Hakluyt were the
founders of those colonies which eventually formed the United States. As
Americans revere the name of Walter Raleigh, they should give an equal
place to Richard Hakluyt.”
Sir Clements further observed: “Excepting, of course, Shakspere and the
Dii Majores, there is no man of the age of Elizabeth to whom posterity
owes a deeper debt of gratitude than to Richard Hakluyt, the saviour of
the records of our explorers and discoverers by land and sea.”
Americans may well claim the pride of inheritance in these brave annals
of adventure on untried seas and to unknown lands. Hakluyt’s quaint
language ought not to be a hard nut to crack for the American boy when
such rich meat is within.
E. M. B.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
I. BEGINNINGS OF AMERICA 1
II. RICHARD HAKLUYT THE MAN 17
III. “THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS” 32
IV. THE EARLY VOYAGES 36
V. QUEST FOR THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE 53
VI. THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS 62
VII. THE ENGLISH CLAIM TO AMERICA 77
VIII. VENTURES IN THE CABOTS’ TRACK 90
IX. THE NORTHEAST PASSAGE 96
X. THE OPENING OF RUSSIA 104
XI. VOYAGES FOR THE MUSCOVY COMPANY 124
XII. REVIVAL OF THE NORTHWEST THEORY 143
XIII. FROBISHER IN ARCTIC AMERICA 150
XIV. THE LUST FOR GOLD 176
XV. HAWKINS IN FLORIDA 197
XVI. DRAKE’S GREAT EXPLOITS 227
XVII. ON THE PACIFIC COAST 253
XVIII. GILBERT’S VOYAGES 285
XIX. FOOTPRINTS OF COLONIZATION 308
XX. “VIRGINIA” 322
XXI. RALEIGH’S LOST COLONY 351
XXII. JAMESTOWN 381
ILLUSTRATIONS
QUEEN ELIZABETH GOING ABOARD THE “GOLDEN HIND”
From a painting by Frank Brangwyn. _Frontispiece_
FACING
PAGE
FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF “DIVERS VOYAGES” 10
From the copy in the New York Public Library
(Lenox Building).
FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF THE THIRD, OR AMERICAN, 32
VOLUME OF HAKLUYT’S “VOYAGES,” EDITION OF 1598–1600
From a copy of the original edition in the New
York Public Library (Lenox Building).
“THE GREAT HARRY,” AN ENGLISH SHIP OF THE FIFTEENTH 50
CENTURY
KIDDER’S SKETCH-MAP OF JOHN CABOT’S VOYAGE IN 1497 69
KING HENRY VIII 94
From a photograph, copyrighted by Walker and
Boutall, of a painting.
SEBASTIAN CABOT AT ABOUT EIGHTY YEARS OF AGE 136
Reproduced from the engraving in Seyer’s "History
of Bristol," published in 1823. The original
painting was attributed to Holbein and was
destroyed by fire in 1845.
MARTIN FROBISHER 144
QUEEN ELIZABETH 180
SIR JOHN HAWKINS 198
SIR FRANCIS DRAKE 228
DRAKE OVERHAULING A SPANISH GALLEON 268
SIR WALTER RALEIGH AT THE AGE OF THIRTY-FOUR 310
From a photograph, copyrighted by Walker and
Cockerell, of the portrait attributed to
Federigo Zaccaro in the National Portrait
Gallery.
THE ARRIVAL OF THE ENGLISHMEN IN VIRGINIA 324
From a drawing by John White, of Raleigh’s first
colony, 1585.
A MAP OF VIRGINIA, 1585 350
From the map in Hariot’s “Relation.”
THE LOST COLONY 376
A SPANISH GALLEON OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY 382
------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE BOY’S HAKLUYT
------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
BOY’S HAKLUYT
I
BEGINNINGS OF AMERICA
In the year 1582, a quarter of a century before the founding of
Jamestown, in 1607, and thirty-eight years before the establishment of
the Pilgrims at Plymouth, in 1620, there appeared in London a
pamphlet-volume entitled _Divers Voyages touching the Discouerie of
America and the Hands adaicent vnto the same, made first of all by our
Englishmen and afterwards by the Frenchmen and Britons_.
The direct and practical object of this little book was the promotion of
English colonization on the American continent, where Spain at the South
and France at the North then had firm foothold. Its mission was fully
accomplished in giving the first effective impulse to the movements
which led up to the ultimate establishment of the colonies that
eventually formed the United States.
So it has a peculiar interest, especially for all Americans who would
know their country, as a first source of the True History of the
American Nation.
The name of the compiler was modestly veiled in the earlier impressions
under the initials “R. H.” appended to an “Epistle Dedicatorie,”
addressed to “Master Phillip Sydney, Esquire,” which served for a
preface. In subsequent editions, however, the author declared himself as
“Richard Hakluyt, Preacher.”
He might with propriety have added to this simple clerical distinction
other and broader titles. For, worthy as they may have been and
doubtless were, the least of his accomplishments were those of a cleric.
Yet under thirty when _Divers Voyages_ appeared, he had already attained
an assured place among scholars for his learning in cosmography, or the
science of geography, and was particularly known to English men of
affairs as an authority on Western discovery.
_Divers Voyages_ was skilfully designed for its special purpose. The
various accounts then extant in print or in manuscript, giving
particulars of the discovery of the whole of the coast of North America,
were brought together and so artfully arranged as at once to enlighten
his laggard countrymen and to inflame their ambition and their desire
for gain. By way of introduction was presented an informing list of
writers of “geographie with the yeare wherein they wrote,” beginning
with 1300 and ending with 1580; and another of travellers “both by sea
and by lande,” between the years 1178 and 1582, who also, for the most
part, had written of their own “travayles” and voyages: Venetians,
Genoese, Portuguese, Spaniards, and Frenchmen, as well as Englishmen.
Next followed a note intended to show the “great probabilitie” by way of
America of the much-sought-for Northwest Passage to India. Then came the
“Epistle Dedicatorie” to “the right worshipfull and most vertuous
gentleman” Master Sidney (not then knighted as Sir Philip Sidney), in
which was detailed the compiler’s argument for the immediate
colonization of the parts of North America claimed by England by right
of first discovery made under her banners by the Cabots, with this
pungent opening sentence, cleverly calculated to sting the English
pride:
“I maruaile [marvel] not a little that since the first discouerie of
America (which is nowe full fourescore and tenne yeeres) after so great
conquests and plantings of the Spaniardes and Portingales [Portuguese]
there that wee of Englande could neuer have the grace to set footing in
such fertill and temperate places as are left as yet vnpossessed of
them.”
And farther along this tingling snapper:
“Surely if there were in vs that desire to aduaunce the honour of our
countrie which ought to bee in euery good man, wee woulde not all this
while haue foreslowne [forborne] the possessing of those landes whiche
of equitie and right appertaine vnto vs, as by the discourses that
followe shall appeare more plainely.”
With these preliminaries the compiler first proceeded alluringly to
exhibit “testimonies” of the Cabot discoveries of the mainland of North
America for England a year before Columbus had sighted the continent.
This evidence comprised the letters-patent of King Henry the seventh
issued to John Cabot and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Santius,
authorizing the exploration of new and unknown regions, under date of
the fifth of March, 1495/6, distinguished in American history as “the
most ancient American state paper of England”; a “Note of Sebastian
Gabotes voyage of Discouerie taken out of an old Chronicle written by
Robert Fabian, sometime alderman of London”; a memorandum of “three
sauage men which hee brought home and presented vnto the King”; and
another reference to the Cabot voyages made by the Venetian historian,
Giovanni Battista Ramusio, in the preface to one of his volumes of
voyages and travels published in 1550–1563. Next followed, in the order
named, a “Declaration” by Robert Thorne, a London merchant long resident
in Seville, Spain, setting forth the discoveries made in the Indies for
Portugal, and demonstrating to Henry the eighth of England that the
northern parts of America remained for him to “take in hande,” which he
failed to do; a “Booke” by Thorne, still in Seville, later prepared, in
1527, at the request of the British ambassador in Spain, being an
“Information” on the same subject; the “Relation” of John Verazzano, the
Florentine corsair, in the service of France, describing his voyage of
discovery, made in 1524, along the eastern coast of America from about
the present South Carolina to Newfoundland; an account of the discovery
of Greenland and various phantom islands, with the coast of North
America, by the brothers Zeno, Venetian navigators, in the late
fourteenth century; and a report of the “true and last” discovery of
Florida made by Captain John Ribault for France, in 1562.
The pamphlet closed with a chapter of practical instructions for
intending colonists and an inviting list of commodities growing “in part
of America not presently inhabited by any Christian from Florida
northward.”
Its publication was a revelation to the English public. Before it
appeared the people in general of that day had little knowledge of the
accomplishments of either their own or foreign voyagers in discovery and
for commercial advantage. Merchants engaged in foreign trade or
ventures—and adventurous mariners, to be sure—kept themselves informed
on what was going on and had gone on. But the information they collected
was exclusively for the purposes of their own traffic. They were not
interested in making it public. The real object, too, of many
expeditions professing to aim at higher purposes, was, as John Winter
Jones points out in his Introduction to the modern reprint of _Divers
Voyages_, a gold-mine, or a treasure-laden galleon on the high seas.
Hakluyt’s little book immediately gave a fresh turn to public interest.
Its practical effect was the speedy forwarding of the expedition of Sir
Humphrey Gilbert in the summer of 1583, the first of the English nation
to carry people directly to erect a colony in the north countries of
America. This was an unsuccessful attempt at an establishment at
Newfoundland, and was followed by the loss of Sir Humphrey with the
foundering of his cockle-shell of a ship on the return voyage.
Two years after the appearance of _Divers Voyages_ a second work came
from the same hand for the same general object.
This was a work of broader scope and of larger significance. It was
prepared not for the press but for private and confidential circulation.
It was, in effect, a state paper, marshalling arguments in behalf of a
specific policy, and was intended expressly for the eye of queen
Elizabeth, and her principal advisers. It exhibited the political,
commercial, and religious advantages to be derived by England from
American colonization at a critical juncture of affairs. The Catholic
Philip the second of Spain was now aiming at the “suppression of
heretics throughout the world,” and Elizabeth of England was his main
object of insidious attack as “the principal of the princes of the
reformed religion.” The particular purpose of the work was to enlist the
throne in the large projects formed by Walter Raleigh in continuation of
the scheme of Sir Humphrey Gilbert (Raleigh’s half-brother) after the
lamentable fate of that chivalrous gentleman.
Only three or four copies of this paper are supposed to have been made.
Its existence was unknown to the historians for more than two and a half
centuries. The credit for bringing it to public light and for its
reproduction in print was due to American bibliophiles and scholars.
The discovery of it came about in this wise. In the eighteen fifties a
copy of a “Hakluyt Manuscript” appeared at an auction sale of a famous
private library in London, and was bought by a shrewd and indefatigable
collector of rare Americana, Henry Stevens of Vermont, at that time
resident in London. On a blank leaf of the manuscript the purchaser
found this pencilled memorandum, evidently made by the owner of the
library, Lord Valentia:
“This unpublished Manuscript of Hakluyt is extremely rare. I procured it
from the family of Sir Peter Thomson. The editors of the last edition
[meaning the collection of Hakluyt’s works published in 1809–1812] would
have given any money for it had it been known to have existed.”
Sir Peter Thomson was an eighteenth century collector of choice books,
manuscripts, and literary curiosities. After his death in 1770, his
collection went to the hammer. Here the trace ends, for how Sir Peter
got the manuscript is not disclosed. Mr. Stevens endeavored to find a
permanent place for the precious thing in the library of some American
historical society or in the British Museum. At length, these endeavors
failing, after two or three years, he disposed of it in England to Sir
Thomas Phillips, another noteworthy collector, whose library at
Thirlestane House, Cheltenham, became a storehouse of historical
treasure. Here it lay till 1868, when it was practically rediscovered by
another American—the learned Reverend Doctor Leonard Woods, fourth
president of Bowdoin College, in Maine. President Woods was at that time
in England searching for certain papers of Sir Fernandino Gorges, the
founder of Maine, and in this quest he visited Thirlestane House. He was
one of those whose attention had been called to the manuscript by Mr.
Stevens when it was in the latter’s possession. But then the Maine
scholar did not fully comprehend its nature. As soon, however, as he had
examined it at Thirlestane House he recognized its historical worth.
Thereupon he caused an exact transcript to be made, and printed it for
the first time in the Maine Historical Society’s Collections for 1877.
The thesis originally bore the caption _Mr. Rawley’s Voyage_; but
subsequently a title more explicitly defining its character was affixed
to the copy from which the print is made; and this title in turn has
been reduced for popular service to _A Discourse on Western Planting_.
This “Discourse” boldly set forth the bearings of Raleigh’s enterprise
upon the power of Spain (with which war was ultimately proclaimed). If
pursued at once it would be “a great bridle of the Indies of the King of
Spain,” and stay him from “flowing over all the face” of the firm land
of America. Raleigh’s plan contemplated a flank movement upon Spain in
the seas of the West Indies and the Spanish Main, while England was
preparing for intervention in the Netherlands. From her American
possessions, in the wealth which her treasure-ships brought thence,
Spain was deriving the sinews of her strength. With this wealth she was
enabled to support her armies in Europe, build and equip fleets, keep
alive dissensions, bribe, in her interests, “great men and whole
states.” Her power in her American possessions Raleigh would break.
English colonies planted on the North American continent would be in
position to attack her at a vulnerable point and arrest her
treasure-ships. A surprising weakness of her defences in Spanish
America, through the withdrawal of her soldiers to maintain her armies
in the Netherlands, had been discovered by Sir John Hawkins and Sir
Francis Drake in recent voyages. In this unprotected condition of the
region was found a powerful inducement to English colonization as now
proposed.
The necessity of “speedy planting in divers fit places” upon these
“lucky western discoveries” was also urged to prevent their being
occupied by other nations which now had “the like intentions.” The queen
of England’s title to America, “at least to so much as is from Florida
to the circle artic,” by virtue of the Cabot discoveries, was reasserted
as “more lawful and right than the Spaniard’s or any other prince’s.”
The various “testimonies” to this claim were again enumerated. Stress
also was again laid upon the “probability of the easy and quick finding
of the Northwest Passage.” The value to England, through her opening of
the West, in the yield to her of “all the commodities of Europe, Africa,
and Asia,” as far as her adventurers might travel, and in the supply of
the wants of England’s decayed trades, was dwelt upon. It was shown
that, with the possession of this region planted by Englishmen, England
would obtain every material for creating great navies—goodly timber for
building ships, trees for masts, pitch, tar, and hemp—all for “no
price.” Thus it was apparent “how easy a matter it may be to this realm
swarming at this day with valiant youths rusting and hurtful for lack of
employment, and having good makers of cable and all sorts of cordage,
and the best and most cunning shipwrights of the world, to be lords of
all those seas, and to spoil Philip’s Indian navy, and to deprive him of
yearly passage of his treasure into Europe.” As for the religious
argument, the zealous Protestant advocate reasoned that by planting in
America from England the “glory of the gospel” would be enlarged,
“sincere religion” be advanced therein, and a safe and sure place be
provided “to receive people from all parts of the world that are forced
to flee for the truth of God’s word.”
The first copy of this illuminating Discourse was delivered to the queen
by Hakluyt in person, in August, shortly before the return of Raleigh’s
“twoo barkes.” Another copy was given to Elizabeth’s chief secretary,
Walsingham; and a third, it is believed, to Sir Philip Sidney.
[Illustration:
FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE-PAGE OF “DIVERS VOYAGES.”
From the copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building).
]
Like _Divers Voyages_ it had a signal effect. The two barks had been
sent out in April, within a month from the issue of a patent to Raleigh,
as a preliminary expedition, under two experienced navigators, to
reconnoitre the southern coast above Florida and report. They were back
in September, bringing glowing accounts of the region visited—the
islands of Pamlico and Albemarle Sounds—together with report of their
having taken formal possession of the country for the queen of England,
and, as tangible evidence, two tawny natives of the wilderness. With
this happy outcome the Hakluyt Discourse clinched the matter, and
Raleigh’s policy was adopted. Elizabeth immediately bestowed upon the
region the name of Virginia, in token of her state of life as a virgin
queen; Raleigh was knighted for his valour and enterprise; Parliament
confirmed his patent of discovery; and in April following, 1585, his
first colony of one hundred and eight persons sailed from Plymouth in a
fleet of seven vessels and landed at Roanoke.
From that time for twenty years, till the forfeiture of Elizabeth’s
grant by the attainder of James, in 1603, all that was done for American
colonization by the English race was under Raleigh’s title, and with
every step Hakluyt was repeatedly contributing informing literature to
the cause to keep aflame the now aroused spirit of adventure.
In 1586, then in Paris, he had published, at his own expense, a
manuscript account of Florida, written after the explorations of the
French navigators Ribault and Laudonnière, in 1562–1564, and the
attempted planting of Huguenot colonies there, ending tragically in a
massacre by Spaniards. This manuscript he had come upon in archives,
where it had lain hidden for above twenty years, “suppressed,” as he
averred, “by the malice of some too much affectioned to the Spanish
cause.” The narrative was brought out in French, edited by a friend and
fellow scholar, Martin Basanière, a professor of mathematics, and
dedicated by the editor to Raleigh with high praise for his efforts to
open the Western country. The following year Hakluyt issued in London an
English translation of this book under the enticing title, _A Notable
Historie containing four Voyages made by certayne French captaynes into
Florida, wherein the Great Riches and Fruitfulness of the country with
the Maners of the people, hitherto concealed, are brought to light_; and
to this edition he prefixed his own “Epistle Dedicatorie” to Raleigh,
encouraging him, undismayed by previous failure, in the good work of
Virginia colonization, which must ultimately prosper as these French
captains’ exposition of the advantages and resources of the region
demonstrated.
The same year, 1587, again in Paris, he published, also dedicated to
Raleigh, and accompanied by a rare map, a revised edition in Latin of
_De Orbe Novo_, the work of the Italian historian, Peter Martyr, giving
the history of the first thirty years of American discovery.
Next, in 1589, appeared the first volume of the magnum opus of our
author, under the general title of _The Principall Navigations, Voiages,
and Discoueries of the English Nation made by Sea or over Land to the
most remote and farthest distant Quarters of the Earth at any time
within the compasse of these 1500 years_—an elaborate work of which the
_Divers Voyages_ was the germ, having the same direct object in view.
Its scheme embraced a collection, in three volumes, of narratives and
records, in the original, of voyages and discoveries made by Englishmen
from earliest times to the compiler’s day, sprinkled with accounts of
the more important explorations for foreign nations having relation to
those for England. The initial volume opened with an extended “Epistle
Dedicatorie” addressed to Sir Francis Walsingham, the queen’s chief
secretary, and a more detailed “Preface to the Favourable Reader.” It
included the main part of the _Divers Voyages_.
Nine years later, in 1598, the first volume of a second edition, revised
and enlarged, to include voyages made “within the compasse of these 1600
yeares,” instead of fifteen hundred, made its appearance. The second
volume of this edition followed the next year, 1599, and the last in
1600. They were of large size, fools-cap folio, and contained altogether
the impressive number of five hundred and seventeen separate narratives
of adventures by Englishmen from the time of King Arthur to and through
Elizabeth’s reign.
Extended “Epistles Dedicatorie” were also prefixed to each of these
volumes. That to the first was addressed to Charles Howard, the
vanquisher of the Spanish Armada, 1588. Both of those to the second and
third were to Sir Robert Cecil, Walsingham’s successor in the chief
secretaryship, and afterward the Earl of Salisbury.
With the completion of the third volume Hakluyt’s work of research by no
means ended. It was continued untiringly till the close of his life, and
sufficient material was left by him in manuscript to constitute a fourth
volume. This material passed to the hands of Samuel Purchas, the author
of _Purchas his Pilgrimages, or Relations of the World_, etc., 1613, who
utilized it, together with matter from the _Principall Navigations_, in
a work of four volumes, published in 1625, under the title of _Hakluytus
Posthumus, or Purchas his Pilgrimes: containing a History of the World
in Sea Voyages and Land Travels by Englishmen and Others_. Afterward the
_Purchas his Pilgrimages_ was added as a fifth volume to the set. The
combined work became most popularly known as _Purchas’s Pilgrims_, and
was treated by some of the early historians as the first source of
American history.
Nor did Hakluyt’s publications of an important nature and with the same
general object—the fostering of naval enterprise generally and of
American colonization in particular—end with the issue of his magnum
opus. In 1601 he brought out, under the title of _The Discoveries of the
World_, an English translation of a treatise by a Portuguese, Antonio
Galvano. After that came an English version of Peter Martyr under this
taking title: _The Historie of the West Indies: Containing the Actes and
Aduentures of the Spaniards, which have conquered and peopled those
Countries, inriched with varietie of pleasant relation of the Manners,
Ceremonies, Lawes, Governments, and Warres of the Indians: Published in
Latin by Mr. Hakluyt and translated into English by M. Lok, Gent._ This
appeared a short time before the permanent colonization was effected,
and was evidently timed to stimulate that movement.
Next, in 1609, he produced a translation from the Portuguese of an
account of De Soto’s discoveries in 1539–1543, with a description of
Florida and its riches, designed to encourage and foster the Virginia
colony. To this Hakluyt gave the English title _Virginia Richly Valued
by the description of the mainland of Florida her next neighbour_. The
dedication was addressed to the “Right Worshipfull Counsellors and
others the cheerefull aduenturors for the aduancement of that Christian
and noble plantation of Virginia,” and the booklet was commended to them
as a “worke ... though small in shew yet great in substance,” yielding
much light to the enterprise in which they were with him concerned,
whether it was desired “to know the present and future commodities of
our countrie, or the qualities and conditions of the Inhabitants, or
what course is best to be taken with them.”
Two years later, in 1611, he issued a second edition, for the combined
purpose of buoying up the spirits of the young colony, now disheartened
by much suffering, and of procuring additional aid for it at home. This
appeared with a new and more alluring title, in which particular stress
was laid upon the wealth of gold, silver, and other precious things
supposed to exist in the region, then believed to be the richest in the
world: _The worthie and famous historie of the travails, discovery and
conquest of that great continent of Terra Florida being lively
paralleled with that of our own now inhabited Virginia. As also the
commodities of said country with divers and excellent and rich mynes of
golde, silver, and other metals etc. which cannot but give us a great
and exceeding hope for our Virginia being so neere to one continent
etc._
This was fittingly Hakluyt’s last published work.
II
RICHARD HAKLUYT THE MAN
Beyond the bare data of his birth and antecedents the story of Richard
Hakluyt’s life is gathered largely from his own writings, found for the
most part in shreds of autobiography running through the several
extended “Epistles Dedicatorie” introducing his published volumes. It is
a winsome and an inspiriting story of a man of action behind the scenes
of great performances rather than in the forefront: of a singularly
modest man not forth-pressing among his contemporaries, yet ranking in
great accomplishments with the best of “Queen Elizabeth’s men.”
Even the exact place and date of his birth are not stated by any of his
biographers. All that appears to be definitely fixed is that he was born
near London about the year 1553. That was the year that Edmund Spenser
was born; one year after the birth of Sir Walter Raleigh, and one year
before the birth of Sir Philip Sidney, both of whom were to become his
confrères in schemes of American colonization. He was five years old
when Elizabeth came to the throne. Eleven years after his birth
Shakspere was born, and he died the same year that Shakspere died. Thus
we have the chronology of his life, 1553–1616, his active career
extending through the blossom and the bloom of the dazzling Elizabethan
period.
Richard Hakluyt was of an ancient Hertfordshire family, dating back in
that historic county to the thirteenth century. The family seat was at
Yatton, or Eyton, not far from the old town of Leominster. They were of
Welsh extraction, and our cosmographer may have indulged a personal
pride in the legend of “the most ancient discovery of the West Indies,”
made by a Welshman in the twelfth century, three hundred years before
Columbus. Hakluyts appear to have been early preferred for public
station in Hertfordshire. The name (then generally spelled Hackluit) is
found in the lists of high sheriffs for the county from the reign of
Edward the second to Henry the eighth. In the second year of Henry the
fourth Leonard Hackluit, knight, was sheriff. Walter Hakelut was
knighted in the thirty-fourth year of Edward the first. Others of the
name are seen among early members of Parliament. Thomas Hakeluyt was
chancellor of the diocese of Hertford in 1349, in the latter part of
Edward the third’s reign. Richard Hakluyt of Yatton, afterward of
London, an elder cousin of our Richard, was a cosmographer before him,
and esteemed in his time “as well by some principal ministers of state
as by several most noted persons among the mercantile part of the
kingdom, as a great encourager of navigation and improvement of trade,
art, and manufactures.”
Our Richard Hakluyt was the second of four brothers, all of whom were
liberally educated. The eldest, Thomas, was trained at the Westminster
School and at Trinity College, Cambridge. He became a celebrated
physician. Richard followed Thomas at the Westminster School when he was
fourteen years old, being elected one of the queen’s scholars to that
“fruitfull nurserie,” as he terms it. He remained at Westminster for six
years and then passed up to Christ College, Oxford. While a schoolboy
the love of geography and maritime discovery was implanted in him by his
cousin Richard, and so agreeably that he determined to make the pursuit
of these branches of science his life-avocation. How this came about let
him relate in his own quaint language, translated, for more comfortable
reading, into modern English.
“I do remember that being a youth and one of her Majesty’s scholars at
Westminster, that fruitful nursery, it was my hap to visit the chamber
of M. Richard Hakluyt, my cousin, a Gentleman of the Middle Temple, well
known unto you, at a time when I found lying open upon his board certain
books of Cosmography with an universal Map. He seeing me somewhat
curious in the view thereof began to instruct my ignorance by shewing me
the division of the earth into three parts after the old account, and
then according to the latter & better distribution, into more: he
pointed with his wand to all the known Seas, Gulfs, Bays, Straights,
Capes, Rivers, Empires, Kingdoms, Dukedoms, and Territories of each
part; with declaration also of their special commodities & particular
wants, which by the benefit of traffic & intercourse of merchants, are
plentifully supplied. From the Map he brought me to the Bible, and
turning to the 107 Psalm, directed me to the 23 & 24 verses, where I
read, that they which go down to the sea in ships, and occupy by the
great waters, they see the works of the Lord and his wonders in the
deep, &c. Which words of the Prophet together with my cousin’s discourse
(things of high and rare delight to my young nature) took in me so deep
an impression, that I constantly resolved, if ever I were preferred to
the University, where better time and more convenient place might be
ministered for their studies, would by God’s assistance prosecute that
knowledge and kind of literature, the doors of which whereof (after a
sort) were so happily opened before me.”
Hakluyt entered Oxford in 1570, and took the degree of bachelor of arts
in 1574 and master of arts in 1577. While diligently and faithfully
pursuing the regular college course, true to his boyhood resolution he
devoted all his spare time to his self imposed studies. He became so
proficient in them that after taking his master’s degree he was chosen
to read “public lectures” on the science of cosmography and navigation.
The lectures were delivered presumably in London and with much
satisfaction to his hearers, among whom we may be sure were found master
mariners and common seamen, as his relation proceeds:
“When not long after I was removed to Christ-Church in Oxford, my
exercise of duty first performed, I fell to my intended course, and by
degrees read over whatsoever printed and written discoveries and voyages
I found extant either in the Greek, Latin, Italian, Spanish, Portugal
[Portuguese], French, or English languages, and in my public lectures
was the first that produced and shewed both the old and imperfectly
composed, and the new lately reformed Maps, Globes, Spheres, and other
instruments of this Art for demonstration in the common schools, to the
singular pleasure and general contentment of my auditory.”
Possibly at these lectures, certainly soon after, he was advocating with
much earnestness the pressing need of popular technical education to
produce informed and skilful mariners, and this he continued
persistently to urge in all his after writings. He would have had
established in London a lectureship, or a school of nautical crafts,
from which English seamen might be graduated complete navigators. To
this end he dwelt much upon the advantages of the navigators of rival
nations, gained largely through their scientific training. At that time
Spain was maintaining in Seville, at the “Contractation House,” or
Exchange, a “Learned Reader” in the art of navigation and a board of
examiners, of which the reader was a member, and no man in Spain could
obtain the charge of a ship for the Indies till he had attended the
reader’s course and had passed the examining board. A century earlier
the “hero nation” of Portugal had established a school of navigation,
instituted by that heroic figure in maritime discovery, Prince Henry,
surnamed “The Navigator.” Despite, however, the force of Hakluyt’s sound
arguments, and the endorsement of his proposition by such seasoned
mariners as Sir Francis Drake and by various men of affairs, the
lectureship never was founded, greatly to his regret.
When Hakluyt began his studies in cosmography systematically the only
English work at his hand touching the subject was the _Historie of
Travayle_ by Richard Eden, dating from 1555. This was the first work of
its kind produced in England, and a new edition was brought out while
Hakluyt was a student at Oxford. Although it was a classic from a
scholarly Englishman, it presented only a limited view of maritime
discovery. Consequently the young student was obliged to pursue his
investigations chiefly in various foreign works, and among manuscripts
deposited in private libraries or collections. He had not progressed far
before he had become impressed with the backwardness of England in
Western occupation since the discovery of the North American continent
under her auspices in 1497 and 1498. Great deeds had been performed by
intrepid English explorers to the North and Northeast, and English
commerce had been advanced in the rich regions of the East; but on the
Western continent no further attempt of moment toward exploration or
settlement had been made by Englishmen from the finish of Henry the
seventh’s reign to Elizabeth’s time. Meanwhile other nations had
established foothold in these “fair and fruitful parts,” to England’s
disadvantage. Thus Hakluyt came clearly to see that maritime traffic
united with American colonization must be the means that England should
adopt, without further delay, if she were to improve the condition of
her people and become a naval power in the world.
Imbued with these convictions he early set out, perhaps while still
delivering the “Public Lectures,” definitely to promote this policy with
voice and pen. Early he is found in close touch with men leading in
state affairs and in bold enterprises. He is much in correspondence with
Sir Francis Walsingham, the queen’s chief secretary. He gets points from
Sir Francis Drake after that great navigator’s return, in 1580, from the
first circumnavigation of the globe by an Englishman, loaded with
treasure, the spoil of Spanish harbours on the Pacific, and crowned with
honours for the discovery of California for the English and its
occupation as “New Albion.” He has intimate intercourse with Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, to whom, in 1578, Elizabeth had given her letters
patent to discover and to colonize “remote, heathen, and barbarous
lands”—the first grant of the kind ever made by an English
sovereign,—and, as we have seen, prepares his first book, _Divers
Voyages_, in aid of Sir Humphrey’s project. Walter Raleigh, Gilbert’s
half-brother and associate, who had known Hakluyt and was conversant
with his studies in cosmography when he was at college, became his
patron. Philip Sidney, to whom he dedicates the _Divers Voyages_, had
been his fellow-student at Oxford.
Hakluyt planned to accompany Gilbert’s fatal expedition of 1583, but
before its departure he was appointed chaplain to Sir Edward Stafford,
the queen’s ambassador to Paris. This preferment evidently came to him
directly through his interest in nautical affairs. Those who obtained it
for him believed that his services to the cause of Western discoveries
and colonization would then be most valuable from that post of
observation and influence. Walsingham expected him to make diligent
enquiry of “such things as may yield any light unto our Western
discoveries,” and he justified this hope by undertaking shrewdly to
collect information of the movements of the Spanish and as well the
French, and to recommend measures for the furtherance of the cause which
he had most at heart. No sooner was he established at Paris than he
became absorbed in this special mission, and it continued almost his
sole occupation while he remained with the embassy, which was for a
period of five years.
Upon the failure of the Gilbert enterprise and the loss of Sir Humphrey
he is ardently enlisted in Raleigh’s project, furnishing in its
interest, at Raleigh’s request, “discourses both in print and written
hand.” These “discourses” are supposed to have been embodied in
Raleigh’s memorial to the queen which brought him his patent of March,
1584, as liberal as Gilbert’s. The important document on _Mr. Rawley’s
Voyage_, or _A Particular Discourse_ on Western planting, may have
embodied some of the features of the memorial. Hakluyt wrote the
“Discourse” in London when ostensibly on a summer vacation from his
duties at Paris. At the same time he was busied in judicious
“trumpeting” of the enterprise among statesmen and merchant adventurers.
He continued hand in hand with Raleigh through the latter’s repeated
attempts to plant his Virginia colonies, encouragingly buoyant and
hopeful in each new venture following dismal and sometimes tragic
failure; and he became foremost in the company of gentlemen and
merchants to whom Raleigh was compelled to assign his patent in 1588.
Afterward, upon the accession of James the first, he was the chief
promoter of a petition to the king for a new grant of patents for
Virginia colonization that brought the royal charter of April, 1606,
under which were formed the corporations subsequently known as the
London and the Plymouth companies, between whom was to be equally
divided the great tract of country lying between the thirty-fourth and
the forty-fifth degrees of latitude and reaching to the backwoods
without bound. He was made one of the patentees of the London, or South
Virginia, Company, which effected the first permanent English
settlement—at Jamestown, in 1606.
His great work of _The Principal Navigations_ was in preparation while
Raleigh’s projects were under way. Its scheme was drawn at the outset
with remarkable breadth and on a lofty scale. While in Stafford’s
service at Paris he tells us, “I both heard in speech and read in books,
other nations miraculously extolled for their discoveries and notable
enterprises by sea, but the English of all others, for their sluggish
security, and continual neglect of the like attempts ... either
ignominiously reported or exceedingly condemned [? condensed].... Thus
both hearing and reading the obliquy of our nation, and finding few or
none of our own men able to reply herein; and further, not seeing any
man to have care to recommend to the world the industrious labours and
painful travels of our countrymen; for stopping the mouths of
reproachers, myself ... determined, notwithstanding all difficulties, to
undertake the burden of that work wherein all others pretended either
ignorance or lack of leisure, or want of sufficient argument, whereas
(to speak truly) the huge toil and the small profit to ensue, were the
chief causes of the refusal.”
In the laborious collection of his material, much “dispersed, scattered,
and hidden in several hucksters’ hands,” as he says, he sought the
assistance of the foremost scholars, bibliographers, and writers, and
cultivated the acquaintance of all classes of men who could give him
information. He tells of talking with Don Antonio, the Portuguese
Pretender, when in Paris, and with several of Antonio’s “best captains
and pilots, one of whom was born in the East Indies.” He became friendly
with travelled French sailors. One of them gave him a piece of supposed
silver ore, and showed him “beasts’ skins draped and painted by
Indians.” Another exhibited “a piece of the tree called Sassafras
brought from Florida, and expounded its high medical virtues,” which
afterward was much sought by voyagers to America. He browsed in the
king’s library at Paris. He established friendly relations with foreign
cosmographers and exchanged letters with them and with other foreign
scholars. In London he found and copied rare manuscripts in Lord
Lumley’s “stately library”; had access to the queen’s privy gallery at
Westminster; and to a rich cabinet of curiosities brought home by
travellers. He sought English sea-captains upon their return to port and
had informing interviews with them about their adventures. Some brought
him tales from Spain about the natives of Florida. Once he travelled two
hundred miles on horseback to interview one Thomas Butts, then the only
survivor of a disastrous English voyage to Newfoundland in 1536.
The initial volume was completed after his final return to England at
the end of his term with the French embassy. Its publication was a
distinct event in English letters. The lofty motives that impelled him
to the production of the enlarged edition in three volumes he details in
his picturesquely phrased “Epistle Dedicatorie” to Lord Charles Howard,
prefixed to volume one.
“Right Honourable and my very good Lord,” he here writes, “after I had
long since published in Print many Navigations and Discoveries of
Strangers in divers languages, as well here at London as in the city of
Paris during my five years abode in France with the worthy knight, Sir
Edward Stafford, your brother-in-law, his Majesty’s most prudent and
careful ambassador ligier with the French king; and had waded on still
further and further in the sweet study of the history of Cosmography, I
began at length to conceive that with diligent observation, something
might be gathered which might commend our nation for their high courage
and singular activity in the search and discovery of the most unknown
quarters of the world.... The ardent love of my country devoured all
difficulties, and, as it were, with a sharp goad provoked me and thrust
me forward into this troublesome and painful action. And after great
charges and infinite cares, after many watchings, toils, and travels,
and wearying out of my weak body, at length I have collected three
several volumes of the English Navigations, Traffics, and Discoveries to
strange, remote, and far distant countries. Which work of mine I have
not included with the compass of things duly done in these later days,
as though little or nothing worthy of memory had been performed in
former ages, but mounting aloft by the space of many hundred years, have
brought to light many very rare and worthy monuments which long have
lain miserably scattered in musty corners and wretchedly hidden in misty
darkness, and were very like for the greatest part to have been buried
in perpetual oblivion.”
In his Preface to the same volume, addressed to the “Friendly Reader,”
he further emphasizes this point with the quaintly fashioned statement
that in bringing these “antiquities smothered and buried in dark
silence” to light, he has incorporated “into one body the torn and
scattered limbs of our ancient and late navigations by sea, our voyages
by land, and traffic of merchandise by both,” and restored “each
particular member being before displaced, to their true joints and
ligaments.” In other words, by the help of geography and chronology,
which he terms “the Sun and the Moon, the right eye and the left of all
history,” he has “referred each particular relation to the due time and
space.” He narrates again in this Preface the toils that have been
involved in bringing his work into this “homely and rough-hewn shape.”
“What restless nights,” he exclaims, “what painful days, what heat, what
cold I have endured; how many long and chargeable journeys I travelled:
how many famous libraries I have searched into; what variety of ancient
and modern writers I have perused; what a number of old records,
patents, privileges, letters, etc., I have redeemed from obscurity and
perishing; into how manifold acquaintance I have entered; what expenses
I have not spared; and yet what fair opportunities of private gain,
preferment, and ease I have neglected!” Yet, “howbeit, the honour and
benefit of this commonweal wherein I live and breathe, hath made all
difficulties seem easy, all pains and industry pleasant, and all
expenses of light value and moment unto me.”
Here speaks the true scholar and the genuine patriot.
In 1585, while he was yet in France, ecclesiastical preferment came to
Hakluyt, the reversion of the next prebendal stall that should become
vacant being that year secured to him by Queen Elizabeth’s mandate; and
the following year, upon the death of its incumbent, he took possession
of the first stall in the cathedral of Bristol, although he did not give
up his chaplaincy at the British embassy and finally return to England
till 1588. In the spring of 1590 he was instituted to the rectory of
Wetteringsett cum Blochford, in the county of Suffolk. In 1602 he became
prebendary of Westminster. In 1612 he obtained the rectory of Gedney in
Lincolnshire. He married about the year 1594, when occupying the
Wetteringsett rectory.
These various clerical duties were apparently not exacting. At all
events they did not interrupt the steady prosecution of his work of
historical research and publication, nor abate a jot of his ardour for
the advancement of American colonization. In his latter years he
gathered around him a group of young men whom he inspired further to
pursue or continue the work to which he had practically devoted his
life. At his suggestion and through his friendly encouragement
translations by various hands of standard works on Africa, China, and
other little known parts, were then brought out. His own final
publications were dated from Westminster.
He died presumably in his apartment at Westminster, on the twenty-third
day of November, 1616, seven months after Shakspere. His burial place
was in St. Peter’s Church, Westminster Abbey, but no inscription marks
his grave.
He left a fair estate, comprising “the manor house of Bridge Place” and
several houses in Westminster. This estate passed to his only son,
Edmund Hakluyt, a Trinity College man, who, we are told, had not the
prudence to keep it, but dispersed it through usurers’ and sheriffs’
hands.
Like Raleigh, Hakluyt never came to America, although more than once
planning to make the voyage. With the permanent colonization of Virginia
at last achieved, he was offered the living of Jamestown; but in place
of himself he supplied it with a curate.
Equally with Raleigh he shares, and is awarded, the title of virtual
founder of the English colonies in North America.
III
“THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS”
In Hakluyt’s monumental work of _The Principal Navigations_ we have the
whole brave story of English adventure through the centuries from the
dim old days of the Saxon kings—when the known world was a little thing,
only a spot on the map of to-day—to the Tudors’ times, with the
discoveries of the New World, advancement into remote quarters of the
Old World, the expansion of commerce, and the planting of colonies in
America. It is truly, as aptly termed by James Anthony Froude, the prose
epic of the modern English nation.
The first issue of 1589, the single volume in three parts, comprehended
the main features of this story; the three-volumed second edition,
1598–1600, amplified it with a wealth of added incident and richness of
color. The three parts of the portly volume of 1589, covering eight
hundred and twenty-five foolscap pages, comprised successively the
narratives of English voyages that had been performed to the South and
Southeastern regions of the Old World; the North and Northeastern
travels; and the Western, or New World, navigations. The contents were
elaborately detailed in the full title-page.
[Illustration:
FAC-SIMILE OF THE TITLE-PAGE OF THE THIRD, OR AMERICAN, VOLUME OF
HAKLUYT’S "VOYAGES," EDITION OF 1598–1600.
From a copy of the original edition in the New York Public Library
(Lenox Building).
]
The prefatory address “to the Favourable Reader” discloses the
thoroughness of the compiler’s work. He has been careful in every
possible case to present exact copies of the original narratives.
Wherever he has copied from an historian, or “authour of authoritie,”
either “stranger or naturall”—foreigner or native—he has “recorded the
same word for word with his particular name and page of booke” where the
“testimonie” is extant. “If the same were not reduced into our common
language,” he has given it in the original followed by a translation.
And “to the ende that those men which were the paynefull and personall
travellers might reape that good opinion and iust [just] commendation
which they haue deserued, and further, that euery man might answere for
himselfe, iustifie [justify] his reports, and stand accountable for his
own doings,” he has “referred euery voyage to his Author which both in
person hath performed, and in writing hath left the same.” He adds that
while he “meddles” in this work with the navigations only of the English
nation he quotes in a few places “some strangers as witnesses of the
things done”; yet these foreigners are only such as “either faythfully
remember, or sufficiently confirme” the Englishmen’s travels.
A map of the world inserted in this volume was taken by Hakluyt from the
atlas of Abraham Ortelius, a celebrated Flemish geographer, published at
Antwerp in 1570. It was substituted temporarily for one in preparation
for the book, but not completed by the engraver in time. Hakluyt alludes
to this, in the address “to the Favourable Reader,” as “a very large and
most exact terrestriall Globe collected and reformed according to the
newest, secretest, and latest discoveries, both Spanish, Portugall, and
English, composed by M[aster] Emmerie Mollineux of Lambeth, a rare
gentleman in his profession, being therein for divers yeares, greatly
supported by the purse and liberalitie of the worshipfull marchant
M[aster] William Sanderson.” What is supposed to be the Mollineux map
has been found in rare copies of this volume and of the second edition.
A map bound in a treasured copy of the 1589 edition in the Boston Public
Library contains this memorandum written on the back: "This map is a
facsimile of the map of the world found in _some_ of the first editions
of this book. By Sabin and others it is attributed to Emmerie Mollineux
of Lambeth, by Capt. Markham and others, to Edward Wright, the
mathematician who perfected and rendered practicable what we know to-day
as Mercator’s projection. Hallam describes this as ‘the best map of the
16th century and one of uncommon rarity.’ Only nine copies are known to
exist."
Professor Walter Raleigh, in his essay on the _English Voyages_ which
accompanies the modern reprint of the _Navigations_ (Glasgow, 1903),
recalls the belief of Shaksperian authorities, among whom he is counted,
that this is the map alluded to in _Twelfth Night_ in the passage (Act
III, Scene II), “He does smile his face into more lines than is in the
new map with the augmentation of the Indies.”
The titles of the three-volumed second edition set forth the contents of
each book with the same minute detail as that of the initial volume of
1589.
IV
THE EARLY VOYAGES
The English voyages begin with the adventures by the Britons northward
in the sixth century for conquest. So Hakluyt places in the forefront of
the _Principal Navigations_ legendary accounts of the travels of British
and Saxon kings. First are reproduced from ancient chronicles records of
“the noble actes of Arthur and Malgo,” in the years 517 and 580,
respectively, Arthur, after having “subdued all parts of Ireland,”
sailing to “Island” (Iceland) and “the most northeast parts of Europe”;
and Malgo into the North seas, recovering to his empire the “six islands
of the Ocean sea, which before had been made tributaries by King Arthur,
namely, Ireland, Island, Gotland, Orkney, Norway, and Denmark.”
Next follow fragmentary narratives of seventh-century voyages. Two
“testimonies” are given of the exploits of the Saxon king, Edwin, with
his conquest of the Isles of Man and Anglesey and the other northwestern
islands of the Britons lying between Britain and Ireland, in the year
624. The second of these “testimonies” related how Edwin also subdued to
the crown of England the Hebrides, “commonly called the Western
Islands.” Then is reproduced the story of the voyage of Bertus, “general
of an army sent into Ireland by Ecfridus [Ecgfrith] king of
Northumberland” in the year 684. This warrior, the chronicler relates,
“miserably wasted that innocent nation being always most friendly unto
the people of England,” sparing neither churches nor monasteries, while
the Islanders “repelled arms with arms and craving God’s aid from heaven
with continual imprecations and curses they pleaded for revenge.”
The first recorded English voyage having discovery with expansion of
trade for its object was that of one Octher to the northward, at the
close of the ninth century, about the year 890. Octher was a prosperous
whale-hunter, of Heligoland in the North Sea. The special purpose of his
venture was to “increase the knowledge” of the northern coasts and
countries “for the more commodity of fishing of horse-whales which have
in their teeth bones of great price and excellence.” He found what he
sought, and brought home some specimens of big whalebones, which he
presented to the English king. The skins of the horse-whales he reported
were “very good to make cables for ships, and so used” by the hardy
dwellers on these coasts. A few years earlier Sighelmus, Bishop of
Sheburne, as messenger of King “Alphred” (Ælfrid), bearing alms and
gifts to the king of Rome, had penetrated into India, and returned to
England with costly spices and divers strange and precious stones, many
of which stones long after remained in the monuments of the church.
Following Octher one Wolstan made a navigation into the sound of
Denmark, of which brief account is given.
With these narrations of voyages for conquest and trade are interwoven
tales of pilgrimages to the Holy Land, “for devotion’s sake,” and
imagined relief from the penalties of sin, forerunners of the Crusades
of succeeding centuries. Earliest of all chronicled is the legend of the
“Travaile of Helena,” in the fourth century, before 337. She was Helena
Flavia Augusta, afterward the Empress Helena, mother of Constantine “the
Great,” emperor and king of Britain. She became a Christian when
Constantine was converted. By reason of her “singular beauty, faith,
religion, goodness, and godly majesty,” she was “famous in all the
world.” She was “skilful in divinity,” and wrote and composed “divers
books and certain Greek verses.” She made the perilous journey to
Jerusalem toward the close of a long life, being “warned by some
visions,” and piously visited “all the places that Christ had
frequented.” She is said to have discovered “the holy sepulchre and the
true cross.” Then follows a note on Constantine’s travels to Greece,
Egypt, and Persia, in about 339. He “overthrew the false gods of the
heathen, and by many laws, often revived, he abrogated the worshipping
of images in all the countries of Greece, Egypt, Persia, Asia, and the
whole Roman empire, commanding Christ only to be worshipped.”
In the tenth century English ships began to be found in far distant
seas. Fragments are recorded concerning the beginnings and growth of the
“classical and warlike” shipping of England in that period. We have the
spectacle of the grand navy of the Saxon Eadgar, “the Peaceful,” who
succeeded to the whole realm in 959, comprising “four thousand sail at
the least.” With this fleet it was his annual pastime to make “summer
progresses” round almost the whole of his then large monarchy, thus
demonstrating “to the world” that “as he wisely knew the ancient bounds
and limits of the British empire” so he “could and would royally,
justly, and triumphantly enjoy the same spite the devil and maugre the
force of any foreign potentate.” By the twelfth century London, as
described in extracts from a foreign writer, had become a “noble Citie,”
frequented with the “traffique of Marchants resorting thither out of all
nations,” and having “outlandish wares ... conveighed” into it from the
“famous river of the Thames.” At the same time, and by the same writer,
the “famous Towne of Bristow” (Bristol) is represented “with an Haven
belonging thereunto which is a commodious and safe receptacle for all
ships directing their course for the same from Ireland, Norway, and
other outlandish and foren [foreign] countreys.”
To this century, in 1170, is credited the “most ancient” discovery of
the West Indies by Madoc, the Welshman, and his subsequent attempt at
colonization on one of the islands. Hakluyt takes the tale “out of the
history of Wales lately published by M[aster] David Powel, Doctor of
Divinity.” Madoc was a son of Owen Guyneth, prince of North Wales. Upon
Guyneth’s death his sons “fell at debate who should inherit after him.”
The eldest, Edward, or Jorweth Drwydion, was counted “unmeet to govern
because of the maim on his face,” and Howell took up the rule. But
Howell was born out of matrimony. So the second legitimate son, David,
rose against him, and “fighting with him slew him.” Thereafter David
enjoyed quietly the whole land of North Wales till Edward’s son came of
age. Meanwhile Madoc had left the land in contention betwixt his
brothers, and had sought adventures by sea. At this point the story of
discovery begins. Having prepared “certain ships with men and munitions”
he sailed westward; and leaving the coast of Ireland far north he at
length came “unto a land unknown, where he saw many strange things.”
This land, the Welsh historian declared, “must needs be some part of
that country of which the Spaniards affirm themselves to be the first
finders since Hanno’s time; whereupon it is manifest that that country
was by Britaines [Britons] discovered long before Columbus led any
Spaniards thither.” The historian admitted that “there be many fables”
regarding Madoc’s discovery, but, notwithstanding, the fact remained;
“sure it is there he was.” Next follows the entertaining legend of
Madoc’s attempted settlement:
“And after he had returned home and declared the pleasant and fruitfull
countreys that he had seene without inhabitants, and, upon the contrary
part, for what barren & wild ground his brethren and nephewes did
murther one another, he prepared a number of ships, and got him such men
and women as were desirous to live in quietnesse: and taking leave of
his friends, tooke his journey thitherward againe. Therefore it is to be
supposed that he and his people inhabited part of those countreys: for
it appeareth by Francis Lopez de Gomara, that in Acuzamil and other
places the people honoured the crosse. Whereby it may be gathered that
Christians had bene there before the comming of the Spanyards. But
because this people were not many they followed the maners of the land
which they came unto, & used the language they found there. This Madoc
arriving in the Westerne country, unto the which he came in the yere
1170, left most of his people there, and returning backe for more of his
owne nation, acquaintance & friends to inhabit that faire & large
countrey, went thither againe with ten saile, as I find noted by Gutyn
Owen.” Hakluyt rounds off this engaging chapter with this swelling verse
“of Meredith sonne of Rhesus,” singing Madoc’s praises:
“Madoc I am the sonne of Owen Guynedd
With stature large, and comely grace adorned:
No lands at home nor store of wealth me please,
My minde was whole to search the Ocean seas.”
With the opening of the twelfth century the fiery Crusades from the
Christian nations for the rescue of Jerusalem from the infidel were well
under way. Preliminary to the pitiful and bloody record, this account of
a peaceful voyage, in the year 1064, in which Englishmen had part, with
an artless touch of autobiography by the narrator, Ingulphus, afterward
abbot of Croiland, is reproduced:
"I, Ingulphus, an humble servant of reverend Guthlac and of his
monastery of Croiland, borne in England, and of English parents, at the
beautifull citie of London, was in my youth, for the attaining of good
letters, placed first at Westminster, and afterward sent to the
Universitie of Oxford. And having excelled divers of mine equals in
learning of Aristotle, I inured my selfe somewhat unto the first &
second Rhethorique of Tullie. And as I grew in age, disdayning my
parents meane estate, and forsaking mine owne native soyle, I affected
the Courts of kings and princes, and was desirous to be clad in silke,
and to weare brave and costly attire. And loe, at the same time William
our sovereigne king now, but then Erle of Normandie, with a great troup
of followers and attendants, came unto London, to conferre with king
Edward, the Confessour, his kinsman. Into whose company intruding my
selfe, and proffering my service for the performance of any speedy or
weightie affayres, in short time, after I had done many things with good
successe, I was knowen and most entirely beloved by the victorious Erie
himselfe, and with him I sayled into Normandie. And there being made his
secretarie, I governed the Erles Court (albeit with the envie of some)
as my selfe pleased, yea, whom I would I abased and preferred whom I
thought good.
"When as therefor, being carried with a youthfull heat and lustie
humour, I began to be wearie even of this place, wherein I was advanced
so high above my parentage, and with an inconstant minde, and an
affection too too ambitious, most vehemently aspired at all occasions to
climbe higher: there went a report throughout all Normandie, that divers
Archbishops of the Empire, and secular princes were desirous for their
soules health, and for devotion sake, to goe on pilgrimage to Jerusalem.
Wherefore out of the family of our lorde the Earle, sundry of us, both
gentlemen and clerkes (principall of whom was my selfe) with the licence
and good will of our sayd lord the earle, sped us on that voiage, and
travailing thirtie horses of us into high Germanie, we joyned our selves
unto the Archbishop of Mentz. And being with the companies of the
Bishops seven thousand persons sufficiently provided for such an
expedition, we passed prosperously through many provinces, and at length
attained unto Constantinople. Where doing reverence unto the Emperour
Alexius, we sawe the Church of Sancta Sophia, and kissed divers sacred
reliques.
"Departing thence through Lycia, we fell into the hands of the Arabian
theeves: and after we had bene robbed of infinite summes of money, and
had lost many of our people, hardly escaping with extreame danger of our
lives, at length wee joyfully entered into the most wished citie of
Jerusalem. Where we were received by the most reverend, aged, and holy
patriarke Sophronius, with great melodie of cymbals and with
torch-light, and were accompanied unto the most divine Church of our
Saviour his sepulchre with a solemne procession aswell of Syrians as of
Latines. Here, how many prayers we uttered, what abundance of teares we
shed, what deepe sighs we breathed foorth, our Lord Jesus Christ onely
knoweth. Wherefore being conducted from the most glorious sepulchre of
Christ to visite other sacred monuments of the citie, we saw with
weeping eyes a great number of holy Churches and oratories, which Achim
the Souldan [sultan] of Egypt had lately destroyed. And so having
bewailed with sadde teares, and most sorowful and bleeding affections,
all the mines of that most holy city both within and without, and having
bestowed money for the reedifying of some, we desired with most ardent
devotion to go forth into the countrey, to wash our selves in the most
sacred river of Jordan, and to kisse all the steppes of Christ. Howbeit
the theevish Arabians lurking upon every way, would not suffer us to
travell farre from the city by reason of their huge and furious
multitudes.
“Wherefor about the spring there arrived at the port of Joppa a fleet of
ships from Genoa. In which fleet (when the Christian merchants had
exchanged all their wares at the coast townes, and had likewise visited
the holy places) wee all of us embarked, committing our selfes to the
seas: and being tossed with many stormes and tempests, at length wee
arrived at Brundusium: and so with a prosperous journey travelling
thorow Apulia towards Rome, we there visited the habitations of the holy
apostles Peter and Paul, and did reverence unto divers monuments of holy
martyrs in all places thorowout the citie. From thence the archbishops
and other princes of the empire travelling towards the right hand for
Alemain, and we declining towards the left hand for France, departed
asunder, taking our leaves with unspeakable thankes and courtesies. And
so at length, of thirty horsemen which went out of Normandie, fat,
lustie, and frolique, we returned thither skarse twenty poore pilgrims
of us, being all footmen, and consumed with leannesse to the bare
bones.”
The story of the voyages of Englishmen in the twelfth-century Crusades,
recorded in chronological order, opens with the chivalrous adventure of
Edgar, grandson of Edmund, surnamed “Ironsides,” accompanied by “valiant
Robert the son of Godwin,” in the year 1102, when, immediately upon
their arrival out, signal aid was rendered by them to Baldwin, the
second Latin king of Jerusalem, whom they found hard pressed by the
Turks at Rama. The “valiant Robert” sprang to the forefront, and going
before the king with his drawn sword, he cut a lane through the enemy’s
camp, “slaying the Turks on his right hand and his left.” So Baldwin
escaped. But the knight fared ill. “Upon this happy success, being more
eager and fierce, as he went forward too hastily, his sword fell out of
his hand. Which as he stooped to take up, being oppressed by the whole
multitude, he was there taken and bound.” His fate was tragic. “From
thence (as some say) being carried into Babylon, or Alcair, in Egypt,
when he would not renounce Christ, he was tied unto a stake in the midst
of the market-place, and being shot through with arrows, died a martyr.”
Edgar having lost his beloved knight, retired from crusading, and
returned to England honoured with “many rewards both by the Greekish and
the German Emperor.”
Five years later, in 1107, a “very great warlike fleet of the Catholic
nation of England to the number of about seven thousand,” together with
“more men of war of the kingdom of Denmark, of Flanders, and of
Antwerp,” set sail in ships then called “busses”—small vessels carrying
two masts, and with two cabins, one at each end—for the Holy Land. This
body of warring zealots reached Joppa after a prosperous voyage, and
thence, under a strong guard provided them by King Baldwin, passed to
Jerusalem safely from all assaults and ambushes of the Gentiles. When
they had solemnly offered up their vows in the Temple of the Holy
Sepulchre, they returned with great joy to Joppa, and were ready to
fight for Baldwin in any venture he might propose against the enemy.
Plans were formed to besiege a stronghold. But the move ended with an
effective demonstration of the fleet in brave array, displaying
“pendants and streams of purple and diverse other glorious colours, and
flags of scarlet colour and silk.”
Near the end of this century, in 1190, came the “worthy voyage of
Richard the first, king of England, into Asia for the recovery of
Jerusalem out of the hands of the Saracens,” with which began the
Third Crusade of the nine of history. This was that Richard, of
restless zeal, surnamed “Ceur de Lion,” Henry the second’s son. After
Henry’s death Richard, “remembering the rebellions that he had
undutifully raised” against his father, “sought for absolution of his
trespass.” And “in part of satisfaction for the same,” he agreed to
make this crusade with Philip, the French king. Accordingly so soon as
he was crowned he began his preparations. The first business was to
raise a comfortable sum of money for the expedition. It was promptly
accomplished by exacting “a tenth of the whole Realm, the Christians
to make threescore and ten thousand pounds, and the Jews which then
dwelt in the Realm threescore thousand.” At length his fleet was
afloat, and he was off to join Philip of France. This Crusade occupied
the first four years of Richard’s reign, and during it he made the
conquest of Cyprus, won a great victory at Jaffa, marched on
Jerusalem, concluded a truce with the sultan, Saladin, and slaughtered
three thousand hostages when Saladin failed to come to time with an
agreed-upon payment of two hundred thousand pieces of gold. The
butchery of the hostages was performed on the summit of a hill that
the tragedy might be in full view of Saladin’s camp. On his homeward
journey he was shipwrecked, and he was long imprisoned in Germany.
Hakluyt’s version of this Crusade is a detailed account “drawn out of
the Book of _Actes and Monuments_ of the Church of England written by
M. John Foxe,” more popularly known as Foxe’s _Book of Martyrs_.
Richard’s code of laws and ordinances for the government of his
crusading fleet, well illustrates at once the rigour of the discipline
and the character of the British sailor of that day. It also discloses
the antiquity of the method of punishment by tar-and-feathering:
"1. That who so killed any person on shipboord should be tied with him
that was slaine and throwen into the sea.
"2. And if he killed him on the land, he should in like maner be tied
with the partie slaine, and be buried with him in the earth.
"3. He that shalbe convicted by lawfull witnes to draw out his knife or
weapon to the intent to strike any man, or that hath striken any to the
drawing of blood shall loose his hand.
"4. Also he that striketh any person with his hand without effusion of
blood, shall be plunged three times in the sea.
"5. Item, who so speaketh any opprobrious or contumelious wordes in
reviling or cursing one another, for so oftentimes as he hath reviled
shall pay so many ounces of silver.
“6. Item, a thiefe or felon that hath stollen being lawfully convicted,
shal have his head shorne and boyling pitch powred upon his head, and
feathers or downe strawed upon the same, whereby he may be knowen, and
so at the first landing place they shall come to, there to be cast up.”
In the Crusades of the thirteenth century we have notes on the
expeditions of the “Knights of Jerusalem” against the Saracens: in brief
recitals of the voyages of Ranulph, earl of Chester, sent out by Henry
the third in 1218, with “Saer de Quincy, earl of Winchester, William de
Albanie, earl of Arundel, besides divers barons,” and “a goodly company
of soldiers and men at arms”; and of Richard, earl of Cornwall, Henry
the third’s brother (and afterward king of the Romans), accompanied by
William Longespee, earl of “Sarisburie” (Salisbury) and other nobles
“for their valiancy greatly renowned,” and “a great number of Christian
soldiers,” in 1240, beginning the Seventh Crusade. In 1248 Longespee—or
Longsword, as his fellow-knights called him for his prowess—made a
second voyage and lost his life in a battle with the Saracens. Finally,
in 1270, Henry the third’s son, Prince Edward, and other young nobles,
having “taken upon them the cross,” at the hand of the Pope’s legate
then in England, “to the relief of the Holy Land and the subversion of
the enemies of Christ,” sailed out with a gallant war fleet. They landed
at Acre, and thence the prince, with an army of six or seven thousand
soldiers, marched upon Nazareth. This he took, and “those that he found
there he slew.” Other victories followed with much slaughter of
Saracens. At length the triumphant prince fell ill at Acre, and during
his sickness a plot was concocted by the emir of Joppa to remove him by
assassination. This failed, the prince thwarting the scheme by himself
killing the emir’s messenger just as the treacherous dagger was to be
thrust into his bosom. Shortly after he concluded a peace for ten years
and returned to England, to be crowned king upon his father’s death.
Edward’s was the last exploit of Englishmen in the Crusades, and it
closed the last one. Attempts were made at subsequent periods to revive
the flame, but these resulted only in flares of short duration. A
shining one for a moment was kindled by King Henry the fourth in 1413.
It flashed out with his sudden death at Westminster while the ships and
galleys for the proposed voyage were building.
[Illustration: “THE GREAT HARRY,” AN ENGLISH SHIP OF THE FIFTEENTH
CENTURY.]
At this time the competition for trade advantages in the east and
northeast were becoming of larger import to England. A half-century
earlier, in 1360, in Edward the third’s reign, a Franciscan friar,
mathematician, and astronomer, Nicholas de Linna, of Oxford, had made a
voyage into the north parts, “all the regions situated under the
North-pole,” had taken valuable observations, and had reported his
discoveries to Edward with a description of the northern islands. In
1390 Henry, earl of Derby, afterward King Henry the fourth, made a
voyage into Prussia; and the next year the duke of Gloucester, Edward
the third’s youngest son, also penetrated Prussia. As early as 1344 the
island of Madeira had been discovered by an Englishman, and sometime
occupied. The latter, however, was not a commercial discovery, but a
romantic one, and England at the time, and for long after, was not aware
of it. Hakluyt takes the story from a Portuguese history. It was
regarded by most later historians as apocryphal, but its genuineness has
been finally demonstrated through the historical researches of the
English geographer, R. H. Major. It runs in this wise. The discoverer
was one Robert Macham, when fleeing from England to France with his
stolen bride, Anna d’Arfet. His ship was tempest-tossed out of its
course and cast toward this island. He anchored in a haven (which years
afterward was named Macham in memory of him) and landed on the island
with his lady and the ship’s company. Soon with a fair wind the ship and
part of the company “made sail away.” After a while the young woman died
“from thought,” perhaps homesickness; and Macham built a tomb for her
upon which he inscribed their names, and “the occasion of their arrival
there.” Then he ordered a boat made of a single great tree, and when it
was done, he put to sea with his few companions that were left. At
length they came upon the coast of Afrike (Africa) without sail or oar.
“And the Moors which saw it took it to be a marvellous thing and
presented him unto the king of that country for a wonder, and that king
also sent him and his companions for a miracle unto the king of Spain.”
With the opening of the fifteenth century, Portugal was pressing forward
for a share with the maritime states of Italy, Genoa, and Venice in the
rich eastern traffic. In 1410 Prince Henry, “the Navigator,” had begun
his systematic explorations. A younger son of the Portuguese king John
the first, and a grandson of Edward the third of England, born at the
close of the fourteenth century (in 1394), after gaining renown as a
soldier, he turned to loftier aims and became one of the first
astronomers, mathematicians, cartographers, and directors of maritime
discoveries in his time. He was the first to conceive the idea of
cutting a way out through the unexplored ocean. His superb genius gave
the inspiration to marvellous results in the discovery of more than half
the globe within the cycle of a century. At the age of twenty-four the
hope was born in him of reaching India by the south point of Africa, and
thereafter to this end his speculations and studies were ardently
directed. The earliest expeditions sent out by him failed of results,
and his theories were ridiculed by his fellow-nobles. At length,
however, in 1419 and 1420, the Madeira Islands, Porto Santo and Madeira,
were rediscovered by his navigators. A little more than a decade later,
in 1433, they had rounded Cape Bojador. In 1435 the prince’s cup-bearer
had passed beyond that cape. In 1443 another of his navigators had
sailed beyond Cape Blanco. The next year Pope Martin the fifth, by a
Papal Bull, declared Portugal in possession of all the lands her
mariners had visited as far as the Indies. In 1445 the mouth of the
Senegal and afterward Cape Verde were reached. Prince Henry died in
1460, but the work he had begun continued, after a temporary check, to
be carried forward. In 1469 Portuguese trade was opened with the Gold
Coast. In 1484 the mouth of the Congo was discovered. In 1486
Bartholomew Dias doubled the Cape of Good Hope.
Meanwhile these wondrous advances of Portugal were stimulating other
maritime nations to the quest for new passages to India.
V
QUEST FOR THE NORTHWEST PASSAGE
Portugal now had practically a monopoly of the traffic with the Orient,
and the finding of new paths to India by her maritime rivals was
essential in the struggle for commercial supremacy. A passage by way of
“Cathay” had the most powerful attractions.
“Great Cathay,” the marvellous empire of the remote East, whence
travellers had brought wonderful tales in the latter Middle Ages, had
become the ultimate goal of adventurous voyages. The hazy region was the
“extremity of the habitable world” of the ancients. Early Christian
fancy had identified within it the Earthly Paradise, the seat of the old
“Garden of Eden,” beyond the Ocean stream, “raised so high on a triple
terrace of mountain that the deluge did not touch it.” Under the name of
Cathay the strange empire had been opened to the speculation of mediæval
Europe in the thirteenth century, with the vast conquest of the Mongol
Genghis Khan, reckoned in history one of the greatest conquerors the
world has ever seen.
Two Franciscan friars—John de Plano Carpini and William of Rubruk
(Rubruquis) in French Flanders, who reached the court in Mongolia, the
former in 1245 or 1246, the latter in 1247 or 1253—appear to have been
the first Europeans to approach its borders. They saw the Cathayans in
the bazaars of their Great Khan’s camps, and brought back to Europe the
first accounts of the people and of the wonderful things seen, presented
in their journals of their adventures. Both of these “rare jewels,” as
he appreciatively terms them, Hakluyt found at London in manuscripts
while delving in Lord Lumley’s library, and he printed them in full in
the second edition of the _Principal Navigations_. After the friars two
Venetians penetrated the empire, the first European travellers to visit
Cathay itself. These were the brothers Nicolo and Maffei Polo, members
of a noble trading family of Venice. They were there for a short time in
or about the year 1269. Soon afterward they made a second visit, when
Marco, the son of Nicolo, then a youth of seventeen, quick-witted,
open-eyed, and observant, accompanied them. This visit extended through
more than twenty years, the three Venetians basking in the sunshine of
the Great Khan’s favour. The elders helped the Khan with suggestions for
the profitable application of the knowledge of the West which they
opened to him, while Marco’s cleverness was variously employed in his
service; sometimes as a commissioner attached to the Imperial council,
at others on distant missions, and at one period a governor of a great
city. Marco’s recollections, given to the world long after the final
return of the Polos to Venice, first made the name of Cathay familiar to
Europe. These recollections were taken down from his lips by one
Rusticiano of Pisa, a clever literary hack, who was shut up in prison
with him for a year (the two having been among the captives taken by the
Genoese in a sea-fight with the Venetians in 1298), and formed the basis
of the book of marvellous adventures, subsequently published in various
languages and varying texts, which came to be famous as the _Voyages and
Travels of Marco Polo_. From this Hakluyt also gives copious extracts.
Commercial intercourse of adventuresome European traders began with the
region in the early fourteenth century, and continued fairly to flourish
for about fifty years. Then, with changes in dynasties and tribal wars,
the ways of approach were closed and it fell again into darkness. It was
long supposed to be a separate country, distinct from the Indies, lying
to the north of what we now know as China, and stretching to the Arctic
sea. It was not until 1603 (after the publication of the final volume of
the _Principal Navigations_) that it was found to be identical with the
then vaguely known empire of China, of which similar marvels had for
some time been recited. Its identity was the discovery by a lay Jesuit,
Benedict Goës, sent out through Central Asia by his superiors in India
for the specific object of determining whether Cathay and China were or
were not separate empires. Goës died upon the completion of his mission,
at Suhchow, the frontier city of China.
Cathay was the aim of Columbus. He was possessed by the conviction that
the fabled riches of this wondrous region lay directly across the
trackless Atlantic “over against” the coast of Spain. Believing the
world to be a sphere, he conceived his design of reaching Asia by
sailing west. This was the project that he carried for weary years from
court to court, seeking the patronage of a favouring prince.
But for a mischance England, instead of Spain, would have had the glory
and the advantage of his first discovery of 1492. Hakluyt recalls the
circumstances in these two “testimonies”:
(1)
"The offer of the discovery of the West Indies by Christopher
Columbus to king Henry the seventh in the yeere 1488 the 13 of
February: with the kings acceptation of the offer, & the cause
whereupon he was deprived of the same: recorded in the
thirteenth chapter of the history of Don Fernand Columbus of the
life and deeds of his father Christopher Columbus.
"Christopher Columbus fearing least if the king of Castile in like maner
(as the king of Portugall had done) should not condescend unto his
enterprise, he should be enforced to offer the same againe to some other
prince, & so much time should be spent therein, sent into England a
certaine brother of his which he had with him, whose name was
Bartholomew Columbus, who albeit he had not the Latine tongue, yet
neverthelesse was a man of experience and skilfull in Sea causes, and
could very wel make sea cards & globes and other instruments belonging
to that profession, as he was instructed by his brother. Wherefore after
that Bartholomew Columbus was departed for England his lucke was to fall
into the hands of pirats, which spoiled him with the rest of them which
were in the ship which he went in. Upon which occasion, and by reason of
his poverty and sicknesse which cruelly assaulted him in a countrey so
farre distant from his friends, he deferred his ambassage for a long
while, untill such time as he had gotten somewhat handsome about him
with making of Sea cards. At length he began to deale with king Henry
the seventh the father of Henry the eight which reigneth at this
present: unto whom he presented a mappe of the world, wherein these
verses were written, which I found among his papers: and I will here set
them downe rather for their antiquity than for their goodnesse:
"‘Thou which desirest easily the coasts of lands to know,
This comely mappe right learnedly the same to thee will shew:
Which Strabo, Plinie, Ptolomew and Isodore maintaine:
Yet for all that they do not all in one accord remaine.
Here also to set downe the late discovered burning Zone
By Portingals unto the world which whilon was unknowen,
Whereof the knowledge now at length thorow all the world is blowen.’
"And a little under he added:
"‘For the Authour or the Drawer.
"‘He, whose deare native soile bright stately Genua,
Even he whose name is Bartholomew Colon de Terra Rubra
The year of Grace a thousand and four hundred and four-score
And eight, and on the thirteenth day of February more,
In London published this worke. To Christ all laud therefore.’
“And because some peradventure may observe that he calleth himselfe
Columbus de Terra Rubra, I say, that in like maner I have seene some
subscriptions of my father Christopher Columbus, before he had the
degree of Admirall, wherein he signed his name thus, Columbus de Terra
Rubra. But to returne to the king of England, I say, that after he had
seen the map, and that which my father Christopher Columbus offered unto
him, he accepted the offer with joyfull countenance, and sent to call
him into England. But because God had reserved the sayd offer for
Castile, Columbus was gone in the meane space, and also returned with
the performance of his enterprise, as hereafter in order shall be
rehearsed. Now will I leave off from making any farther mention of that
which Bartholomew Colon had negotiated in England, and I will return
unto the Admirall, &c.”
(2)
"Another testimony taken out of the 60 chapter of the aforesayd
history of Ferdinando Columbus, concerning the offer that
Bartholemew Columbus made to King Henry the seventh on the
behalfe of his brother Christopher.
“Christopher Columbus the Admirall being returned from the discovery of
Cuba and Jamayca, found in Hispaniola his brother Bartholomew Columbus,
who before had beene sent to intreat of an agreement with the king of
England for the discovery of the Indies, as we have sayd before. This
Bartholomew therefore returning unto Castile, with the capitulations
granted by the king of England to his brother, understood at Paris by
Charles the king of France, that the Admirall his brother had already
performed that discovery: whereupon the French king gave unto the sayd
Bartholemew an hundred French crownes to beare his charges into Spaine.
And albeit he made great haste upon this good newes to meet with the
Admirall in Spaine, yet at his comming to Sevil his brother was already
returned to the Indies with seventeene saile of shipps. Wherefore to
fulfill that which he had left him in charge in the beginning of the
yeere 1494 he repaired to the Catholike princes, taking with him Diego
Colon my brother, and me also, which were to be preferred as Pages to
the most excellent Prince Don John, who now is with God, according to
the commandment of the Catholike Queene Lady Isabell, which was then in
Validolid. As soone therefore as we came to the Court, the princes
called for Don Bartholomew, and sent him to Hispaniola with three ships,
&c.”
The news of Columbus’ achievement filled all Europe with wonder and
admiration. To “sail by the West into the East where spices grow by a
way that was never known before” was affirmed “a thing more divine than
human.” Offering the promise of a direct route to Cathay, the feat was
of tremendous import. There was especially “great-talk of it” in the
English court with keen regret that England, through untoward
happenings, had failed of the honour and profit of the momentous
discovery, and Henry and his counsellors were eager to emulate Spain.
Although the full significance of the discovery was not then
realized—that the new-found islands were the barriers of a new
continent—no underestimate of the value of the region was made by either
nation. Ferdinand and Isabella gave it the name of the Indies,
considering it, with the discoverer, to be a part of India, and no time
was lost in clinching their rights. Nor were “their Catholic highnesses”
idle. In May, 1493, Pope Alexander the sixth granted his bull fixing a
“line of demarcation” between the Spanish and Portuguese possessions,
which was nothing less than a division of the world between Spain and
Portugal. This line was run from pole to pole and one hundred degrees
west of the Azores, and all newly discovered and to be discovered lands
on the east of the line were assigned to the absolute possession of the
crown of Portugal, those on the west to the crown of Castile. In 1494
Columbus made his second voyage and discovered, among other islands,
Porto Rico and Jamaica.
Meanwhile in the English maritime city of Bristol the Venetian merchant,
John Cabot (or Zuan Caboto in the Venetian dialect), then resident
there, had perfected his scheme of shortening the way to India by the
Northwest Passage, and in 1496, before Columbus’s return from his second
voyage, it had been proposed to King Henry, had met his hearty
approbation, had been endorsed by his letters patent issued to Cabot and
Cabot’s three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Santius, and preparations for
the venture had begun.
VI
THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS
Henry’s patent, bearing date March 5, 1495/6, and distinguished as “the
most ancient American state paper of England,” gave to the grantees
sweeping powers and a pretty complete commercial monopoly. They were
authorized to sail in all seas to the East, the West, and the North; to
seek out in any part of the undiscovered world islands, countries, and
provinces of the heathen hitherto unknown to Christians; affix the
ensigns of England to all places newly found and take possession of them
for the English crown. They were to have the exclusive right of
frequenting the places of their discovery, and enjoy all the fruits and
gains of their navigations except a fifth part, which was to go to the
king. The sole restriction imposed was that on their return voyages they
should always land at the port of Bristol. With these generous
concessions, however, the canny king stipulated that the enterprise
should be wholly at the Cabots’ “own proper costs and charges.”
Hakluyt reproduces the text of this precious document in the first
volume of the _Principal Navigations_. It runs as follows:
"Henry by the grace of God, King of England and France, and lord of
Ireland, to all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting.
"Be it knowen that we have given and granted, and by these presents do
give and grant for us and our heires, to our welbeloved John Cabot
citizen of Venice, to Lewis, Sebastian, and Santius, sonnes of the sayd
John, and to the heires of them, and every of them, and their deputies,
full and free authority, leave and power to saile to all parts,
countreys, and seas of the East, of the West, and of the North, under
our banners and ensignes, with five ships of what burthen or quantity
soever they be, and as many mariners or men as they will have with them
in the sayd ships, upon their owne proper costs and charges, to seeke
out, discover, and finde whatsoever isles, countreys, regions or
provinces of the heathen and infidels whatsoever they be, and in what
part of the world soever they be, which before this time have bene
unknowen to all Christians: we have granted to them, and also to every
of them, the heires of them, and every of them, and their deputies, and
have given this license to set up our banners and ensignes in every
village, towne, castle, isle, or mainland of them newly found. And that
the aforesayd John and his sonnes, or their heires and assignes may
subdue, occupy, and possesse all such townes, cities, castles and isles
of them found, which they can subdue, occupy, and possesse, as our
vassals, and lieutenants, getting unto us the rule, title, and
jurisdiction of the same villages, townes, castles, & firme land so
found.
"Yet so that the aforesayd John, and his sonnes and heires, and their
deputies, be holden and bounden of all the fruits, profits, gaines, and
commodities growing of such navigation, for every their voyages as often
as they shall arrive at our port of Bristoll (at the which port they
shall be bound and holden onely to arrive) all maner of necessary costs
and charges by them made, being deducted, to pay unto us in wares or
money the fift part of the capitall gaine so gotten. We giving and
granting unto them and to their heires and deputies, that they shall be
free from all paying of customes of all and singular such merchandize as
they shall bring with them from those places so newly found. And
moreover, we have given and granted to them, their heires and deputies,
that all the firme lands, isles, villages, townes, castles and places
whatsoever they be that they shall chance to finde, may not of any other
of our subjects be frequented or visited without the license of the
foresayd John and his sonnes, and their deputies, under paine of
forfeiture aswell of their shippes as of all and singuler goods of all
them that shall presume to saile to those places so found. Willing, and
most straightly commanding all and singuler our subjects aswell on land
as on sea, to give good assistance to the aforesayd John and his sonnes
and deputies, and that as well in arming and furnishing their ships or
vessels, as in provision of food, and in buying of victuals for their
money, and all other things by them to be provided necessary for the
sayd navigation, they do give them all their helpe and favour.
“In witnesse whereof we have caused to be made these our Letters
patents. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the fift day of March, in the
eleventh yeare of our reigne.”
Under this patent, the following year—1497—John Cabot sailed out of
Bristol with one small vessel, and supplemented the discovery of
Columbus in finding the mainland of America.
John Cabot, like Columbus, was a Genoese, but neither the exact place
nor the date of his birth is known. He was in Venice as early as 1461,
as appears from a record in the Venetian archives of his naturalization
as a citizen of Venice under date of March 28, 1476, after the
prescribed residence of fifteen years. There he was apparently a
merchant. It is said that he also made voyages at times as a shipmaster.
He became proficient in the study of cosmography and in the science of
navigation. With Columbus he accepted the theory of the rotundity of the
earth, and is said to have been early desirous of himself putting it to
a practical test. At one time he visited Arabia, where at Mecca he saw
the caravans coming in laden with spices from distant countries. Asking
where the spices grew, he was told by the carriers that they did not
know; that other caravans came to their homes with this rich merchandise
from more distant parts, and that these others told them that it was
brought from still more remote regions. So he came to reason in this
wise: that “if the Orientals affirmed to the Southerners that those
things come from a distance from them, and so from hand to hand,
presupposing the rotundity of the earth, it must be that the last ones
get them at the North toward the West.” On this argument he later based
his Northwest Passage scheme. He moved to England probably not long
before the development of this scheme (some early writers, however,
place the date about the year 1477), and took up his residence in
Bristol, to “follow the trade of merchandise.” His wife, a Venetian, and
his three sons, all supposed to have been born in Venice, accompanied
him. Sebastian, the second son, who became the most illustrious of the
family, was then a youth, but sufficiently old to have already some
“knowledge of the humanities and the sphere,” as he long afterward
stated. The brothers, it is supposed, were all of age when the king’s
patent was issued, and Sebastian about twenty-three.
John Cabot’s expedition sailed early in May and was absent three months.
It was essentially a voyage of discovery. His vessel was a Bristol ship,
and called the “Matthew.” The ship’s company comprised eighteen persons,
“almost all Englishmen and from Bristol.” The foreigners were a
Burgundian and a Genoese. Sebastian, it is believed, accompanied his
father, but neither of the other sons. The chief men of the enterprise
were “great sailors.”
The brave little ship plowed the mysterious sea for seven hundred
leagues, as estimated, when on the twenty-fourth of June, in the
morning, land was sighted. This was supposed by the early historians,
and so set down in their histories, to have been the island of
Newfoundland. But through nineteenth century findings of data it has
been made clear that it was the north part, or the eastern point of the
present island of Cape Breton, off the coast of Nova Scotia. This is
demonstrated by the inscription “prima tierra vista” at the head of the
delineation of that island, on a map attributed to Sebastian Cabot
composed in 1544, nearly half a century after the voyage, and
subsequently missing till the discovery of a copy three centuries later,
in 1843, in Germany, at the house of a Bavarian curate, whence it passed
to the National Library at Paris. On this map Cape Breton island forms a
part of the mainland of Nova Scotia, the Gut of Canso not then having
been discovered. On the same day that the landfall was made a “large
island adjacent” to it was discovered, and named St. John because of its
finding on the day of the festival of St. John the Baptist. It is marked
the “I del Juan” on this map, and is the present Prince Edward Island.
A landing was made at the landfall and Cabot planted a large cross with
“one flag of England, and one of St. Mark by reason of his being a
Venetian,” and took possession for the English king. No human beings
were seen, but “certain snares set to catch game, and a needle for
making nets,” showing that the place was inhabited, were found and taken
to be displayed to the king upon the return home. In one contemporary
account, a letter of another Venetian merchant in England, Lorenzo
Pasqualigo, written from London to his brothers in Venice, Cabot is said
to have coasted, after striking land, for three hundred leagues, and to
have seen “two islands at starboard.” Accepting this statement as
authentic, with other data subsequently found, his course from his
“Prima Vista” has been traced by later historical authorities in this
wise: northwesterly, to obtain a good view of his Isle of St. John;
northerly, through the present Northumberland Strait, sighting the coast
of New Brunswick near Miramichi Bay; along the Gulf of St. Lawrence;
northeasterly, passing to the north of Newfoundland through the Strait
of Belle Isle, between Newfoundland and Labrador; and thence homeward.
It is well indicated on the accompanying sketch-map originally published
in connection with a paper contributed to the Maine Historical Society
by Frederick Kidder, a competent authority, in 1874.
Cabot believed that the lands he had discovered lay in “the territory of
the Grand Cham,” as Columbus thought his were of eastern Asia.
The expedition arrived back at Bristol early in August and the story it
brought created a sensation. With his report to the king Cabot exhibited
a map of the region visited and a solid globe, and presented the
game-snares and net-needle which he had found. He told the king that he
believed it practicable by starting from the parts which he had
discovered, and constantly hugging the shore toward the equinoctial, to
reach an island called by him Cipango, where he thought all the spices
of the world and also the precious stones originated; and this region
found and colonized, there might be established in London a greater
storehouse of spices than the chief one then existing, in Alexandria.
All this much moved the king, and he promised to promote a second
expedition for this purpose in the following spring.
[Illustration: Kidder’s sketch-map of John Cabot’s voyage in 1497.]
Meanwhile John Cabot became the hero of the hour, and great honours were
paid him. The king gave him money and granted him an annual pension of
twenty pounds (equal to two hundred modern pounds in purchasing value),
which was to be charged upon the revenues of the port of Bristol; he
dressed in silk; and he was styled the “Great Admiral.” He also appears
to have been knighted. He distributed largess with a free hand, if the
tales of the letter-writers of the day are to be accepted. One wrote
that he gave an island to the Burgundian of his crew and another to the
Genoese, “a barber of his from Castiglione, of Genoa.” And this writer
adds, “both of them regard themselves counts.” Reports of his exploits
and of the king’s further intentions were duly made known to rival
courts by their envoys in England, and excited their jealousy.
The second expedition was provided for by the king’s license dated the
third of February, 1497/8. This was a patent granted to John Cabot
alone, the sons not being named. Hakluyt gives only the following record
from the rolls:
“The king upon the third day of February, in the 13 yeere of his reigne,
gave license to John Cabot to take sixe English ships in any haven or
havens of the realme of England, being of the burden of 200 tunnes, or
under, with all necessary furniture, and to take also into the said
ships all such masters, mariners, and subjects of the king as willingly
will go with him, &c.”
The patent itself did not find print till the nineteenth century. It was
published for the first time in 1831, in the _Memoirs of Sebastian
Cabot_, by Richard Biddle, an American lawyer of Pittsburgh,
Pennsylvania, sometime resident in London, by whom, after painstaking
search, it was found in the rolls. Quaint of style as well as of
spelling, it runs as below:
“To all men to whom theis Presenteis shall come send Gretyng: know ye,
that We of our Grace especiall, and for divers causes us movying We have
geven and graunten, and by theis Presentis geve and graunte to our
welbeloved John Kabotto, Venecian, sufficiente auctorite and power, that
he, by him his Deputie or Deputies sufficient, may take at his pleasure
VI Englisshe Shippes in any Porte or Portes or other place within this
our Realme of England or obeisance, so that and if said Shippes be of
the bourdeyn of C C tonnes or under with their apparail requisite and
necessarie for the safe conduct of the said Shippes, and them convey and
lede to the Londe [land] Isles of late founde by the seid John in oure
name and by our commaundemente. Paying for theym and every of theym as
if we should in or for our owen cause paye and noon [none] otherwise. An
that the said John by him his Deputie or Deputies sufficiente, maye take
and receyve into the said Shippes, and every of theym all such maisters,
maryners, Pages, and other subjects of their owen free wille woll goo
[would go] and passe with him in the same Shippes to the said Lande or
Iles, without anye impedymente, lett or perturbance of any of our
officers or ministres or subjects whatsoever they be by theym to the
sayd John, his Deputie, or Deputies, and all other our seid subjects, or
any of theym passinge with the sayd John in the said Shippes to the said
Londe or Iles to be doon, or suffer to be doon or attempted. Geving in
commaundemente to all and every our officers, ministres and subjects
seying or herying theis our Lettres Patents, without any ferther
commaudement by Us to theym or any of theym to be geven to perfourme and
secour the said John, his Deputie and all our said Subjects so passyng
with hym according to the tenor of theis our Lettres Patentis. Any
Statute, Acte, or Ordennance to the contrarye made or to be made in any
wise notwithstanding.”
Five ships were got together for this expedition. Three of them are
supposed to have been furnished by Bristol merchants and two by the
king; one chronicler, however, says that the Cabots contributed two.
London merchants joined with Bristol men in the adventure. It was
understood to be an enterprise for colonization combined with further
discovery. The number of men enlisted for the voyage was placed at three
hundred. Among them, as on the first voyage, were mariners experienced
in venturesome undertakings. The fleet sailed off at the beginning of
May, 1498. One of the ships, aboard of which was the priest, “Friar
Buel,” put back to Ireland in distress. The other four continued the
voyage.
With the departure from Bristol nothing more is heard of John Cabot. He
drops out of sight instantly and mysteriously. Various conjectures as to
his fate are entertained by the historians. Some contend that he died
when about to set sail. But confronting this theory is a letter of the
prothonotary, Don Pedro de Ayala, residing in London, to Ferdinand and
Isabella, under date of July 25, 1498, reporting the sailing of the
expedition. “His [the king’s] fleet consisted of five vessels which
carried provisions for one year. It is said that one of them ... has
returned to Ireland in great distress, the ship being much damaged. The
Genoese [John Cabot, as appears in the text elsewhere] has continued the
voyage.” If so important a man as John Cabot had now become had died
before May and the departure of the expedition of which he was the
acknowledged head, it is fairly reasoned that Ayala would have been
aware of it. No shred of satisfactory information has rewarded the
searcher for a solution of the problem. Nobody knows what became of him.
At this point Sebastian Cabot enters upon the scene in the leading part.
That he started with the expedition there is no doubt. Doubtless he
succeeded to its leadership as the “Deputie” of his father in accordance
with the terms of the patent. The conduct of it and the discoveries that
followed, big in import, were his from the outset.
Sebastian Cabot, though not over twenty-four, was an experienced
mariner, and accomplished, like his father, in the science of
navigation. He was full of ardour to achieve distinction as a
discoverer. The news of Columbus’s exploits had kindled in his heart “a
great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing.” As the master
spirit of this second Cabot expedition and with its results his heart’s
desire was splendidly attained; although the expedition was counted a
failure by its backers, and the value of its discoveries to England was
lost to the now indifferent king.
No contemporary account of this remarkable voyage was published, and
historians have founded their descriptions of it mainly on reports of a
much later period, derived from conversations with Sebastian Cabot at
first, second, or third hand. These reports are contradictory in
essential parts, and their authors confuse this second with the first
expedition or treat the two as one voyage. Its story, as most
satisfactorily picked out, runs practically in this wise: Sebastian
steered first northwest and directed his course by Iceland. At length he
came upon a formidable headland running to the north. This coast he
followed for a great distance, expecting to find the passage to Cathay
around it. In the month of July his ships were encountering “monstrous
heaps” of ice floating in the water, and daylight was almost continual.
At length failing to find any passage the ships’ prows were turned about
and in course of time Newfoundland was reached, where the expedition
sought refreshment. How far north Sebastian had penetrated it is
impossible to determine from the conflicting statements. He himself is
quoted as saying, twenty years and more afterward, that he was at
fifty-six degrees when compelled to turn back. But modern authorities
find presumptive evidence that he discovered Hudson’s Strait and gained
the sixty-seventh degree through Fox’s Channel before he turned. From
Newfoundland he sailed south, and coasted down along the North American
coast, still hopeful of finding the much-sought-for passage, till, the
company’s provisions falling short, he was obliged to take the homeward
course. The southernmost point reached is as indefinite as the northern,
but authorities generally agree that it was near thirty-six degrees, off
North Carolina, or about the latitude of Gibraltar.
Cabot is declared by early writers to have named the “great land” along
which he first coasted, assumed to be Newfoundland, “Baccaloas,” a
German term then in use in the south of Europe for codfish, because of
the multitudes of “big fish” found in the region. Later authorities,
however, say that this name was applied by Portuguese navigators who
came after Cabot. The name subsequently settled down upon a small island
on the east coast of Newfoundland. It seems to be agreed that landings
were made by Cabot’s company at several points. The natives, probably of
Newfoundland, were seen dressed in beasts’ skins, and they were found
making use of copper. Great sailors’ yarns were spun about the abundance
of the fish of the region, so great that “the progress of the ships were
sometimes impeded by them.” Bears, of which there were a plenty, were
accustomed to feed on the fish, plunging into the sea and catching them
with their claws.
Just when the expedition reached the home port of Bristol is not known.
It was expected back in September; it had not arrived in October. There
is no printed record of its arrival. Not having been successful in
finding the passage and reaching Cathay, it was regarded as a failure by
its princely and mercantile backers. The king, too, was found to have
lost his interest in western discovery or colonization. He was most
deeply engrossed in domestic affairs. “Great tumults” were happening,
“occasioned by the rising of the common people and the war in Scotland.”
Moreover, this Henry was now concerned in the pending Spanish alliance
and he was loath to run counter to the Pope’s Bull of 1493. The
geographical value of the Cabot discoveries was unappreciated, and no
more talk was then heard of further western voyaging.
Sebastian Cabot himself was not at that time aware that his father and
he had discovered a continent. His opinion was that all of the north
part of America was divided into islands.
VII
THE ENGLISH CLAIM TO AMERICA
Hakluyt reproduces the several conflicting accounts of the two Cabot
voyages extant in his day and marshals them as the “testimonies”
confirming the English claim to North America. They are thus summarized
in his catalogue of contents of the _Principal Navigations_.
“The first taken out of the mappe of Sebastian Cabota cut by Clement
Adames;
“the second used by Galeacius Butrigarius the Popes legate, and reported
by him;
“the third out of the preface of Baptista Ramusius [Giovanni Battista
Ramusio] before his third volume of Navigations;
“the 4. out of the thirde decade of Peter Martyr ab Angleria;
“the 5. out of the general history of Lopez de Gomara
“and the 6. out of Fabians Chronicle.”
The first “testimonie” is from a map which Hakluyt saw in the queen’s
privy gallery at Westminster, and of which copies were also to be seen
in several country houses of “ancient merchants.” It was attributed to
Sebastian Cabot, but whether it was actually his has been a much
discussed question by historical writers. Clement Adams was not an
engraver but a learned schoolmaster. His “cut” was apparently an
inscription from data furnished by Cabot. It was in Latin and is
supposed to have been made in the year 1549. This is the extract as
Hakluyt gives it:
“In the yere of our Lord 1497 John Cabot a Venetian, and his sonne
Sebastian (with an English fleet set out from Bristoll) discovered that
land which no man before that time had attempted, on the 24 of June,
about five of the clocke early in the morning. This land he called Prima
vista, that is to say, First seene, because as I suppose it was that
part whereof they had the first sight from sea. That Island which lieth
out before the land, he called the Island of S. John upon this occasion,
as I thinke, because it was discovered upon the day of John the Baptist.
The inhabitants of this Island use to weare beasts skinnes, and have
them in as great estimation as we have our finest garments. In their
warres they use bowes, arrowes, pikes, darts, woodden clubs, and slings.
The soile is barren in some places, & yeeldeth litle fruit, but it is
full of white beares and stagges farre greater then ours. It yeeldeth
plenty of fish, and those very great, as seales, and those which
commonly we call salmons: there are soles also above a yard in length:
but especially there is great abundance of that kinde of fish which the
Savages call baccalaos. In the same Island also there breed hauks, but
they are so blacke that they are very like to ravens, as also their
partridges, and egles [eagles] which are in like sort blacke.”
Here is seen the first mixture of the two expeditions and the
observations of their masters.
The second “testimonie” is comprised in a report of a talk among a group
of Italian savans at the villa of Hieronymo Fracastor, a maker of
globes, at Caphi, near Verona. The principal speaker, “a most profound
philosopher and mathematician,” but not named, discoursed about
Sebastian Cabot and related an interview had with Cabot some years
before at Seville, in which he described his adventures in detail. The
identification of the speaker as “Galeacius Butrigarius, the Pope’s
legate” in Spain, was copied by Hakluyt, it is said, from Richard Eden.
But this has been shown to have been an error, the fact being
ascertained that Butrigarius died some years before the gathering at
Fracastor’s villa. Hakluyt reproduces the animated tale from Ramusio’s
second book of voyages, the caption being his own:
"A discourse of Sebastain Cabot touching his discovery of part
of the West India out of England in the time of King Henry the
seventh, used to Galeacius Butrigarius the Popes Legate in
Spaine, and reported by the sayd Legate in this sort.
"Doe you not understand sayd he (speaking to certaine Gentlemen of
Venice) how to passe to India toward the Northwest, as did of late a
citizen of Venice, so valiant a man, and so well practised in all things
pertaining to navigations, and the science of Cosmographie, that at this
present he hath not his like in Spaine, insomuch that for his vertues he
is preferred above all other pilots that saile to the West Indies, who
may not passe thither without his licence, and is therefore called
Piloto mayor, that is, the grand Pilot. And when we sayd that we knew
him not, he proceeded, saying, that being certaine yeres in the city of
Sivil, and desirous to have some knowledge of the navigations of the
Spanyards, it was tolde him that there was in the city a valiant man, a
Venetian borne named Sebastian Cabot, who had the charge of those
things, being an expert man in that science, and one that coulde make
Cardes [charts] for the Sea with his owne hand, and that by this report,
seeking his acquaintance, hee found him a very gentle person, who
entertained him friendly, and shewed him many things, and among other a
large Mappe of the world, with certaine particular Navigations, as well
of the Portugals [Portuguese] as of the Spaniards, and that he spake
further unto him to this effect.
"‘When my father departed from Venice many yeres since to dwell in
England, to follow the trade of marchandises, hee tooke mee with him to
the citie of London, while I was very yong, yet having neverthelesse
some knowledge of letters of humanitie and of the Sphere. And when my
father died in that time when newes was brought that Don Christopher
Colonus Genuese had discovered the coasts of India, whereof was great
talke in all the Court of king Henry the 7. who then raigned, insomuch
that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more divine
than humane, to saile by the West into the East where spices growe, by a
way that was never knowen before, by this fame and report there
increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt some notable
thing. And understanding by reason of the Sphere, that if I should saile
by way of the Northwest, I should by a shorter tract come into India, I
thereupon caused the King to be advertised of my devise, who immediately
commanded two Carvels to bee furnished with all things appertayning to
the voyage, which was as farre as I remember in the yeere 1496 [_sic_]
in the beginning of Sommer.
“‘I began therefore to saile toward the Northwest, not thinking to finde
any other land then that of Cathay, & from thence to turne toward India,
but after certaine dayes I found that the land ranne towards the North,
which was to mee a great displeasure. Neverthelesse, sayling along by
the coast to see if I could finde any gulfe that turned, I found the
lande still continent to the 56. degree under our Pole. And seeing that
there the coast turned toward the East, despairing to finde the passage,
I turned backe againe, and sailed downe by the coast of that land toward
the Equinoctiall (ever with intent to finde the saide passage to India)
and came to that part of this firme lande which is nowe called Florida,
where my victuals failing, I departed from thence and returned into
England, where I found great tumult among the people and preparation for
warre in Scotland: by reason whereof there was no more consideration had
to this voyage.’”
Here again the two voyages are confused; and besides, the date, 1496, is
wrong, and John Cabot is ignored. This would reflect upon the veracity
and generosity of Sebastian Cabot, were it not more than likely that the
reporter bungled, or that the accuracy of the statement suffered through
repetition. It is also to be taken into account that the interview was
had half a century after the events, and when Sebastian Cabot was an old
man.
The remainder of the interview touches briefly upon Sebastian Cabot’s
exploits of later years for Spain, and again, for England, and closes
cheerily: “... And waxing olde, I give my selfe to rest from such
travels, because there are nowe many yong and lustie Pilots and Mariners
of good experience, by whose forwardnesse I doe rejoyce in the fruit of
my labours, and rest with the charge of this office, as you see.”
The third testimony, from Ramusio’s preface to his third volume, which
was published in 1563, contrasts the Cabot voyages with those
subsequently made for the king of France, which established “New France”
in North America:
“In the latter part of this volume are put certaine relations of John de
Vararzana [Verrazzano], Florentine, and of a great captaine a Frenchman,
and the two voyages of Jaques Cartier a Briton [of Brittany], who sailed
unto the land situate in 50 degrees of latitude to the North, which is
called New France, which landes hitherto are not throughly knowen,
whether they doo joyne with the firme land of Florida and Nova Hispania,
or whether they bee separated and divided all by the Sea as Ilands: and
whether that by that way we may goe by Sea unto the countrey of Cathaia.
As many yeeres past it was written unto mee by Sebastian Cabota our
Countrey man, a Venetian, a man of great experience, and very rare in
the art of Navigation, and the knowledge of Cosmographie, who sailed
along and beyond this lande of New France, at the charges of King Henry
the seventh king of England: and he advertised mee that having sailed a
long time West by North, beyond those Ilands unto the Latitude of 67
degrees and an halfe under the North pole, and at the 11 day of June
finding still the open Sea without any maner of impediment, he thought
verily by that way to have passed on still the way to Cathaia, which is
in the East, and would have done it, if the mutinie of the shipmaster
and Mariners had not hindered him and made him to returne homeward from
that place. But it seemeth that God doeth yet still reserve this great
enterprise for some great prince to discover this voyage of Cathaia by
this way, which for the bringing of the Spiceries from India into
Europe, were the most easie and shortest of all other wayes hitherto
found out. And surely this enterprise would be the most glorious, and of
most importance of all other that can be imagined to make his name
great, and fame immortall, to all ages to come, farre more then can be
done by any of all these great troubles and warres which dayly are used
in Europe among the miserable Christian people.”
The fourth testimony is the most important of the six, being an account
by Peter Martyr drawn directly from Sebastian Cabot’s statements to him.
The Third Decade of Martyr’s history of the New World, from which
Hakluyt takes it, was first printed in Seville, in 1516. At the time of
Martyr’s writing Sebastian Cabot was in Spain, in the Spanish king’s
service, and, as the text shows, an intimate friend of Martyr’s. This
being the first printed account of the Cabot voyages, American
historians based their relations of them upon it till its several
inaccuracies were disclosed by other data. Hakluyt presents it in full
as below.
"These North Seas have bene searched by one Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian
borne, whom being yet but in maner an infant, his parents caried with
them into England, having occasion to resort thither for trade of
marchandise, as is the maner of the Venetians to leave no part of the
world unsearched to obtaine riches. Hee therefore furnished two ships in
England at his owne charges, and first with 300 men directed his course
so far towards the North pole, that even in the moneth of July he found
monstrous heapes of ice swimming on the sea, and in maner continuall day
light, yet saw he the land in that tract free from ice, which had bene
molten by the heat of the Sunne. Thus seeing such heapes of yce before
him, hee was enforced to turne his sailes and follow the West, so
coasting still to the shore, that he was thereby brought so farre into
the South, by reason of the land bending so much Southward, that it was
there almost equall in latitude, with the sea Fretum Herculeum [Straits
of Hercules], having the Northpole elevate in maner in the same degree.
He sailed likewise in this tract so farre towards the West, that hee had
the Island of Cuba on his left hand, in maner in the same degree of
longitude. As hee traveiled by the coastes of this great land (which he
named Baccalaos) he saith that hee found the like course of the waters
toward the West, but the same to runne more softly and gently then the
swift waters which the Spaniards found in their Navigations Southward.
Wherefore it is not onely more like to be true, but ought also of
necessitie to be concluded that betweene both the lands hitherto
unknowen, there should be certaine great open places whereby the waters
should thus continually passe from the East unto the West: which waters
I suppose to be driven about the globe of the earth by the uncessant
moving and impulsion of the heavens, and not to bee swallowed up and
cast up againe by the breathing of Demagorgœn, as some have imagined,
because they see the seas by increase and decrease to ebbe and flowe.
"Sebastian Cabot himselfe named those lands Baccalaos, because that in
the Seas thereabout hee found so great multitudes of certaine bigge
fishes much like unto Tunies (which the inhabitants call Baccalaos) that
they sometimes stayed his shippe. He found also the people of those
regions covered with beastes skinnes, yet not without the use of reason.
He also saith there is great plentie of Beares in those regions which
use to eate fish: for plunging themselves into ye water, where they
perceive a multitude of these fishes to be, they fasten their clawes
into their scales and so draw them to land and eate them, so (as he
saith) the Beares being thus satisfied with fish, are not noisome to
men. Hee declareth further, that in many places of these Regions he saw
great plentie of Copper among the inhabitants.
“Cabot is my very friend, whom I use familiarly, and delight to have him
sometimes keepe mee company in mine owne house. For being called out of
England by the commandement of the Catholique King of Castile, after the
death of King Henry the seventh of that name King of England, he was
made one of our councill and Assistants, as touching the affaires of the
new Indies, looking for ships dayly to be furnished for him to discover
this hid secret of Nature.”
The fifth testimony, out of Gomara’s “General History,” is the following
extract from a history of the West Indies published in 1552–1553.
Francisco Lopez de Gomara was a priest, sometime chaplain of Hernando
Cortes, and was one of the most distinguished historical writers of
Spain in his time.
"The testimonie of Francis Lopez de Gomara, a Spaniard, in the
fourth Chapter of the second Booke of his generall history of
the West Indies concerning the first discoverie of a great part
of the West Indies, to wit, from 58 to 38 degrees of latitude,
by Sebastian Cabota out of England.
“He which brought most certaine newes of the countrey & people of
Baccalaos, saith Gomara, was Sebastian Cabote a Venetian, which rigged
up two ships at the cost of K. Henry the 7 of England, having great
desire to traffique for the spices as the Portingales did. He carried
with him 300 men, and tooke the way towards Island [Iceland] from beyond
the Cape of Labrador, untill he found himselfe in 58 degrees and better.
He made relation that in the moneth of July it was so cold, and the ice
so great, that hee durst not passe any further: that the dayes were very
long, in a maner without any night, and for that short night that they
had, it was very cleare. Cabot feeling the cold, turned towards the
West, refreshing himselfe at Bacalaos: and afterwards he sayled along
the coast unto 38 degrees, and from thence he shaped his course to
returne into England.”
The sixth is this brief passage from the Chronicle of Robert Fabian,
“sometime alderman of London,” which Hakluyt received in manuscript from
John Stow, the famous London antiquarian and annalist:
"A note of Sebastian Cabots first discoverie of part of the
Indies taken out of the latter part of Robert Fabians Chronicle
not hitherto printed, which is in the custodie of M. John Stow a
diligent preserver of Antiquities.
“In the 13 yeere of K. Henry the 7 (by meanes of one John Cabot a
Venetian which made himselfe very expert and cunning in knowledge of the
circuit of the world and Ilands of the same, as by a Sea card and other
demonstrations reasonable he shewed) the king caused to man and victuall
a ship at Bristow [Bristol] to search for an Island which he said hee
knew well was rich, and replenished with great commodities: Which shippe
thus manned and victualed at the kings cost, divers Marchants of London
ventured in her small stocks, being in her as chiefe patron the said
Venetian. And in the company of the said ship, sailed also out of
Bristow three or foure small ships fraught with sleght and grosse
marchandises, as course cloth, caps, laces, points & other trifles. And
so departed from Bristow in the beginning of May, of whom in this Maiors
[mayor’s] time returned no tidings.”
The following mention, by “the foresaid Robert Fabian,” “of three
Savages which Cabot brought home and presented unto the King in the
foureteenth yere of his raigne,” is given as a sort of supplementary
testimony (the authenticity of which is questioned by Richard Biddle,
Sebastian Cabot’s biographer, who charges this kidnapping of natives
upon a later navigator):
“This yeere also were brought unto the King three men taken in the
Newfound Island that before I spake of, in William Purchas time being
Maior: These were clothed in beasts skins, & did eate raw flesh, and
spake such speach that no man could understand them, and in their
demeanour like to brute beastes, whom the King kept a time after. Of the
which upon two yeeres after, I saw two apparelled after the manner of
Englishmen in Westminster pallace, which that time I could not discerne
from Englishmen, til I was learned what they were, but as for speach I
heard none of them utter one word.”
And the whole is preceded by that legend of the first discovery of the
West Indies by Madoc the Welshman, in the year 1170, which is cast in
apparently for what it may be worth.
VIII
VENTURES IN THE CABOTS’ TRACK
In the illustrious year of 1498, which witnessed Sebastian Cabot’s
westward discoveries along North America, and Columbus’s sighting of
South America, Vasco da Gama, pursuing his eastward navigations, crossed
the Indian Ocean, dropped anchor off the city of Calicut, on the Malagar
coast, and set up on shore a marble pillar as proof of his discovery of
India by an ocean highway. Thus Portugal offset Spain’s claim to the
West Indies by priority of discovery, with a claim through first
discovery to the East Indies, and stood ready to assert it, while
England allowed her right, by the same token, in the North American
continent to lapse.
Spain and Portugal continued in sharp rivalry during the half decade
immediately following. In 1499 the coast of South America was touched at
about Surinam by the Spaniard Alonzo de Ojeda and the Florentine Amerigo
Vespucci, sailing for Spain. The same year the coast of Brazil was
discovered by a Portuguese navigator, Vincente Yarez Pinzon. He had been
a companion of Columbus. The next year possession of Brazil was taken
for the crown of Portugal by Pedro Alvarez Cabral, a Portuguese
commander, who was driven to its coast by adverse winds when making a
voyage to India by Vasco da Gama’s course. Three years later a
settlement was begun there by Amerigo Vespucci, now in the service of
Portugal. In 1500 Gaspar de Cortereal, Portuguese, attempted to follow
the Cabots’ track of discovery opened in the northwest. Coming upon the
coast of Labrador he explored it for six hundred miles. He discovered
Nova Scotia, the St. Lawrence, and also Hudson’s Strait. Then he
returned to Lisbon with his two caravals freighted with natives—men,
women, and children—whom he had captured and brought home for slavery.
The next year Cortereal departed on a second voyage for further
discovery and presumably more slaves, and was never more heard from. His
brother, Michael de Cortereal, sailed in search of him, and also was
lost. Then two armed ships were sent out by the king of Portugal to
search for both brothers; but no trace of either could be found. It was
finally assumed that both fell victims to the vengeance of the natives
for the thefts of their people. Upon the strength of Gaspar de
Cortereal’s voyages Portugal attempted to establish a claim to the
discovery of Newfoundland and the adjacent coast of North America. But
in this she was not successful. Spain, however, held firmly to all of
her American possessions, indefinitely defined.
England remained passive till 1501, when a new movement was started in
the Cabots’ home city of Bristol. Three Bristol merchants—Richard Ward,
Thomas Ashehurst, and John Thomas—and three Portuguese mariners—John
Fernandus, Francis Fernandus, and John Gundlur—came together for a
venture in the track of the Cabots. A patent was obtained from King
Henry, under date of March 19, 1501, which conferred upon them the same
powers that had originally been given the Cabots, and was in terms
similar to the Cabot patents. Whether they sent out an expedition that
year is not known. The next year, however, the personnel of the company
had changed, with the dropping of Ward and Thomas and the substitution
of Hugh Eliot in their place; and under this organization, probably in
1503, a voyage was made which resulted in discovery at Newfoundland and
along the Labrador coast. The only record of this voyage is given by
Hakluyt in the following excerpt from the merchant Robert Thorne’s
“Booke” of 1527, addressed to the English Ambassador at the court of
Spain:
"A briefe extract concerning the discoverie of Newfound-land
taken out of the booke of M. Robert Thorne, to Doctor Leigh &c.
“I reason that as some sickenesses are hereditarie, so this inclination
or desire of this discovery I inherited from my father, which with
another marchant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot, were the discoverers of
the Newfound-lands; of the which there is no doubt (as nowe plainely
appeareth) if the Mariners would then have bene ruled, and followed
their Pilots minde, but the lands of the West Indies, from whence all
the golde commeth, had bene ours; for all is one coast as the Card
appeareth, and is aforesaid.”
The “card” here referred to was a rude map of the world on which, along
the line of the coast of Labrador, was written the inscription in Latin,
“This land was first discovered by the English.” A short time after this
voyage the fisheries about Newfoundland had become well known to
Frenchmen, and were being frequented by the hardy fishermen of Brittany
and Normandy. Hence the later name of the isle of Cape Breton.
No further patents for English navigations were issued for more than
half a century. Still English interest in maritime discovery and
commercial advancement was not altogether stagnant during this period.
Early in Henry the eighth’s reign quite a promising enterprise was set
on foot by Sebastian Cabot, then back in England, and in high standing
for his knowledge in cosmography. He had been in Spain for seven years
(having entered Spain’s service three years after the death of Henry the
seventh, which occurred in 1509), acting part of that time as one of the
council of the Indies, and latterly completing plans for a new
expedition for the search of the Northwest passage under the Spanish
flag, which he had been compelled to abandon by Ferdinand’s death, in
1516. Returned to England he had found Henry the eighth hospitable to
his scheme and had induced him to fit out a small squadron for its
pursuit. The supreme command, however, was given to another,—Sir Thomas
Pert, at that time vice-admiral of England,—and this proved disastrous
to the enterprise; for, it is recorded, Sir Thomas’s “faint heart was
the cause that the voyage took none effect.” All that the expedition
accomplished was a visit to the coast of Brazil, to San Domingo, and to
Porto Rico, whence it returned to England. Hakluyt gives a narration
which he supposes to relate to this voyage, written by the Spanish
historian Gonzalo de Oviedo, and reprinted by Ramusio, from whom he
translates it:
“In the yeere 1517 an English Rover under the colour of travelling to
discover, came with a great shippe unto the parts of Brasill on the
coast of the firme land, and from thence he crossed over unto this Iland
of Hispaneola, and arrived neere unto the mouth of the haven of this
citie of S. Domingo, and sent his shipboate full of men on shoare and
demaunded leave to enter into this haven, saying that hee came with
marchandise to traffique. But at that very instant the governour of the
castle, Francis de Tapia, caused a tire of ordinance to be shot from the
castle at the ship, for she bare in directly with the haven. When the
Englishmen sawe this, they withdrew themselves out, and those that were
in the shipboate got themselves with all speede on shipboord. And in
trueth the warden of the castle committed an oversight: for if the
shippe had entred into the haven the men thereof could not have come on
lande without leave both of the citie and of the castle. Therefore the
people of the ship seeing how they were received sayled toward the Iland
of S. John, and entring into the port of S. Germaine, the English men
parled [parleyed] with those of the towne, requiring victuals and things
needefull to furnish their ship, and complained of the inhabitants of
the city of S. Domingo saying that they came not to doe any harme but to
trade and traffique for their money and merchandise. In this place they
had certaine victuals and for recompense they gave and paid them with
certaine vessell of wrought tinne and other things. And afterward they
departed toward Europe....”
[Illustration:
KING HENRY VIII.
From a photograph, copyrighted by Walker and Boutall, of a painting.
]
Hakluyt resents Oviedo’s use of the term “Rover” in this account and his
assumption that the object of the expedition was other than discovery
and traffic, remarking tartly that Spanish and Portuguese writers
“account all other nations for Pirates, rovers, and thieves who visit
any heathen coast that they have once sailed by or looked on.”
With the failure of this enterprise Cabot again left England and
reëntered the service of Spain, taking the post of “pilot major.”
IX
THE NORTHEAST PASSAGE
Later in Henry the eighth’s reign, in 1527, a larger expedition,
composed of “divers cunning men,” set out for Northern discovery, but
with no more satisfactory results. Their enterprise was impelled by the
weighty reasoning of Robert Thorne, the observant Bristol merchant, then
in Seville (whom Hakluyt terms a “notable member and ornament of his
country”), in his “large discourse” of that year to Dr. Ley, the English
ambassador in Spain, urging the immediate need of English discovery in
the north parts, “even to the North pole,” to overcome the advantages
gained by Spain and Portugal in their discoveries of “all the Indies and
seas Occidental and Oriental,” so “by this part of the Orient and
Occident” compassing the world. Who were the “divers cunning men”
composing this expedition Hakluyt endeavoured to ascertain through much
enquiry among “such as by their years and delight in Navigation” might
inform him. He learned, however, of one only, and his name he could not
get—a certain canon of St. Paul’s in London, a “great mathematician, and
indued with wealth,” apparently the leader. Two “fair ships” formed the
squadron, one of them called “The Dominus Vobiscum.” They set forth out
of the Thames on a mid-May day. When sailing “far northwestward” one of
the ships was cast away as it entered into “a dangerous gulph about the
great opening between the North parts of Newfoundland and the country
lately called by her Majestie Meta Incognita.” Thereupon the other ship,
“shaping her course toward Cape Briton and the coaste of Arambec, and
oftentimes putting their men on land to search the state of those
regions, returned home about the beginning of October.” So this story
lamely ends.
Six years later an enterprise for discovery in the same parts was
projected by certain London men, with the king’s “favour and good
countenance,” under the leadership of one “Master Hore,” a “man of
goodly stature and of great courage, and given to the studie of
Cosmographie.” Master Hore’s “persuasions” were so effective that he
soon drew into the scheme “many gentlemen of the Inns of court and of
the Chancerie, and divers others of good worship, desirous to see the
strange things of the world.” Two “tall ships” were obtained for the
venture, the “Trinitie,” of one hundred and forty tons, which was
designated the “admiral” (flag-ship) of the fleet, and the “Minion.” The
company numbered about sixscore persons, of whom thirty were gentlemen.
Among the latter were enrolled one Armigil Wade, “a very learned and
vertuous gentleman,” afterward clerk of the councils of Henry the eighth
and his successor, Edward the sixth; one Joy, subsequently gentleman of
the king’s chapel; and Oliver Dawbeny, a merchant of London. All were
“mustered in warlike manner” at Gravesend. After receiving the Sacrament
they embarked and sailed away at the end of April, 1536. The adventures
of these gentlemen-explorers were rare and tragic.
From the time that they left Gravesend they were more than two months at
sea without touching land. At length they arrived in the region of Cape
Breton. Shaping their course northwestward they came to the “island of
Penguin,” where they landed. This was found to be a place “full of rocks
and stones” and inhabited by flocks of “great foules white and gray, as
big as geese.” These strange fowls were the sea-birds known as Penguins
from their first discovery on this island, and afterward, when appearing
in other parts, called Great Auks or Gare-Fowls. The sailors drove large
numbers of them into the boats, and they made good eating. Quantities of
their eggs were also seen on the island. No natives were encountered by
the voyagers till they had lain anchored off Newfoundland for several
days. Then one morning while Oliver Dawbeny was walking on the hatches
he spied a boat full of savages rowing down the bay toward the ships. A
ship’s boat was quickly manned and sent out to meet and take them. But
at its approach the savages fled to a neighbouring island up the bay.
The English pursued them, but they got away. On the island a fire was
found, and by it the side of a bear on a wooden spit ready for roasting.
A boot of leather was picked up, “garnished on the outward side of the
calf with certain brave trails as it were of raw silke”; also a “great
warm mitten.” The voyagers tarried in the Newfoundland seas till famine
came upon them.
Now the tale becomes gruesome. Temporary relief was had from the stock
of a nest of an osprey “that brought hourly to her young great plentie
of divers sort of fish.” For a while they lived on raw herbs and roots
gathered on the main. Then, the relief from herbs becoming of “little
purpose,” some of the hardest pressed, when ashore in companies of two,
seeking food, fell to feeding upon their mates. “The fellow killed his
mate while he stooped to take up a root for his relief, and cutting out
pieces of his body whom he had murthered broyled the same on the coles
[fire] and greedily devoured them.” By this means, the chronicler grimly
adds, “the company decreased.” The officers on shipboard wondered at
this falling off till the fate of the missing was disclosed through the
admission of one well-fed sailor, under the goading taunts of a starving
mate who had come upon him in a field, drawn thither by the pungent
odour of broiled flesh, that the meat upon which he had feasted was a
piece of a man’s side.
When this report was brought to the captain he called the company
together and addressed them earnestly upon the awfulness of such
conduct. “If,” he piously argued, “it had not pleased God to have helpen
[helped] them in that distresse that it had been better to have perished
in body and to have lived everlastingly, than to have relieved for a
poore time their mortal bodyes and to bee condemned everlastingly both
body and soule to the unquenchable fire of hell.” He besought them all
to pray “that it might please God to look upon their miserable present
state and for his own mercy to relieve the same.” Still the famine
continued unrelieved. At last, in sheer desperation, “they agreed
amongst themselves rather than all should perish to cast lots who should
be killed.” But the very night of this agreement, “such was the mercie
of God” that a French ship well furnished with victuals hove into the
harbour where they lay. Their action was prompt. “Such was the policy of
the English,” as our chronicler ingenuously puts it, “that they became
masters” of the Frenchmen’s craft, “and changing ships and victualling
them they set sail to come into England.” In blunter words, they
despoiled the Frenchmen of their property and made off with it, leaving
them behind; not altogether desolate, however, for they were left with a
ship partly provisioned from their own store.
The expedition arrived back in England about the end of October, when
the gentlemen of the party enjoyed a succession of entertainments, first
at a “certain castle belonging to Sir John Luttrell,” afterward at Bath,
Bristol, and London. The voyagers told in their reports how they had
journeyed so far northward that they had seen “mighty islands of ice in
the summer season on which were hawkes and other fowles to rest
themselves being weary of flying over far from the main.” And how they
had also seen “certain great white fowles with red bills and red legs
somewhat bigger than herons which they supposed to be storkes.” Some
months later the despoiled Frenchmen had got back to their home port,
and they appeared in England with complaint to the king and demand for
redress. After an examination of the matter, however, the king was “so
moved to pity” by the tale of the distress of the Englishmen, which was
shown to be the occasion of their high-handed act, that “he punished not
his subjects, but of his own purse made full and royal recompense unto
the French.” Which was certainly generous as should become a king.
The account of this voyage was the one that Hakluyt travelled two
hundred miles on horseback to get from the sole survivor of the company
living at the time of his writing, or, in his own words, “to learn the
whole truth of this voyage from his own mouth as being the only man now
alive that was in this discovery.” He was Thomas Buts, a son of Sir
William Buts of Norfolk. Hakluyt relates that upon his return from the
voyage Buts was so changed in appearance through the hunger and misery
he had undergone that his parents did not recognize him as their son
till they found a secret mark on his person, “which was a wart upon one
of his knees.”
With the accession of Edward the sixth, the boy king, in 1547, new
projects began to develop for further discovery northward. Sebastian
Cabot was again in England and settled at Bristol. He was now an old
man, yet still stalwart in mind and red-blooded for action. His fame was
widespread and he had come to be called “The Great Seaman.” While pilot
major of Spain, he had, with other achievements, made important
discoveries in South America. Heading an expedition originally planned
to pursue discovery in the Pacific, through the Strait of Magellan
(discovered and passed by that brilliant Portuguese, Fernao de
Magalhães, in 1520, who the next year discovered the Philippines), he
had explored the River Plate, naming it Rio de la Plata, the Silver
River, because of the splendour of the silver ornaments worn by the
Indians of the region, and had anchored off the site of the present city
of Buenos Ayres; had built a fort at one of the mouths of the Parana and
begun a settlement there; had further ascended the Parana; penetrated
the Paraguay; and thence entered the Vermejo, where he and his party had
a fierce fight with the savages. In Edward’s second year, 1549, he was
appointed Grand Pilot of England, with an annual pension of £166 13_s._
and 6_d._ in consideration of the “good and acceptable service done and
to be done” by him for the English crown.
Not long after he is found turning from the Northwest Passage and
advising a new voyage for the discovery of a Northeast route to India.
From this a project of various London merchant adventurers developed
which resulted in an expedition in 1553 starting under Sir Hugh
Willoughby and continued by Richard Chancellor, which, although failing
to find Cathay, made notable discoveries with the opening to Europe of
the great empire of Russia.
X
THE OPENING OF RUSSIA
The Willoughby-Chancellor voyage was planned with much thoroughness,
specifically for the expansion of trade. It was the outcome of the
deliberations of “certaine grave Citizens of London and men of great
wisdome and carefull for the good of their Countrey” seeking means to
revive commercial affairs which had fallen into a dismal state. English
commodities had come to be in small request by neighbouring peoples.
“Merchandises” (as the term was) which foreigners in former times
eagerly sought were now neglected and their prices lowered, although the
goods were carried by the English traders to the foreign ports; while
all foreign products were “in great account and their prices wonderfully
raised.” Meanwhile English merchants had seen the wealth of Spaniards
and Portuguese marvellously increase through the repeated discoveries of
new countries and new trades for their nations. So these grave and wise
citizens came at last to realize the imperative need of a similar course
for England if she were to keep pace with her rivals: practically to
adopt the policy which Robert Thorne had so sagely pressed a quarter of
a century before.
Having resolved upon a “new and strange navigation” they first of all
brought Sebastian Cabot into their councils, and forming a company chose
him their head. “After much speech and conference together” it was
decided that three ships should be prepared for discovery in the
northern parts of the world to open the way for Englishmen to unknown
kingdoms northeastward. The three ships were duly obtained, for the most
part newly built craft of “very strong and well-seasoned planks.” One at
least of them was made especially staunch by “an excellent and ingenious
invention,” described as “the covering of a piece of keel with thin
sheets of lead.” This is supposed to have been the first instance in
England of the practice of sheathing. It had, however, been adopted in
Spain nearly forty years before. The ships were well furnished with
armours and artillery, and were victualled with supplies for eighteen
months. They were severally: the “Bona Esperanza,” of one hundred and
twenty tons, designated admiral (flag-ship) of the fleet, the “Edward
Bonaventure,” one hundred and sixty tons, and the “Bona Confidentia,”
ninety tons. Each was provided with a pinnace and a boat.
After securing the ships the next care was the selection of captains for
the expedition. Many men of standing offered themselves for the
headship. Among these most urgent for the appointment was Sir Hugh
Willoughby, “a most valiant gentleman and well born.” Sir Hugh was
chosen on account of his “goodly personage”—he appears to have been an
exceptionally tall man—and for his “singular skill in the service of
warre.” He had served under the Earl of Hertford, afterward the Duke of
Somerset, in the expedition of 1544 against Scotland, and had received
the honour of knighthood at Leith; and during the invasions of 1547–1549
he held a commission on the border, and was sometime captain of Lowther
Castle. Afterward his “thoughts turned to the sea” through his
association with naval men and his friendship with Sebastian Cabot. The
title given him was captain-general of the Fleet. For second in command,
also drawn from several candidates, Richard Chancellor was elected and
named pilot-general. He was given the charge of the “Edward Bonaventure”
as captain. Chancellor had been bred up in the household of Henry
Sidney, the father of Sir Philip Sidney. He was strongly endorsed as a
man of “great estimation for many good partes of wit in him.” In the
prime of life, he had the advantage of an excellent reputation for
knowledge of the sea with a genius for adventure. As masters of the
several ships, William Gefferson was appointed for the “Bona Esperanza,”
Stephen Borough (afterward chief pilot of England) for the “Edward
Bonaventure,” and Cornelius Durfoorth for the “Bona Confidentia.” The
captain-general, the pilot-general, the three ships’ masters, the
minister—Master Richard Stafford—two of the merchants and one of the
“gentlemen” joining the expedition, and the three masters’ mates, were
designated a board of twelve counsellors for the voyage.
An elaborate book of orders and instructions for the conduct of the
fleet was compiled by Cabot; while the king provided a letter, written
in Latin, Greek, and other languages, designed for presentation to any
potentate whom the voyagers might come across in journeying “toward the
mighty empire of Cathay,” but most liberally addressed “to all Kings,
Princes, Rulers, Judges, and Governours of the earth, and all others
having any excellent dignity on the same in all places under the
universall heaven.”
Hakluyt gives the text of both of these documents. Cabot’s book
comprised thirty-three items, as a whole well illustrating his ripe
judgment and good seamanship. Particularly wise were his instructions as
to the attitude of the voyagers toward new peoples whom they might
discover. “Every nation and region is to be considered advisedly.” The
natives were not to be provoked by “any disdaine, laughing, contempt, or
such like,” but were to be used with “prudent circumspection, with all
gentlenes and courtesie.” “For as much,” he shrewdly observed, “as our
people and shippes may appear unto them strange and wondrous, and
their’s also to ours: it is to be considered how they may be used,
learning much of their natures and dispositions by some one such person
[native] as you may first either allure or take to be brought aboord of
your ships, and there to learn as you may, without violence or force.”
The native so taken to be “well entertained, used and apparelled; to be
set on the land to the intent that he or she may allure other to draw
nigh to shew the commodities.” But the succeeding instruction was
vicious, though in accord with the brutality of the age: “and if the
person taken may be made drunke with your beere or wine you shall know
the secrets of his heart.”
The king’s letter-missive defined the voyage to be purely a commercial
affair. It was an expedition by sea “into farre Countreis to the intent
that betweene our people and them a way may be opened to bring in and
cary out merchandises.” It was to seek in the countries that might be
found heretofore unknown “as well such things as we lacke, as also to
cary unto them from our regions such things as they lacke.” So “not
onely commoditie may ensue both to them and to us, but also an
indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established betweene
us both.” Free passage was asked for the voyagers through their
dominions, with the assurance that nothing of theirs should be touched
by the visitors unwillingly to them; and the same hospitality that they
would expect their subjects to receive should they at any time pass by
the regions of the English king.
The fleet started from Ratcliffe at the time appointed for the
departure, the tenth of May (according to Willoughby’s journal, other
accounts say the twentieth) and dropped down the Thames by easy stages.
On the “Esperanza” with Sir Hugh were the larger number of merchants.
The minister was on the “Edward Bonaventure”; and among the seamen of
the latter was William Borough, the younger brother of the ship’s
master, a lusty youth of sixteen, who afterward became comptroller of
the queen’s navy. The spectacle of the passage by Greenwich, where the
court was then seated at the ancient royal palace, is vividly portrayed
by the historian of Chancellor’s exploits on this voyage, Clement Adams,
the schoolmaster:
“The greater shippes are towed downe with boates, and oares, and the
mariners being all apparelled in Watchet, or skie coloured cloth, rowed
amaine and made way with diligence. And being come neere Greenewich
(where the court then lay) presently upon the newes thereof the
Courtiers came running out, and the common people flockt together
standing very thicke upon the shoare: the privie Counsel, they lookt out
at the windowes of the Court, and the rest ranne up to the toppes of the
towers: the shippes hereupon discharge their Ordinance, and shoot off
their pieces after the maner of warre, and of the sea, insomuch that the
tops of the hilles sounded therewith, the valleys and the waters gave an
Echo, and the Mariners, they shouted in such sort that the skie rang
again with the noyse thereof. One stoode in the poope of the ship, and
by his jesture bids farewell to his friends in the best maner he could.
Another walks upon the hatches, another climbes the shrowdes, another
stands upon the maine yarde, and another in the top of the shippe.”
The boy king heard the parting salute but he did not see the show, for
he lay in his chamber gravely ill of consumption. And a fortnight after
the ships had taken the sea, he died.
The fleet tarried some time off Harwich and did not finally get away
till the twenty-third of June. By the middle of July Heligoland, in the
North Sea, was reached and visited. Next, Röst Island, where another
short stay was made. Next, on the twenty-seventh of July, anchors were
dropped at one of the Lofoden Islands, and there the voyagers remained
for three days, finding the isle “plentifully inhabited” by “very gentle
people.” Next they coasted along these islands north-northwest till the
second of August, when they attempted to make another harbour, having
arranged with a native, who came out to them in a skiff for a pilot to
conduct them to “Wardhouse” (Vardohuus), an island haven off Finmark,
with a “castle,” then a rendezvous of northern mariners. But violent
whirlwinds prevented their entrance and they were constrained to take to
the sea again. Thereupon the captain-general ran up the admiral’s flag
signalling a conference of the chief officers of the fleet on board his
ship. It was then agreed that in the event of a separation of the ships
by a tempest or other mishap each should at once make for “Wardhouse,”
and the first arriving in safety should there await the coming of the
rest.
That very day the dreaded separation occurred. Late in the afternoon a
tempest suddenly arose which so lashed the sea that the ships were
tossed hither and thither from their intended course. Above the storm on
the “Edward Bonaventure” was heard the loud voice of Sir Hugh calling to
Captain Chancellor to keep by the admiral. But the “Esperanza,” bearing
all sails, sped onward with such swiftness that despite all of
Chancellor’s efforts to follow, she was soon out of his sight. That was
the last seen of her or of Sir Hugh and his companions. Nor was the
“Confidentia” again seen by the men of the “Bonaventure.” Both ships and
their companies had passed forever from their sight; and the miserable
fate of their mates was not known when they had completed their voyage
and returned to England.
The story was finally told in Willoughby’s journal, which was found a
year or more afterward with the ships and the frozen bodies of the
luckless Sir Hugh and his companions, seventy in all, at Lapland.
Hakluyt gives it under this caption:
“The Voyage of Sir Hugh Willoughbie knight, wherein he unfortunately
perished at Arzina Reca in Lapland, Anno 1553.” It is entitled: “The
true copie of a Note found written in one of the two ships, to wit, the
Speranza, which wintred in Lappia where Sir Willoughbie and all his
companie died, being frozen to death Anno 1553.”
This journal comprised a record of the expedition from the start to
Willoughby’s occupation of the Lapland haven. It opened with a statement
of the object of the voyage and its institution by Cabot and the London
Merchant Adventurers; a list of the ships and their burden, together
with the names of their companies; and the text of the oath administered
to the ships’ masters. Then followed the log of the voyage, beginning
with the departure from Ratcliffe. From this it appears that the morning
after the storm which had parted the ships, the “Esperanza,” with the
lifting of a fog, espied the “Confidentia,” and thereafter these two
ships managed to keep together. Seeing nothing of the “Bonaventure” they
started in company to reach the rendezvous at “Wardhouse.” But it was
not long before they lost their way. Through August and into September
they sailed and drifted in various directions, northeast,
south-southeast, northwest by west, west-southwest, north by east. On
the fourteenth of August they discovered land in seventy-two degrees
(which Hakluyt terms “Willoughbyie’s Land”), but could not reach it
because of shoal water and much ice. At length, in the middle of
September, they came upon land, rocky, high, and forbidding, apparently
uninhabited; and so to the desolate Lapland haven which ultimately
became their grave. Herein were found “very many seale fishes and other
great fishes,” and upon the main were seen “beares, great deere, foxes,
with divers strange beasts as guloines [or ellons, Hakluyt notes], and
such other which were to us unknowen and also wonderful.” Then the sad
record closes:
“Thus remaining in this haven the space of a weeke, seeing the yeere
farre spent, & also very evill wether, as frost, snow, and haile, as
though it had been the deepe of winter, we thought best to winter there.
Wherefore we sent out three men South-southwest, to search if they would
find people, who went three dayes journey, but could finde none; after
that, we sent other three Westward foure daies journey, which also
returned without finding any people. Then sent we three men Southeast
three dayes journey, who in like sorte returned without finding of
people, or any similitude of habitation.”
The will of Sir Hugh was also found with his journal, from which it
appeared that he and most of his company were alive so late as January.
Their haven lay near to Kegor in Norwegian Lapland and was afterward
known as Arzina. They were first discovered, entombed in their ships, by
Russian fishermen cruising in their haven, the following summer.
Willoughby’s frozen body lay in his cabin. The next season, the summer
of 1555, the two ships were recovered, with much of their goods, and
restored for more service.
Their subsequent fate is to be related farther on. Our present concern
is with Richard Chancellor and the “Edward Bonaventure” after the
dispersion of the fleet.
“Pensive, heavie, and sorrowfull” at the disappearance of his fellows,
Chancellor shaped his course for “Wardhouse,” according to the
agreement, and in due time safely arrived there. When a week had passed
with no sign of the other ships, he determined to proceed alone in the
purposed voyage, in which decision all of his company acquiesced. Now
follows the story of “The Voyage of Richard Chanceller Pilote major, the
first discoverer by sea of the Kingdom of Muscovia, Anno 1553,” told in
two documents reproduced by Hakluyt—Chancellor’s “rehearsal” of his
adventures with an account of the wealth and barbaric splendour in the
dominions of the “mighty Emperour of Russia and the Duke of Moscovia,”
and Clement Adams’s narrative of the voyage as he received it “from the
mouth of the said Richard Chanceler.”
First of the voyage.
Sailing from Vardohuus, “Master Chanceler held on his course towards
that unknowen part of the world,” and came “at last to the place where
hee found no night at all, but a continuall light and brightnesse of the
Sunne shining clearley upon the huge and mightie Sea. And having the
benefite of this perpetuall light for certaine dayes, at the length it
pleased God to bring them into a certaine great Bay, which was of one
hundredth miles or thereabout over.” Thus they had entered the White Sea
and had reached the Bay of Saint Nicholas, in the neighbourhood of the
modern Archangel. Here, “somewhat farre within,” they cast anchor and
gazed about them. Presently in the distance a fisher boat was espied.
Thereupon Chancellor with a few of his men took the pinnace and went out
to meet it, hoping to learn of its crew what country they had come to,
and what manner of people. But the fishermen were so amazed at the
“strange greatnesse” of the “Bonaventure,” the like of which had never
before been seen in those waters, that they incontinently fled as the
strangers approached. Soon, however, they were overtaken. Then followed
this scene in which Chancellor’s cleverness was exhibited, and also,
perhaps, his remembrance of that item in Cabot’s book of ordinances as
to the handling of new peoples discovered.
“Being come to them they (being in great feare as men half dead)
prostrated themselves before him, offering to kisse his feete; but he
(according to his great and singular courtesie) looked pleasantly upon
them, comforting them by signes and gestures, refusing those dueties and
reverences of theirs, and taking them up in all loving sort from the
ground.”
Their confidence thus won they spread the report on shore of the arrival
of a “strange nation of a singular gentlenesse and courtesie”; and soon
the common people came forward with hospitable offerings. They would
also traffic with their “new-come ghests” (guests) had they not been
bound by a “certaine religious use and custome not to buy any forreine
[foreign] commodities without the knowledge and consent of their king.”
By this time the Englishmen had learned that the country was called
Russia, or Muscovy, and that “Ivan Vasiliwich (which was at that time
their King’s name) ruled and governed farre and wide in those places.”
This was Ivan the fourth, “the Terrible.”
To the queries of the “barbarous Russes” about themselves Chancellor
managed to make it understood that they were Englishmen sent by the king
of England, and bearing a letter from him to their king, seeking only
his “amitie and friendship and traffique with his people whereby the
subjects of both kingdoms would profit.” But his court was many miles
distant, so there must be delay. Chancellor asked them to sell him
provisions and other necessities. Hostages were also demanded for the
“more assurance” of the safety of himself and company. The governor and
chief men promised that they would do what they lawfully could to
“pleasure him” till they had learned their king’s will. While this
palavering was going on a sledsman had been secretly despatched as a
messenger to the emperor at Moscow, informing him of the new arrivals
and asking his pleasure concerning them. After a considerable wait
Chancellor became impatient, and thinking it was their intention to
delude him, he threatened to depart and continue his voyage unless their
promises were immediately fulfilled. Such was far from their desire, for
they coveted the wares that the Englishmen had displayed before them.
Accordingly, although their messenger had not returned, they agreed
without further delay to furnish what the company wanted and to conduct
them by land to the presence of their king.
Then began a long overland journey by Chancellor and his principal men
to Moscow on sleds. When the greater part had been passed the “Russes’”
messenger was met. He had wandered off his way seeking the English ship
in a wrong direction. He delivered to Chancellor a letter from the
emperor, “written in all courtesie and in the most loving manner,”
inviting the Englishmen to his court and offering them post horses for
the journey free of cost. Instantly their conductors overwhelmed them
with kindnesses. So anxious now were the “Russes” to show their favours
that they “began to quarrell, yea, and to fight also in striving and
contending which of them should put their post horses to the sledde.” So
after “much adoe and great paines taken in this long and wearie journey
(for they had travailed very neere fifteene hundred miles), Master
Chanceler came at last to Mosco the chiefe citie of the kingdome, and
the seate of the king.”
Now of Chancellor’s reception by Ivan and the glitter of his court.
The opening scene which dazzled the eyes of the Englishmen, when
summoned to present King Edward’s letter, is pictured by Clement Adams:
“Being entred within the gates of the Court there sate a very honourable
companie of Courtiers to the number of one hundred, all apparelled in
cloth of golde downe to their ankles: and therehence being conducted
into the chamber of the presence our men beganne to wonder at the
Majestie of the Emperour: his seate was aloft, in a very royall throne,
having on his head a Diademe, or Crowne of golde, apparelled with a robe
all of Goldsmiths worke, and in his hande hee held a Scepter garnished
and beset with precious stones ...: on the one side of him stood his
chiefe Secretarie, on the other side the great Commander of Silence,
both of them arayed also in cloth of golde: and then there sate the
Counsel of one hundred and fiftie in number, all in like sort arayed and
of great state.”
Chancellor also sketches this scene, varying somewhat in detail: “And
when the Duke was in his place appointed the interpretorr came for me
into the utter [outer] chamber where sate one hundred or mor gentlemen,
all in cloth of golde very sumptuous, and from thence I came into the
Counsaile chamber where sate the Duke himselfe with his nobles, which
were a faire company: they sate round about the chamber on high, yet so
that he himselfe sate much higher than any of his nobles in a chaire
gilt, and in a long garment of beaten golde, with an emperial crown upon
his head and a staffe of cristall and golde in his right hand, and his
other hand halfe leaning on his chaire. The Chancellour stoode up with
the Secretary before the Duke.”
After he had delivered the king’s letter and a formal interchange of
courtesies, the emperor invited him to dine with the court. Of this
feast, at the “golden palace,” and the pomp of it, we have Chancellor’s
quaintly minute description:
"And so I came into the hall, which was small and not great as is the
Kings Majesties of England, and the table was covered with a tablecloth;
and the Marshall sate at the ende of the table with a little white rod
in his hand, which boorde was full of vessell of golde: and on the other
side of the hall did stand a faire cupboarde of plate. From thence I
came into the dining chamber where the Duke himselfe sate at his table
without cloth of estate, in a gowne of silver, with a crowne emperiale
upon his head, he sate in a chaire somewhat hie [high]. There sate none
neare him by a great way. There were long tables set round about the
chamber which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner: they
were all in white. Also the places where the tables stoode were higher
by two steppes than the rest of the house. In the middest of the chamber
stoode a table or cupbord to set plate on; which stoode full of cuppes
of golde: and amongst all the rest there stoode foure marveilous great
pottes or crudences as they call them, of golde and silver: I thinke
they were a good yarde and a halfe high. By the cupborde stoode two
gentlemen with napkins on their shoulders, and in their handes each of
them had a cuppe of gold set with pearles and precious stones, which
were the Dukes owne drinking cups: when he was disposed, he drunke them
off at a draught. And for his service at meate it came in without order,
yet it was very rich service: for all were served in gold, not onely he
himselfe, but also all the rest of us, and it was very massie [massive]:
the cups also were of golde and very massie.
"The number that dined there that day was two hundred persons, and all
were served in golden vessell. The gentlemen that waited were all in
cloth of gold, and they served him with caps on their heads. Before the
service came in the Duke sent to every man a great shiver of bread, and
the bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloude, and sayd,
John Basilivich Emperour of Russia and great Duke of Moscovia doth
reward thee with bread: then must all men stand up, and doe at all times
when those wordes are spoken. And then last of all he giveth the
Marshall bread, whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace, and so doth
reverence and departeth. Then commeth the Dukes service of the Swannes
all in pieces, and every one in a severall dish: the which the Duke
sendeth as he did the bread, and the bearer saeth the same wordes as he
sayd before. And as I sayd before, the service of his meate is in no
order, but commeth in dish by dish: and then after that the Duke sendeth
drinke, with the like saying as before is tolde. Also before dinner hee
changed his crowne, and in dinner time two crownes; so that I saw three
severall crownes upon his head in one day.
“And thus when his service was all come in hee gave to every one of his
gentlemen waiters meate with his owne hand, & so likewise drinke. His
intent thereby is, as I have heard, that every man shall know perfectly
his servants. Thus when dinner is done hee calleth his nobles before him
name by name, that it is a wonder to heare howe he could name them,
having so many as he hath.”
Chancellor furnishes also vivid descriptions of the power of the emperor
in his vast dominions and of his prowess in war. Lord over many
countries, his power was “marvellously great.” He was able to bring into
the field two or three hundred thousand men. He never entered the field
himself with a force under two hundred thousand men, at the same time
supplying all his borders with men of arms. Neither husbandman nor
merchant was taken to his wars. All of his warriors were horsemen, and
were archers, having such bows as the Turks had. Their armour comprised
a coat of plate and a skull cap, some of the coats being covered with
velvet or cloth of gold. All their trappings were gorgeous, for their
desire was to be sumptuous in the field, especially the nobles and
gentlemen. The emperor outshone all in the richness of his attire and
furnishings. His pavilion was covered either with cloth of gold or
silver, and so set with stones that it was “wonderful to see.” On all
their diplomatic travels the same gorgeousness was displayed. While
Chancellor was in Moscow two ambassadors were sent to Poland, with an
escort of five hundred horse. “Their sumptuousnes was above measure, not
onely in themselves, but also in their horses, as velvet, cloth of
golde, and cloth of silver set with pearles and not scant.” In ordinary
life, however, the raiment of all classes was of the simplest.
Their manner of fighting and the rough life of the common soldier were
thus portrayed: “They are men without al order in the field. For they
runne hurling on heapes, and for the most part they never give battel to
their enemies: but that which they doe they doe it all by stelth. But I
beleeve they be such men for hard living as are not under the sun: for
no cold will hurt them. Yea and though they lie in the field two
moneths, at such time as it shall freese more then a yard thicke, the
common souldier hath neither tent nor anything else over his head: the
most defence they have against the wether is a felte which is set
against the winde and wether, and when Snow commeth hee doth cast it off
and maketh him a fire and laieth him down thereby. Thus doe the most of
all his men except they bee gentlemen which have other provision of
their owne. Their lying in the fielde is not so strange as is their
hardnes: for every man must carie and make provision for himselfe & his
horse for a moneth or two, which is very wonderful. For he himselfe shal
live upon water & otemeale mingled together cold, and drinke water
thereto: his horse shal eat green wood & such like baggage & shal stand
open in the cold field without covert, & yet wil he labour & serve him
right well.” At which Chancellor exclaims with admiration, “I pray you
amongst all our boasting warriors how many should we find to endure the
field with them but one moneth? I know no such region about us that
beareth that name for man & beast. Now what might be made of these men
if they were trained & broken to order and knowledge of civill wars?”
Other very practical information related to the manners, customs, and
religion of the Russians and to the rich commodities of their country,
offering prosperous trade for English merchants.
This illuminating “rehearsal” of Chancellor’s, “writ with his own
hande,” the earliest account of a people but vaguely known to Western
Europe, and “still on the confines of barbarism,” was an unofficial
paper addressed by the sailor-writer to his “singular good uncle Master
Christopher Frothingham,” with the modest admonition:
“Sir, Read and correct
For great is the defect.”
Chancellor and his chief men remained in Moscow through the winter, and
when they departed to rejoin their ship at St. Nicholas for the homeward
voyage, the captain carried a letter from the emperor to the English
monarch granting freedom to his dominions and every facility of trade to
English merchants and ships.
Thus Russia was discovered by sea to commercial Europe by Englishmen.
XI
VOYAGES FOR THE MUSCOVY COMPANY
The arrival back at London of Chancellor’s company in the autumn of 1554
was greeted with much rejoicing, while the tales that they told of the
strange sights they had seen and the great things they had accomplished
filled the merchant adventurers with admiration. Uneasiness over the
fate of Sir Hugh Willoughby and the men of the two lost ships tempered
their enthusiasm; but their hope and belief were strong that the missing
ones would ultimately be safely found, and immediate steps were taken
toward a search for them.
Acting upon Chancellor’s wondrous reports and the letters he brought,
the English sovereign, now Mary, with her consort Philip of Spain, in
February, 1555, granted a charter to the promoters under the name of the
Merchant Adventurers of England, and constituted Sebastian Cabot
governor of the corporation for life, in consideration that he had been
the “chiefest setter forth” of the first voyage. Thus was established
the great Muscovy Company with a monopoly of the new Russian trade, and
empowered further to promote discoveries in unknown regions—"lands,
territories, isles, dominions, and seigniories"—north, northeast, and
northwest.
In the following May (1555) the newly organized company despatched
Chancellor on a second voyage to the White Sea again with the “Edward
Bonaventure” and a companion ship, the “Philip and Mary,” both freighted
with English goods to be bartered for Russian furs and other
commodities. Accompanying him were three factors, or agents, of the
company, and he carried letters of amity from Mary to Ivan, written in
Greek, Polish, and Italian. While this second voyage was essentially a
commercial one, Chancellor was to continue his efforts to discover a
Northeast passage, being instructed to “use all wayes and meanes
possible to learne howe men may passe from Russia either by land or sea
to Cathaia.” He was also to make diligent enquiry among mariners and
other “travelled persons” for tidings of Willoughby’s party.
This expedition arrived at “Wardhouse” by midsummer, and Moscow was
reached in November. As flattering courtesies as before were exchanged
between the emperor and Chancellor, and the factors were freely accorded
the privileges asked for. Chancellor remained in Moscow through the
following winter and spring, and then prepared for his return voyage,
Ivan having appointed an ambassador to go back with him personally to
convey to the English court tokens of the emperor’s good will and
readiness to enter into mutual bonds of friendship. Chancellor had made
no further Northeastern discoveries, but the fate of Willoughby and his
companions had been ascertained, and their two ships had been brought
from the tragic Lapland haven to St. Nicholas and added to Chancellor’s
fleet there.
The return voyage was begun from St. Nicholas in July (1556), the four
ships—the “Edward Bonaventure,” the “Philip and Mary,” and the restored
“Bona Esperanza” and “Bona Confidentia”—making a goodly show as they put
to sea. On board of the “Bonaventure” with Chancellor was the
ambassador, Osep Napea by name, with most of his suite, a brilliant
company of “Russes” and numerous servants, the remainder of his train,
Russian merchants among them, being passengers on the other ships. The
ambassador was well supplied with handsome trappings with which to
dazzle his hosts, and he carried letters “tenderly conceived” from Ivan
to the English sovereign. All of the ships were heavy laden with Russian
goods for the English trade, parts of the cargoes being taken out by the
Russians; while on the “Bonaventure” were a quantity of presents from
the emperor to Philip and Mary—costly furs, rich skins, and “four living
sables with chains and collars.”
For a time the four ships kept gallant company. Then high winds and
storms arose and they were separated not to come together again. The
“Philip and Mary,” the “Bona Esperanza,” and the “Bona Confidentia,”
were all driven on the coast of Norway into “Drenton” waters. The fated
ships in which Willoughby and his associates perished, were both lost
with their passengers and crews. The “Confidentia” was seen to “perish
on a rock.” The “Philip and Mary,” finding a snug harbour, was saved to
make her way back to England nearly a year later. The “Bonaventure”
continued alone on the voyage buffeted by much foul weather. At length,
after four long months at sea, she also met her fate. At the close of a
bleak November day she was driven by “outrageous tempests” on the north
coast of Scotland, and was wrecked off Pitsligo, in Aberdeen Bay.
Chancellor bent all his energies to saving the ambassador. Taking him
with seven of his “Russes” into the ships’ boat he made for the shore.
But it was now night-time, dark and tempestuous, and all of the boat’s
company were lost save the ambassador and a few of the sailors. So the
brave Chancellor perished at the height of his fame and usefulness as a
navigator.
The ambassador thus barely escaping a watery grave was compensated with
a magnificent reception. He was provided with fine raiment of silk and
velvet, and other furnishings in place of those lost in the wreck
(which, by the way, was looted by “rude and ravenous” people of the
neighbourhood), and a band of titled Englishmen escorted him from
Scotland to London. His formal entry into the city was made on a
Saturday, the last day of February. It was a great spectacle, the court
and the Muscovy Company combining for to outshine Ivan’s receptions of
Chancellor. Hakluyt describes it under the caption, “A discourse of the
honourable receiving into England of the first ambassador from the
Empire of Russia in the year of Christ 1556” (1556/7).
Met at the outskirts by the “merchants adventuring for Russia to the
number of one hundred and fortie persons, and so many or more servants
in one [uniform] liverie,” he was conducted toward the city, being shown
on the way a fox hunt, and “such like” English sport. Near the north
line he was met and embraced by “the right honourable Viscount Montague,
sent by her grace [the queen] for his entertainment.” Thence,
accompanied by “divers lustie knights, esquiers, gentlemen, and yeomen
to the number of three hundred horses,” he was led to the north parts of
the city where four “notable merchants richly apparelled” presented him
a “right faire and large gelding richly trapped, together with a
foot-cloth of Orient crimson velvet enriched with gold laces all
finished in most glorious fashion.” Mounting the beautiful horse he
continued in formal procession on to “Smithfield barres the first
limites of the liberties of the citie of London.” Here the Lord Mayor
and all of the aldermen, in blazing scarlet, were lined up to receive
and join him. Thence the gay pageant passed through the city: the
ambassador riding between the Lord Mayor and Viscount Montague, “a great
number of notable personages riding before, and a large troupe of
servants and apprentices following,” throngs of curious people “running
plentifully on all sides.” The procession brought up at the lodgings
which had been provided for the guest, the chambers being “richly hanged
and decked over and above the gallant furniture.”
The ambassador remained in London till early May, the recipient of a
continuous round of courtesies. He was feasted and banquetted “right
friendly” at the houses of the mayor and of “divers worshipful men;” was
royally entertained by Philip and Mary at Westminster when he presented
the emperor’s letters; and was given a farewell supper, “notably
garnished with musicke, enterludes, and bankets,” by the whole Muscovy
Company at the hall of the Drapers’ Guild. Meanwhile the trade alliance
was cemented by a league confirmed under the great seal of England, and
by letters “very tenderly and friendly written” from Philip and Mary to
Ivan. When at length he took his departure from London to return to
Russia, a grand company of aldermen and merchants escorted him to
Gravesend where a fine fleet of four “tall ships,” the “Primrose,” the
“John Evangelist,” the “Anne,” and the “Trinitie,” provided by the
Muscovy Company for his conveyance, lay in waiting. The leave-takings on
both sides were most fervent, with “many embracements and divers
farewells not without expressing of teares.”
This fleet, sailing on the twelfth of May, 1557, carried cargoes of
English merchandise “apt for Russia,” besides quantities of goods taken
out by the ambassador and his retinue, together with return presents
from the queen to the emperor, including rare silks and velvets, and
“two live lions”: so that compliment and business were profitably mixed
in the voyage. As commander of the fleet was Anthony Jenkinson,
gentleman, already favourably known among English merchants as a daring
traveller in the Levant in the interest of commerce, and now, through a
succession of wonderful travels, to extend the Merchant Adventurers’
field of operations into Central Asia. St. Nicholas was duly reached in
July, where the ambassador and his train disembarked to take other craft
for Kholmogro, on the Northern Dwina, southwest of Archangel. The fleet
went no further, and after discharging cargoes and relading with Russian
stuffs, turned back for England, leaving Jenkinson behind to see the
ambassador safely arrived at Moscow and then to start on his new travels
into Asia.
The story of Jenkinson’s adventures and their results was related in two
narratives, both of which Hakluyt preserves. The one covers, as its
title runs, “The voyage wherein Osep Napea the Muscovite Ambassadour
returned home into his Countrey with his entertainment at his arrival at
Colmogro [Kholmogro], and a large description of the maners of the
Countrey.” The other is entitled, “The voyage of Master Anthony
Jenkinson made from the citie of Mosco in Russia to the citie of Boghar
[Bokhara] in Bactria, in the yeere 1558, written by himself to the
Marchants of London of the Muscovie Companie.”
At Moscow he was as graciously received as his predecessors had been,
and while there he farther advanced the interests of the Merchant
Adventurers. He remained in the Russian capital for longer periods than
Chancellor, and had larger opportunities for observation. Hence his
delineations supplied richer colour. Thus the emperor’s “lodging” is
pictured:
“The Emperors lodging is in a faire and large castle, walled foure
square of bricke, high and thicke, situated upon a hill, 2 miles about,
and the river on the Southwest side of it, and it hath 16 gates in the
walles & as many bulwarks. His palace is separated from the rest of the
Castle by a long wall going north and south to the river side. In his
palace are Churches, some of stone and some of wood with round towers
finely gilded. In the Church doores and within the Churches are images
of golde: the chiefe markets for all things are within the sayd Castle,
and for sundry things sundry markets, and every science by it selfe. And
in the winter there is a great market without the castle, upon the river
being frozen, and there is sold corne, earthen pots, tubs, sleds, &c.”
Thus, the costume of the “Russe,” presumably of the higher orders:
“The Russe is apparalled in this maner: his upper garment is of cloth of
golde, silke, or cloth, long, downe to the foot, and buttoned with great
buttons of silver, or els [else] laces of silke, set on with brooches,
the sleeves thereof very long, which he weareth on his arme, ruffed up.
Under that he hath another long garment, buttoned with silke buttons,
with a high coller standing up of some colour, and that garment is made
straight. Then his shirt is very fine, and wrought with red silke, or
some gold with a coller of pearle. Under his shirt he hath linnen
breeches upon his legs, a paire of hose without feete, and his bootes of
red or yellow leather. On his head he weareth a white Colepecke, with
buttons of silver, gold, pearle, or stone, and under it a blacke Foxe
cap, turned up very broad.”
His equipages:
“The Russe, if he be a man of any abilitie, never goeth out of his house
in the winter but upon his sled, and in summer upon his horse: and in
his sled he sits upon a carpet, or a white Beares skinne: the sled is
drawen with a horse well decked, with many Foxes and Woolves tails at
his necke, & is conducted by a little boy upon his backe: his servants
stand upon the taile of the sled.”
The trappings of the saddle-horse:
“They use sadles made of wood & sinewes, with the tree gilded with
damaske worke, & the seat covered with cloth, sometimes of golde, and
the rest Saphian leather well stitched. They use little drummes at their
sadle bowes, by the sound whereof their horses use to runne more
swiftly.”
Ways of travelling:
“In the winter time the people travell with sleds, in towne and
countrey, the way being hard, and smooth with snow: the waters and
rivers are all frozen and one horse with a sled will draw a man upon it
400 miles in three daies: but in the Summer time the way is deepe with
mire, and travelling is very ill.”
Jenkinson started on his eastern travels from Moscow in late April,
1558, well furnished with letters from the emperor, directed to all
kings and princes through whose dominions he might pass, soliciting safe
conduct for him. He was accompanied by two others of the Muscovy
Company’s men—Richard and Robert Johnson—and a Tartar guide. His
ultimate aim was a passage to “Cathay” from Russia by way of the Caspian
Sea, and “Boghar” (Bokhara) overland. He sailed from Moscow on the
Moskva River in a small but staunch vessel and carried along with him
“divers parcels of wares” for barter and trade as he travelled. At
Nijni-Novgorod, at the junction of the Oka and the great Volga rivers,
he joined the train of a captain, or governor, who had been sent out by
the emperor to rule at Astrakhan, and who had under his command “500
great boates,” some laden with soldiers and army supplies, others with
merchandise. Astrakhan was reached in the middle of July. Thence, in
early August, Jenkinson and his comrades proceeded alone, and entered
the Caspian Sea, the first of Englishmen to plow its waters. Here as
they sailed they displayed in their flags the “redde crosse of S.
George” for “honour of the Christians.” After weeks of coasting along
the shores, and much difficult navigation, they landed, early in
September, “overthwart Manguslave”—Mangishlak, in long after times known
as Fort Novo-Alexandrovsk. Here they joined a caravan of a “thousand
camels” and entered upon a long overland journey, full of adventure and
not without peril, by way of Khiva to Bokhara. For twenty days they
travelled in a “wilderness from the seaside without seeing town or
habitation.” At one time they were driven by necessity to eat one of
their camels and a horse. During the twenty days they found no water but
such as they drew out of “old deep wells which was very brackish and
salt.” Far along on their way they encountered bands of “rovers”
(highwaymen), one of forty men under a banished prince, and had some
sharp fighting.
Bokhara was at length reached two days before Christmas. Presenting the
emperor’s letters to the ruler here, Jenkinson was favourably received.
Soldiers were sent out after the banished prince’s rovers, and four
being captured they were hanged at the palace gate “because they were
gentlemen.” Jenkinson remained in the city for more than two months,
keenly observant of men and things. He saw merchants and caravans from
various countries, Persia, India, and others, and heard much about
routes to “Cathay.” He would have pressed on to Persia, but was
prevented by wars.
He finally left to return to Russia near mid-March, and in the nick of
time, for ten days after his departure Bokhara was besieged. He took
back with him, committed to his charge, two ambassadors sent by two
kings to the Russian emperor. Along the way four more Tartar ambassadors
were added to his train; and later he took on twenty-five “Russes” who
had been for a long time slaves in Tartary. He was back at Astrakhan by
the last of May. Several small boats were here prepared, constituting
quite a little fleet, to go up against the stream of the Volga, and in
June the last stage of the journey was begun under the protection of one
hundred gunners provided by the emperor. Moscow was reached in early
September and Jenkinson’s charges safely delivered, for which he was
accorded the honours of a hero. He now tarried in Moscow till February,
1560, in the interest of the Muscovy Company. Then he left for Vologhda,
and thence went to Kholmogro to take passage for home and report upon
his journeyings, by which the entering wedge for English trade with
Central Asia had been made. As soon as navigation opened he sailed with
Stephen Borough, the master of the “Edward Bonaventure” on the first
voyage, then returning from his third voyage to the White Sea.
Stephen Borough was the navigator sailing next after Chancellor for the
Muscovy Company. In May, 1556, a year after Chancellor’s departure on
his second and last voyage, Borough was sent out at the head of an
expedition to discover the harbours in the North coast from Norway to
“Wardhouse,” and to renew the search for the Northeast Passage. His
ships comprised a pinnace called the “Searchthrift” and a smaller
vessel. The little company consisted of himself, his brother William
Borough, and eight others. In this adventure, discovery being the
paramount object, Sebastian Cabot was especially interested, and “the
good old gentleman” was the central figure in the farewell scenes at the
sailing. When the “Searchthrift” was lying off Gravesend prepared to
depart, he came aboard with “divers gentlemen and gentlewomen” to wish
her Godspeed. After his party had inspected the ship and “tasted of such
cheere” as her company could provide, they went ashore distributing as
they left “right liberal rewards” among the sailors. On shore Cabot with
a generous hand bestowed alms on the poor, asking them to pray for good
fortune to the expedition. The day finished with a merry dinner and
dance at “the signe of the Christopher,” in which Cabot’s party and the
ship’s company joined. At these parting festivities Borough pleasantly
pictures the fine veteran seaman, “for very joy that he had to see the
towardness of our intended discovery,” entering into the dance himself
“amongst the rest of the young and lusty company.” But when they were
over, “hee and his friends departed most gently, commending us to the
governance of almighty God.”
This was the last public appearance of Cabot, or the last of which
mention is made in the chronicles, although he lived for a year longer.
His death occurred probably in London in 1557, sixty-one years after the
first commission issued to the Cabots, John and his sons, from Henry the
seventh. As in the case of his father, neither the exact date of his
death nor the place of his burial is known, and Englishmen and Americans
alike much regret that no monument marks the graves of these discoverers
of our continent of North America.
[Illustration:
SEBASTIAN CABOT AT ABOUT EIGHTY YEARS OF AGE.
Reproduced from the engraving of Seyer’s “History of Bristol,”
published in 1823. The original painting was attributed to Holbein
and destroyed by fire in 1845.
]
The record of Borough’s voyage is his own account, which Hakluyt gives
under the title, “The navigation and discoverie toward the river of Ob
[Obi] made by Master Steven Burrough, master of the Pinnesse called the
Searchthrift with divers things worth the noting, passed in the yere
1556.” The outcome of it was the discovery of the strait between Nova
Zembla and the island of Waigats leading to the Kara Sea, which entrance
was given the discoverer’s name as Burrough’s Strait. While Borough did
not get to the Obi, adverse winds and the lateness of the season
preventing (off Waigats snow was being shovelled from the “Searchthrift”
in August), he was the first Western European to reach the southern
extremity of Nova Zembla, and the first to put “Vaigats” on the map.
Turning at the new-found strait he worked his way back to the White Sea
and wintered at Kholmogro. In the following May he set sail again to
seek the three missing ships which had left St. Nicholas with Chancellor
and the Russian ambassador the year before. After a search of the coast
of Lapland, and a call at “Wardhouse” without result, he was returning
to Kholmogro, when calling at Fisher Island, or Ribachi, off Point
Kegor, in Russian Finland, he learned their fate from Dutch traders
there.
Of this supplementary voyage Borough also wrote a detailed account, with
mention of other “divers things” worth noting. Hakluyt reproduces this
account as “The voyage of the foresaid M. Stephen Burrough, An. 1557,
from Colmogro to Wardhouse, which was sent to seeke the Bona Esperanza,
the Bona Confidentia, and the Philip and Mary, which were not heard of
the yeere before.” Constantly observant, Borough made various practical
business notes along the way. At Fisher Island he found Dutchmen with
Norwegian ships trading prosperously with the Lapps, giving “mighty
strong” beer in exchange for stock-fish. Upon which he shrewdly
comments: “I am certaine that our English double beere would not be
liked by the Kerils and Lappians as long as that would last.” He arrived
back in England in the summer of 1557.
The next year Borough visited Spain, where he received much attention
for his part in the discovery of “Moscovie,” as Hakluyt related in the
“Epistle Dedicatorie” of his _Divers Voyages_: “Master Steven Borrows,
now one of the foure masters of the Queens nauie, tolde me that, newely
after his returne from the discouerie of Moscovie by the North in Queene
Maries [Mary’s] daies, the Spaniards having intelligence that he was
master in that discouerie tooke him into their contractation house [in
Seville] at their making and admitting of masters and pilots giving him
great honour, and presented him with a payre [pair] of perfumed gloves
woorth five or six Ducates.”
His third voyage, of 1560, on the return of which he brought Anthony
Jenkinson home, was the seventh despatched by the Muscovy Company, and
was purely commercial. It was made with a fleet of three “good
ships”—the “Swallow,” the “Philip and Mary,” and the “Jesus”—freighted
with English goods, bound for St. Nicholas. Of the “Swallow’s” cargo
were pipes of “secker” (sherry), one of which, marked with “2 round
compasses upon the bung,” was intended as a present for the emperor,
“for it” was “special good.” This voyage was successful throughout, and
it was remarked as the first of the seven for the Muscovy Company which
got safely back to the home port “without loss, or shipwreck, or dead
freight.” Such was the hazard of seafaring with the rude ships of that
day in the cruel Northern seas.
In May of the next year, 1561, Borough again sailed with the “Swallow”
and two other ships for St. Nicholas, this time taking out Jenkinson as
ambassador to Persia, under the patronage of the queen—now Elizabeth—and
also still representing the Muscovy Company, to make another expedition
into the Transcaspian region, and to establish commercial relations with
Persia. This is supposed to have been Borough’s last voyage to Russia.
At the opening of 1563 he was appointed chief pilot and one of the four
masters of the queen’s navy, which post he was holding, as we have seen,
when Hakluyt published the _Divers Voyages_. He died in his sixtieth
year, in 1584.
Anthony Jenkinson’s second Transcaspian expedition was in some respects
more wonderful than his previous travels, and his account of it, given
in “A compendious and briefe declaration” to the Muscovy Company fills
several of the large pages of the _Principal Navigations_. A summary,
however, appears in a subsequent paper, rehearsing all of his travels
from his first voyage out of England in 1546. The salient points are to
be gathered from the two. Starting from Moscow in March, 1562, some
months after his arrival out, having been detained there by one cause
and another, he passed over his former route to the Caspian Sea; sailed
the Caspian to Derbent, or Derbend, then an Armenian city belonging to
Persia, on the western shore; thence travelled overland through Media,
Pathia, Hercania, into Persia, finally bringing up at the court of the
“Great Sophy called Shaw Tamossa,” where he remained for eight months.
Along the way he generously scattered presents with which he had been
provided for distribution among the “kings, princes, and governors” whom
he might meet; and at the great shah’s court he delivered a letter he
bore from the queen to the shah, a flattering missive explaining his
mission as solely commercial. At length, after much manœuvering, he
obtained from “Obdolowcan, king of Hircania”—Abdullah Khan, king of
Shirvan—the sought-for trade privileges, which led to the opening of the
rich trade centering in Persia to the English merchants. After
encountering varied perils and congratulating himself upon getting away
alive, in the disturbed relations then existing between Persia and
Turkey, he arrived safely back at Moscow in August, 1563. There he
remained through the following winter, preparing for a second expedition
to Persia for trading purposes, meanwhile sending one of his companions,
Edward Clarke, overland to England with letters reporting the result of
his mission. In May, 1564, the second expedition was started off under
three of his associates, employees of the Muscovy Company, while he
himself returned to England, reaching London in September.
In the spring of 1565 Jenkinson is found in association with Humphrey
Gilbert presenting to Queen Elizabeth a memorial on the subject of the
Northeast Passage, and offering to take charge of an expedition to
attempt its discovery. Nothing, however, came of this petition, the
queen finding other service for both petitioners. Jenkinson was
appointed to the command of her ship “Aid” the following September, with
instructions to cruise on the coast of Scotland to prevent a landing of
the Earl of Bothwell, and to clear the sea of pirates.
In 1566 the Muscovy Company, in consequence of encroachments by various
traders upon their monopoly, were reincorporated by the queen’s act and
under a new name—the “Fellowship of English Merchants”—with authority to
continue the “discovery of new trades.” Then Jenkinson made another
voyage to Russia and secured the monopoly of the White Sea trade for the
reorganized company. Trade voyages also followed annually to Persia by
various navigators for the company. In the summer of 1571 Jenkinson,
again as the queen’s ambassador, was in Russia, having been sent to
appease the emperor, who, incensed at the failure of overtures made by
him for an alliance with England by which each would assist the other in
its wars, had annulled the Fellowship’s privileges and confiscated their
property. Although upon his arrival at St. Nicholas being told that Ivan
had threatened to take his head if he should venture into the country,
he boldly sought the irate czar, and finally succeeded in bringing him
round to a renewal of the privileges.
This was Jenkinson’s last voyage. He had accomplished much in enlarging
the geographical knowledge of his time. He next appears as an associate
in new ventures for discovery to the Westward, attention now being again
directed to the Northwest Passage and to the North American continent.
XII
REVIVAL OF THE NORTHWEST THEORY
To Humphrey Gilbert belongs the credit for so reviving the Northwest
Passage theory as to turn the thoughts of English merchants and
statesmen to adventure and to colonization in America; while Martin
Frobisher was the first English navigator fairly to begin the Northwest
explorations.
Gilbert, born in 1539, in the county of Devon, was the son of a country
gentleman, half-brother of Walter Raleigh, on the mother’s side, an Eton
schoolboy and an Oxford man, bred to the law, but taking instead to
adventure. When a soldier in Ireland, in 1566–1567, a captain under Sir
Henry Sidney against the Irish rebellion, his mind was busied with
speculation on cosmography; and in the latter year, being sent home with
despatches by Sidney, he took occasion to present to Queen Elizabeth,
whose favour he enjoyed, a petition for privileges “concerning the
discoverings of a passage by the North to go to Cathaie.” This, it is
said, was an alternative to the earlier memorial of Anthony Jenkinson
and himself for royal patronage to a new expedition of discovery by the
Northeast. Both petitions lay unanswered, and he returned to soldiering.
In 1570 he was knighted for his services in Ireland, the previous year
having been given the government of Münster. In 1571, back in England,
he was a member of Parliament for Plymouth. The next year he was
fighting in the Netherlands, the first colonel in command of English
forces there. Returned again to England, he temporarily retired to
country-life at Limehouse, employing his leisure in further geographical
investigations and in writing a learned _Discourse of a Discovery for a
New Passage to Cathaia_, partly, it is assumed, in support of his
petition still before the queen. One day in the winter of 1574 he showed
the manuscript of the _Discourse_ to his friend George Gascoigne, one of
the pioneer Elizabethan poets, who afterward edited and published it.
Meanwhile it led to the granting of a license by the Fellowship of
English Merchants, in 1575, to Martin Frobisher with “divers gentlemen,”
out of which grew Frobisher’s Northwest voyage.
[Illustration: MARTIN FROBISHER.]
Martin Frobisher was of Welsh origin, but of English birth, born in
Yorkshire in about 1535. He was now a thoroughly seasoned mariner,
having followed the sea from his nineteenth year, going out for a decade
in yearly voyages of merchant ships sent to Africa or the Levant by Sir
John and Thomas Lock; and afterward employed in the queen’s service, in
1571 off Ireland. He had before this time become “thoroughly furnished
of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the
arte of navigation,” as the historian of his voyages, George Best,
assures us, and as early as 1560 he had conceived a project for
discovery of the short route by the Northwest to “Cathay” and the
Indies, and had begun looking about for support for it. During the next
fifteen years he schemed to this end, conferring with his “private
friends of these secrets,” importuning members of the Fellowship of
English Merchants to back him, soliciting men of estate and title, and
even the court. But he met little encouragement till his public service
in Ireland had brought him under the favourable notice of the queen and
the attention of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. At length toward the close of
1574 the queen, moved apparently by Sir Humphrey’s _Discourse_, still in
manuscript, addressed a letter to the Fellowship of English Merchants
calling upon them either to despatch an expedition to the Northwest or
transfer their privileges in that direction to other adventurers: and
sent this pregnant message by the hand of Frobisher. The result was the
issue, February, 1575, of their license for his first voyage.
Gilbert’s _Discourse_ is given by Hakluyt presumably as published by
Gascoigne, in 1576, but with his own caption: “A Discourse written by
Sir Humfrey Gilbert Knight, to prove a passage by the Northwest to
Cathaia and the East Indies.” It is an essay in ten chapters displaying
not a little erudition and mastery of his subject. The chapter-heads
show its trend: “1. To prove by authoritie a passage to be on the North
side of America to go to Cathaia, China, and to the East India. 2. To
prove by reason a passage to be on the North side of America to go to
Cathaia, Molucæ &c. 3. To prove by experience of sundry mens travailes
[travels] the opening of this Northwest passage, whereby good hope
remaineth of the rest. 4. To prove by circumstance that the Northwest
passage has been sailed throughout. 5. To proove that such Indians as
have bene driven upon the coastes of Germanie came not thither by the
Southeast, and Southwest, nor from any part of Afrike or America. 6. To
proove that the Indians aforenamed came not from the Northeast; and that
there is no thorow [through] passage navigable that way. 7. To prove
that these Indians came by the Northwest which induceth a certaintie of
this passage by experience. 8. What several reasons were alleaged before
the Queens Majestie, and certaine Lords of her Highnesse privie Council
by M. Anth. Jenkinson a Gentleman of great travaile and experience, to
prove this passage by the Northeast, with my severall answeres then
alleaged to the same. 9. How that this passage by the Northwest is more
commodious for our traffike then [than] the other by the Northeast, if
there were any such. 10. What commodities would ensue, this passage
being once discovered.”
The quaint opening paragraph expresses succinctly his theory and the
steps by which he had reached it: “When I gave my selfe to the studie of
Geographie, after I had perused and diligently scanned the descriptions
of Europe, Asia, and Afrike, and conferred them with the Mappes and
Globe, both Antique and Moderne: I came in fine to the fourth part of
the world, commonly called America, which by all descriptions I found to
bee an Island environed round about with Sea, having on the Southeside
of it the frete or straight of Magellan, on the West side Mar del Sur,
which sea runneth towards the North, separating it from the East parts
of Asia, where the Dominions of the Cathaians are: on the East part an
West Ocean, and on the North side the sea that severeth it from
Groneland [Greenland] thorow which Northren Sea the Passage lyeth, which
I take now in hand to discover.”
In the concluding paragraph we have an exhibition of Sir Humphrey’s
highmindedness and his chivalrous devotion of himself to his country:
"Desiring you hereafter never to mislike with me for the taking in hande
of any laudable and honest enterprise: for if through pleasure or
idleness we purchase shame the pleasure vanisheth, but the shame
remaineth forever. And therefore to give me leave without offence,
always to live and die in this mind, That he is not worthy to live at
all that for feare, or danger of death, shunneth his countries service
and his owne honour: seeing death is inevitable, and the fame of vertue
immortall. Wherefore in this behalfe, Mutare vel timere sperno."
Frobisher’s initial voyage was financed, in the language of to-day,
principally by Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick. The total amount
subscribed for the venture was but eight hundred and seventy-five
pounds. Two small barks, the “Gabriel,” of twenty-five tons, and the
“Michael” of twenty tons, with a pinnace of ten tons, were furnished,
and provisioned for ten months. The company were small but well
selected. Christopher Hall, the master of the “Gabriel,” and Frobisher’s
right hand, was an experienced mariner in the Northern seas, and had
presumably sailed with Frobisher in one or another of his eastern
voyages. Among his charts Frobisher is supposed to have included the
Zeno map, delineating the fourteenth century discoveries of the Venetian
brothers Zeno, then comparatively new, having been brought to light in
Italy in 1558.
The tiny fleet set sail from Ratcliffe on the seventh of June (1576),
but at Detford came to anchor, the pinnace having “burst” her
“boultsprit” and foremast, in coming against a ship that was riding
there. The next day making a fresh start they bore down on Greenwich,
where the court yet was. Here, as a quarter of a century before the
Willoughby-Chancellor fleet had done when passing out by the boy king’s
court, they made the “best shew” they could by shooting off their
ordnance, while Queen Elizabeth waved her hand from a window in
affectionate farewell. Afterward the queen sent one of her courtiers
aboard the “Gabriel” with a message declaring her “good liking for our
doings,” and summoning Frobisher to the court to take personal leave of
her. The same day—the narrator is Christopher Hall—"towards night, M.
Secretarie Woolly came aboord of us and declared to the company that her
Majesty had appointed him to give them charge to be obedient and
diligent to their Captaine and governors in all things, and wished us
happie successe."
Accounts of this voyage were written in terse sailor fashion by
Christopher Hall, and with more detail and colour by George Best, the
historian of all of Frobisher’s Northwest expeditions. Hakluyt gives the
text of both. Hall’s appears under this title: “The first Voyage of M.
Martine Frobisher to the Northwest for the search of the straight or
passage to China, written by Christopher Hall, Master in the Gabriel,
and made in the yeere of our Lord 1576.” Best’s is an extended monograph
thus entitled: “A true Discourse of the three Voyages of Discoverie, for
the finding of a passage to Cathaya, by the Northwest, under the conduct
of Martin Frobisher Generall: Before which, as a necessary preface, is
prefixed a two-folde discourse, conteining certaine reasons to prove all
partes of the World habitable. Penned by Master George Best, a Gentleman
employed in the same voyages.”
From these two narrations, the one supplying details omitted by the
other, the full graphic story is to be drawn.
XIII
FROBISHER IN ARCTIC AMERICA
It was the first of July before the fleet was clear of the coast of
England. Eleven days later new land was sighted “rising like pinnacles
of steeples, and all covered with snowe,” as Hall, with almost a poet’s
touch, described. This Frobisher and his companion navigators agreed
must be the “Friesland” of the brothers Zeno as laid down in the Zeno
chart. It was, in fact, Cape Farewell, the southern point of Greenland.
They sailed toward the shore, and Frobisher with four men in his
shipboat strove to make a landing, but was prevented by the accumulation
of ice about it. Leaving this coast and taking now a southwestward
course they voyaged on through the trackless sea till the twenty-eighth
of July, when they had their next sight of land, which Hall supposed to
be Labrador. Meanwhile between the two points—Greenland and the supposed
Labrador—there had been some pretty serious happenings to the voyagers
during storms; and only those on Frobisher’s ship, the “Gabriel,” saw
the new land, for the “Michael” had early deserted. We must turn to Best
for this part of the story.
“Not far from thence [Greenland] hee [Frobisher] lost compnye of his
small pinnesse which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be
swallowed uppe of the sea, wherein he lost onely foure men. Also the
other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter, conveyed
themselves privily away from him, and retourned home, wyth great reporte
that he was cast awaye.” His own ship, too, had sprung her mast, and the
top-mast had blown overboard in “extreme foule weather.” Yet,
notwithstanding these “discomforts,” the “worthy captaine” continued
steadily on his course, “knowing that the sea at length must needs have
an ending and that some land should have a beginning that way: and
determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea
the same might be so far to the Northwestwards beyond any man that hath
heretofore discovered.”
The new land sighted was a promontory of an island off the main above
Labrador: the present Cape Resolution of Resolution Island, about the
north entrance to Hudson’s Strait. Being his first discovery Frobisher
loyally bestowed upon the promontory his sovereign’s name, calling it
“Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland.” So environed was it by ice that the
shore could not be reached. Hall tells of efforts made the next day
unsuccessfully to find a harbour, for all the sound was filled with
ice. Then they sailed northeasterly, following the coast, and early
the next morning another headland was descried. Approaching, they
found this to be a “foreland” with (it is now Best’s relation) a
“great gut, bay, or passage, divided as it were two maine lands or
continents asunder.” The gut was what we now know as Frobisher’s Bay.
Believed to be a strait, and of great possibilities, it was so named
for the discoverer—"Frobisher’s Straits."
Hereabouts was also a “store of exceeding great ice,” which kept them
off this shore. Nor for a while was it possible to make further headway,
contrary winds detaining them “overthwart” the supposed straits. Within
a few days, however, the ice largely cleared, “either there ingulfed in
by some swift currents or indrafts, carried more to the Southward, ...
or els conveyed some other way,” and entrance was effected. Thereupon
Frobisher proceeded to explore this water, having high hopes that he
“might carry himself through it into some open sea on the back side.” He
penetrated it for “above fifty leagues,” having on either hand, as he
believed, “a great maine or continent.” As he sailed westward “that land
upon his right hand ... he judged to be the continent of Asia, and there
to be divided from the firme [land] of America which lieth upon the left
hand over against the same.”
When he had sailed thus far a landing was made on an island—"Burchers,"
as Hall names it—and meetings were had with the people. Hall relates
this adventure with a description of the natives:
“The 19 day [August] in the morning, being calme, and no winde, the
Captaine and I took our boate, with eight men in her, to rowe us ashore,
to see if there were there any people or no, and going to the toppe of
the island we had sight of seven boates, which came rowing from the East
side toward that Island: whereupon we returned aboord again: at length
we sent our boate with five men in her, to see whither they rowed, and
so with a white cloth brought one of their boates with their men along
the shoare, rowing after our boat till such time as they saw our ship,
and then they rowed ashore: then I went on shoare my selfe, and gave
every of them a threadden point, and brought one of them aboord of me,
where hee did eate and drinke, and then carried him ashore againe.
Whereupon all the rest came aboord with their boates, being nineteen
persons, and they spake, but we understood them not. They bee the
Tartars, with long blacke haire, broad faces, and flatte noses, and
tawnie in colour, wearing Seale skinnes, and so doe the women, not
differing in the fashion, but the women are marked in the face with
blewe [blue] streekes [streaks] downe the cheekes, and round about the
eyes. Their boates are made of Seales skinnes, with a keel of wood
within the skin: the proportion of them is like a Spanish shallop, save
only they be flat in the bottome and sharpe at both ends.”
Here we have the first description of the Eskimo, or the Northwest
American coast Indian.
The next day the “Gabriel” was sailed to the east side of this island
and Hall with the captain and four men again went ashore and had parleys
with the natives here. One was enticed into their boat and taken to the
ship, where he was given some trinkets. Then he was sent back in the
charge of five of the sailors with instructions to land him at a rock
off the shore. But the “wilfulness” of these sailors was such that they
would go on to the shore and mingle with the people. So they were
captured together with their boat; and neither boat nor men were ever
after seen. Some of the natives, whose curiosity at length got the
better of their caution, visited the ship and made friends with the
company. They entertained their hosts with exhibitions of their agility,
trying “many masteries upon the ropes of the ship after our mariners
fashion, and appeared to be very strong of their armes and nimble of
their bodies.” (Best’s relation.) They bartered seal and bearskin coats
for bells, looking-glasses and toys, much pleased with their bargains.
Repeated attempts were made by Frobisher to secure one or more of them
to take back to England as “a token” of his having been in these
regions. But all his exertions were foiled by their wariness till he
resorted to a “pretty policie.” This was to decoy a group by ringing toy
bells, then throwing the bells one by one into the water for them to
scramble for, at each throw shortening the distance from the ship. One,
in his eagerness, paddled close to the ship, when he was grabbed and
hauled aboard with his boat. So angered was the poor fellow at his
capture that “he bit his tongue in twain in his mouth.” Nevertheless, he
survived till the return of the voyagers to England, but shortly after
he died miserably “of a cold which he had taken at sea.”
With this living witness of his “farre and tedious travels towards the
unknowen partes of the world” (Best’s relation), and with other “tokens”
which his companions had collected in their essays ashore—some bringing
“floures [flowers], some greene grasse, and one ... a piece of blacke
stone much like to a sea cole [coal] in colour which by the weight
seemed to be some kinde of metall or minerall”—Frobisher turned his
ship’s prow homeward at the end of August. Meanwhile, he had taken
formal possession of the region round about the “straits,” in the name
of the queen of England, who afterward dubbed it “Meta Incognita.” The
name is still seen on modern maps, confined to the point of Baffin Land
between Frobisher’s Bay and Hudson Strait.
The homeward voyage was without incident, beyond perils encountered in
fierce storms, in one of which, as Hall relates, a sailor was “blowen
into the sea,” and in his flight catching hold of the foresail was there
held till the captain “plucked him again into the ship.” They arrived in
late September, and anchoring first at Yarmouth came to port at Harwich,
October second.
Frobisher immediately repaired to London with his report and his
“tokens.” There he became the hero of the hour, being “highly commended
of all men for his great and notable attempt, but specially famous for
the great hope he brought of the passage to Cataya.” The captured
native, too—"this strange infidell," as Best wrote, “whose like was
never seene, read, nor heard of before, and whose language was neither
knowen nor understood of any”—must have been gazed upon with awe.
But the bit of “blacke stone,” brought as a novelty only, and deemed by
the captain of no account except as a souvenir, proved to be the “token”
of greatest import, since, quite by accident, it became an instrument
that practically transformed the Frobisher project from its original
design into a fervid speculative enterprise.
Best tells how this came about: “After his [Frobisher’s] arrival in
London being demanded of sundry of his friends what thing he had brought
them home out of that countrey, he had nothing left to present them
withall but a piece of this blacke stone. And it fortuned that a
gentlewoman one of the adventurers wives to have a piece thereof, which
by chance she threw and burned in the fire, so long that at length being
taken forth, and quenched in a little vinegar, it glistened with a
bright merquesset of golde. Whereupon the matter being called in some
question, it was brought to certain Goldfiners in London to make assay
thereof, who gave out that it held golde, and that very richly for the
quantity. Afterwards the same Goldfiners promised great matters thereof
if there were any store to be found, and offered themselves to adventure
for the searching of those parts from whence the same was brought. Some
that had great hope of the matter sought secretly to have a lease at her
Majesties hands of those places, whereby to injoy the masse of so great
a publike profit unto their owne private gaines. In conclusion, the hope
of more of the same golde ore to be found kindled a greater opinion in
the hearts of many to advance the voyage againe.”
Thereupon “preparation was made for a new voyage against the yere
following, and the captaine more specially directed by commission for
the searching more of this golde ore then [than] for the searching any
further discovery of the passage. And being well accompanied with divers
resolute and forward gentlemen, her Majesty then lying at the right
honourable the lord of Warwicks house in Essex, he came to take his
leave, and kissing her highnesses hands, with gracious countenance &
comfortable words departed towards his charge.”
Under such auspices this second voyage was organized liberally. The
queen invested in the venture, together with members of the privy
council; and among other subscribers were the Countess of Warwick, the
Earl and Countess of Pembroke, Lord Charles Howard, Michael Lok, Anthony
Jenkinson, and young Philip Sidney. The total amount subscribed was
fifty-one hundred and fifty pounds. A charter was issued for the
“Company of Cathay,” with privileges similar to the old Muscovy Company,
in which Michael Lok, “mercer,” of London, was named as governor, and
Frobisher captain-general of their navy and high admiral of “all seas
and waters, countreys, landes, and iles, as well as of Kathai [Cathay]
as of all other countryes and places of new dyscovery.” The queen
provided one of her large ships, the “Ayde,” of two hundred tons, to
serve as the “admiral” of the fleet, the other vessels being the two
barks which had started out on the first voyage, the “Gabriel” and the
“Michael” (now recorded as of “about thirty ton apiece”). Frobisher was
placed at the head as “captain-general of the whole company for her
majesty”; George Best was appointed lieutenant; and Richard Philpot,
ensign. Christopher Hall was made the master of the “Ayde”; Edward
Fenton, “a gentleman of my Lady Warwicks,” captain of the “Gabriel,”
with William Smyth, master; Gilbert Yorke, “a gentleman of my Lord
Admirals” [Howard], captain and James Beare master of the “Michael.” At
the start the company comprised one hundred and forty-three persons,
made up of thirty-six officers and gentlemen, fourteen miners and
“goldfiners,” and the remainder soldiers and sailors. Of this number the
“Ayde” accommodated, with the captain-general and his staff, one
hundred. The ships were fully appointed with munitions, and were
provisioned for a half year.
Hakluyt gives two accounts also of this voyage, and, as in the case of
the first one, the whole animated story of it is to be gleaned from the
two. They comprise the narratives of Dionysus Settle and of George Best,
that of the latter being the second chapter of his _True Discourse_.
They are presented under the following titles, respectively: “The second
voyage of Master Martin Frobisher, made to the West and Northwest
Regions, in the yeere 1577, with a description of the Countrey and
people: Written by Master Dionise Settle,” and “A true report of such
things as happened in the second voyage of captaine Frobisher, pretended
for the discovery of a new passage to Cataya, China, and the East India
by the Northwest Ann. Dom. 1577.” Both narrators were active members of
Frobisher’s company throughout the voyage.
Best, furnishing a description of the spirited scenes at the departure,
properly begins the story.
All things being in readiness, “the sayd captaine Frobisher, with the
rest of his company, came aboord his ships riding at Blackwall intending
(with Gods helpe) to take the first winde and tide serving him, the 25
day of May, in the yere of our Lord God 1577.... On Whitsunday being the
26 of May ... early in the morning, we weighed anker at Blackwall, and
fell that tyde down to Gravesend, where we remained untill Monday at
night. On Munday morning the 27 May, aboord the Ayde we received all the
Communion by the Minister of Gravesend, and prepared us as good
Christians towards God, and resolute men for all fortunes: and towards
night we departed to Tilbery Hope. Tuesday the eight and twenty of May,
about nine of the clocke, at night, we arrived at Harwitch in Essex and
there stayed for the taking in of certaine victuals, untill Friday being
the thirtieth of May, during which time came letters from the Lordes of
the Councell, straightly commanding our Generall not to exceed his
complement and number appointed him, which was one hundred and twentie
persons: whereupon he discharged many proper men which with unwilling
mindes departed. He also dismissed all his condemned men [men from the
prisons who had been incarcerated for petty crimes] which he thought for
some purposes very needfull for the voyage, and towards night upon
Friday the one and thirtieth of May we set saile and put to the Seas
again.”
Sailing with a “merrie wind,” on the seventh of June they reached the
Orkneys and put in at one of them for a supply of fresh water, greatly
frightening the islanders at their appearance, who thought them pirates.
Here they tarried for a day, the gentlemen and soldiers being permitted
to go ashore for their recreation. Again at sea, they shortly met three
English fisher ships homeward bound from Iceland, and they improved this
opportunity to send letters home to England. After twenty-six days
without sight of land they came, on the fourth of July, “within the
making of Friesland.” Ten or twelve leagues from the Greenland shore
they encountered huge icebergs, “great Islands of yce, of halfe a mile,
some more, some lesse in compasse, showing above the sea 30 or 40
fathoms.”
About Greenland, Settle shiveringly remarked that “in place of
odoriferous and fragrant smels of sweete gums & pleasant notes of
musicall birdes which other Countreys in more temperate zones do yeeld,”
they “tasted the most boisterous Boreal blasts mixt with snow and haile
in June and July.” But Best found it more cheery despite the Boreal
blasts. As he observed, “for so much of this land as we have sailed
alongst comparing their [the brothers Zeno’s] carde on the coast, we
finde it very agreeable.” One day when they lay becalmed they did a
little fishing, and Best spins this fine fish yarn: “We ... let fall a
hooke without any bayte [bait] and presently caught a great fish called
a Hollibut who served the whole companie for a day’s meale.” As on his
first voyage, Frobisher made several attempts with his shipboat to get
ashore, but could not overcome the bulwarks of ice.
Four days and nights were spent in coasting Greenland, and then the
fleet struck out on the last stage of the voyage. On the way they ran
into a great storm in which the “Michael” had her topmast blown
overboard, and the other ships were hard strained. On the sixteenth of
July “Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland” was sighted: and the next day the
“North Foreland” or “Hall’s Island” (named for Christopher Hall),
“near-adjacent” to the place where the ore had been found on the first
voyage. Here both chroniclers assumed—accepting Frobisher’s theory—that
they were come between the two “forelands,” near by “the supposed
continent of America” on the one side and the “supposed continent of
Asia” on the other and at the opening of the “straits” to the real
“passage.”
Now Frobisher hastened off with the goldfiners for a prospecting trip on
the island where the ore was first taken up, while the ships sought a
harbour. As Settle’s account proceeds: “At our first comming the
streights seemed to be shut up with a long mure [wall] of yce which gave
no little cause of discomfort unto us all: but our Generall ... with two
little Pinnesses prepared of purpose passed twice thorow [through] them
to the East shore and the Islands thereto adjacent.” Best relates the
mournful outcome of this prospecting: “He could not get in all that
Iland a peece so big as a Walnut, where the first was found.” Some of
his band, however, who sought other islands thereabouts had better luck,
for they were found “all to have good store of ore.” With these good
tidings he returned to his ship “about tenne of the clocke at night, and
was joyfully welcomed by the companie with a volie of shot.”
Early the next morning Frobisher again started out with a larger party,
forty “gentlemen and souldiers,” for further prospecting, and also to
find a fit harbour for the ships; and this day, on the summit of a
snow-capped hill, a dramatic scene was enacted, with the taking
possession of the country for England, and a service of thanksgiving,
all kneeling in a circle about the English ensign. Best was of this
party, and his relation alone describes these pious ceremonies on the
lonely hill-top.
“Passing towardes the shoare with no small difficultie by reason of the
abundance of yce which lay alongst the coast so thicke togither that
hardly any passage through them might be discovered, we arrived at
length upon the maine of Halles greate Iland, and found there also as
well as in the other small Ilands good store of the Ore. And leaving his
boates here with sufficient guardes we passed up into the countrey about
two English miles, and recovered the toppe of a high hill, on the top
whereof our men made a Columne or Crosse of stones heaped up of a good
height togither in good sort, and solemnly sounded a Trumpet, and said
certaine prayers kneeling about the Ensigne, and honoured the place by
the name of Mount Warwicke, in remembrance of the Right Honourable the
Lord Ambrose Dudley Earle of Warwick, whose noble mind and good
countenance in this, as in all other good actions, gave great
encouragement and good furtherance. This done we retyred our companies
not seeing anything here worth further discoverie, the countrey seeming
barren and full of rugged mountaines and in most parts covered with
snow.”
No natives were seen during these performances. But as the party were
marching toward their boats, their flag at their head swaying in the
Arctic summer breeze, hearing strange noises like the “mowing of bulls,”
and looking back, they espied a group on the summit of Mount Warwick
earnestly signalling them. Frobisher, understanding this peculiar cry as
a call of invitation for a meeting, answered with like cries, and also
caused a trumpeter to sound his horn. Whereat “they seemed greatly to
rejoice, skipping, laughing, and dancing for joy.” Then signs were made
to them, two fingers being held up, signifying that two of the English
company would meet two of theirs, in the open, apart from both
companies; and by other signs it was conditioned that each couple should
be without weapons. The proposal was accepted, and the meeting held with
much show of friendliness on both sides. Trifling presents were
exchanged, and the companies were cordially invited to visit each other.
The natives would have the Englishmen “goe up into their countrey,”
while the Englishmen offered the natives “like kindnesses” aboard their
ships. But evidently neither “admitted or trusted the others courtesie.”
The day being now nearly spent, the Englishmen abruptly broke off the
palavering and resumed the march to their boats. The whole body of
natives followed at a safe distance, with “great tokens of affection”
entreating them to remain. When near the boats Frobisher and Hall turned
back, and meeting two representatives as before again “went apart” with
this couple. Their intention was, under cover of further confab, to
seize these two unawares and carry them to the “Ayde.” A lively tussle
ensued, closing with the successful performance of a “Cornish trick” by
one of the company, who came to the captain’s assistance at a critical
moment. The performer was a Cornishman renowned among his fellows as a
wrestler:
“The Generall and his Maister being met with their two companions
togither after they had exchanged certaine things the one with the
other, one of the Salvages [savages] for lacke of better merchandise cut
off the tayle of his coat (which is a chief ornament among them) and
gave it unto our Generall as a present. But he [the general] presently
upon a watchword given with his Maister, sodainely [suddenly] laid hold
upon the two Salvages. But the ground underfoot being slipperie with the
snow on the side of the hill, their handfast fayled and their prey
escaping ranne away and lightly recovered their bow and arrowes, which
they had hid not farre from them behind the rockes. And being onely two
Salvages in sight they so fiercely, desperately, and with such fury
assaulted and pursued our Generall and his Master, being altogether
unarmed, and not mistrusting their subtiltie, that they chased them to
their boates and hurt the Generall ... with an arrow, who the rather
speedily fled backe, because they suspected a greater number behind the
rockes. Our souldiers (which were commanded before to keepe their
boates) perceiving the danger, and hearing our men calling for shot,
came speedily to rescue thinking there had been a greater number. But
when the Salvages heard the shot of one of our calivers (and yet having
just bestowed their arrowes) they ran away, our men speedily following
them. But a servant of my Lorde of Warwick, called Nicholas Conger, a
good footman, and uncombred with any furniture having only a dagger at
his backe, overtook one of them, and being a Cornishman and a good
wrestler, shewed his companion such a Cornish tricke that he made his
sides ake for a moneth after.”
So one was captured while the other escaped. With this “new and strange
prey” the captain and his companions finally embarked on their boats.
But it had become too late to reach the ships, and a storm had arisen.
Accordingly they crossed to a small island to tarry the night. They had
neither eaten nor drunk through the day, and now could refresh
themselves only with a scant supply of victuals which had been put in
the boats for their dinner. Then they lay down upon “hard cliffes of
snow and yce,” wet, cold, and comfortless; and so, “keeping verie good
watch and warde,” the night was spent.
Meanwhile the ships in the bay were having a perilous time of it. Settle
relates that they were “forced to abide in a cruell tempest, chancing in
the night amongst and in the thickest of the yce which was so monstrous”
that they would have been shivered to pieces had not the lightness of
the night enabled them to shift about and avoid the rushing ice floes.
And Best tells of an earlier peril escaped. The “Ayde” had been set
afire through the “negligence of the Cooke in over-heating, and the
workman in making the chimney,” and she was saved from destruction only
by a ship-boy’s chance discovery of the flames. The next morning,
however, opened fair and tranquil. Then “the Generall espying the ships,
with his new Captive and whole company, came happily abord, and reported
what had passed a shoare.” And then “altogither upon our knees we gave
God humble and heartie thankes, for that it had pleased him, from so
speedy peril to send us such speedy deliverance.”
That day, the twentieth of July, the ships “stroke over” from the
northern shore toward the southern, and the next day a bay was
discovered running into the land, which seemed a likely harbour for
them. Thither Frobisher, again taking the goldfiners, rowed, to “make
proofe thereof,” and at the same time to search for ore on this side,
having as yet assayed nothing on the south shore. The sands and cliffs
of the islands here visited “did so glister” in the sun and had so
“bright a marquesite,” that “it seemed all to be gold.” But, unhappily,
upon trial it “prooved no better then [than] black-lead.” Thus, as the
philosophic Settle observed, and Best echoed, was verified the “old
proverb, All is not gold that glistereth.” On one island, indeed, a mine
of silver was struck, but the stuff was not to be “wonne [won] out of
the rockes without great labour.” On another, in lieu of precious metal,
was discovered, “embayed in yce” a carcass of a great “sea unicorn,” or
morse, with a “horne of two yardes long growing out of the snout,” "like
in fashion to a Taper made of waxe." And this unicorn’s horn was the
sole trophy of the prospecting on this side. It was long afterward to be
seen in England, being “reserved as a Jewel by the Queenes Majesties
commandement in her wardrobe of Robes.” The harbour, however, appeared
satisfactory, and on the next day the ships bore into the sound and came
to anchor. This sound they named “Jackman’s Sound,” after the mate of
the “Ayde.”
The ships now being in fair “securitie” another formal entry into the
country was made and a thanksgiving ceremony performed. Best’s relation
is Settle’s account enlarged: “Tuesday the three and twentieth of July
our Generall with his best company of gentlemen, souldiers and saylers,
to the number of seventie persons in all, marched with ensigne displyede
up the continent of the Southerland (the supposed continent of America),
where, commanding a Trumpet to sound a call for every man to repaire to
the ensigne, he declared to the whole companie how much the cause
imported for the service of her Majestie; our countrey, our credit, and
the safetie of our owne lives, and therefore required every man to be
conformable to order, and to be directed by those he should assigne. And
he appointed for leaders, Captaine Fenton, Captaine Yorke, and his
Lieutenant George Beste: which done, we cast our selves into a ring, and
altogither on our knees, gave God humble thanks for that he had pleased
him of his great goodnesse to preserve us from such imminent dangers,
beseeching likewise the assistance of his holy spirite, so to deliver us
in safetie unto our Countrey, whereby the light and truth of these
secrets being knowen, it might redound to the more honour of his holy
name, and consequently to the advancement of our common wealth. And so,
in as good sort as the place suffered, we marched towards the tops of
the mountains [as stated by Settle, now and then heaping up stones on
them in token of possession] which were no lesse painfull in climbing
then [than] dangerous in descending, by reason of their steepnesse &
yce. And having passed about five miles, by such unwieldie wayes, we
returned unto our ships without sight of any people, or likelihood of
habitation.”
Inspired by this journey to further exploration, several of the company
urged Frobisher to permit them to march with a picked band thirty or
forty leagues inland to discover it, and “do some acceptable service”
for England. But he, “not contented with the matter he sought for [that
is, gold], and well considering the short time he had in hand, and the
greedie desire our countrey hath to a present savour and returne of
gaine,” declined their petition at that juncture, and “bent his whole
indevour only to find a Mine to fraight his ships.” After he had found
freight for the barks he would hope to “discover further for the
passage” through the supposed strait.
So on the twenty-sixth he set off again for the northland, taking the
two barks, and leaving the “Ayde” alone riding in Jackman’s Sound. That
night he came to anchor in a little haven to which he gave the name of
“Bear’s Sound,” for the master of the “Michael.” Here more trouble was
encountered. “The tydes did runne so swift, and the place was so subject
to indrafts of yce,” that the barks were in constant danger. Still, they
rode without serious injury through the next day, while the party having
found “a very nice Myne, as they supposed” on a neighbouring island
(named by them Leicester’s Island), managed to get together “almost
twentie tunne of ore.” But the next day the ice came driving into the
sound with such force that both barks were “greatly distressed,” and it
became imperative at once to get away from this dangerous place. Thus
they were obliged to leave the ore they had dug up in a pile on the
island. They got off on the next flood toward morning. About “five
leagues” beyond they came upon another sound, so “fenced on eche [each]
side with smal ilands lying off the maine, which breake the force of the
tides,” as to form an exceptionally good harbour. Accordingly they
decided to anchor here, under one of the isles. Then landing, they found
on this isle such an abundance of ore “indifferent good,” that they
concluded to load here rather than to seek further “for better and spend
time with jeoperdie.”
This decision being reached the miners were put diligently to work,
Frobisher setting a good example by his own energetic action, and every
man of the party “willingly layd to their helping hands.” The “Michael”
was despatched back to Jackman’s to bring up the “Ayde,” and on the last
day of July the ships were all in this haven, and all of the company
busy at mining. Within twenty days from the start of these operations
nearly two hundred tons of the supposed ore had been shipped, and
preparations had begun for the homeward voyage. Meanwhile a little fort
had been built on the island for accommodation and defence. This was
devised by Best, and his name was given it as “Best’s Bulwark.” Both
sound and island were named the “Countess Warwick’s Sound and Island,”
in honour of “that vertuous Ladie, Anne Countesse of Warwicke.” The
Countess of Warwick’s land is the Kod-lu-narn of to-day.
While the work of mining was going forward on this island more
scrimmages with the natives were had. Captain Yorke of the “Michael,”
when coming up from Jackman’s Sound, had a sharp fight with a body of
them on the shore of a little bay, afterward called for him “Yorke’s
Sound.” And here, in one of their seal-skin tents, were found relics—an
old shirt, a doublet, a girdle, and shoes—of the five Englishmen whom
the natives had captured on the first voyage. Thereupon rescue parties
were sent out; a letter advising the lost men, if any were alive, of the
presence of their friends, was left in the custody of those of the
natives who seemed the most friendly, with pen, ink, and paper for
communicating their whereabouts; and threats of reprisal were made if
the men were not produced or their fate disclosed: but all to no
purpose. One rescue party under Master Philpot, the ensign, came into
conflict with a group off Yorke’s Sound, who began an assault with a
flight of arrows; and on their flying retreat Philpot’s men captured a
young woman and child to add to the living “prey” to be taken back to
England. Several of the natives, when wounded by the Englishmen’s return
fire, leapt into the sea and drowned themselves. The young woman was
taken with an old one, the two “not being so apt to escape as the men
were, the one for her age, and the other being incombred” with the
child. Some of the pursuing Englishmen suspected the old woman of being
“eyther a devill or a witch,” and to satisfy themselves on this fearful
point, they “had her buskins plucked off to see if she was cloven
footed.” She was finally let go because of her “ougly [ugly] hue and
deformity.”
Fuller information about the natives and their customs was given in the
narratives of this voyage than of the first one. Settle describes the
men as “of a large corporature and of good proportion.” They wore their
hair “something long, and cut before either with stone or knife, very
disorderly.” The women also wore long hair, but theirs was “knit up with
two loupes, shewing forth on either side of their faces, and the rest
foltred upon a knot.” Their apparel was comprised of “skins of such
beasts as they kill, sewed together with the sinews of them.” These
garments were made with “hoods and tailes which tailes they give when
they thinke to gratifie any friendship shewed unto them: a great sign of
friendship with them.” Their legs were encased in “hose of leather with
the fur side inward, two or three pairs on at once.” These stockings
were held up by a bone placed inside them, reaching from the foot to the
knee, instead of by garters. In them they carried their “knives,
needles, and other things needful to beare about.” The beasts, fishes,
and fowls that they killed provided all their wants. They were their
“meat, drinke, apparell, houses, bedding, hose, shoes, thread, and sails
of their boates, with many other necessaries,” and “almost all their
riches.”
Their weapons comprised bows and arrows, darts, and slings. The bows
were of wood, “a yard long, sinewed at the back with strong sinews.” The
bow-strings were also sinews. The arrows were wooden, half a yard or a
little more in length, “nocked with bone and ended with bone,”
feathered, and of three styles of heads: one, of stone or iron,
“proportioned like to a heart”; another, of bone with a hooked tip; the
third, of bone sharp on both sides and sharp pointed. The darts were of
two kinds, one with “many forkes of bone in the fore end and likewise in
the midst,” the other with “a long bone made sharpe on both sides, not
much unlike a Rapier.” Their boats were of leather, “set out on the
inner side with quarters of wood artificially tyed together with thongs
of the same”; and they were of two sorts: one large, to carry sixteen or
twenty men, and provided with a sail made of the “guts of such beasts as
they kill very fine and thin, which they sew together”; the other, a
canoe, intended for one man only, with a single oar or paddle.
Their winter habitations Best thus described: “Upon the maine land over
against the Countesses Iland we discovered and behelde to our great
marvell the poore caves and houses of those countrey people, which serve
them (as it would seeme) for their winter dwellings.” They were “made
two fadome under grounde, in compasse round, like to an Oven, being
joyned fast one by another, having holes like to a fox or Connyberry, to
keepe and come togither. They undertrenched these places with gutters
so, that the waters falling from the hills above them, may slide away
without their annoyance: and are seated commonly in the foote of a hill,
to shield them better from the cold windes, having their doore and
entrance ever open towards the South. From the ground upward they builde
with whales bones for lacke of timber, which bending one over another,
are handsomely compacted in the top together, and are covered over with
Sealesskinne, which instead of tiles fence them from the raine. In which
house they have only one roome, having the one halfe of the floure
[floor] raised with broad stones a foot higher than ye other, whereon
strawing Mosse they make their nests to sleep in.”
The company finished the lading of the ships with their precious freight
on the twenty-first of August, and the next day took formal leave of the
place with a demonstration. Bonfires were lighted on the highest mount;
then all marched in procession, with ensign displayed, round about the
island; and finally a “vollie of shott” was given “for a farewell” in
honour of the Countess of Warwick.
They set sail on the twenty-third with a prosperous wind, but before
clearing the sound were becalmed and obliged to come to anchor again.
The next morning, making a fresh start, they proceeded to sea. Here they
took a more southerly course to “bring themselves the sooner into the
latitude of their own climate.” The wind was so strong that they lay “a
hull” the first night, and had snow half a foot deep on the hatches.
Three or four days later the “Michael” lost company of the other two
ships, and shaping her course toward the Orkneys she arrived first in
England, making port at Yarmouth. Later the “Gabriel” was separated from
the “Ayde.” On the thirtieth of August, with the force of the wind and a
“surge of the sea,” the “Gabriel’s” master and the boatswain were both
cast overboard. The boatswain was saved but the master lost. In the same
storm, on the first of September, the “Ayde” was disabled, her rudder
being “torn in twain.” The next day, when a calm succeeded the tempest,
an heroic work was performed in mending the break. “They flung halfe a
dozen couple of our best men overboard, who taking great paines under
water, driving plankes and binding with ropes, did well strengthen and
mend the matter.” This done (it is Best’s relation) the men returned
“the most part more than halfe dead out of the water.” The "Ayde" first
dropped anchor in “Padstow road,” Cornwall. On the twenty-third of
September she was at Milford Haven, in Wales; and a month later came up
to Bristol. Here the “Gabriel” had earlier arrived. After the loss of
her master, and when she was floundering at sea, she had the good
fortune to meet with a Bristol ship, which piloted her thither. Here
also word was had of the first arrival of the “Michael.” Of the one
hundred and twenty men comprising the whole company all reached home in
safety except two—Master Smyth of the “Gabriel” and one of the
gentlemen, who died at sea.
Their return with the two hundred tons of glistering stone and earth was
a great event. The treasure was committed to keeping in the Castle at
Bristol, while Frobisher repaired with all haste to the court, now at
Windsor, to make report to the queen.
XIV
THE LUST FOR GOLD
Of Frobisher’s interview with the queen and what followed we have
account in the introductory paragraph of the third chapter of Best’s
_True Discourse_:
“He was courteously enterteyned, and hartily welcommed of many noble
men, but especially for his great adventure commended of her Majestie,
at whose hands he received great thankes, and most gracious countenance,
according to his deserts. Her Highnesse also greatly commended the rest
of the Gentlemen in this service, for their great forwardnes in this so
dangerous an attempt.... And finding that the matter of the gold Ore had
appearance & made shew of great riches & profit, & the hope of the
passage to Cataya, by this last voyage greatly increased, her Majestie
appointed speciall commissioners chosen for this purpose, gentlemen of
great judgmente, art, and skill, to looke thorowly into the cause, for
the true triall and due examination thereof, and for the full handling
of all matters thereunto appertaining. And because that place and
countrey hath never heretofore beene discovered, and therefore had no
speciall name by which it might be called and knowen, her Majestie named
it very properly Meta Incognita, as a marke and bound utterly hitherto
unknowen.”
A part of the ore was brought up from Bristol Castle and deposited in
the Tower of London under lock and key; and after “sufficient triall and
proofe” of it had been made, and they had also become satisfied of the
“likelyhood” of the Northwest Passage, the commissioners advised the
queen that “the cause was of importance, and the voyage worthy to be
advanced again.”
Accordingly a third expedition was planned on quite a grand scale, and
with this project was coupled a scheme of what might be termed limited
colonization in Meta Incognita. One hundred selected “souldiers and
discreet men” were to be assigned to inhabit the place at least through
a year, for the “better guard” of those parts already found; for further
discovery of the inland and of its “secrets,” meaning mineral wealth;
and, lastly, for further search for the passage. For their accommodation
the frame of a fort or house of timber, “cunningly devised by a notable
learned man” in London, was to be carried out in parts in the ships;
also a pinnace, in parts.
For this larger venture, besides most of the company on the previous
voyage, “many well minded and forward young Gentlemen,” sons of the
English gentry, volunteered. Fifteen well-furnished ships, including the
experienced three, the “Ayde,” the “Gabriel,” and the “Michael,” were
assembled, constituting an imposing fleet. The “Ayde” was again
designated the “admiral,” carrying the captain-general. There was a
“viceadmiral”—the “Thomas Allen”—in command of Captain Yorke of the
“Michael” in the previous voyage. Christopher Hall was named chief
pilot. The third ship in line was the “Judith,” under Captain Fenton,
before of the “Gabriel,” and Frobisher’s lieutenant-general. The fourth
was the “Anne Francis,” under Captain Best; the fifth, the “Hopewell,”
Captain Carew; the sixth, the “Beare,” Captain Philpot, the ensign on
the second voyage. The others were: the “Thomas of Ipswich,” Captain
Tanfield; the “Emmanuel of Exeter,” Captain Courtney; the “Francis of
Foy,” Captain Mayles; the “Moone,” Captain Upcot; the “Emmanuel (or
Buss) of Bridgewater,” Captain Newton; the “Solomon of Weymouth,”
Captain Randal; and the barks “Dennis,” "Gabriel," and “Michael,”
Captains Kendal, Harvey, and Kinnesley, respectively. The government of
the expedition was commended to Frobisher, with Fenton, Best, and
Philpot as his principal aides. The one hundred appointed to constitute
the temporary colony were to comprise forty mariners for the use of
their ships, thirty miners to gather ore for shipment the next year, and
thirty soldiers, the latter number including the gentlemen, goldfiners,
bakers, and carpenters. Three ships of the fleet were to remain with the
colony through the year: the others were to load with the ore and return
at the end of the summer.
The gallant fifteen, all “in good readinesse,” foregathered at Harwich
on the twenty-seventh of May, 1578. Thereupon “the Generall with all the
Captaines came to the Court,” now at Greenwich, “to take their leave of
her Majestie.” All received at her hands “great encouragement and
gracious countenance”; while upon Frobisher she bestowed, “besides other
good gifts and greater promises,” a “fair chain of gold,” herself
throwing it around his neck. Then all the captains kissed the royal
hand, and departed “every man toward his charge.”
At Harwich the general and his captains made formal view of the fleet
and mustered their companies. Then the general handed to each captain
his articles of direction for the conduct of the expedition. On the
thirty-first anchors were weighed and the fleet were off.
The story of this voyage covers many pages in the telling by its
chroniclers, but it can profitably be compressed into smaller compass.
It is a tale of hardship with scant result, full of exciting incident
and exhibitions of heroism and nerve. As before, Hakluyt gives us two
narratives—the one written by Thomas Ellis, of the “Ayde’s” company; the
other by Best, being the third chapter of his _True Discourse_.
The start was auspicious. Off the Irish coast a bark was sighted which
by her actions was supposed to be a “rover of the seas,” and a merry
chase was given her. When, however, overhauled, she was found to be not
a pirate, but a reputable Bristol boat and the victim of a pirate.
Several of her crew had been killed; others lay wounded, hungry, and
desolate. The fleet was held up while our captain succoured them and
started her homeward in comparative comfort. This good deed done the
voyage was renewed, and without further incident of moment continued
till the Arctic regions were reached. On the twentieth of June new land
was discerned in “West Frisland”—the south of Greenland. Frobisher and
others went ashore here, the “first known Christians,” Best wrote, “that
we have true notice of that ever set foot on that ground.” Accordingly
the captain-general “took possession thereof to the use of our
Sovereigne Lady the Queen Majestie.” He named it “West England”; and a
high cliff on the sea front he called “Charing Crosse,” for “a certaine
similitude” to the London landmark. The inhabitants were found to be
very like those of Meta Incognita. From this coast, where much drifting
ice was met, they bore southerly toward the sea, hoping comfortably to
make their destination. On the last day of June they came upon “many
great whales.” One of the ships struck a big fellow head on, and such a
powerful blow that the vessel was brought to a full stop. “The whale
thereat made a great and ugly noyse and cast up his body and taile, and
so went under water.” Two days after a dead whale “swimming” above water
was met, and this was supposed to be the fellow which the ship struck.
On the second of July Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland was sighted encompassed
by ice.
[Illustration: QUEEN ELIZABETH.]
Now their trials began. The way to Frobisher’s “straits” was found to be
“choked up” with “many walles, mountaines, and bulwarks of yce.” Off the
Foreland and, as they supposed, about the entrance to the “straits” they
were buffeted by high winds and “forced many times to stemme and strike
great rockes” of ice. Soon the fleet was dispersed. The “Judith,”
carrying the lieutenant-general, Fenton, disappeared. The “Michael” had
been early lost from sight by her companion ships. Of those which
remained in company the bark “Dennis” shortly foundered, having received
a crushing blow against a rock of ice. As she took the blow she
signalled her danger by a shot from her great gun, and, fortunately,
such quick aid was rendered by the other ships with their shipboats that
all her men were saved. With her went down a part of the frame of the
house to be erected for the band assigned to winter at Meta Incognita.
Next a savage tempest suddenly arose, blowing from the sea “directly
upon the place of the straits,” and various devices had to be resorted
to to save the ships from destruction. Some getting a little sea room
took in sails and drifted. Some were moored to great “islands of ice”
and rode under their lee. Others were so shut in that they were at the
mercy of the ice. To break its force, “junckes [junks] of cables, beds,
masts, planks” were hung over their sides, while the mariners stood for
hours beating it off with pikes, oars, and pieces of timber. Four—the
“Anne Francis,” Best’s ship, the “Moone,” the “Francis of Foy,” and the
“Gabriel”—being farthest from shore, and fast sailers, weathered the
tempest under sail; and by noon the next day they had got off at sea
clear of ice. And here by night of the following day they were joined by
the rest of the fleet, which had escaped with a turn of the wind that
had broken their ice barriers. Now joyous in fellowship again, they all
“played off” more to seaward, there to abide till the ice had further
cleared from before the entrance to their “straits.”
On the seventh of July they “cast about toward the inward” for another
attempt. Shortly they sighted land, which was before them in form like
the North Foreland, or Hall’s Island. But there was a difference of
opinion as to whether it was or was not. The coast being veiled in fog
was difficult to make out. After a while a height was discerned which
some were sure was Mount Warwick. Yet they marvelled how it was possible
that they should be so suddenly “shot up” so far into the “straits.” The
captain-general sent his pinnace the round of the fleet to take a census
of the opinions of all the captains and masters. As the matter grew more
doubtful Christopher Hall, the chief pilot, whose knowledge of this
Foreland, to whom his name had been given, was the more intimate,
“delivered a plain and publique opinion in the hearing of the whole
Fleete, that he had never seene the foresayd coast before, and that he
would not make it for any place of Frobisher’s Straits.”
They were, in fact, southwestward of Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland, and at
the entrance to Hudson’s Strait, to be rediscovered or re-explored
thirty-two years afterward by Henry Hudson, and so named for him.
The fog continued to hang about them “thick and dark,” and on the tenth
they were again partly dispersed. The “Thomas Allen,” aboard of which
was the chief pilot with Captain Yorke, having lost sight of the
admiral, turned back to sea with two others in her company. The “Anne
Francis,” finding herself alone, also put to sea, to remain till the
weather should permit the taking of the sun’s altitude. The “Ayde” kept
on the course, and leading the rest of the fleet, passed into the
“doubtful” strait.
Up this broad passage the “Ayde” and her consorts sailed for “about
sixty leagues,” having “always a faire continent upon their starreboard
side, and a continuance still of an open sea before them.” Frobisher was
the first to realize that they were on a new and unknown water. Yet he
dissembled his opinion and continued to persuade his associates that it
was the right way, by such policy meaning to carry them along with him
for further discovery. This he was said to have afterward confessed when
he declared that “if it had not bene for the charge and care he had of
the Flete and fraighted ships, he both would and could have gone through
to the South Sea [the Pacific] ... and dissolved the long doubt of the
passage” to “Cathay.” While he may have been more or less impelled to
his adventures, in common with his chief backers, by the “lust for
gold,” he was above all moved by the spirit of the true discoverer: a
merit in his performances which some popular historians have failed to
recognize.
When at length he turned the fleet and they sailed back to the entrance
of this strait, he found a way into the “old strait” by the inside of
Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland, thus incidentally discovering that to be an
island. Now within the “proper strait,” after many perils overcome in
making it, some of the dispersed ships were met, and others heard from.
First appeared the “Anne Francis,” which had long been “beating off and
on” before the Queen’s Foreland. At the meeting they joyously welcomed
one another with “a thundering volley of shot.” The next day the
“Francis of Foy” joined them, having fought her way through the ice out
of the “mistaken strait.” She brought tidings of the “Thomas Allen,”
which she had left at sea clear of the ice. Later the “Buss of
Bridgewater” showed up, and reported the “marvellous accidents and
dangers” she had experienced.
The latter’s men also declared that “Frobisher’s Straits” above were so
frozen over that it was “the most impossible thing of the world” to
reach the destined port—the Countess of Warwick’s Sound. This report
spreading through the fleet “brought no small feare and terror into the
hearts of many,” and murmurs against venturing further passed from lip
to lip. Some urged that a harbour be sought where the battered ships
might be repaired, and the fleet might await the dispersion of the ice.
Others mutinously declared that they “had as leave be hanged when they
came home as without hope of safetie to seeke to passe, and so to perish
amongst the ice.”
To all these murmurings of discontent, however, the intrepid Frobisher
lent a deaf ear, determined to reach the ultimate port or else to “burie
himselfe with his attempt.” But, as before, he dissembled. “Somewhat to
appease the feeble passions of the fearfuller sort,” he “haled on the
Fleete with beleefe that he would put them into harborow.” Accordingly
he went with his pinnace among the neighbouring islands as if searching
for a haven, but really to see if any ore might be found in them.
Meanwhile another “terrible tempest” suddenly came up from the
southwest, and once more the fleet were in part dispersed. It was the
twenty-sixth of July, and snow fell so hard and fast that “we could not
see one another for the same, nor open our eyes to handle our ropes and
sails.” The “Anne Francis,” the “Moone,” and the “Thomas of Ipswich”
again plied seaward. The rest of the fleet stayed by the admiral. When
the storm was spent these remaining ships under Frobisher’s lead had
pushed through the ice up the bay, “with incredible pain and peril,” and
at last reached the goal, dropping anchors in the Countess of Warwick’s
Sound on the thirty-first of July. At the entrance to the haven, when
all hardship was thought to be over, the “Ayde” narrowly escaped sinking
through contact with a “great island of ice.” Here, to their
astonishment, the new-comers found arrived before them the “Judith” and
the “Michael,” both of which had been mourned as lost. The happy meeting
was celebrated with more exchange of thundering salutes from the great
ordnance. Then all came together in a service of praise and
thanksgiving, and the minister of the fleet, Master Wolfall, preached a
“goodly sermon” to a kneeling company on the “Ayde.”
No time was lost in getting to work at the “mines.” Immediately upon
landing on the Countess of Warwick’s Island Frobisher assembled his
council of captains and orders of government were adopted. On the first
of August the whole company were mustered on shore, the tents set up,
and everything got in readiness for operations. On the next day the
orders of the council were published and proclaimed by sound of the
trumpet. On the next, all were diligently employed in their several
classes, the miners plying their trade, the goldfiners trying the “ore,”
the sailors discharging the ships: the gentlemen labouring as heartily
as the “inferior sort” for “examples sake.” Meanwhile Frobisher was
busied in seeking new mines in neighbouring parts. On the ninth of
August preparations were made to set up the house for the one hundred
men assigned to remain here a year. But half of the frame had been lost
with the foundering of the “Dennis,” and the remaining parts, brought
out in others of the ships, were imperfect, pieces having been used for
fenders in the battles of the ships against the ice. Provisions also
were short, the “Thomas of Ipswich” having carried most of the supplies
intended for the temporary colonists. Captain Fenton offered to stay
with sixty men, and the carpenters and masons were asked how soon they
could build a house for this smaller number. They replied, in eight or
nine weeks, provided enough timber could be found. Of course this would
never do, for the fleet must depart much before that time or else be
frozen in for the winter. There remained no alternative, and so the
general and council were forced reluctantly to decide that the plan of a
habitation for this year must be abandoned. Later in the month, however,
a little house of lime and stone was erected under Captain Fenton’s
direction for possible occupation another year. And when at length the
company were making ready to leave the place, this house was stocked
with the trifles they had brought for traffic with the natives—bells,
whistles, knives, looking-glasses, combs, pins, leaden toy men and
women, some on horseback some on foot—"the better to allure" the
“bruitish and uncivill people to courtesie” against another coming of
the Englishmen.
Toward the middle of August the “Thomas Allen” had joined the fleet
here, and her company were working a “mine” which Captain Yorke had
found on an island by Bear’s Sound, which he called the “Countess of
Sussex Mine.” Near the end of the month the “Anne Francis” and the
“Moone” had arrived. Now the fleet were once more together, excepting
the lost “Dennis” and the “Thomas of Ipswich,” supposed also to be lost.
The “Thomas of Ipswich,” however, as subsequently appeared, had, after
the tempest of July twenty-six, when she was at sea in company with the
“Anne Francis” and the “Moone,” turned about under the cover of night,
and scudded home for England.
The “Anne Francis” came up laden with ore which she had taken on an
island in a harbour of Queen’s Foreland, which Best had found, and which
he reported was in such abundance there that if its goodness equalled
its plentifulness it “might reasonably suffice all the gold-gluttons of
the world.” The adventures of this ship after the tempest of the
twenty-sixth of July—which the chroniclers distinguished as “the day of
the great snowe”—were remarkable in several respects, and Captain Best
showed himself to be of the same heroic mould as Captain Frobisher. When
she, with the “Moone” and the “Thomas of Ipswich” had been for a long
time beating about off “Queen’s Foreland,” and were bruised and battered
from their contacts with the ice, Best called the several captains and
masters to a conference in her cabin. Having grave doubts as to the fate
of the rest of the fleet, and considering the sorry condition of their
own vessels, together with the lateness of the season, a proposal to
abandon further efforts and turn their prows homeward was earnestly
debated. Both sides having been fully heard, Best rendered the decision.
It should never be spoken of him, he declared, that “hee would ever
return without doing his endeavours to finde the Fleete and know the
certaintie of the General’s safetie.” It was therefore agreed that first
a fit harbour should be sought; that this found, the pinnace brought out
in parts on the “Anne Francis” should be put together; and that then,
leaving the ships in the harbour, he himself would take the pinnace and
push up the “straits” to prove if it were possible for the ships to
break through the ice and reach the Countess of Warwick’s Land; and also
to seek tidings of Frobisher and the rest of the fleet. In the meantime
the skippers were to keep the craft together as near as they could, “as
true Englishmen and faithful friends should supply one another’s wants
in all fortunes and dangers.” Only the next night, however, the company
of the “Thomas of Ipswich” was lost, and the “Anne Francis” and the
“Moone” alone remained to pursue the adventure as agreed. Harbour was
found by Best at an island lying under “Hatton’s Headland,” where he
discovered the promising ore. For this “good hap” he called the island
“Best’s Blessing.” Here his miners were put to work on the ore, while
the carpenters toiled at building the pinnace. How this was done with
the shifts they were put to for tools and materials is best told in
Best’s words:
“They wanted two speciall and most necessaire things, that is, certaine
principall tymbers that are called Knees, which are the chiefest
strength of any Boate, and also nayles, where withall to joyne the
plancks together. Whereupon having by chance a Smyth amongst them (and
yet unfurnished of the necessary tooles to worke and make nayles
withall) they were faine of a gunne chamber to make an Anvile to worke
upon, and to use a pickaxe in stead of a sledge to beate withall, and
also to occupy two small bellowes in steade of one payre of greater
Smiths bellowes. And for lacke of small yron for the easier making of
nayles, they were forced to breake their tongs, grydiron, and fire
shovel in pieces.”
At length on the seventeenth of August the boat, although hung together
only by the strength of the nails, and lacking some of the principal
knees and timbers, was pronounced finished, and Best made ready for his
voyage. Veteran seamen strongly advised against the venture in such a
frail craft, assured that it could have only a fatal end. Thereupon he
called for the best judgment of the master and mariners of his ship upon
the matter, and to foster a favourable decision, he urged the absolute
necessity for the voyage now that ore had been found, to seek with
Frobisher’s company the goldfiners who alone could test the value of
their “find.” This court of last resort decided that by careful handling
the pinnace might suffice. Then the master’s mate and Captain Upcot of
the “Moone” volunteered for the voyage. Others were quick to follow
their example; and on the nineteenth Best set off with a goodly crew,
the whole company comprising twenty men. With much rowing and cautious
sailing, and hugging the shore, they got on without the disaster
predicted. On the second day out they had sight of the Countess of
Warwick’s Sound in the distance from a hilltop on shore where they had
landed for observation. Again afloat, soon smoke was seen rising from a
fire under a hillside. As this point was approached people were observed
and apparently signalling them with a flag or ensign. They suspected
that this was a trick of natives, for they saw no ship. Coming nearer
tents were seen, and it was perceived that the ensign was “after the
English fashion.” They fancied that some of the fleet had been brought
up thus far and wrecked, and that they had been spoiled by the natives,
who were now signalling them likewise into danger. Then, true Englishmen
that they were, they resolved to have that flag, or, “els to lose their
lives.” So they made for it, and to their great surprise and joy they
found it to be a signal of their own countrymen. When within hailing
they shouted “What cheer?” The response came cheerily back, “All’s
well.” Then “there arose a sudden and joyfull outshoote [shout] with
great flinging up of caps, and a brave voly of shot to welcome one
another.” The group thus so happily met were a party working the “mine”
on the Countess of Sussex Island. They, in their turn, had supposed when
they signalled that Best’s company were survivors of a wreck of one of
the ships. From this point the shaky pinnace hastened into the Countess
of Warwick’s Sound, where Frobisher and the rest were met with as joyous
greetings. Best displayed his samples of ore, and the goldfiners, trying
them, “supposed” them to be “very good.” Accordingly Frobisher directed
him to freight his ship at Best’s Blessing, and then bring her up. So he
returned as he came, and found her already laden. The next day she
sailed, and arrived with the “Moone” at the rendezvous on the
twenty-eighth of August.
On the thirtieth the work at the Countess of Warwick’s Island was
finished and the fleet were prepared for the homeward voyage. Frobisher
endeavoured to persuade his council of captains to make one more effort
at further discovery. He would “not only by Gods help bring home his
shippes laden with Ore, but also meant to bring some certificate of a
further discovery of the Countrey.” His associates were loth to fall in
with the proposal, considering the time spent in the “mistaken straits,”
and holding that discovery to have been something gained, in that
thereby the hope of a passage to Cathay was “much furthered and
encreased”; yet loyal to his leadership they were willing as he should
appoint to “take any enterprise in hand.” Although the conclusion was
reached that under all the circumstances “the thing was impossible,”
Frobisher himself took his pinnace and explored some distance farther
northward.
On their last day ashore the remnants of the frame of their timber house
were buried, and about the lime and stone house were sown peas, corn,
and other grain “to proove the fruitfulnesse of the soyle against the
next yeere.” These things done, formal leave of the place was taken. The
company being assembled, Master Wolfall preached another “goodly”
sermon, and celebrated a communion. The next day, the thirty-first of
August, all embarked, and the fleet, with the exception of the “Judith”
and the “Anne Francis,” which tarried to take in fresh water, hoisted
sail for home.
Now new perils were to beset them. The “Buss of Bridgewater” and the
barks “Gabriel” and “Michael,” not fully laden, put into Bear’s Sound to
take on a little more, the others meanwhile waiting for them farther
down the bay. Frobisher also went ashore in Bear’s Sound to superintend
the lading; and so did Best, the latter to take off his miners and their
trappings here, in his rickety “kneeless” pinnace. That night an
“outrageous tempest” fell upon them and created a general havoc. The
fleet down the bay were beaten with such vehement “vigor that anchor and
cable availed nought.” They were driven on “rockes and Ilands of yce”
and not one escaped damage. The “Judith” and the “Anne Francis” had now
joined them. Frobisher could not reach his ship and was compelled to
board the “Gabriel.” Best and his men had the roughest time of it. Their
crazy pinnace was taken in tow by the “Michael” and rushed through the
icy waters till the “Anne Francis” (which with the “Judith” had now
joined the fleet) was reached. They scrambled aboard the “Anne” in
panicky haste, and as the last man mounted her side the pinnace
“shivered and sank in pieces at the ship’s stern.” Thus fitly ended the
career of this astonishing craft. Unseaworthy from the start, she had
indeed performed wonders, and had miraculously held her own till her
full work was done.
Again the fleet was dispersed, not to come together through the
remainder of the voyage. The “boystrous blasts” continued so fierce and
constant that all were blown homeward “will we or nill we” (willy nilly)
at a clipping pace. “If by chance any one Shippe did overtake other by
swiftness of sayle, or mette [met] as they often did, yet was the rigour
of the wind so hideous that they could not continue company together the
space of one whole night.” The “Buss of Bridgewater” took her course
alone to the southeast of Greenland, and discovered on the way, in
latitude fifty-seven and a half degrees north, a phantom island,
“seeming to be fruitfull, full of woods, and a champagne country.” It
was named “Buss Island,” and got onto the maps; but it was never again
found. The other ships came limping home one by one, and by the first of
October all had arrived, “some in one place and some in another.” Of the
whole company that went out forty had perished during the expedition.
There is no record of public demonstrations at this home-coming, or of
elation over the precious freight of the battered ships. During the
absence of the voyagers a mystery which had been thrown over the ore
previously brought had deepened, and now there was a growing suspicion
that it was not the profitable thing that had been supposed. Indeed,
before this expedition had started out from England a pretty sturdy
quarrel had developed among the assayers. Now the breach between them
had widened. There was, too, a rupture in the councils of the Company of
Cathay. A sorry situation, therefore, was met by the returned voyagers.
Frobisher fell upon evil days. Charges of broken promises were brought
against him. He retorted with similar charges against the management of
the promoting corporation. Finally, the Company of Cathay went to
pieces, the adventurers lost heavily in their investment, while of the
ore of the last voyage, so laboriously gathered and safely brought to
port through such perils, nothing more was heard.
Thus dismally closes the story of the Eldorado of the Northwest. Three
centuries afterward, in 1862, Captain Charles Francis Hall, the American
Arctic explorer, on a New England whaler, identified the Countess of
Warwick’s Island as “Kod-lu-narn,” the “Island of the White Man”; and
found, even then in a fair state of preservation, the little house of
lime and stone, with a number of relics of its furnishings.
Frobisher, upon the sorry sequel of his third voyage, lost the queen’s
favour. He later regained it, however, sufficiently to secure his
employment in 1580 as captain of his majesty’s ship the “Foresight” in
preventing the Spaniards from aiding the Irish rebellion in Münster. The
next year, 1581, he was the chosen leader for a new voyage of
Northwestern discovery projected by the Earl of Leicester and others.
But when, before the sailing, in 1582, the instructions were changed for
the purposes of trade and not for discovery, he withdrew from the
enterprise in favour of Captain Fenton, his lieutenant-general in the
voyage of 1578.
In 1585–1586 he was in Sir Francis Drake’s warring expedition to the
West Indies, in charge of the “Primrose”; and in 1588 he commanded the
“Triumph” in the great fight against the Spanish Armada. It was then
that he received the honour of knighthood, being knighted by Admiral
Howard at sea for bravery. In 1590, 1592, and 1594 he was in other
engagements, vice-admiral to Sir John Hawkins in one; sent out by Sir
Walter Raleigh in another; and in the third with Sir John Norris at
Brest and Crozon. Wounded in the last fight while leading his men in
action ashore, and the victim of unskilled surgery, he died after
reaching Plymouth.
He was a brave and resolute man, harsh in bearing, with the rough manner
of the sailor, but generous and just.
XV
HAWKINS IN FLORIDA
A decade before Martin Frobisher had opened the north parts of the North
American continent to Englishmen, John Hawkins had surveyed the southern
tip at Florida, and upon his return had represented this fair and
favoured region, then to indefinite bounds included among Spain’s
American possessions, and in a corner of which France for more than a
year had maintained a slender foothold, as ripe for England to venture
in and colonize. His was the first account in detail of Florida by an
Englishman, and it was the germ from which fruitage later developed in
Raleigh’s schemes.
Hawkins’s were purely trading voyages, and he was a fighting trader,
demanding the open market for his wares at the point of the sword when
it was denied him by representatives of foreign governments. His wares,
too, were more or less fought for. The most profitable of them were
Negroes seized on the African coast and bartered into slavery in the
West Indies and on the Spanish Main—along the north coast of South
America. He was the first (or his father before him as some historians
say) to bring the African slave trade into English commerce, and to
plant Negro slavery in America. Discovery was only an incident in the
pursuit of his trade. Yet what he accomplished in this direction was of
no slight import, since it opened the way to others of loftier aims.
While his fame is tarnished by the blotch of traffic in human beings (in
his day, we must remember, deemed by the godly and godless alike as not
an unrighteous traffic), it is enduring by virtue of heroic deeds, and
his place is fairly with the great English captains of the sea who had
part in the beginnings of America.
[Illustration: S^R. JOHN HAWKINS.]
John Hawkins, born in Plymouth in or about 1532, was the son and
grandson of notable mariners, and so well born to the sea. His
grandfather, John Hawkyns, had served in Henry the eighth’s navy; his
father, William Hawkyns, shipbuilder and merchant, had been one of the
principal sea-captains of the west parts of England, and was the first
Englishman to carry on a trade with Brazil. Hakluyt informs us that
William Hawkyns was “for his wisdome, valure [valour], experience, and
skill in sea causes much esteemed, and beloved of K. Henry the 8.” His
Brazilian voyages comprised “three long and famous” ones, made in his
own “tall and goodly shippe” of two hundred and fifty tons, the “Paul of
Plymouth,” between the years 1530 and 1532. He sailed first to the coast
of Guinea where he traded with the Negroes for elephants’ teeth and
other commodities of the region, and thence crossed to Brazil, where he
“used such discretion and behaved himself so wisely with those savage
people that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them.”
His greatest exploit, or that which won him largest attention, seems to
have been the bringing to England on a visit one of the kings of the
country, leaving behind as a pledge of his safety and return a member of
the ship’s company—Martin Cockeram, a Plymouth man. The savage monarch
was brought over on the second voyage and his appearance created great
astonishment in London and at court when he was presented to King Henry
at Whitehall, as well it might. For, as Hakluyt describes, “in his
cheekes were holes made according to their savage maner, and therein
small bones were planted, standing an inch out from the said holes,
which in his own Countrey were reputed for a great braverie. He had also
another hole in his nether lip, wherein was set a precious stone about
the bigness of a pease [pea]. All his apparel, behaviour, and jesture
were very strange to the beholders.” He remained in London for nearly a
year, and then, satiated with his entertainment, embarked for his home
in Master Hawkins’s care, on the latter’s third voyage to Brazil. But it
was his fate to sicken and die at sea. Thereat Master Hawkins was much
troubled, fearing that the life of Cockeram would be forfeited. But when
he arrived at port and told his story, the savages were “fully
persuaded” that their prince had been honestly dealt with, and freely
gave up the hostage. Cockeram returned with his captain none the worse
for his sojourn here, and lived to spin, long years after, among his
fellows at home in Plymouth, rare sailors’ yarns about the Simple Life
among savages.
John Hawkins followed early in his father’s footsteps. His earliest
voyages were made when quite a young man to the Canary Islands. How he
came to engage in the slave trade between the African coast and the West
Indies Hakluyt thus naïvely relates:
“Master John Haukins having made divers voyages to the Iles of the
Canaries, and there by his good and upright dealing being growen in love
and favour with the people, informed himselfe amongst them by diligent
inquisition, of the state of the West India, whereof he had received
some knowledge by the instructions of his father, but increased the same
by the advertisements and reports of that people. And being amongst
other particulars assured that Negroes were very good merchandise in
Hispaniola, and that store of Negroes might easily be had upon the coast
of Guinea, resolved with himselfe to make triall thereof, and
communicated that devise with his worshipfull friendes of London; namely
with Sir Lionel Ducket, Sir Thomas Lodge, M. Gunson, his father in law
[Benjamin Gonson, then treasurer of the navy], Sir Wm. Winter [also of
the navy], M. Bromfield and others. All which persons liked so well of
his intention, that they became liberall contributers and adventurers in
the action.”
The first voyage of this enterprise was made in 1562–1563 with a fleet
of three ships and a company of one hundred men. Sailing in October he
touched first in his course at Teneriffe. Thence he passed down to the
Sierra Leone Coast, where he stayed “some good time” and collected,
“partly by the sword and partly by other meanes,” at least three hundred
Negroes, whom he packed in his ships, besides “other merchandises which
that countrey yieldeth.” With this “praye” (prey) he sailed over the
“ocean sea” bound for Hispaniola—San Domingo. Arriving at the port of
Isabella he there disposed of some of the English commodities he had
brought out, and a part of his living freight, meanwhile alert,
“trusting the Spaniards no further then [than] by his owne strength he
was able still to master them.” Thence he went to Porto Plata, where he
made his sales, while, as at Isabella, “standing alwaies [always] on his
guard”; and lastly to Monte Christi, disposing there of the remainder of
the Negroes. In these three ports he took by way of exchange “such
quantitie of merchandise that he did not onely lade his owne 3 shippes
with hides, ginger, sugars, and some quantitie of pearles, but he
freighted also two other hulkes with hides and other like commodities
which he sent into Spaine.” Then he returned to England with “much gain
to himselfe and the aforesayd venturers” as the outcome of this voyage.
The two hulks sent to Spain were seized at Seville as smugglers, under
the law of the country against unlicensed trading in the Spanish
colonies, and their goods confiscated. These Hawkins valued at twenty
thousand pounds. Notwithstanding their loss the balance of the profits
remained large.
The second voyage, begun in 1564, was that in which Florida was visited.
In this venture the Earl of Pembroke and Lord Robert Dudley, afterward
the Earl of Leicester, were foremost as investors. Four ships
constituted the fleet. These were the “Jesus of Lubec,” as “admiral,” or
flag-ship, a fine vessel of seven hundred tons belonging to the queen
and lent by her; the “Solomon,” Hawkins’s flag-ship in the previous
voyage; the “Tiger,” a bark of fifty tons; and the “Swallow,” a bark of
thirty tons. The fleet were well supplied with ordnance, including
several “faulcons of brasse”—small brass guns—and a plenty of small arms
for the men. The company enlisted numbered one hundred and seventy in
all.
They sailed from Plymouth on the eighteenth of October. On the ninth of
November they had arrived at Teneriffe; and later in November and
through December they were cruising along the African coast in the hunt
for Negroes. This time the natives were everywhere hostile and they had
to be fought for. The sharpest battle was at a point below Cape Verde.
An attack was made upon a town from which Hawkins expected to capture a
hundred and more Negroes, men, women, and children, comprising the most
of the population. But they fought desperately and only ten were taken
while seven of Hawkins’s men were slain and twenty-seven wounded.
Farther down the coast the hunt was more successful. By the close of
January the ships were at Sierra Leone all laden with “a great company
of Negroes”; and on the twenty-ninth of that month they set sail with a
crowded freight for the West Indies. But they were “only reasonably
watered,” and before they had been long at sea there was much suffering
among the ships’ companies and the living cargo alike. For eighteen days
they were becalmed; afterward they were beset by baffling winds. By
mid-February, however, fortune again favoured them, when, as the devout
slave-catcher’s chronicler recorded, “The Almightie God who never
suffereth the elect to perish,” sent just the right breeze to waft them
to their destination.
On the ninth of March they had come to the island of Dominica. Here they
landed in search of water. Only rain-water was found “and such as fell
from the hills and remained as a puddle in the dale”; and with this they
filled for the Negroes. Then they cruised among the neighbouring
islands, and along the Spanish Main, but were denied traffic by the
Spanish officials at all places. At Burburata, Venezuela, in April,
after arguing the point Hawkins brought the governor to terms with a
demonstration of his fighting spirit. Landing with a hundred men “well
armed with bowes, arrowes, harquebuzes, and pikes,” he marched them in
battle array toward the town. Thereupon the governor threw up his hands,
as the modern phrase is, and trade was opened without more ado. Here a
number of the Negroes were profitably disposed of. Next, in May, they
came to Rio del Hacha, now of Colombia. A sharper demonstration was
necessary at this place before the Spanish officials would remove the
prohibition. When they would listen to no argument, and were even
unmoved by Hawkins’s “diplomacy” in the audacious pretension that he was
“in an armada of the Queens Majesties of England and sent about her
other affaires,” and had been driven out of his intended course and into
these parts by contrary winds, he sent them the word “to determine
either to give him license to trade or else stand to their own harmes
[arms].” With this ultimatum he landed again the one hundred men in
armour, with two of his “faulcons.” At the first firing of these little
guns the officials surrendered with the desired grant. Traffic then
proceeded briskly, and within ten days the remainder of the Negroes were
bartered off prosperously. This accomplished, the fleet sailed
northward, now in search of a good place to take on a supply of fresh
water. After beating about Jamaica they passed the west end of Cuba and
came into the gulf of Florida: and so the mainland of Florida was
reached.
As they ranged along this coast pursuing their quest for several days,
dropping anchors at night wherever they happened to be, the voyagers
observed the luxurious country with keen interest. They found it
“marvellously sweete with both marish and medow ground, and goodly woods
among.” As they sailed onward Hawkins in his shipboat explored the
creeks and estuaries, and frequent landings were made from the fleet on
the green shores. Sorrel was seen growing “as abundantly as grasse,” and
about the habitations of the natives were “great store of maiz [maize:
Indian corn] and mill, and grapes of great bignesse,” tasting much like
the English grape. Deer were “in great plentie, which came upon the
sands before them.” There were quantities of “divers other beasts, and
fowle, serviceable to the use of man”; and luscious fish with strange
creatures of the waters. The natives were observed apparelled in deer
skins, hand-painted, “some yellow and red, some blacke and russet, and
every man according to his own fancy.” Their bodies were also painted,
“with curious knots or antike worke.” The colours were picked into the
flesh with a thorn. When arrayed for war their faces were daubed with “a
sleighter colour” to give them a fiercer show. Their weapons were bows
and arrows of hard wood and reeds. The arrows were of great length,
feathered, and variously tipped: with viper’s teeth, or bones of fishes,
flint stones, occasionally with silver. The women’s apparel, besides
painted deer skins, comprised “gowns of mosse,” long mosses, “which they
sew together artificially.”
Hawkins was impressed with the spaciousness as well as the richness of
the region ready for the white man’s cultivation. As he put it: “The
commodities of this land are more then [than] are yet knowen to any man:
for besides the land itselfe, whereof there is more then any king
Christian is able to inhabit, it flourisheth with meadow, pasture
ground, with woods of Cedar and Cypress and other sorts as better can
not be in the world.” There were of “apothecary herbs, trees, roots, and
gummes great store.” Turpentine, myrrh, and frankincense were abundant.
As for the precious metals, the natives wanted neither gold nor silver,
for both were worn for ornament; but where they were to be obtained had
not yet come to light. It was thought that the hills would be found to
yield them, when sufficient people, Europeans, were here to abide. Life
could easily be sustained in this land with its plenty of maize, which
made “good savoury bread and cakes as fine as floure [flour].”
The voyagers penetrated to the “River of May,” now St. John’s River,
coming to the seat on its banks of Laudonnière’s colony of French
Huguenots. They had been established here for fourteen months, and were
now in a wretched condition. The fleet anchored off their port, and
Hawkins and his chief men going ashore were “very gently entertained” by
Laudonnière and his captains. The Frenchmen gave a pitiful account of
the extremities to which the colony had been put for food. They had
brought out a scant stock of provisions expecting to receive fresh
supplies from France by ships that were to follow them with recruits.
But these had not arrived. From two hundred strong at the beginning the
colonists were now reduced by death and desertions to about half that
number. They had early exhausted all the maize that they could buy of
the natives. New supplies were got in return for the service of a number
of their soldiers with a king of the Floridians in a tribal war. But the
relief thus obtained was only temporary. When this supply had gone they
resorted to acorns and roots. The acorns “stamped [crushed] small and
often washed to take away the bitterness” were used for bread; the roots
as vegetables. Many of the roots albeit the sort that “served rather for
medicine than for meats alone,” they found to be “good and wholesome.”
They must, however, have had rich drink with this dull food, for Hawkins
noted that during the fourteen months here they had made twenty
hogsheads of wine from the native grapes. In the midst of the colony’s
distresses a rebellion arose. Some of the soldiers turned upon
Laudonnière, seized his armour, and imprisoned him. Then taking a bark
and a pinnace they set off, “to the number of fourscore,” on a piratical
cruise. They went “a roaming” to Jamaica and Hispaniola, spoiling the
Spaniards. Having taken the caravels laden with wine and “casair
[cassava], which is bread made of roots, and much other victuall and
treasure,” the marauding crew hovered about Jamaica, with frequent
carousals on shore. At length their revels were cut short when a ship
that had come out from Hispaniola bore down upon them. Twenty were taken
prisoners, “whereof the most part were hanged, the rest sent to Spain.”
Some twenty-five escaped in the pinnace and returned to the colony. Upon
landing they were thrown into prison, and four of the ringleaders were
“hanged at a gibbet.” Other troubles had come upon the colony through
the enmity of natives, hitherto friendly, who had been robbed of maize
by some of the colonists when nothing was left to barter for it. For
such offences several Frenchmen had been seized by the Floridians and
slain in the woods. When Hawkins’s fleet appeared the colony had not
more than forty soldiers unhurt and “not above ten days’ victuals” in
store.
Hawkins relieved their immediate wants with provisions and other
comforts and offered to convey them back to France. The generous offer
was declined with expressions of gratitude, and instead Laudonnière
arranged for the purchase of one of his ships, stocked with provisions,
to make the home voyage independently. Then with mutual exchange of good
wishes Hawkins departed for his homeward voyage.
The tragic end of the hapless Huguenot colony was not far off. When
shortly after Hawkins’s departure, Laudonnière and his people were about
to embark on the ship bought from him, sails were descried of the
long-looked-for French fleet approaching their port. These welcome ships
brought out Ribault to take the command, with emigrants in families,
implements of husbandry, domestic animals, and every supply for a
well-equipped colony. New life and hope were instilled into the colony
by the new comers. Then suddenly the terrible Pedro Menendez de Aviles
burst upon them with an invading army of Spaniards and destroyed them
with awful massacre, “Not as Frenchmen, but as Lutherans,” as he
proclaimed, only a few escaping, Laudonnière and Le Moyne, the artist of
the colony (to whom we are indebted for the first drawings of American
natives and scenes), among these, to tell the tale. And then, two years
afterward, Menendez’s act was avenged by the fiery soldier of Gascony,
Dominic de Gourgues, with massacre of Spaniards in Florida, “Not,” as he
in turn proclaimed, “as unto Spaniards but as unto Traitors, Robbers and
Murderers.” All this as told in the accounts of Laudonnière and others
reproduced by Hakluyt, constitutes one of the saddest and bloodiest
chapters in early American history.
Hawkins’s return voyage was tempestuous. Contrary winds beset the fleet
and so prolonged the passage that their provisions ran short. Relief was
had, however, on the banks of Newfoundland by a large take of cod; and
farther along when two French ships were met sufficient supplies for the
remainder of the voyage were bought from them. Home was at length
reached on the twentieth of September, when the fleet arrived at
Padstow, Cornwall. Commercially it had been a most prosperous voyage,
for it had brought “great profit” not alone to the venturers but “to the
whole realme.” In addition to the gains from the unholy traffic in human
beings Hawkins brought his ship home freighted with “great store” of
gold, silver, pearls, and other jewels. Accordingly the chronicler
reverently closes his account with the pious and doubtless sincere
prayer, “His Name therefore be praised for evermore Amen.”
A third voyage was soon planned, to be made over the same course, with a
second visit to Florida. In this Francis Drake, a young kinsman of
Hawkins, later destined to be the first Englishman to circumnavigate the
globe, had part. It ended in disaster through conflict with a Spanish
fleet in the Gulf of Mexico, but its consequences were large in after
performances, especially of Drake.
The fleet assembled for this third voyage comprised six ships. The
“admiral” was again the “Jesus of Lubec,” commanded by Hawkins. Young
Drake had charge of the smallest of the lot—the “Judith,” a staunch
little craft of only fifty tons. The others were the “Minion,” the
“William and John,” the “Angel,” and the “Swallow.” Hakluyt gives us
Hawkins’s signed narrative of the adventure under a title foreshadowing
its unhappy nature: “The third troublesome voyage made with the Jesus of
Lubeck, the Minion, and foure other ships, to the parts of Guinea, and
the West Indies, in the yeeres 1567 and 1568 by M. John Hawkins.”
The fleet left Plymouth on the second of October. After only a week out
the first trouble came with a dispersion of the ships in an “extreme”
storm, which raged for four days and with such damage to the “Jesus”
that Hawkins felt obliged to turn her back homeward. Soon afterward,
however, the wind veered and the weather cleared, when she was returned
to the outward course. The other ships were met at the Canaries, where
repairs were made. Again in sailing trim the hunt for Negroes was begun
along the African coast. As before, the natives were found ready to
fight for their liberty. Arrived at Cape Verde, Hawkins landed one
hundred and fifty men, expecting to make a large catch here. But a
battle ensued in which many of the English force, Hawkins among them,
were hurt, and several mortally, by the natives’ envenomed arrows; and
only a few captures were made. Similar luck followed down to Sierra
Leone, scarcely one hundred and fifty Negroes having been got together.
Since this number was too small profitably to take to the West Indies,
and it was now quite time to get away, Hawkins decided to give over
further quest and to go to the “coast of the Mine” (the Gold Coast) in
the hope of obtaining enough gold for his merchandise at least to meet
the expenses of the voyage. But just as this decision was reached it was
overruled by an unexpected opening to more captures. A messenger from a
Negro “king” at war with neighbouring “kings” came aboard the flag-ship
asking the Englishmen’s aid in his war, with the promise that all the
natives he might capture should be “at their pleasure” as well as those
taken by them. The proposal was eagerly accepted and one hundred and
twenty men were sent ashore to join the king’s forces. The allies began
an assault upon a fortified town of eight thousand inhabitants. It was,
however, so strongly impaled, and so valiantly defended, that they could
not prevail against it. Six of the English were killed and forty wounded
in this attack, and reinforcements were called for. Thereupon Hawkins
himself took a hand. An assault now opened both by land and sea, Hawkins
with the king leading the land attack. Shortly the frail little houses,
covered with dry palm leaves, were set afire and the inhabitants put to
flight. So the town fell. Hawkins and his men captured two hundred and
fifty of the fleeing people, men, women, and children, while the king’s
men took six hundred. Of the king’s lot Hawkins was expecting to take
his pick, when, lo! during the following night the artful monarch
secretly moved his camp and stole away with all of his prisoners.
This breach of faith scandalized Hawkins and led him to write down that
in the Negro “nation is seldome or never found truth.” But later during
this “troublesome” voyage he was to experience a greater treachery, and
one more disastrous in its results, on the part of representatives of a
civilized nation, as we shall presently see.
Having, with his acquisitions from the spoiled town and a few other
takings, a cargo of between four and five hundred Negroes, Hawkins set
his fleet without further delay on his original course. The West Indies
were duly reached, at the island of Dominica, toward the close of March,
after a harder passage than before. They coasted from place to place,
making their traffic with the planters “somewhat hardly,” because the
Spanish governors had been more strictly commanded to suffer no trade
with foreigners. Still they did a fairly thriving business, and had
“courteous entertainment” all along from the island of Margarita to
Cartagena, “without anything greatly worth the noting,” saving at Rio de
la Hacha—the same where the sharpest opposition had been met on the
previous voyage. The officer in authority here not only denied them
permission to trade, but would not suffer them even to stop and take
water. The place, too, was found to be newly fortified with “divers
bulwarks.” No time was wasted in arguments at this port. Two hundred men
were put ashore and the bulwarks stormed. They were speedily broken
through with a loss to the Englishmen of only two men, and none at all
to the Spaniards, for “after their voly of shot discharged they all
fled.” No further obstacles appearing, a semi-secret trade was opened
and carried on briskly till two hundred of the Negroes had been sold.
When Cartegena was reached the Negroes had been nearly all disposed of.
Leaving this point on the twenty-fourth of July Hawkins sailed the fleet
northward, hoping to escape the dangers of the season of hurricanes, and
to do some profitable trading in that direction. On the twelfth of
August they were passing the west end of Cuba, toward the Florida coast,
when a fierce storm struck them. The gale continued through four days,
causing havoc among the fleet, and most seriously afflicting the
“Jesus.” She was so “beat” that all her “higher buildings” had to be cut
down. Her rudder was also “sore shaken,” and she was “in so extreme a
leake” that it was feared she must be abandoned. Yet “hoping to bring
all to good passe” they sped on for Florida. But no haven could be found
into which the ships could enter, because of the shallowness of the
water. While off this coast a second storm burst upon them and raged for
three days. In this extremity their only alternative was to make across
the Gulf of Mexico for the port of “Sant John de Ullua [San Juan
d’Ulloa, the port of Vera Cruz], which serveth the citie of Mexico,” in
“New Spain.” On the way they fell in with three ships carrying an
hundred passengers, and with these they kept helpful company, hoping
that the passengers would be “a meane” to them the better to obtain a
quiet place for the repairing of the fleet, and to purchase supplies.
This port was safely reached on the sixteenth of September and being
mistaken for an expected fleet from Spain their reception was most
cordial. But when upon coming aboard the “admiral” the Spanish officers
discovered their mistake they were “greatly dismayed” till Hawkins
assured them that only stress of weather had brought him hither and that
he desired “nothing but victuals.” In the same little port were found
anchored twelve Spanish ships which “had in them by report 200,000
pounds in gold and silver.” For the moment Hawkins with his superior
force had control of things. But although these tempting ships, as he
says, were in his “possession,” together with the passenger-ships that
had come with him, and he also held an island guarding the mouth of the
harbour, he magnanimously set them “at libertie without taking from them
the weight of a groat.” This was done, however, not through any excess
of virtue on his part, but, as he frankly explains, “onely because I
could not be delayed of my despatch.” Since his needs were urgent, and
also because some authoritative understanding was imperative to prevent
collision with the Spanish fleet daily expected, he immediately
despatched a messenger to the “Presidente [the Spanish viceroy] and
Councill,” at the distant city of Mexico, with report of his arrival at
this port by the force of weather, and the necessity for repairs to his
vessels, and provisions for his company, which they asked as peaceful
Englishmen, “friends to King Philip,” to be furnished them for their
money; and also with a request that the viceroy should issue “with all
convenient speede,” commands for the “better maintenance of amitie”
between the expected Spanish fleet and his own, that no cause of quarrel
need arise. Meanwhile he retained on his ship “two men of estimation”
from those who had come aboard at his arrival. The messenger left for
Mexico at the close of his first day in port, and the very next morning
the Spanish fleet, “thirteene great shippes,” hove in sight.
Action was now necessary on Hawkins’s part without waiting the movements
of the local officials, and it was promptly taken directly with the
general of the fleet. Hawkins held the point of advantage. The Spanish
fleet could not enter the port while he commanded the entrance. This was
the situation as he defined it. “It is to be understood that this Port
is made by a little Iland of stones not three foote above the water in
the highest place, and but a bow-shoot of length any way: this Iland
standeth from the maine land two bow-shootes or more; also it is to be
understood that there is not in all this coast any other place for ships
to arrive in safety, because the North winde hath there such violence
that unlesse the shippes be very safely mored with their ankers fasted
upon this Iland, there is no remedie for these North windes but death:
also the place of the Haven is so little that of necessitie the shippes
must ride one aboord the other, so that we could not give place to them
or they to us.” But strong as his position was, it was also
embarrassing, and he found himself on the horns of a dilemma: “and here
I beganne to bewaile that which after followed, for now, said I, I am in
two dangers, and forced to receive the one of them. That was, either I
must have kept out the fleete from entring the Port, the which with Gods
helpe I was very well able to doe, or else suffer them to enter in with
their accustomed treason, which they never faile to execute where they
may have opportunitie to compasse it by any meanes: if I had kept them
out, then had there bene present shipwrack of all the fleete which
amounted in value to sixe Millions, which was in value of our money
1,800,000 li., which I considered I was not able to answere, fearing the
Queenes Majesties indignation in so weightie a matter. Thus with my
selfe revolving the doubts, I thought rather better to abide the Jutt
[jut—push or thrust] of the uncertainty, then [than] the certaintie. The
uncertaine doubt I account was their treason which by good policie I
hoped might be prevented, and therefore by chusing the least mischiefe I
proceeded to conditions.”
His first move was the sending of a messenger to the Spanish general
with courteous greetings, advising him of the circumstances of the
presence of the English fleet, and desiring him to understand that
before he could be suffered to enter the port some order of conditions
should pass between them for the safety of the English fleet and the
maintenance of peace. This messenger returned with the report that a
viceroy was on the fleet (Don Martin Henriques, coming out as a
successor of the one at Mexico), who had authority “both in all this
Province of Mexico, otherwise Neva Espanna, and in the sea,” and that
this official had requested Hawkins’s conditions, promising on his part
that they should be “both favourably granted and faithfully performed,”
with “many faire wordes,” or compliments, as to favourable things he had
heard of Hawkins. These conditions were despatched forthwith: victuals
for their money; license to sell as much of their wares as might furnish
their wants; twelve gentlemen from either side as hostages for the
maintenance of peace; the island to remain in their possession during
their stay, for their “better safetie,” with the ordnance they had
planted there: eleven brass pieces; and orders issued that no Spaniard
should land at the island with any kind of weapon.
The viceroy at first “somewhat misliked” the condition as to the guard
of the island in the keeping of the Englishmen; but in the end he
acceded to them all, with the exception that the number of hostages was
cut to ten. The agreement was then put in writing and sealed with the
viceroy’s seal: the hostages were received on either side; the orders
were duly proclaimed with trumpet blasts; the two generals met and “gave
faith ech to other for the performances of the premisses;” and then the
Spanish fleet passed into the harbour, each fleet saluting the other “as
the maner of the sea doth require.”
All went well for nearly three days. Two of the three were spent in
“placing the English ships by themselves and the Spanish ships by
themselves, the captaines of ech part & inferiour men of their parts
promising great amity on al sides.” But with all the show of
faithfulness to the agreement the Spaniards were plotting mischief. A
thousand men from the mainland were being secretly taken on their ships,
and they were proposing, on the third day, at dinner time, suddenly to
set upon the Englishmen on all sides.
On the morning of this third day the Englishmen’s suspicion was aroused
by various activities on the Spanish ships: “as shifting of weapon from
ship to ship, planting and bending of ordnance from the ships to the
Iland where our men warded, passing to and fro of companies of men more
then [than] required for their necessary busines, & many other ill
likelihoods.” Hawkins sent a peremptory demand to the viceroy for an
explanation of these goings on. His reply was the issue of a
“commandement to unplant all things suspicious,” and an assurance to
Hawkins that “he in the faith of a Viceroy would be our defence from all
villanies.” But Hawkins and his chiefs were not satisfied with this
assurance for they now “suspected a great number of men to be hid in a
great ship of nine hundred tunnes which was mored next unto the Minion.”
A second messenger was sent, this time the master of the “Jesus,” who
could speak Spanish, to demand of the viceroy “if any such thing were or
were not.” This brought matters to a crisis. “The Viceroy now seeing
that the treason must be discovered foorthwith stayed [held] our master,
blew the Trumpet, and of all sides set upon us.”
Desperately brief as was the time for preparation, the English ships had
been made ready for the awful assault. But the men on the island were
taken quite unawares, and abandoning their guns fell a quick prey to
their onrushing assailants. The story of the unequal battle Hawkins
graphically relates with soldierlike brevity.
"Our men which warded a shore being stricken with sudden feare, gave
place, fled, and sought to recover succour of our ships; the Spaniardes
being before provided for the purpose landed in all places in multitudes
from their ships which they might easily doe without boates, and slewe
all our men a shore without mercie, a fewe of them escaped aboord the
Jesus. The great ship which had by the estimation three hundred men
placed in her secretly, immediately fel aboord the Minion, but by Gods
appointment, in the time of the suspicion we had, which was onely one
halfe houre, the Minion was made readie to avoide, and so leesing her
hedfasts, and hayling away by the sternefastes she was gotten out: thus
with Gods helpe she defended the violence of the first brunt of these
three hundred men. The Minion being past out, they came aboord the
Jesus, which also with very much a doe and the losse of manie of our men
were defended and kept out. Then there were also two other ships that
assaulted the Jesus at the same instant, so that she had hard getting
loose, but yet with some time we had cut our headfastes and gotten out
by the sternefastes.
“Nowe when the Jesus and the Minion were gotten about two shippes length
from the Spanish fleete the fight beganne so hotte on all sides that
within one houre the Admirall of the Spaniards was supposed to be sunke,
their Viceadmirall burned, and one other of their principall ships
supposed to be sunke, so that the shippes were little able to annoy us.”
But the guns on the island which had fallen into the Spaniards’ hands,
were worked with direful results. All the masts and yards of the “Jesus”
were so cut by their shot that “there was no hope to carrie her away”;
and one of the small ships was sunk. Thereupon it was decided to bring
the battered “Jesus” to the land side of the “Minion” and use her as a
defence for the “Minion” against the batteries, till night, and then to
shift as much of her provisions and other necessities to the “Minion” as
time would permit, and abandon her. But just as the “Jesus” had been so
placed alongside the “Minion,” suddenly the Spaniards had “fired two
great shippes which were comming directly with” them. Having no means to
avoid the fire this “bredde among our men a marvellous feare, so that
some sayd let us depart with the Minion, other said, let us see whither
[whether] the winde will carrie the fire from us.” Then “the Minions men
which had alwayes their sayles in a readinesse, thought to make sure
worke, and so without either consent of the Captaine or Master cut their
saile, so that very hardly I was received into the Minion. The most part
of the men that were left alive in the Jesus made shift and followed the
Minion in a small boat, the rest which the little boate was not able to
receive, were inforced to abide the mercie of the Spaniards (which I
doubt was very little) so that with the Minion only and the Judith
[Drake’s little bark] we escaped.”
Throughout the engagement Hawkins was at the fore, and his coolness was
superb, as this dramatic incident at the height of the action, quaintly
related by one of the survivors, Job Hartop, shows: "Our Generall
couragiously cheered up his souldiers and gunners, and called to Samuel
his page for a cup of Beere, who brought it to him in a silver cup; and
hee, drinking it to all men, willed the gunners to stand by their
ordnance lustily like men. He had no sooner set the cup out of his hand
but a demy Culverin shot stroke away the cup and a Coopers plane that
stoode by the maine mast, and ranne out on the other side of the ship;
which nothing dismaied our Generall, for he ceased not to incourage us,
saying ‘feare nothing, for God who hath preserved me from this shot,
will also deliver us from these traitours and villaines.’"
That night the “Minion” rode only two “bow-shootes” off from the Spanish
ships with her crowded company. During the night the “Judith” "forsake"
them in their “great miserie,” as Hawkins wrote; but it was afterward
stated that she had lost sight of the “Minion” in the confusion of the
disaster. The following morning the “Minion” attained an island about a
mile from the scene of the furious action, and the fugitives hoped for a
little relief. But here the dreaded north wind took them; “and being
left onely with two ankers and two cables (for in this conflict we lost
three cables and two ankers),” they “thought alwayes upon death which
ever was present.” On the next day, however, the “weather waxed
reasonable” and they again set sail. For fourteen days “with many
sorowful hearts” they wandered about the gulf till hunger enforced them
to seek the land. At this time such were their straits that “hides were
thought very good meat, rats, cats, mice, and dogs, none escaped that
might be gotten, parrats and monkeyes that were had in great price, were
thought there very profitable if they served the turne [of] one dinner.”
They at length came to land in the bottom of the gulf, but it afforded
them no haven of relief or place where they could repair the “sore
beaten” ship. But they were able to take on a supply of fresh water.
Here a number desired to remain and take their chances in the unknown
country. Accordingly Hawkins divided the crowded company. “Such as were
willing to land I put them apart, and such as were desirous to go
homewardes I put apart, so that they were indifferently parted a hundred
of one side and a hundred of the other side: these hundred men we set a
land with all diligence in this little place beforesaid, which being
landed, we determined there to take in fresh water, and so with our
little remaine of victuals to take the sea.”
They departed hence with their lighter load on the sixteenth of October.
A month later they were “clear from the coast of the Indies and out of
the channel and gulf of Bahama.” Afterward approaching the “cold
country” many of the company “oppressed with famine” died, while those
that were left “grew into such weaknesses” that they were scarcely able
to manage the ship. Shortly new perils came upon them. “The winde
alwayes ill for us to recover England, we determined to goe with Galicia
in Spaine, with intent there to relieve our companie and other extreame
wantes. And being arrived the last day of December in a place neere unto
Vigo called Ponte Vedra, our men with excesse of fresh meate grew into
miserable diseases, and died a great part of them. This matter was borne
out as long as it might be, but in the end although there were none of
our men suffered to goe a land, yet by accesse of the Spaniards our
feeblenesse was knowen to them. Whereupon they ceased not to seeke by
all meanes to betray us.” To escape this danger they made with all speed
for Vigo. Here at last fortune favoured them. With the help of some
English ships in this port and “twelve fresh men” they “repaired their
wants” sufficiently to complete the voyage; and on the twenty-fifth of
January, 1568/9 the “Minion” entered Mounts Bay, Cornwall, and the worn
and shattered survivors were at home.
“If all the miseries and troublesome affaires of this sorowful voyage
should be perfectly and throughly written,” Hawkins opined in closing
his narration, “there should neede a painefull man with his pen, and as
great a time as he had that wrote the lives and deathes of the Martyrs.”
The tribulations of the hundred and more men who were landed in the Gulf
of Mexico to shift for themselves, and the marvellous adventures of
those who lived through awful hardships, were related in large detail by
three of them: Miles Philips, David Ingram, and Job Hartop. The tales of
Philips and Hartop fill many of Hakluyt’s ample pages. Both supplement
Hawkins’s official report of the San Juan d’Ulloa affair in small
particulars. Philips told of miseries sustained by himself and
companions among savage people; of their ultimate falling into the
Spaniards’ hands; of how they were worked as slaves; how they were
reviled as “English dogs and Lutheran heretics,” suffered the
Inquisition, which was brought into “New Spain” while they were there,
and were hardly used in the “religious houses”; and how some of them
escaped after years of bondage. Philips also told of meeting in the city
of Mexico the English hostages whom Hawkins had given at San Juan
d’Ulloa. They were there prisoners in the viceroy’s house. After four
months’ imprisonment they were sent to Spain, where, Philips had heard
it “credibly reported,” many of them died “with the cruel handling of
the Spaniards in the Inquisition house.” In Mexico, too, and at the
viceroy’s house, Captain Barret, the captured master of the “Jesus,” was
found. He also was afterward sent to Spain, and suffered the
Inquisition; and at the last that Philips had heard, he was condemned to
be burned, and with him another of Hawkins’s men named John Gilbert.
Philips got back to England and told his story in 1582. Hartop was one
of the gunners of the “Jesus.” The sum of his experiences covered
twenty-three years, and included two years’ imprisonment in Mexico; a
year in an Inquisition house in Spain; twelve years in the galleys; four
years in the “everlasting prison remidilesse” with the “coat of St.
Andrews cross on his back”; and three years a “drudge” to the treasurer
of the king’s mint. Ingram’s experiences were the most marvellous of
all, according to his narration, and the things that he saw, or imagined
he saw, were amazing. He told of travelling with two companions afoot
along the coast of North America, from the Gulf of Mexico to near Cape
Breton. He averred that he “never continued in any one place above three
or four days, saving in the city of Balma,” wherever that may have been,
where he tarried about a week. He saw fair dwellings topped with
“banquetting houses” built with “pillars of massy silver and crystal”;
many strange peoples; wondrous beasts, elephants, a “monster beast twice
as big as a horse,” another “bigger than a bear,” with neither head nor
neck, the eyes and mouth in the breast; and many strange birds, “thrice
as big as an eagle and beautiful to behold.” Hakluyt gave his story in
the first edition of the _Principal Navigations_, but left it out of the
later editions, because, as Purchas in his _Pilgrimies_ afterward
explained, of some of its “incredibilities”: the “reward of lying,”
Purchas observes, “being not to be believed in truths.”
Hawkins made no more voyages for a period of two decades. In 1572 he was
returned to Parliament from Plymouth, and the next year was made
treasurer of the navy. He was a vice-admiral in the fleet against the
Spanish Armada (1588), commanding the “Victory,” and he was created a
knight for his effective services in that great engagement. His last
voyage was made in 1595, again with Drake, and once more against the
Spanish West Indies: and there he died, at Porto Rico, on the twelfth of
November that year.
Drake returned from the bitter experience at San Juan d’Ulloa the
implacable foe of Spaniards. After fruitless efforts to obtain
compensation from Spain for his losses in the San Juan affair, he
determined on a campaign of revenge, and in 1570 he was found again at
sea on the forerunner of astonishing voyages of reprisal.
From these buccaneering expeditions he was led to his greater exploit in
“ploughing a furrow” round the globe, with the incidental discovery of
California for the English.
XVI
DRAKE’S GREAT EXPLOITS
Francis Drake was born near Tavistock, Devonshire, where a colossal
statue of the great navigator now stands. The date of his birth is
uncertain. By local tradition it is given as about 1545, and this is
generally accepted by his later biographers, but some authorities place
it five years earlier. Authorities also differ as to his parentage. Some
contemporary writers aver that his father was Robert Drake, first a
sailor, afterward a preacher; according to others he was Edmond or
Edmund Drake, also a sailor turned preacher, who, in 1560, became vicar
of Upchurch in Kent, and died there in 1566. The second Sir Francis
Drake, nephew of the navigator, related of the father that he suffered
persecution, and “being forced to fly from his home near South
Tavistocke in Devon unto Kent,” was there obliged “to inhabit in the
hull of a shippe, wherein many of his younger sonnes were born.” He had
twelve sons in all, “and as it pleased God to give most of them a being
on the water so the great part of them dyed at sea.” William Camden, the
contemporary historian and antiquarian, recorded that the father, after
coming to Kent, earned his living by reading prayers to the seamen of
the fleet in the River Medway.
When yet a boy Francis Drake was a trained sailor. He was early
apprenticed to the master of a bark employed in a coasting trade, and
sometimes carrying merchandise into Zealand and France. The youth’s
industry and aptness in this business, says Camden, so “pleased the old
man,” his master, that, “being a bachelor, at his death he bequeathed
his bark unto him by will and testament.” At twenty, assuming the true
date of his birth to have been about 1545, he joined with one Captain
John Lovell in a trading voyage to Guinea and across to the West Indies
and the Spanish Main. The next year, 1566, they made a second voyage to
the same points, and on the Spanish Main, at Rio del Hacha, they
suffered losses through the Spaniards. Doubtless the knowledge gained in
these two voyages made him particularly serviceable to his kinsman, John
Hawkins, and brought him the command of the “Judith” in their fatal
voyage of the following year. He is said to have invested in this
disastrous venture the whole of his little property acquired in his
previous voyages and in the earlier coasting trade, and to have lost it
all through the affair at San Juan d’Ulloa.
[Illustration: SIR FRANCIS DRAKE.]
Upon reaching home with the “Judith,” bringing the first news of the
fate of this expedition, he was immediately, on the very night of his
arrival, despatched to London by Hawkins’s brother William, at that time
governor of Plymouth, to inform the privy council and Sir William Cecil,
then the secretary of state, “of the whole proceedings,” "to the end
that the queen might be advertised of the same." Thus he was brought to
the attention of the influential minister and, indirectly, to the favour
of the court. At least he was given the support of letters from the
queen in the move that he at once instituted for recompense from Spain
for his losses. When at length he had become satisfied that nothing
could be obtained through diplomatic councils, he determined to “use
such helps as he might” to redress by ravaging the Spanish Main on his
own account. Accordingly he first made two voyages in succession, the
one in 1570 with two small ships, the “Dragon” and the “Swan,” the other
in 1571 with the “Swan” alone, particularly to obtain “certain notice of
the persons and places aimed at.” These reconnoitring expeditions
convinced him that the towns would fall an easy prey to a small armed
force, and were also gainful in plunder taken off the coast along the
way. Thereupon he promptly arranged for his freebooting voyage, to
avenge not only the San Juan d’Ulloa affair but the earlier one at Rio
del Hacha.
For daring and audacity this voyage was astonishing, and its results
were quick wealth to Drake and renown as a masterful man of the sea. Two
ships, the “Swan” of the previous voyages, and the “Pasha,” a larger
vessel, of seventy tons, with three “dainty” pinnaces in parts, stowed
in the holds of the ships to be set up when occasion served, comprised
the equipment. Drake sailed the “Pasha” as the “admiral,” while one of
his brothers, John Drake, was captain of the “Swan” as “vice-admiral” of
the fleet. Another brother, Joseph Drake, went along as a sailor. The
company numbered in all seventy-three men and boys. All were volunteers,
and all were under thirty years of age, excepting one who was not over
fifty. The ships were well provisioned for a year, and they were fully
armed, each like a man-of-war of that day. Although the enterprise was
ostensibly Drake’s alone, it had a substantial backing furnished by
influential silent partners.
The expedition set sail from Plymouth on Whitsunday eve, the
twenty-fourth of May, 1572, with intent first to raid Nombre de Dios, on
the north coast of the Isthmus of Darien, then “the granary of the West
Indies wherein the golden harvest brought from Peru and Mexico was
hoarded up till it could be conveyed into Spain.” On the sixth of July
the high land of Santa Marta was sighted, and six days later the ships
were anchored in a secret harbour within the Gulf of Darien, framed in a
luxuriant mass of trees and vine, which Drake had discovered on his
second reconnoitering voyage, and called “Port Pheasant,” "by reason of
the great store of these goodly fowls which he and his company did then
daily kill and feed upon" here. It is supposed to have been the Puerto
Escondido, or “Hidden Haven” of the Spaniards. Upon entering it was seen
that the nest had very recently been occupied, and, landing, Drake found
nailed to a great tree a lead plate upon which was posted a warning that
their rendezvous had been discovered by the Spaniards, signed John
Gannet, and dated five days before. Gannet was presumably the former
master of the “Minion,” of Hawkins’s ill-fortuned fleet. He had come out
to the Spanish Main on a voyage of his own shortly before the sailing of
Drake. Undisturbed by this warning Drake put his carpenters to work at
setting up the pinnaces, and the rest of the company at fortifying the
place with ramparts of trees. In the meantime there sailed into the snug
harbour another English bark. This was captained by James Rouse, the
former master of the lost “William and John” of the Hawkins expedition.
He also had sailed on a part trading and part buccaneering voyage before
Drake had left Plymouth. His company numbered thirty men, some of whom
had been in Drake’s second reconnoitring voyage. They brought in two
small prizes, one a caravel of Seville, a despatch boat, bound for
Nombre de Dios, which they had captured the previous day, the other a
shallop taken at Cape Blanc. Rouse joined forces with Drake.
Having got the pinnaces and all things in readiness within a week’s
time, the fleet was off for their first foray. Coming to the Isla de
Pinos (Isles of Pines), a group at the mouth of the Gulf of Darien
(called by them “Port Plenty”), they found here two frigates for Nombre
de Dios lading planks and timber, with a number of black men on board at
work. These blacks were half-breeds, belonging to a local tribe sprung
from self-freed Negro slaves and native Indians, known as “Cimaroons,”
or “Maroons,” as the English sailors termed them, enrolled under two
chiefs, and constant enemies of the Spanish. The frigates were seized,
and the black men were taken to the mainland and set ashore to join
their tribe and gain their liberty if they would, or, if they were
disposed to warn Nombre de Dios, to make the troublesome journey
overland, which they could not finish before the Englishmen could reach
the place by sea. Then leaving the three ships with the prize in charge
of Captain Rouse, and taking fifty-three of his own men and twenty of
Rouse’s band, and adding Rouse’s shallop to his fleet of pinnaces, Drake
“hastened his own going with speed and secrecy.” Five days later they
had arrived at the island of “Cativaas” (Catives), off the mouth of the
St. Francis, to the westward of which Nombre de Dios lay. Here they
landed and spent part of a day making ready for the assault. Drake
distributed the arms among the men and delivered a heartening speech
setting before them the “greatness of the hope of good things” in this
store house of treasure which might be theirs for the taking. That
afternoon they again set sail and at sunset they were alongside the
main. Keeping “hard aboard the shore” that they might not be “descried
of the Watch House,” they made their cautious way till they had come
within two leagues of the port. At this point they anchored till after
dark. Then again “rowing hard aboard shore,” as quietly as they could,
they attained a sheltered place in the harbour under high land, where
they lay “all silent,” purposing to make the attack at daylight. When,
however, talk of the “greatness of the town” and of its strength for
defence, based upon stories told by the blacks at the Isles of Pines,
was found to be spreading among the men, Drake “thought it best to put
these conceits out of their heads,” by prompter action, taking advantage
of the rising of the moon that night which he would persuade them “was
the day dawning.” By this strategy the advance was begun at three
o’clock, a “large houre sooner than first was purposed.”
The surprise of the town was complete. As the four pinnaces were sailing
forward, the rowers noiselessly plying their oars, a Spanish ship laden
with Canary wines, newly arrived in the bay, espied them, and
immediately sent off one of her boats townward, evidently to give an
alarm. But Drake dexterously checked this move by cutting “betwixt her
and the Towne forcing her to goe to the other side of the bay.” At the
landing place a platform was found fortified with “six great pieces of
ordnance mounted upon the carriages,” but only a single gunner on guard.
The gunner fled to arouse the town, while Drake’s men dismantled the
guns. Then Drake marched his men up a neighbouring hill, where he had
heard that ordnance was to be placed that night, to dismantle it if
found. But none had yet been set, and he hurried back now to make direct
for the town’s treasure. Leaving a guard at the platform to secure the
pinnaces, and a trumpeter to sound his trumpet at intervals while the
other trumpeters were sounding theirs in other parts, to give an
impression of a large force of besiegers, Drake divided his men into two
companies. One, of sixteen men, under his brother John, was to execute a
flank movement upon the King’s Treasure House near by; the other, led by
himself, was to march up the broad main street to the Market Place,
where the two were to come together. Meanwhile the alarm-bell of the
church had been set a-ringing by an official of the town, drums were
beating, and the startled people were mustering in the Market Place,
their first thought being that their common enemy, the Cimaroons, were
upon them.
Drake led his men with trumpets playing and drums beating, and their
“firepikes” lighting the way, into the Market Place, and were here
“saluted” by a body of Spanish soldiers and people lined up near the
Governor’s House, with a “jolly hot volley of shot.” The Englishmen
returned this “greeting” with a flight of arrows. Then they brought
their firepikes and their short weapons into effective play, and soon
routed the town’s defenders, who fled out of the gate—the only gate of
the town—leading toward Panama. In this skirmish Drake received a
painful wound in the leg. But he valiantly concealed his hurt, “knowing
if the generall’s heart stoops the men’s will fail.” Now making their
stand in the Market Place, Drake commanded two or three Spaniards whom
he had taken prisoner in the flight to conduct him with a detachment to
the Governor’s House. It was here that the long teams of mules bringing
the king’s treasure from Panama were unladen and the silver placed,
while the gold, pearls, and jewels were deposited in the stronger-built
(of lime and stone) King’s Treasure House. The door of the Governor’s
House was found open, and before it a fine Spanish horse, ready saddled.
Entering, by means of a lighted candle on the stairs, they saw a vast
heap of silver in the lower room. This consisted of silver bars piled up
against the wall, some “seventy feet in length, ten in breadth, and
twelve in height, each bar between thirty and forty pounds weight,” as
they calculated, about the value of “a million sterling.” Drake ordered
his men not to attempt to take any of this plunder, for the town was so
full of people that it would be impossible to remove it; but at the
King’s Treasure House, near the water side, he told them there was “more
gold and jewels than all of” their “four pinnaces could carry away”; and
he would presently send out a force to break it open.
Accordingly they returned to the Market Place, thence to go for the
Treasure House. Back in the Market Place they received a startling
report that their pinnaces were in danger of capture. John Drake was
hurried to the landing with a guard to meet this emergency. He found the
force there much alarmed by a report of a Negro spy that the Spanish
soldiers which the blacks at the Isles of Pines had told them had been
ordered from Panama, to defend the town from an expected attack of the
Cimaroons, had arrived. John Drake quieted their fears. Now a new
trouble arose. A “mighty shower of rain” with a “terrible storm of
thunder and lightning” burst upon the town. Drake and his men sought
shelter near the King’s Treasure House. But before they had got under
cover some of their bow-strings were wet, and their match and powder
hurt. Some of the men began “harping on the reports lately brought” and
“muttering of the forces of the town.” Thereupon Drake exclaimed that
here he had brought them to the “mouth of the Treasure of the World,”
and if they did not gain it they “might henceforth blame nobody but
themselves.” So soon as the fury of the storm had abated Drake ordered
John Drake and John Oxenham, another officer, to break open the Treasure
House, the rest to follow him to “keep the strength” of the Market Place
till their work was done. But as he stepped forward he suddenly fell
prone in a swoon from loss of blood from his wound, which to this moment
he had successfully concealed. This produced consternation among the
band. Upon his revival his scarf was bound about the wound, and he was
entreated to go aboard his pinnace to have it dressed. He persistently
refused, and finally, “with force mingled with fair entreaty” he was
seized and borne to his boat. Then all hurriedly embarked and got away,
with what little plunder a few had managed to pick up.
So was abandoned “a rich spoil for the present,” but “only to preserve
their captain’s life.” It was afterward admitted by the Spaniards that
but for the mishap to Drake necessitating their precipitate departure,
the buccaneers would have fully succeeded in sacking the town.
It was but daybreak when they left. They had besides the captain “many
of their men wounded, though none slain but one trumpeter.” On their way
out of the harbour they tarried long enough to capture, “without much
resistance,” the Spanish ship lying there with her cargo of wines, “for
the more comfort of the company.” Before they had quite cleared the
haven the Spaniards on shore had got one of the great guns into play
upon them. But the shot fell short of their boats. They landed with
their prize at the Isle of Bartimentos, or, as they called it, the “Isle
of Victuals,” westward of Nombre de Dios. Here they stayed through the
next two days to “cure their wounded and refresh themselves” in the
“goodly gardens” they found “abounding with great store of all dainty
roots and fruits, besides great plenty of poultry and other fowls no
less strange and delicate.” Return was then made to the Isles of Pines,
where Captain Rouse with their ships was joined.
Thus the incident of the famous raid upon Nombre de Dios, the first
object of the expedition, closed with small gain. Hakluyt gives a brief
and incomplete account of it, written and recorded, as his title
relates, by “one Lopez Vaz a Portugall, borne in the citie of Elvas, in
maner follow: which Portugale, with the discourse about him, was taken
in the River of Plate by the ships set foorth by the Right Honourable
the Earle of Cumberland, in the yeere 1586.” The larger account, which
Drake himself is said to have “reviewed,” or edited, was not published
until more than half a century after the event. It then appeared in a
history of the expedition, brought out in 1626, under this inspiriting
title: _Sir Francis Drake Revived; Calling upon this Dull or Effeminate
Age to follow his noble steps for Gold and Silver, By this Memorable
Relation of the Rare Occurrences (never yet declared to the world) in a
third voyage made by him unto the West Indies, in the years 1572 & 1573
when Nombre de Dios was by him, and 52 others only in his company,
Surprised_.
Subsequent exploits made up for the failure to loot the “Treasure of the
World.” Shortly after the return to the Isles of Pines Captain Rouse
parted company with the expedition and went his own way, while Drake
continued his enterprise alone, as he had originally planned. His next
assault was to be against Cartagena. Toward this port he at once sailed
his own fleet, the two ships and the three pinnaces. Arriving in the
harbour he found here a “great ship of Seville” making ready to sail for
San Domingo. This he took in sight of the town, but beyond the reach of
its “great guns,” which opened upon him. The next morning he captured
two frigates from Nombre de Dios for Cartagena, on board of which were
two “Scrivanos” (escribano, a notary), with letters reporting his attack
on Nombre de Dios and his continued presence on the coast, warning the
Cartagenians to “prepare for him.” From them ascertaining that he was
now discovered to the chief places along the main, he made no further
advance upon Cartagena, but sought instead a good hiding-place till the
“bruit” of his being here “might cease”; intending later to make an
alliance with the Cimaroons and raid the treasure route between Panama
and Nombre de Dios. Meanwhile the “Swan” was scuttled in order
thoroughly to man the pinnaces, and the “Pasha” was utilized as a
storehouse. During the next two months roving the coast with the
pinnaces, many Spanish ships were seized and relieved of their cargoes,
mostly provisions for “victualling” Nombre de Dios and Cartagena, and
also the fleets to and from Spain. Such quantities of provisions of all
kinds were thus obtained that the company built and stocked at different
points, on islands and on the main, four storehouses; and there was
sufficient as the season advanced to supply besides themselves, the
Cimaroons, and also two French ships that fell in with them in “extreme
want.” Later their rendezvous was at the mouth of the Rio Diego, where
they built a fort which they called “Fort Diego.” In October, while
attempting to take a frigate, John Drake was killed. Early in January
the “calenture,” or hot fever, broke out among the company, and several
died, among them Drake’s younger brother Joseph.
On the third of February the land journey across the isthmus toward
Panama was begun. At that time twenty-eight of the company had died, and
several were yet ill. Since it was necessary to leave a few sound men
with the sick ones, the number that made this march was only eighteen.
The rest of the band were Cimaroons, thirty in all. The highest point of
the dividing ridge was reached on the eleventh of February when Drake,
from a tree top, got his first sight of the Pacific and uttered his
earnest prayer familiar in the histories, to be permitted once to sail
an English ship upon it. The chronicler of the voyage thus well portrays
the animating scene:
"The fourth day following we came to the height of the desired hill, a
very high hill lying East and West, like a ridge between the two seas,
about ten of the clock; where the chiefest of these Cimaroons took our
Captain by the hand and prayed him to follow him if he was desirous to
see at once the two seas, which he had so longed for. Here was that
goodly and great high Tree in which they had cut and made divers steps
to ascend up near unto the top, where they had also made a convenient
bower wherein ten or twelve men might easily sit: and from thence we
might without any difficulty plainly see the Atlantic Ocean whence now
we came and the South Atlantic [Pacific Ocean] so much desired. South
and north of this Tree they had felled certain trees that the prospect
might be the clearer.... After our Captain had ascended to this bower
with the chief Cimaroon, and having, as it pleased God, at this time by
reason of the breeze a very fair day, had seen that sea of which he had
heard such golden reports: he ‘besought Almighty God of His Goodness, to
give him life and leave to sail once in an English ship in that Sea!’
And then calling up all the rest of our [seventeen English] men he
acquainted John Oxnam [Oxenham] especially with this his petition and
purpose, if it would please God to grant him that happiness. Who
understanding it presently protested that ‘unless our Captain did beat
him from his company he would follow him by God’s grace.’"
Drake’s outlook is supposed to have been near the spot where Balboa, the
discoverer, sixty years earlier, had “thanked God” that he was “the
first Christian man to behold that sea”; and it is presumed that Drake
had Balboa’s thanksgiving in mind when he framed his ardent prayer.
Two days later the band had come to the open region of savannas over
which savage herds of black cattle roamed, whence glimpses of Panama
(the old city north of the present one) were had. As they marched on,
Drake saw the Spanish ships riding in the harbour; the Pacific beyond
stretching placidly to the horizon. Now they were within a day’s journey
of the city. Toward sunset they reached the shelter of a grove through
which the road ran, about a league from Panama. Here they rested while
Drake despatched a spy, disguised as a Negro servant, into the city—a
Cimaroon who had once served a master there and so was familiar with the
place—to learn all about the movements of the “recuas:” the mule
treasure and merchandise teams. The spy returned after dark with the
joyous word that that very night a string of mule teams was to come out.
The richest was to head the line accompanying the Spanish treasurer of
Lima, Peru, on the way with his family to Nombre de Dios, there to take
an “advice ship” in waiting for Spain. This team comprised fourteen
mules, of which eight were laden with gold and one with jewels. Two
others immediately to follow were each of fifty mules, and were to carry
provisions for the fleet at Nombre de Dios, with a small quantity of
silver. They were to make the journey in the cool of the night, and to
take the route by way of Venta Cruz (Cruces, on the left bank of the
Chagres River). With this information Drake determined to intercept the
whole string and take off the richest treasure. Accordingly the march
was resumed away from Panama and toward Venta Cruz, some four leagues
distant.
They came to a halt in a secluded spot about two leagues south of the
town. Near by one of the Cimaroons scented out a Spanish soldier, whom
they literally caught napping. He was one of the guard hired to protect
the Lima treasurer’s train outward from Venta Cruz, and while waiting,
knowing that he could get no rest till their safe arrival at Nombre de
Dios, he had lain down in the grass and dropped asleep. He was
terrorized at falling into the hands of the merciless Cimaroons, and
being brought into the presence of Drake he plead for protection. He
assured the captain, on the honour of a soldier, that that night he
might have, if he would, “more gold, besides jewels and pearls of great
price” than all his men could carry, and for his own part he asked only
as much of the plunder as would suffice for himself and wife to live on
comfortably. Holding the soldier for what service he might render, Drake
divided his band into two companies and ambushed in long grass on either
side of the road. He headed one company, and John Oxenham, with the
chief of the Cimaroons, the other. Drake’s lay on one side of the road
some fifty paces above Oxenham’s on the opposite side. The foremost
company were to seize the mules by their heads as the team came up,
while the “hindmost” secured the rear: for the mules tied together were
always driven one after the other. The Englishmen all drew their shirts
over their apparel by Drake’s order that they might be sure to know each
other in the “pell mell of the night.”
The two sections had thus lain for above an hour when the notes of deep
sounding bells, which the mule teams invariably bore, were heard in the
distance in both directions, betokening the approach of trains from and
to Venta Cruz. Then the nearer sound of a horse trotting over the road
fell on the listening ears. As it was passing the ambuscade one of the
Englishmen, a sailor who had taken too much wine and become reckless,
crept up close to the road and raised himself and gazed at the rider. He
was a cavalier, well mounted, with a page running at his stirrup. A
Cimaroon quickly pulled the sailor down and sat on him. But it was too
late. The cavalier had caught sight of the white-shirted object, had
recognized it as an Englishman of Drake’s crew, and had put spurs to his
horse and galloped off to warn the approaching treasurer’s team of
danger. Meeting it on the road the cavalier reported what he had seen,
and his conjecture that Drake was in the neighbourhood for plunder of
treasure teams to recompense himself for his failure at Nombre de Dios;
and he persuaded the treasurer to turn his train out of the way, and let
the others that were to follow pass first. Their loss, if “worse befel,”
would be of far less account, while they would serve to discover the
party in ambush. And just this happened. As the others with the lesser
treasure reached the ambush the captains blew their whistles for the
attack, and both teams were speedily taken; but the spoil, besides the
provisions, netted not more than two “horse-loads” of silver, and
Drake’s game was fully discovered. One of the chief carriers told him
how their ambush had been exposed by the imprudent sailor and how the
cavalier had spread the warning, and counselled his party to “shift for
themselves betimes” unless they were able to combat the whole force of
Panama before daybreak.
Instead, however, of following this advice Drake took that of the chief
of the Cimaroons, which was that he should boldly march on to the town
and “make a way with his sword through the enemies.” So, after enjoying
a full supper of meat and drink from the captured provisions, the march
upon Venta Cruz was begun. The band mounted the mules and thus made the
journey comfortably. When within a mile of the town and in a deep woods
they dismounted, and leaving the muleteers here, bidding them not to
follow at their peril, made the remainder of the way on foot. Half a
mile beyond a couple of Cimaroons of the advance guard discovered a
Spanish force in ambush in a jungle at the side of the road. They were a
body of soldiers with a number of fighting friars of a monastery at
Venta Cruz. With this news Drake cautioned his men to move quietly, and
pressed on. As they neared the ambuscade the Spanish captain appeared in
the roadway before them and called out “Hoo!” Drake replied with the
sailor’s response to a hail, “Hallo!” The Spaniard queried, “Que gente?”
Drake answered, “Englishmen.” The Spaniard demanded their surrender, "in
the name of the ‘King, his master,’" with the promise, as a “gentleman
soldier,” of courteous treatment. Drake demanded passage “for the honour
of the Queen, his mistress,” and advancing toward the Spaniard fired his
pistol in the air. This was taken as a signal by the men in ambush and
they let off a volley. Drake was scratched, and several of his men were
wounded, one fatally. He blew his whistle, and the English returned shot
for shot, with a flight of arrows. Then the Cimaroons took a hand, and
under the combined Indian and English warfare the Spaniards were routed.
Close by the town gate they made another stand. Drake’s men again
scattered them, and with a rush entered the town. Guards were placed at
the entrances at either end that the raiders might be secure while here.
They stayed only an hour and a half. Drake ordered his men to take no
heavy plunder, for they had a long march to make back to their ships,
and they were yet in danger of attack. Still, many of them and the
Cimaroons managed to make “some good pillage.”
Having now practically completed the journey across the isthmus, and
having been absent from the ships nearly a fortnight, a rapid return
march was deemed imperative. The start was hastened by a little episode
at the Panama gate. While the marauders were at breakfast just before
daybreak they were startled by a lively fusillade at that end of the
town. A company of cavaliers from Panama had galloped up, supposing that
Drake had left, and had encountered his sentries at the gate. Several of
the cavaliers were killed in the skirmish and the rest scattered.
Fearing that they were a scouting party and might be followed by a large
force, Drake gave immediate orders to fall in for the departure. At dawn
they were crossing the Chagres bridge and on their way at a quick gait.
It was a hard and rushing march throughout to the coast where the ships
lay, the men for days with empty stomachs and footsore. But it was
cheerfully performed under Drake’s buoyant leadership and his promise of
golden spoil they were yet to win before they finally sailed back to
England.
After the return to their rendezvous Drake divided the company into two
bands to rove in the pinnaces, one eastward the other westward, for
plunder off the coast. The eastward rovers soon captured a fine Spanish
frigate; and this ship, because of her strength and “good mould,” Drake
retained, and fitting her as a man-of-war added her to his fleet. He was
in need of some new craft, for he had recently sunk one of his three
pinnaces. Shortly after, in March, additional strength came in a French
ship, a rover out of Havre, under one Captain Tetou with seventy men.
The Frenchman had appeared when Drake’s ships were again at the
“Cativaas,” needing water and provisions. Drake supplied his wants. Then
the Frenchman, desiring to join him in a venture, the two struck a
bargain for a second raid on the isthmus treasure teams. The Frenchman
with twenty of his men was to serve with Drake, “for halves”: the
plunder obtained to be equally divided.
For this expedition Drake selected fifteen of his men and the Cimaroons
with him before, so that the whole company, exclusive of the natives,
numbered but thirty-five, besides the two captains. Leaving his “Pasha”
and the French ship in a safe road, he manned the reformed Spanish
frigate and his two pinnaces, and sailed toward “Rio Francesco.” The
frigate was left at Cabecas, with a crew of English and French, the
pinnaces alone continuing to Rio Francesco. Here the band landed and
took up their march, Drake charging the masters of the pinnaces to be
back at this place without fail on the fourth day following, when they
expected to return. They proceeded in covert through the woods toward
the highway over which richly laden “recuas” were now coming daily from
Panama to Nombre de Dios. When they had marched, as in the previous
journey to Panama, to a “convenient point” between Rio Francesco and
Nombre de Dios, they bivouacked for that night. As they rested “in great
silence” they could hear the distant sounds of many carpenters working
on the ships at Nombre de Dios, which was customarily done in the night
time because of the great heat of the day; and their ears were charmed
with the music of the bells of the trotting mule teams on the road.
Early the next morning, April first, a jangle of bells nearing their
cover told the approach of an unwonted number of recuas. Putting
themselves in readiness they cautiously moved down toward the highway.
Three great teams from Panama were coming along together. One consisted
of fifty mules, the other two of seventy each, and each mule carried
three hundred pounds’ weight of silver: one hundred and ninety mules in
all with a total of fifty-seven thousand pounds of the metal; while some
were also laden with a small quantity of gold. Their guards comprised
forty-five soldiers, fifteen to each recua. At the moment the teams were
abreast them Drake’s band sprang out, and took such hold of the heads of
the foremost and hindmost mules that the rest stopped short and lay
down. There followed a quick exchange of bullets and arrows, and then
the flight of the guard “to seek more help abroad.” In the skirmish the
French captain was painfully wounded and one Cimaroon was killed. The
raiders hurriedly relieved the mules of their burden, taking all of the
treasure that they could well carry, including a few bars and quoits of
gold, and burying a large part of the rest in various places—in burrows
which great land crabs had made, beneath the trunks of fallen trees, and
in the sand and gravel of a shallow river—to be taken away later as
occasion might offer. Two hours were consumed in this business. Then the
return march was started by the way they had come. They had scarcely
re-entered the woods when they heard both horse and foot clattering
along the road behind them. This force, however, did not pursue them,
and it was supposed that they tarried to repossess the mules and the
rifled packs. The march had not far progressed when the wounded French
captain was obliged to drop out and seek rest in the woods, hoping soon
to regain his strength. He was never again seen by his companions,
though repeatedly sought, and it was afterward learned that he fell into
the hands of the Spaniards. Later on the march another of the Frenchmen
was missed. His fate, also ascertained subsequently, was not so tragic
as his captain’s, though hard and with sorry results to the band in that
through it they lost much of the treasure which they had hidden. While
rifling the teams he had drunk much wine, and overloading himself with
pillage, had started ahead of the rest and become lost in the woods. He,
too, was captured by the Spaniards, and under torture he revealed the
places of the buried plunder. Rio Francesco was reached after two days
of marching and here no pinnaces were met. Instead they saw a fleet of
seven Spanish pinnaces cruising off the coast. They “mightily suspected”
that these Spaniards had taken or spoiled their boats.
In this emergency Drake determined to reach his ships at all hazard.
From trees that had been brought down a river by a recent storm he had
his men construct a raft. For a sail a biscuit sack was utilized, and a
young tree was stripped for an oar to serve instead of a rudder. Upon
this rude craft he embarked with a few volunteers, and as he pushed off
he comforted the company left behind with the assurance that “if it
pleased God he should put his foot in safety aboard his frigate he
would, God willing, by one means or other get them all aboard despite of
all the Spaniards in the Indies.” He had thus sailed out into the sea
some three leagues, under a parching sun and for about six hours all the
while sitting up to the waist in water and at nearly every surge to the
armpits, when two pinnaces were descried coming inward under a spanking
breeze. As they neared they were seen to be his own pinnaces. At the
sight the half-drowned raftsmen set up a shout. But they were evidently
not seen by those on the pinnaces, for the boats shifted and ran into a
cove beyond a point of land. Since they did not come out again Drake
concluded that they were to anchor there for the night. Thereupon he
piloted his shaky craft ashore, and leaping off, ran around the point
and so came upon them, to the great astonishment of their occupants and
his greater relief. Their masters accounted for their delay in reaching
the rendezvous in telling how they had been beaten back by a heavy
storm, and had been obliged to stand off to avoid the Spanish pinnaces.
Drake’s companions of the raft were first succoured; and then he
himself, not stopping for rest, that evening rowed to Rio Francesco,
where the remainder of the company and the treasure were taken off and
brought to the pinnaces. At dawn next morning all set sail back again to
the frigate, and thence directly to the ships at Fort Diego. Upon the
arrival here Drake at once divided the treasure by weight into two even
portions between the English and French.
Shortly after twelve of Drake’s men and sixteen of the Cimaroons were
secretly sent again to the isthmus, for the buried treasure, and also,
if possible, to recover the French captain. They learned no more than
that Captain Tetou had been taken by the Spaniards, while the treasure
had mostly disappeared, the earth having been dug and turned up for a
mile about the hiding places. They found, however, thirteen bars of
silver and a few quoits of gold, which they took off.
Now it had become “high time to think of homewards.” The frigate was
supplied from the “Pasha” with what necessaries were needed fully to
supply her, and the “Pasha” was turned over to the few Spaniards whom
they had all this time detained. Then Fort Diego was left, the French
ship accompanying Drake’s little fleet. For a few days they rode among
the Cabecas. Afterward they parted with the French ship, and cruised
about seeking another Spanish frigate which they might take to augment
the fleet. Meanwhile they passed “hard by” Cartagena, in the sight of
the Spanish ships lying off that port, defiantly displaying the flag of
St. George in the main top of the frigate, “with silk streamers and
ancients down to the water.” Finally in July they were on the homeward
voyage in two captured Spanish frigates and with their pinnaces. Their
parting with the Cimaroons was most affectionate. Drake gave Pedro,
their chief, a rich cimeter which he had received as a gift from Captain
Tetou, and which the savage had secretly coveted, and Pedro gave Drake
four wedges of gold as a “pledge of his friendship and thanks.” Drake
would decline the gold, but seeing that Pedro would be pained at a
refusal, he accepted it and turned it into the common stock of his
company.
The return voyage was made with such a merry wind that the distance from
Cape San Antonio in Florida to the Scilly Islands was accomplished in
twenty-three days. Plymouth was reached on a Sunday, August nine, during
“sermon time,” and the news of Drake’s arrival "did so speedily pass
over all the church and surpass their minds with desire and delight to
see him that very few or none remained with the preacher: all hastening
to see the evidence of God’s love and blessing toward our Gracious Queen
and country, by the fruits of our Captain’s labours and success. Soli
Deo Gloria." So piously ends the chronicle.
The profits of this buccaneering voyage, with the bullion brought home,
were large to all who had part in it. Drake’s share made him
comparatively rich. As the historian Camden put it, he had “gotten a
pretty store of money by playing the sailor and the pirate.” Among the
prizes that he took were a number of frigates engaged in the coasting
trade, carrying gold, silver, and merchandise, and newly built through
the energy and skill of Pedro Menendez de Aviles, the destroyer of the
French colony in Florida.
XVII
ON THE PACIFIC COAST
Three years later Drake had begun his preparations for his crowning
exploit in the voyage round the globe. In the interim he had served
voluntarily in Ireland (1573) under the Earl of Essex, furnishing at his
own expense three frigates, with their equipment of munitions and men.
This service brought him a strong friend and ultimate patron in Sir
Christopher Hatton, then vice-chamberlain. And by Hatton he had been
favourably presented to the queen, who received him most flatteringly,
and is said to have encouraged him to follow up his attacks upon the
colonies of Spain, her bitterest enemy, though yet nominally at peace
with her.
This voyage was planned with the utmost secrecy and its real object was
carefully concealed. Even when the fleet had actually set sail the
company on board were not aware of their true destination; and the
mystery enveloping the enterprise most fascinated the bold and daring
spirits enlisted in it. The statement had been given out that
Constantinople was the goal of the voyage, but it was pretty generally
felt that sooner or later the Spanish American possessions would be
reached. Spain, which at length had been apprised by her envoy of
Drake’s movements, shrewdly suspected that his aim, as before, was the
Spanish Main; and it was the Spaniards’ belief that he particularly
contemplated a fresh attack upon Nombre de Dios and the “Treasure of the
World.” To prey upon Spanish ships and loot Spanish possessions was
indeed an uppermost purpose with him, but his scheme involved a far
greater sweep of operations than the Spaniards imagined. He meant, above
all, to accomplish his ardent desire expressed on that tree top on the
Isthmus of Panama, to sail an English ship into and to explore the
Pacific, and incidentally to harass the Spanish colonies on the Pacific
Coast, which from Patagonia to California was then under Spanish rule.
The encompassing of the globe, however, was an afterthought growing out
of the circumstances in which he found himself on the western North
American coast.
The fleet assembled for this voyage were five small ships, the largest
of only one hundred tons, the smallest of fifteen, and the average of
the whole lot fifty-five tons. They comprised: the “Pelican,” the
flag-ship, and the largest, with Drake in command; the “Elizabeth,”
eighty tons, Captain John Winter; the “Marigold,” thirty tons, Captain
John Thomas; the “Swan,” a flyboat, fifty tons, Captain John Chester;
the “Christopher,” a pinnace, fifteen tons, Captain Thomas Moon. And in
the holds of the larger ships were stored four pinnaces in parts, to be
set up when needed. The vessels were stocked and provisioned for a year
or more. Some of them, at least Drake’s ship, were luxuriously
furnished. We are told of his rich tableware embellished with silver,
presumably some of it prizes taken on his previous voyage; of silver
pots and kettles in the cook-room; and of other sumptuous fittings.
“Neither,” says the historian, “had he omitted to make provision also
for ornament and delight, carrying to this purpose with him expert
musicians,” a band of fiddlers to play for him at dinners; “and divers
shews of all sorts of curious workmanship whereby the civility and
magnificence of his native country might amongst all nations
whithersoever he should come, be the most admired.” The company
comprised, according to the account which Hakluyt gives, one hundred and
forty-six men, gentlemen and sailors; another puts the number at one
hundred and sixty-three “stout and able seamen.”
They sailed out of Plymouth on the fifteenth of November, 1577. But this
proved to be a false start. The wind falling contrary they were forced
the next morning to put into Falmouth, where a furious tempest struck
them and nearly wrecked the whole fleet. So they were obliged to return
to Plymouth for repairs. The second start was made successfully, on the
thirteenth of December. Twelve days later they were off the coast of
Barbary, and on the second day they called at Magador, where they
tarried long enough to put together one of their pinnaces. While at this
work they entertained some of the natives, who promised to bring them
choice provisions in return for gifts of linen cloth, shoes, and a
javelin. But the next day an unlucky incident changed the aspect of
affairs. A group supposed to have come with the provisions appeared at
the water side and a shipboat was sent out to meet them. As the boat
touched the shore a sailor sprang from it with outstretched hand to give
a hearty sailor’s welcome. He was instantly seized, flung across a
horse’s back and galloped away. It was afterward learned that this
violent act was committed only to ascertain to whom the ships belonged.
It was feared that they might be Portuguese ships, and these Moors were
then at war with the Portuguese. The captured sailor was brought before
a chief, and when this chief found out that the ships were English, the
sailor was hurried back with apologies and loaded with presents. But the
fleet was then gone. The sailor was returned to England at the first
opportunity, none the worse for his experience.
From Magador the fleet coasted the shore and put next into port at Cape
Blanco. On the way down their first captures were made. These included
three Spanish fisher boats, “canters,”—or canteras, they were termed—and
three Portuguese caravels, the latter bound to the Cape Verde Islands
for salt. At Cape Blanco a ship was found riding at anchor with only two
“simple mariners” aboard her. She was promptly taken and her cargo added
to their spoil. In this harbour the fleet remained four days, during
which time Drake mustered his men on land and trained them “in warlike
manner to make them fit for all occasions.” Before departing he had
shifted such things as he desired from the captured canters and returned
them to their owners save one, for which he gave in exchange one of his
little barks, called the “Benedict,” or the “Christopher,” which name
the canter afterward bore. Only one also of the captured Portuguese
caravels was retained. Next the Cape Verde Islands were reached, and a
landing made at Mayo (Maio), where luscious fruits were added to their
stock of provisions. Drake sent out a company of his men to view this
island, and they feasted on “very ripe and sweet grapes,” and cocoa
which was new to them. Next the fleet sailed by St. Jago [San Thiago],
but far enough off to escape danger from the inhabitants whom they
mistrusted: and properly, for the latter discharged three pieces at them
as they passed by, the shot falling short of them. Off this island they
took their richest prize thus far. She was one of two Portuguese ships
to which they gave chase. They boarded her, when overhauled with a
shipboat, without resistance. She yielded them with other valuable
articles a good store of wine. Her pilot, one Nuno da Silva, was
retained for service, which proved to be excellent, through a
considerable part of the voyage, while the rest of her crew and her
passengers, of whom there were several, were sent off in the newly
set-up pinnace, graciously provided by her captors with a butt of wine
out of their booty and some victuals. She was added to the fleet, with
the name of “Mary” bestowed upon her, and put under the charge of Master
Doughty, a volunteer and perhaps investor in the expedition, and a
personal friend of Drake. Doughty was not a seafaring man, and he seems
to have got into difficulty with his crew soon after taking command of
the prize. Within a few days complaints of his conduct of her coming to
Drake, he was called to the “Pelican,” and the captain’s own brother
Thomas Drake (another younger brother) appointed to his place, the
captain accompanying Thomas Drake on the prize. In the “Pelican” Doughty
had no better luck, for complaints of abuse of his authority here soon
arose. Accordingly he was deposed and sent to the “Swan” in no post of
command. Farther along on the voyage he came to a tragic end, the
central figure of a dramatic scene, as will appear later in this
narrative. Next after San Thiago, Fuego (Fogo), the “burning island,”
then throwing out volcanic flames, and lastly “Brava,” found in contrast
a “most pleasant and sweet” isle, were passed.
Then they “drew towards the line,” where they were becalmed for three
weeks, but yet “subject to divers great stormes, terrible lightnings,
and much thunder.” Along with this “miserie,” however, they enjoyed an
abundance of fish, as “Dolphins, Bonitos, Flying fishes,” some of the
latter falling into their ships. It was now known to the company that
their next destination was America, at Brazil.
From the moment of leaving the Cape Verde Islands, they sailed
fifty-four days without sight of land. On the fifth of April the
Brazilian coast presented itself to view. In the distance they saw fires
on the coast. These they afterward learned were set by the natives when
their ships were sighted, as a sacrifice to “the devils about which they
use conjurations.” The custom of these natives, it seemed, whenever a
strange ship approached the coast was to perform weird ceremonies to
conjure the gathering of shoals and the outbreak of tempests by which
the ship would be cast away. Two days afterward there actually came upon
them a “mightie great storme both of lightning, rayne, and thunder,”
during which they lost the “Christopher,” their captured canter. While
sailing southward, however, they found her a few days later, and the
place where she was met Drake called the “Cape of Joy.” Landing, they
found no people, but the footprints they saw in the clay ground led them
to believe that the inhabitants were “men of great statute,” if not
giants. On or about the twenty-seventh of April they were at the great
river La Plata. They merely entered it, and finding no good harbour bore
to sea again. In bearing out the “Swan” was missed. They next made
harbour in a fair bay where were a number of islands, on one of which
were seen many “sea wolves” (seals). In early June they were anchored in
another harbour, farther south, which they called “Seal Bay” because of
the abundance of seal here. They killed from two hundred to three
hundred of them, the chronicler averred, within an hour’s time. Again
the “Swan” was found, and having become unseaworthy, she was stripped of
her furnishings and burned. A few days later the “Christopher” was also
discharged for the same reason. On the twentieth of June the fleet came
to anchor at Port St. Julien, Patagonia, above the Strait of Magellan,
giving entrance to the Pacific.
St. Julien was the original winter port of Magelhaens, so named and
established by him, and whence he sailed to his discovery of the
mysterious strait. Drake similarly made it his port for recuperation and
preparation before attempting his passage of this strait to the goal of
his ambition. Here two months were spent, while the ships were put in
thorough condition,—three only, now, the “Mary,” the Portuguese prize,
having been broken up on her arrival because leaky,—and the company
disciplined for the better conduct of the adventures before them. The
stay was most dramatically and painfully marked, however, by the trial,
conviction, and beheading of Drake’s friend, the unfortunate Master
Doughty, on the charge of inciting a mutiny in the fleet. The sight of a
gibbet set up, as was supposed, seventy years before by Magelhaens for
the execution of certain mutineers in his company, may have suggested
this inexplicable proceeding, which has been the subject of much
speculation by historians and of condemnation by Drake’s harsher
critics. The affair is thus vividly reported, with careful
particularity, by Hakluyt’s chronicler:
“The Generall began to inquire diligently of the actions of M. Thomas
Doughtie and found them not to be such as he looked for, but tending
rather to contention or mutinie, or some other disorder, whereby
(without redresse) the successe of the voyage might greatly have been
hazarded: whereupon the company was called together and made acquainted
with the particulars of the cause, which were found partly by master
Doughtie’s owne confession, and partly by the evidence of the fact, to
be true: which when our Generall saw, although his private affection of
M. Doughtie (as hee then in the presence of us all sacredly protested)
was great, yet the care he had of the state of the voyage, of the
expectation of her Majestie, and of the honour of his countrey did more
touch him (as indeede it ought) then [than] the private respect of one
man: so that the cause being thoroughly heard, and all things done in
good order as neere as might be to the course of our lawes in England,
it was concluded that M. Doughtie should receive punishment according to
the qualitie of the offence: and he seeing no remedie but patience for
himselfe, desired before his death to receive the Communion, which he
did at the hands of M. Fletcher our Minister, and our Generall himselfe
accompanied him in that holy action: which being done, and the place of
execution made ready, hee having embraced our Generall and taken his
leave of all the companie, with prayers for the Queenes majestie and our
realme, in quiet sort laid his head to the blocke, where he ended his
life.”
Whether he were guilty or not, Doughty’s fine courage and manly bearing
throughout his ordeal calls only for admiration.
The execution over, Drake made a speech to the assembled company,
persuading them to “unitie, obedience, love, and regard of” their
voyage: and “for the better confirmation thereof” he “willed every man
the next Sunday following to prepare himselfe to receive the Communion
as Christian brethren and friends ought to doe.” This, the chronicler
concludes, was done “in very reverent sort, and so with good contentment
every man went about his businesse.”
St. Julien was left on the seventeenth of August, and on the twentieth
the mouth of the Strait of Magellan was reached. At the entrance, Drake,
as another chronicler recorded, caused the fleet, in homage to the queen
of England, to “strike their topsails upon the bunt as a token of his
willing and glad mind to shew his dutiful obedience to her highness,
whom he acknowledged to have full interest and right” in his
discoveries; and he formally changed the name of his own ship from the
“Pelican” to the “Golden Hind,” in remembrance of his “honourable friend
and favourer,” Sir Christopher Hatton, whose crest bore this design.
Then the chaplain delivered a sermon and the ceremonies closed.
The passage of the strait was successfully made in the remarkable time
of sixteen days, and on the sixth of September the little fleet emerged
in the sea of their desire on the “backside” of America.
Instead, however, of the tranquil ocean that Magelhaens had named the
Pacific, because of its serenity when he first saw it, they encountered
a rough and turbulent water; and no sooner had they cleared the strait
than a great storm arose by which they were driven some two hundred
leagues westward, and separated. The “Golden Hind” was struggling
against the almost continuous tempest for full fifty-three days. From
the west she was carried south as far as fifty-seven degrees, and Drake
was enabled to see the union of the Atlantic and the Pacific, and by
chance to discover Cape Horn. He sighted numerous islands, and gave the
name of the “Elizabethides” to the whole group of Tierra del Fuego.
While beating about west and south the fleet came together again, but
only soon to be parted forever. In the middle of September a harbour was
temporarily made in a bay which Drake called the “Bay of Severing
Friends.” Working northward again they stood in a bay near the strait.
The next day the cable of the “Golden Hind” parted and she drove out to
sea. Thus she lost sight of the “Elizabeth,” and never saw her more. It
was supposed that she had been put by the storm into the strait again,
and that she would ultimately be met somewhere above. The first part of
this supposition was correct. She had recovered the strait. But instead
of returning to the Pacific course Captain Winter made the passage back
to the Atlantic, and so continued his voyage homeward, reaching England
on the first of November. Captain Winter prepared an account of his
companionship with Drake from the start, and of his experiences after
parting with him, which Hakluyt reproduced. On the second of October the
“Marigold,” in trying to regain lost ground, fell away from the “Golden
Hind” and afterward (though Drake was not aware of her fate) foundered
with all on board.
Now the “Golden Hind” was left alone with a single pinnace. Subsequently
the pinnace with eight men in her separated from him and was seen no
more. Her crew, as was some years after related by the single survivor,
had marvellous adventures, which included the return passage through the
strait; a voyage to the River La Plata; fights with Indians in woods on
the shore; escape of those left alive to a lone island, where the
pinnace was dashed to pieces on the rocks; two months on this island by
the survivors, now only two, who subsisted on crabs, eels, and fruits
with no water to drink; and final escape to the mainland by means of a
raft of plank, where one of the two died from over-indulgence in the
sweet water of a rivulet.
At length after her wanderings southward the “Golden Hind” with a
favourable wind got fairly off on a northwestern course. Again coming to
the height of the strait she coasted upward, Drake always hoping to meet
or hear of his missing consorts. Through the inaccuracy of his charts he
was carried more to the westward than he intended, and on the
twenty-ninth of November fell in with an island called la Mocha. Here he
came to anchor in the hope of obtaining water and fresh provisions, and
of recuperating. Taking ten of his men he rowed ashore. The inhabitants
were found to be Patagonians, who had been compelled by the “cruell and
extreme dealings of the Spaniards” to flee from the mainland and fortify
themselves on this island. They thronged down to the water side with
“shew of great courtesie,” and offered potatoes, roots, and two fat
sheep, Drake in return giving them trinkets. A supply of water was also
promised by them. But the next day when the same party rowed to the
shore and two men were put on land with barrels to be filled, the
people, mistaking these men for Spaniards, seized and slew them. Another
account says that in attempting to rescue their comrades the party were
assailed, and Drake was wounded in the face by arrows. The ship then at
once weighed anchor and got off.
Drawing toward the coast again, the next day anchor was dropped in a bay
called St. Philip. Here an Indian came out in a canoe, and taking the
“Golden Hind” to be Spanish, told of a great Spanish ship at a place
called “S. Iogo” (Valparaiso), laden from Peru. For this exhilarating
news Drake rewarded the canoeist with divers trifles, and under his
pilotage straightway put off for Valparaiso to seize the prize if there.
True enough, she was found in that harbour riding quietly at anchor,
with only eight Spaniards and three Negroes on board. They also
supposing the new comer to be Spanish, welcomed her with beat of drum
and made ready a “Bottija [a Spanish pot] of wine of Chili to drink” to
her men. So soon, however, as the craft was come up to, one of Drake’s
impatient men began to lay about him, and striking one of the Spaniards
cried “Abaxo Perro, that is in English Goe downe dogge!” This, in modern
parlance, gave the “Golden Hind” away. But not a moment was lost in
parley. “To be short,” says the chronicler, “wee stowed them away under
hatches all save one Spaniard, who suddenly and desperately leapt over
board into the sea, and swamme ashore to the towne ... to give them
warning of our arrival.” There were then in Valparaiso “not above nine
households,” and it was instantly abandoned. Drake proceeded to rifle
the place. A lot of Chili wine was taken from a warehouse, and from a
chapel a silver chalice, two cruets, and an altar cloth were carried
off. All of the pious spoil was generously given by Drake to his
chaplain, Master Fletcher. This business done, all of the prisoners were
freed with one exception, John Griego, a Greek, whom Drake held to serve
him as pilot to the haven of Lima, and the “Golden Hind” set sail again
with the Spanish prize in tow. She was rifled leisurely when at sea, and
produced “good store of the wine of Chili, 25,000 pezoes of very pure
and fine gold of Baldivia, amounting in value to 37,000 ducats of
Spanish money or above.” This was reckoned a pretty fine haul for the
first one on the Pacific coast, but greater were to follow.
The voyagers still kept in with the coast and next arrived at “a place
called Coquinobo” (perhaps Copiapo). Here Drake sent fourteen of his men
to land for fresh water. They were espied and a body of horsemen and
footmen dashed upon and killed one of them. Then the attacking force
quickly disappeared. The Englishmen went ashore again and buried their
comrade. Meanwhile the Spaniards reappeared with a flag of truce. But
they were not trusted, and as soon as his men had returned Drake again
put to sea. He now had a new pinnace, having at this place set up
another of the three brought out ready framed. The next place at which a
landing was made was Tarapaca. On the shore a Spaniard was found lying
asleep with thirteen bars of silver beside him. Drake’s party took the
silver and left the man. Not far from this place a boat’s load going
ashore for water met a Spaniard with an Indian boy driving eight
“llamas,” sheep of Peru, as “big as asses,” each carrying on its back
two leather bags, together containing one hundred pounds’ weight of
silver. They took the sheep with their burdens, and let the man and boy
go. Still coasting along the buccaneering voyagers came next to the port
of Arica. In this haven lay three barks well freighted with silver. They
were instantly boarded and relieved of their cargoes. From one alone
were taken fifty-seven wedges of silver, each of “the bigness of a
brickbat,” and of about twenty pounds’ weight. They were unprotected,
their crews having fled to the town at the approach of the Englishmen.
Drake would have ransacked the town had his company been larger. As it
was, the spoil of the barks so easily taken contented him. Now he was
bound for Lima. Along the way he fell in with a bark which, being
boarded and rifled, produced a good store of linen cloth. When as much
of this stuff as was desired had been taken the bark was cast off.
Callao, the port of Lima, was reached on the thirteenth of February, and
entered without resistance. A dozen or more ships were met in this
haven, lying at anchor, all without their sails, these having been taken
ashore, for the masters and merchants here felt perfectly secure, never
having been assaulted by enemies and fearing the approach of none such
as Drake’s company were. All were held up and rifled. In one were found
fifteen hundred bars of silver; in another a chest of coined money, and
stocks of silks and linen cloth. Drake questioned the crews as to any
knowledge they might have of his lost consorts, for which he had kept up
a continual lookout; but he could learn nothing from them. He learned
something else, however, which hastened his departure. This was that a
very rich Spanish ship, laden with treasure, had sailed out of this port
just before his arrival, bound for Panama. She was the “glory of the
South Sea,” named the “Cacafuego,” in English equivalent the “Spitfire.”
Drake was soon in full chase of her, and to prevent himself being
followed from Callao he cut all the cables of the twelve ships, letting
them drive as they would, to sea or ashore.
[Illustration: DRAKE OVERHAULING A SPANISH GALLEON.]
On this run he paused long enough to overhaul and loot a brigantine,
taking out of her eighty pounds’ weight of gold, a gold crucifix studded
with emeralds, and some cordage which would come in handy on his ship.
Drake promised his men that whichever should first sight the “Cacafuego”
should be rewarded with the gold chain he wore. It fortuned that his
brother John, “going up into the top,” spied her at three o’clock one
afternoon, and so won the chain. By six she was reached and ordered to
stand. Three pieces of ordnance were shot off at her and struck down her
mizzen. She was then boarded and easily possessed. Her treasure
comprised jewels, precious stones, eighty pounds of gold, and twenty-six
tons of silver. Among some plate were two gilded silver bowls which
belonged to her pilot, Francisco by name. These particularly took
Drake’s fancy. So with suavity he observed to their owner, “Senor Pilot,
you have here two silver cups, but I must have one of them.” The “Senor
Pilot” responded as affably, and, “because he could not otherwise
chuse,” handed over one to the general and bestowed the other upon the
steward of the “Golden Hind.” As he departed his boy, a lad with a
clever wit, spoke up to Drake, "Captain, our ship shall be called no
more the ‘Cacafuego’ but the ‘Cacaplata,’ and your ship shall be called
the ‘Cacafuego.’" “Which prettie speech of the Pilot’s boy,” the
chronicler records, “ministered matter of laughter to us, both then and
long after.”
The point where this prize was taken is given as some one hundred and
fifty leagues below Panama. She was sailed out into the sea beyond the
sight of land, and there rifled. When this was done Drake cast her off
and continued on his course up the coast, standing out to the westward
to avoid Panama, where he was too well known. On an early April day,
another fine ship was met with. She was taken without resistance. She
was a merchant ship from Acapulco, in Mexico, rich laden with linen
cloth, China silks, and porcelain ware. Her owner was on board, a
Spanish gentleman, Don Francisco de Carate. Drake treated him with great
courtesy, and evidently won his admiration, for we read that he gave his
captor a handsomely wrought falcon of gold with a great emerald set in
the breast. Drake in return gave him a hanger and silver brazier. He
released the merchant after three days when, having finished his
business with the captured ship, he suffered her to continue on her
voyage. The pilot, however, was retained for his service. Afterward
Carate gave a careful account of his experience with Drake in a letter
to the viceroy of New Spain, and to this letter we are indebted for an
engaging description of Drake’s outfit, his characteristics, and his
person.
This intelligent and gracious witness pictures the general as “about
thirty-five, of small size, and reddish beard,” and characterises him as
“one of the greatest sailors that exist both for his skill and for his
power of commanding.” His men were “all in the prime of life and as well
trained for war as if they were old soldiers of Italy.” He treated them
“with affection, and they him with respect.” Among them were “nine or
ten gentlemen, younger sons of leading men in England,” who formed his
council. But he was not bound by their advice, though he might be guided
by it. These young gentlemen all dined with him at his table. The
service was of silver “richly gilt and engraved with his arms.” He dined
and supped to the music of violins. He had “all possible luxuries, even
to perfumes.” He had two draughtsmen, who portrayed the coast “in its
own colours.” His ship carried thirty large guns, and a great quantity
of ammunition, as well as artificers who could execute necessary
repairs.
Carate’s retained pilot directed Drake up to and along the coast of
North America, and about the middle of April had brought him to the
Mexican haven of “Guatulco” (Acapulco). He landed with a few of his men
and went presently to the town, where, in the Town-House, a trial of
three Negroes charged with conspiring to burn the place was proceeding.
Judge, officers, and prisoners were all seized and brought to the ship.
The judge was required to write a letter commanding the townspeople to
“avoid” that the ship might water here. This done, and the captives
released, Drake’s men ransacked the town. In one house they found a pot
of the size of a bushel full of reals of plate. A flying Spanish
gentleman was overtaken and a gold chain and jewels were filched from
him. At this port Nuna da Silva, the Portuguese pilot retained all along
from the time of his capture in the Cape Verde Islands, was discharged
and put aboard a Spanish ship in the harbour. He subsequently made a
written report to the viceroy of New Spain, comprising a circumstantial
account of the voyage as far as he was compelled to make it. This
account passed from that official to the viceroy of the Portugal-Indies,
and some years afterward got to England, when Hakluyt published it. It
follows the narrative of the chronicler of Drake’s company in the
_Principal Navigations_, and well supplements that.
Now, at Acapulco, or at an island below this port which the chronicler
calls “Canno,” while his “Golden Hind” was undergoing a complete
refitting, Drake was pondering his future course. His ship was rich in
treasure, and his company were thinking of home. He now felt himself
“both in respect of his private injuries received from the Spaniards, as
also of the contempts and indignities offered” to his country,
“sufficiently satisfied and revenged”; and he believed that the queen
would be contented with this service. Accordingly he decided no longer
to continue on the coast of New Spain. But whither should he turn? It
was unwise to go back as he had come. It was not well to make return by
the Strait of Magellan for two reasons: “the one, lest the Spaniards
should there waite and attend for him in great number and strength whose
hands, hee being left but one ship, could not possibly escape.” And it
happened that a fleet was actually making ready for this purpose. The
other was the dangerous situation of the Pacific mouth of the strait
with “continuall stormes reigning and blustering, as he had found by
experience, besides the shoalds and sands upon the coast.” Finally,
after consultation with his “council,” he resolved to strike boldly out
into the great sea and make for the Moluccas, the Spice Islands, of the
East Indian Archipelago. He may have been influenced toward this
decision through his capture while at Canno of a prize with two pilots
and a Spanish governor on board bound for the Philippines; or by an
earlier taking from the Spaniards, according to Silva’s account, of some
charts of seas hitherto unknown to the English. At the same time it is
believed that he had serious thoughts of trying for an “upper north”
passage to the Atlantic from the “backside” of America, as Frobisher had
sought the Northwest passage from the east side three and more years
before.
The start on the western course, directly into the Pacific, was made
about the middle of April. But almost immediately, in order to get a
wind, it was necessary to steer somewhat northerly instead of due west.
And thus northward the ship continued to sail, “six hundred leagues at
the least,” for some fifty days, or till the third of June, when she had
come, as the chronicler recorded, “in 43 degrees towards the pole
Arctike.” The air had now grown so cold that the voyagers, coming from a
torrid climate, were “grievously pinched” by it. On the fifth of June,
because of the increasing cold, and of contrary winds, they thought it
best to seek the shore.
The coast they first sighted was “not mountainous but low plaine land.”
It was the lower part of the present great American state of Oregon.
Hakluyt’s chronicler made no mention of a stop here, but a later one
(Drake’s chaplain, Fletcher) told of their dropping anchor in a “bad
bay” in which there was “no abiding” for any length of time. To go
farther north, under all the circumstances, was out of the question, and
if Drake really had thought seriously of seeking a northern strait
between the oceans, that scheme was now abandoned. Again under sail,
with the wind straight from the north, they were carried southward till
they had come “within 38 degrees toward the line.” And now “it pleased
God” to send them “into a faire good Baye with a good winde to enter the
same.” This was on the coast of our present California. Here they came
comfortably to anchor, and looking about them, saw little huts close by
the waterside and strange natives pressing to the shore with welcoming
gestures.
So Drake discovered for the English the coast of Oregon and California.
He was the first European to see the coast of Oregon and to anchor on
its shores. Earlier discovery of the Californian coast was claimed for
Portuguese ships in 1520 and 1542–1543; and for the Spaniards in 1542.
The Spaniards first applied the name of California to an indefinite
territory up the coast above Mexico. Drake named the region which he
visited, “New Albion,” because of the “white bankes and cliffes” lying
toward the sea, which he saw as he approached the place of his
anchorage, and in remembrance of the ancient name of Britain. The
situation of his “faire good Baye” was a mooted question with historical
authorities till near the close of the nineteenth century. The weight of
evidence appeared to point to San Francisco Bay till the exact
identification of Point Reyes Head, a little north of San Francisco Bay,
as Drake’s landfall. This was made in full accordance with the
chroniclers’ descriptions, by Prof. George Davidson, of the United
States Coast and Geodetic Survey, who definitely fixed the disputed port
under the eastern promontory of Point Reyes Head, the haven now called
Drake’s Harbor. The “bad harbor” above, on the Oregon coast, Professor
Davidson identifies in an open roadstead off the mouth of the Chetko
River, protected in part by Cape Ferrelo.
Drake and his companions stayed in this port for thirty-six days and had
wonderful intercourse with the natives. These people greatly marvelled
at the things they brought and the presents they bestowed and thought
their visitors to be gods. The Englishmen pitched their tents and built
a temporary fort about them near the waterside at the foot of a hill,
while from its summit groups of natives gazed, wide-eyed, down upon
their work. Then followed a succession of stately ceremonies.
First, the people, assembled on the hill-top, put forth one of their
number as spokesman, who “wearied himself” with a long oration directed
at the Englishmen mustered below. This over, the men, leaving their bows
and arrows behind them, came down the hill bearing presents to the
Englishmen, feathers and bags of “tobac,” assumed to have been tobacco.
Meanwhile the women, remaining on the hill-top, “tormented themselves
lamentably, tearing their flesh from their cheekes,” which was
understood to be a sacrifice, a pagan performance that distressed the
Englishmen, who expressed their disapproval of it by gestures and
endeavoring to offset it with a service of prayer and scripture reading.
Then the presents were delivered and this ceremony ended. Next the
native king, accompanied by his chief men and a throng of his people,
formally welcomed the newcomers with a great demonstration. Of this
spectacle the chronicler furnished a minute description, warranted by
the novelty of it and the surprising climax:
"The people that inhabited round about came downe and amongst them the
King himselfe, a man of a goodly stature & comely personage, with many
other tall and warlike men: before whose comming were sent two
Ambassadors to our Generall to signifie that their King was comming, in
doing of which message their speach was continued about halfe an houre.
This ended, they by signes requested our Generall to send some thing by
their hand to their King as a token that his comming might be in peace:
wherein our Generall having satisfied them, they returned with glad
tidings to their King, who marched to us with a princely majestie, the
people crying continually after their manner, and as they drew neere
unto us, so did they strive to behave themselves in their actions with
comelinesse. In the forefront was a man of a goodly personage who bare a
scepter or mace before the King, whereupon hanged two crownes, a lesse
and a bigger, with three chaines of a marveilous length: the crownes
were made of knit worke wrought artificially with fethers of divers
colours; the chaines were made of a bonie substance, and few be the
persons among them that are admitted to weare them: and of that number
also the persons are stinted, as some ten, some twelve &c. Next unto him
which bare the scepter, was the King himselfe with his Guard about his
person, clad with Conie skins, & other skins; after them followed the
naked common sort of people, every one having his face painted, some
with white, some with blacke, and other colours, & having in their hands
one thing or another for a present, not so much as their children, but
they also brought their presents.
"In the meane time our Generall gathered his men together, and marched
within his fenced place, making against their approaching a very
warre-like shew. They being trooped together in their order, and a
generall salutation being made, there was presently a generall silence.
Then he that bare the scepter before the King being informed by another,
whom they assigned to that office, with a manly and loftie voyce
proclaymed that which the other spake to him in secrete, continuing
halfe an houre: which ended and a generall Amen as it were given, the
King with the whole number of men and women (the children excepted) came
downe without any weapon, who descending to the foote of the hill set
themselves in order. In comming towards our bulwarks and tents, the
scepter-bearer began a song, observing his measures in a daunce, and
that with a stately countenance, whom the King with his Guarde, and
every degree of persons following, did in like manner sing and daunce,
saving onely the women, who daunced and kept silence.
“The Generall permitted them to enter within our bulwarke, where they
continued their song and daunce a reasonable time. When they had
satisfied themselves they made signes to our Generall to sit downe, to
whom the King and divers others made several orations, or rather
supplications, that hee would take their province and kingdome into his
own hand and become their King, making signes that they would resigne
unto him their right and title of the whole land and become his
subjects. In which to perswade us the better the King and the rest with
one consent and with great reverence, singing a song, did set the crowne
upon his head, inriched his necke with all their chains and offered unto
him many other things, honouring him by the name of Hioh, adding
thereunto as it seemed, a signe of triumph: which thing our Generall
thought not meete to reject, because he knew not what honour and profit
it might be to our Countrey. Wherefore in the name, and to the use of
her Majestie he took the scepter, crowne, and dignitie of the said
Countrey into his hands, wishing that the riches & treasure thereof
might so conveniently be transported to the inriching of her kingdom at
home, as it aboundeth in ye same.”
After these ceremonies the general and his company marched up into the
country and visited the villages of the natives. They found the land
fair and abounding particularly in deer, of which great herds, a
thousand in a herd, they reckoned, were seen. The houses in the villages
were circular in form. They were “digged about with earth,” and had
“from the uttermost brimmes of the circle clefts of wood set upon their
joyning close together at the top like a spire steeple.” The beds herein
were of rushes strewn upon the ground. The men were almost entirely
without apparel, while the women wore a single garment woven of
bulrushes with a deer-skin on their shoulders.
Of the resources of the region scant report was given beyond this
significant statement, which was left to be verified for nearly three
centuries: “There is no part of earth heere to bee taken up wherein
there is not some probable shew of gold or silver.”
Just before his departure Drake nailed upon a “faire great poste” a
plate “whereupon were engraven her Majesties name, the day, and yeere of
our arrivall there, with the free giving up of the province and people
into her Majesties hands, together with her highnesses picture and
armes, in a peace of sixe pence of current English money under [beneath]
the plate, whereunder was also written the name of our Generall.” And to
this record the chronicler adds, to clinch the English claim, “It
seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had never bene in this part of the
Countrey, neither did ever discover the land by many degrees to the
Southwards of this place.”
While in the “New Albion” port the “Golden Hind” was careened and
refitted, so that she finally sailed on the next stage of her voyage in
excellent condition. The port was left on the twenty-third of July, the
kind natives, who parted with the Englishmen most reluctantly, keeping
up fires on the hills as the ship ploughed her way, now westward,
perforce with a northwest wind, into the trackless sea.
The next day the Farallones, directly west of San Francisco Bay, were
passed, Drake calling them the “Islands of St. James.” After these
islands were lost to view they sailed without sight of land for more
than two months, or sixty-eight days, when they fell in with “certain
islands 8 degrees Northward of the line,” supposed to have been the
Pellew Islands. Only a brief stay was made here, and the natives were
found so untrustworthy that Drake disgustedly named the group the
“Islands of Thieves.” In October they were among the Philippines, and
watered off Mindanao. Thence pursuing their way southward, in November
they had come to the “Spice Islands.”
At Tenate, where they first anchored, they spent three weeks, the while
receiving flattering attentions from the native king, with great show of
barbaric splendour. Drake began the exchange of courtesies the morning
after his arrival by sending a messenger to the king bearing a velvet
cloak as a present to him and also as a token that the Englishmen were
here in peace, requiring nothing but traffic. The king responded
graciously, and sending Drake a signet, he offered himself and his
kingdom to the service of the queen of England. Afterward he made a
formal call at the ship. Preceding him there came four great canoes
bringing out his men of state and their retinues. The dignitaries were
all attired in “white lawne of cloth of Calicut,” and sat in the order
of their rank beneath an awning of thin perfumed mats on a frame of
reeds. With those in each canoe were “divers young and comely men,” also
dressed in white. Guarding them were lines of soldiers, standing, on
either side. Without the soldiers were the rowers, sitting in galleries,
four score in each gallery, of which there were three rising one above
the other and extending out from the canoe’s sides three or four yards.
All of the canoes were armed, and most of their passengers carried their
weapons, the dignitaries or their young attendants each with sword,
target, and dagger, the soldiers bearing lances, calivers, darts, and
bows and arrows. Reaching the ship the canoes were rowed around her in
order one after another, while the dignitaries “did their homage with
great solemnity.” The king followed, accompanied by six “grave and
ancient persons,” all of whom “did their obeisance with marveilous
humilitie.” The king seemed most delighted with the music of the ship’s
band.
The next day a deputation composed of several of the gentlemen in the
ship’s company, the vice-king being retained aboard as hostage, received
a great entertainment ashore. They were conducted with great honour to
the “castle,” where, the chronicler avers, were at least a thousand
persons assembled. Sixty “grave personages,” said to be the king’s
council, sat in seats of honour. Presently the king entered, walking
beneath a rich canopy and guarded by twelve “launces.” He was
sumptuously attired in a garment of cloth of gold depending from his
waist to the ground. His legs were bare, but on his feet were shoes of
cordovan skin. His head was topped with finely wreathed hooped rings of
gold. About his neck was a gold chain in great links. On his fingers
were six jewels. He took his chair of state, and a page standing at his
right began “breathing and gathering the ayre” with a gorgeous fan, “in
length two foote, and in breadth one foote, set with 8 saphyres, richly
imbroidered, and knit to a staffe 3 foote in length.” At the conclusion
of their entertainment Drake’s men were escorted back to their ship by
one of the king’s council.
From Ternate, with an abundance of cloves added to their rich cargo,
they sailed to the southward of Celebes, and anchored off a small
uninhabited island, where they remained twenty-six days refreshing
themselves, and meanwhile graving the ship (cleaning the ship’s bottom).
Again underway, after sighting Celebes, by contrary winds they became
entangled among islands and barely escaped wreck on a rock. They escaped
only by lighting the ship of three tons of their precious cloves and
several pieces of ordnance, and the sudden coming of a “happy gale”
which blew them off. In February they fell in with the fruitful island
of “Barateve” (Batjan), where they rested three days enjoying the
hospitality of the friendly people and repairing the ship. Thence their
course was set for Java major. Here they arrived in March, and also met
much courtesy from the natives, with “honourable entertainment” by the
rajahs then governing the island. From Java they steered for the Cape of
Good Hope. This they passed in June. They found it not at all the
dangerous cape that the Portuguese had reported, but a “most stately
thing,” and the finest cape they had seen in all their travels. A month
later they were at Sierra Leone. Here they stopped long enough to take
in fresh provisions. Then setting sail for the last time, they finally
arrived at their home port in England on the third of November, 1580,
after an absence of three years.
Their arrival with their astonishing freight of riches in gold, silver,
pearls, precious stones, silks, spices, and with their amazing tales of
adventure, was a momentous event. All England was stirred by the story
of the marvellous voyage. At first men of affairs were chary and avoided
a recognition of Drake’s achievements, knowing that they must lead to
complications with Spain. The queen withheld her approbation while an
official inquiry into his conduct was proceeding. In the meantime some
critics in high places raised a clamour against him, and termed him the
“Master Thief of the Unknown World.” But, with the increasing tension in
the relations between the two nations, sentiment changed. On the fourth
of April, 1581, five months after his return, the queen visited him in
state on the “Golden Hind,” now at Deptford, and at the close of a
banquet on the deck of the famous ship, she formally knighted him for
his services, and conferred upon him a coat of arms and a crest. At the
same time she gave directions for the preservation of the “Golden Hind,”
as a monument to his own and England’s glory. So this ship remained for
more than a century. Then, having fallen into decay, she was broken up,
and from remnants of her frame a chair was made which found a permanent
place in the Bodleian Library at Oxford.
Drake made no more voyages of discovery. His subsequent exploits on the
sea were all for the harassment of Spain. In 1585 he was admiral, with
Martin Frobisher vice-admiral, as we have seen, of a fleet sent to
intercept the Spanish galleons from the West Indies, and to “revenge the
wrongs” offered England by Spain. In 1587 he sailed a fleet to Lisbon
and there burned many ships, which he termed “singeing the King of
Spain’s beard.” In 1588 he was the resourceful vice-admiral of the great
fleet against the Spanish Armada. In 1589 he commanded the fleet sent to
restore Dom Antonio to the throne of Portugal. Lastly, he was with his
old leader, Sir John Hawkins, again in the West Indies and on the
Spanish Main.
And here, in 1595, he died, on board his own ship, near Nombre de Dios,
the object of his first assault in his first voyage of reprisal, a
quarter of a century before.
XVIII
GILBERT’S VOYAGES
Less than a fortnight after the departure of Martin Frobisher on his
third and last Northwestern voyage, in May, 1578, Humphrey Gilbert had
obtained the letters-patent which he had long coveted from Queen
Elizabeth for the “inhabiting and planting of our people in America”;
and before the summer was far advanced he had organized an expedition of
his own with these objects.
This pioneer charter providing definitely for English colonization in
America bore date of eleventh of June 1578, and was limited to six
years. The full text is given in the _Principal Navigations_. It
conferred upon Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, large powers, and
provided the machinery necessary for the government of a colony. It gave
him and them free liberty and license to “discover, finde, search out,
and view such remote, heathen and barbarous countreys and territories
not actually possessed by any Christian prince or people,” and to have,
hold, occupy, and enjoy such regions with all their “commodities,
jurisdictions, and royalties both by sea and land,” the single condition
being that one-fifth part of the gold and silver ore that might be
obtained be paid over to the queen. They were empowered to “encounter,
expulse, repell, and resist as well by Sea as by land” all persons
attempting to inhabit without their special license in or within two
hundred leagues of the places occupied by them. They were to have a
monopoly of the commerce of such places, no vessels being permitted to
enter their harbours for traffic except by their license. The rights of
Englishmen were promised to all people who might become members of the
colony.
Associated with Sir Humphrey in his enterprise under this charter were
“many gentlemen of good estimation,” while his right hand in all the
work of preparation was his notable half-brother, Walter Raleigh. By
autumn was assured the assemblage of a “puissant fleet able to encounter
a king’s power by sea.” There were eleven sail in all in readiness, and
a volunteer company of four hundred men, gentlemen, men-at-arms, and
sailors, collected for the venture. In the mean time, however, the
enterprise had been diverted from its apparent original object to a
secret assault upon the West Indies, with possibly an after attempt at
colonization on the southern coast of North America, while the
preparations had been hampered by divided councils and dissensions among
the captains. The breaches in the organization had the more serious
effect, for when the time for sailing had come the greater number of the
intended voyagers had dispersed, and Sir Humphrey was left with only a
few assured friends. Nevertheless, with his fleet reduced to seven ships
and his company to one hundred and fifty men, he set off from the Devon
coast, as agreed, on the twenty-first of September. But the ships had
barely got to sea when they were driven back to port by hard weather. A
second start was made on the eighteenth of November. Of the course and
of the details of this voyage nothing satisfactory is recorded; and the
fragmentary accounts are contradictory. All that appears to be clearly
known is that, after an absence of several months, the fleet in part
returned to Plymouth, Gilbert arriving first, and Raleigh with his ship
last, in May, 1579; and that there had been encounters at sea with the
Spaniards in which one of the chief vessels was lost, and also one of
the leaders in the expedition, Miles Morgan, “a valiant gentleman.”
In this venture Sir Humphrey had so heavily invested that his personal
estate was impaired. But its failure so little disheartened him that he
at once began planning another one, this one directly for colonization.
Meanwhile, in the summer immediately following his return he served with
his ships on the Irish coast. After a year or two, still being without
means to perfect his scheme, he gave assignments from his patent to
sundry persons desiring the privilege of his grant to plant in the north
parts of America “about the river of Canada,” his hope being that their
success would further his scheme which was then to colonize southward.
Time, however, went on without anything being done by his assigns, and
the six years’ limit of his charter was nearing. Consequently if the
patent were to be kept in force action was imperative.
At this juncture (in 1583) he was successful in effecting a new
organization. Raleigh was again in close hand with him; but the chief
adventurer was Sir George Peckham, who had been an associate with Sir
Richard Grenville and others in support of a second petition of
Gilbert’s to the queen in 1574, for a charter to discover “riche and
unknowen landes.” A good deal of time was spent by the projectors in
debating the best course to adopt,—whether to begin the intended
discovery of a fit place to colonize from the south northward or from
the north southward. Finally it was decided that the voyagers should
take the north course and follow as directly as they might the “trade
way unto Newfoundland,” whence, after their “refreshing and reparation
of wants,” they should proceed southward, “not omitting any river or bay
which in all that large tract of land” appeared to their view worthy of
search.
This programme arranged, five ships were assembled and made ready for
the voyage. These were the “Delight, alias the George,” of one hundred
and twenty tons, the “Bark Raleigh,” two hundred tons, the “Golden
Hind,” forty tons, the “Swallow,” forty tons, and the “Squirrel,” ten
tons. The “Delight” was designated “admiral” of the fleet to carry Sir
Humphrey as general. The “Raleigh,” the largest vessel in the squadron,
was to be “vice-admiral,” and the “Golden Hind” "rear admiral." The
“Raleigh” had been built and manned at the expense of Raleigh, but he
did not personally join the expedition, the queen refusing to give her
permission for him to go out with it. The company brought together
numbered in all two hundred and sixty men of all sorts and condition.
Among them were shipwrights, masons, carpenters, smiths; a “mineral man”
and refiner; gentlemen, adventurers, and sea-rovers. For entertainment
of the company and for allurement of the savages who might be met,
“musick in good variety,” and toys, as “Morris dancers, Hobby horses,
and Mayfair conceits,” were provided. Also a stock of petty haberdashery
wares was put in to barter with “those simple people.”
The account of this voyage which Hakluyt gives was the official one,
prepared by Edward Hayes, the captain, and also owner of the “Golden
Hind,” which alone of the fleet completed it and returned to Plymouth
with its tragic story. His narrative appears in the _Principal
Navigations_ under this much-embracing title: “A Report of the Voyage
and successe thereof, attempted in the yeere of our Lord 1583 by Sir
Humfrey Gilbert knight, with other gentlemen assisting him in that
action, intended to discover and to plant Christian inhabitants in place
convenient, upon those large and ample countreys extended Northward from
the Cape of Florida, lying under very temperate Climes esteemed fertile
and rich in Minerals, yet not in actual possession of any Christian
prince, written by M. Edward Haie gentleman, and principall actour in
the same voyage, who alone continued unto the end, and by Gods speciall
assistance returned safe and sound.” To Captain Hayes we are also
indebted for some particulars of Sir Humphrey’s efforts that culminated
in his first abortive voyage of 1578–1579, which are detailed by way of
preface to his story of this voyage.
The start was auspiciously made from Plymouth harbour on the eleventh of
June, 1583, Gilbert wearing on his breast the queen’s gift of an
emblematical jewel,—a pearl-tipped golden anchor guarded by a
woman,—sent him on the eve of the departure as a token of her good
wishes for his venture. But when only the third night out, with a
prosperous wind, consternation was occasioned by the desertion of the
“Raleigh.” Earlier in the evening she had signified that her captain and
many of her men had fallen sick; then later, with no further
communication, she put about on a homeward course. Although after his
return from the voyage Captain Hayes heard it “credibly reported” that
her men were really affected with a contagious sickness, and that she
arrived back at Plymouth greatly distressed, he could not accept this as
sufficiently accounting for her act. The real reason he “could never
understand.” Therefore he left it “to God.”
With this desertion of the “Raleigh” Captain Hayes’s “Golden Hind”
succeeded to the place of vice-admiral, and accordingly her flag was
shifted from the mizzen to the foretop. Thus the remaining ships sailed
till the twenty-sixth of July when the “Swallow” and the “Squirrel” were
lost in a fog. The “Delight” and the “Golden Hind,” now alone, four days
later sighted the Newfoundland coast,—seven weeks from the time that the
fleet had left the coast of England.
The two ships continued along the east coast to Conception Bay, where
the “Swallow” was met again. After her disappearance in the fog she had
engaged in piratical performances on the sea. An especially mean act had
been the despoiling of a fishing bark and leaving her sailless to make
her homeward voyage, some seven hundred leagues away. The “Swallow’s”
crew were hilarious over their exploits, and many of them appeared in
motley garb made up of the clothing filched from the despoiled
fishermen. Her captain, an “honest and religious man,” was held
blameless in this business. He had had put upon him men “not to his
humour or desert”: a crew of pirates, whom he evidently could not
control. Later, the same day, the now three ships had come before the
harbour of St. John’s, and here the “Squirrel” was found. She was lying
at anchor off the harbour mouth, entrance having been forbidden her by
the “English merchants” of St. John’s, who, as the elected “admirals,”
represented the Newfoundland fishing fleets of different nationalities,
of which thirty-six sail happened then to be inside this harbour.
Sir Humphrey prepared to enter by force if necessary, “any resistance to
the contrary notwithstanding.” But when he had shown his commission to
the “admirals,” and explained that he was here to take possession of the
lands in behalf of the crown of England and “the advancement of the
Christian religion in those Paganish regions,” and that all he required
was their “lawful aid” in refreshing and provisioning his fleet, he was
cordially received, and all the great guns of the fishermen belched
forth salutes of welcome.
A landing was made on the next morning, Sunday, the fourth of August.
The general and his company were that day courteously escorted about the
place by the English merchants. They were shown their hosts’ accustomed
walks in a part called by them “The Garden.” This was found to be a
product of “Nature it selfe without art,” comprising a pleasant tangle
of wild roses, “odoriferous and to the sense very comfortable,” and
“raspis berries” in great plenty. The next day the ceremony of taking
possession was performed, which the narrator thus describes in faithful
detail:
"Monday following, the Generall had his tent set up, who being
accompanied with his own followers summoned the marchants and masters
[of the fishing barks in the harbours] both English and strangers to be
present at his taking possession of those Countries. Before whom openly
was read & interpreted unto the strangers his Commission: by vertue
whereof he tooke possession in the same harbour of S. John, and 200
leagues every way, invested the Queens Majestie with the title and
dignitie thereof, had delivered unto him (after the custome of England)
a rod & a turffe of the same soile, entring possession also for him, his
heires, and assigns for ever: And signified unto al men, that from that
time forward, they should take the same land as a territorie
appertaineing to the Queene of England, and himselfe authorised under
her Majestie to possesse and enjoy it. And to ordaine lawes for the
government thereof, agreeable (so neere as conveniently might be) unto
the lawes of England: under which all people comming thither hereafter,
either to inhabit, or by way of traffique, should be subjected and
governed.
"And especially at the same time for a beginning, he proposed &
delivered three lawes to be in force immediately. That is to say: the
first for Religion, which in publique exercise should be according to
the Church of England. The 2. for maintenance of her Majesties right and
possession of those territories, against which if any thing were
attempted prejudiciall the parties offending should be adjudged and
executed as in case of high treason, according to the lawes of England.
The 3. if any person should utter words sounding to the dishonour of her
Majestie, he should loose his eares, and have his ship and goods
confiscate.
“These contents published, obedience was promised by generall voyce and
consent of the multitude aswell of Englishmen as strangers, praying for
continuance of this possession and government begun. After this, the
assembly was dismissed. And afterward were erected not farre from that
place the Armes of England ingraven in lead, and infixed upon a pillar
of wood.”
The next step was to grant in fee farms, or parcels of land, lying by
the waterside on this and neighbouring harbours, the grantees
covenanting to pay a certain rent and service to Sir Humphrey, his heirs
and assigns, and yearly to maintain possession by themselves or their
assigns. Thus the grantees were assured of grounds convenient to dress
and dry their fish, which had not previously been enjoyed, the first
comers into these harbours in the fishing season taking possession of
the available places.
While this business was going forward by the chiefs the men of the
company were divided into groups and each group assigned to a particular
work. One group were set at repairing and trimming the ships; another at
the collection of supplies and provisions. Others were delegated to
search the commodities and “singularities” of the region and report to
the general all they could learn either from their own observations or
from those who had longest frequented this coast. Another group were to
obtain the elevation of the pole, and to draw plats of the country
“exactly graded.”
Meanwhile Sir Humphrey and his principal men were being right royally
entertained by the fishing-ship owners and masters, who, with their
crews, constituted the European population of the place during the
fishing season. It was the rule to choose the “admirals,” practically
the governors of the community, anew each week, or rather they succeeded
in orderly course, and to solemnize the change with a weekly “admirals’
feast.” The general and the captains and masters of his fleet were not
only guests at this feast, but they were continually invited to other
banquets. Even with the “abundance at home” in England, such
entertainment as they received would have been delightful, says the
chronicler: but here, in this “desolate corner of the world, where at
other times of the yeare wild beasts and birds have only the fruition of
all those countries,” it was more acceptable to them and of greater
“contentation.” Also the supplies furnished them for their ships, for
which all the fishermen in the harbours, “strangers” as well as English,
were taxed, were unexpectedly rich and abundant. The Portuguese
fishermen were the most liberal contributors. Wines were received in
generous quantity; marmalades, “most fine ruske or biskit, sweet oyles,
and sundry delicacies.” There were, too, brought them daily quantities
of salmon, trout, lobsters, and other fish.
The group assigned to inquire into the “singularities” of the region
were directed among other things to look for metals, and the mineral man
and refiner was particularly charged by Sir Humphrey to be diligent in
the search for ore. This expert was a “Saxon borne, honest and
religious, named Daniel,” upon whose conservative judgment Sir Humphrey
relied. Daniel first came upon “some sort of Ore seeming rather to be
yron than other metall.” The next find was more important and was
displayed by him to Sir Humphrey with “no small shew of contentment.”
Indeed, so sure was he that his specimens were evidences of silver in
abundance that he was ready to pledge his life, which was “as deere unto
him as the Crowne of England unto her Majesty,” if it should not fall
out accordingly. If silver were the thing that would satisfy the general
and his associates in England, Daniel advised him to seek no farther.
The rich thing was here. Sir Humphrey would have acted upon his advice
if his “private humour” only was to be satisfied. But the promise to his
friends, and the “necessitie to bring the South countreys within
compasse of the patent nearly expired, as they had already done in these
North parts,” made it imperative for him to continue on his course as
originally planned. So he had the samples secretly placed on board of
one of the ships, and cautioned those who knew of the find to say
nothing about it while they remained at St. John’s lest the “foreigners”
there—the “Portugals, Biscanes, and Frenchmen”—should learn of it; when
they were again safe at sea the ore should be tested, and if it were
then desired he would bring the company back to St. John’s.
By this time disorder had appeared among the rougher elements of the
company, and some were plotting mischief. A number were discovered
scheming to steal the ships at an opportune moment when the general and
captains were on shore, and make off with them, perhaps on a
buccaneering cruise. But this happily was nipped in the bud. Others
banding together seized a fishing bark full laden in a neighbouring
harbour and set the fishermen ashore. A larger number hid themselves in
the woods, intending to return home by such shipping as daily left the
coast. Many of the loyal members fell sick and several died. Numbers in
ill health were licensed by the general to return to England as best
they could. Thus by one means and another the company were much
diminished, and when it was decided to start for the voyage southward
there were scarcely enough sound men to furnish the ships.
In this dilemma Sir Humphrey thought it better to drop the “Swallow” out
of the fleet and send her home to England with the sick members. The
captain of the “Delight” was assigned to take charge of her, while her
own captain and crew (including the fellows who had indulged in piracy
on the high seas) were shifted to the “Delight.” The captain of the
“Squirrel” was also relieved of his command to return on the “Swallow.”
The remainder of the fleet, the “Delight,” the “Golden Hind,” and the
“Squirrel,”—supplied as generously as if they had been in a “countrey or
some Citie populous and plentiful of all things,” besides necessities in
fresh and dried fish and rusk, having rich stocks of wines, marmalades,
figs, lemons, and other delicacies, nets and lines for fishing, and
pinnaces “fit for discovery,”—set sail for the continuance of the voyage
on the twentieth of August, seventeen days after their first arrival in
St. John’s harbour: never to return to this port. Sir Humphrey chose to
sail in the “Squirrel” instead of in the flagship, the smaller vessel
being the more convenient for exploring the coast and searching harbours
and creeks. Accordingly she was supplied from one of the other ships
with additional ordnance for protection in case of trouble, and so was
overweighted, which in the end wrought her ruin, as we shall presently
see.
The course was taken toward Cape Breton with the intent to reach the
mainland of North America. Eight days were spent in this navigation, all
the time out of sight of land, the ships being hindered by the current.
On the seventh day they fell “into such flats and dangers” that all
barely escaped wreck, and two days later the flagship,—the
“Delight,”—went down with most of her men and all of her cargo.
Now the narrative becomes tragic. “The maner how our Admirall was lost”
is thus circumstantially described, with due note of “portents” that
foreran the disaster.
"Upon Tuesday the 27 of August, toward the evening, our Generall caused
them in his frigat [the "Squirrel"] to sound, who found white sande at
35 fadome, being then in latitude about 44 degrees.
"Wednesday toward night the wind came South and wee [the "Golden Hind"]
bare with the land all that night, Westnorthwest, contrary to the mind
of Master Cox [the “Golden Hind’s” master]; nevertheless we followed the
Admirall deprived of power to prevent a mischiefe, which by no
contradiction could be brought to hold other course, alleaging they
could not make the ship to work better nor to lie otherwaies.
"The evening was faire and pleasant, yet not without token of storme to
ensue, and most part of this Wednesday night, like the Swanne that
singeth before her death, they in the Admirall, or Delight, continued a
sounding of Trumpets, with Drummes, and Fifes; also winding the Cornets,
Haughtboyes; and in the end of their jolitie, left with the battell and
ringing of doleful knels.
"Towards the evening also we caught in the Golden Hinde a mighty
Porpose, with a harping yron, having first striken divers of them, and
brought away part of their flesh, sticking upon the yron, but could
recover onely that one. These also passing the Ocean in heardes did
portend storme. I omit to recite frivilous reportes by them in the
Frigat of strange voyces, the same night, which scarred some from the
helme.
"Thursday the 29 of August, the wind rose, and blew vehemently at South
and by East, bringing with all raine, and thick mist, so that we could
not see a cable length before us. And betimes in the morning we were
altogither runne and folded in amongst flats and sands, amongst which we
found shoale and deepe in every three or four shippes length, after we
began to sound: but first we were upon them unawares, till master Cox
looking out discerned (in his judgement) white cliffes, crying (land)
withall, though we could not afterward descrie any land, it being very
likely the breaking of the sea white, which seemed to be white cliffes
through the haze and thicke weather.
"Immediately tokens were given unto the Delight to cast about to
seaward, which, being the greater ship and of burden 120 tunnes, was yet
foremost upon the beach, keeping so ill watch that they knew not the
danger before they felt the same, too late to recover it: for presently
the Admirall strooke a ground, and had soone after her sterne and hinder
partes beaten in pieces: whereupon the rest (that is to say the Frigat
on which was the Generall and the Golden Hinde) cast about
Eastnortheast, bearing to the South, even for our lives into the windes
eye, because that way caried us to the seaward. Making out from this
danger, we sounded one while seven fadome, then five fadome, then foure
fadome and lesse, againe deeper, immediately foure fadome, then but
three fadome, the sea going mightily and high.
“At last we recovered (God be thanked) in some despaire, to sea roome
enough. In this distresse wee had vigilant eye unto the Admirall, whom
we saw cast away, without power to give the men succour, neither could
we espie of the men that leaped overboord to save themselves, either in
the same Pinnesse, or Cocke, or upon rafters, and such like meanes,
presenting themselves to men in those extremities: for we desired to
save the men by every possible meanes. But all in vaine, sith God had
determined their ruine: yet all that day, and part of the next, we beat
up and downe as neere unto the wracke as was possible for us, looking
out, if by good hap we might espie any of them.”
In this wreck perished almost a hundred men. Among them was Stephanus
Parmenius, a learned Hungarian, who was to have been the historian of
the voyage. He had written a Latin poem, a few years before, extolling
Sir Humphrey’s achievements, which is preserved in the _Principal
Navigations_. While at St. John’s he wrote a letter to the elder Richard
Hakluyt, of the Middle Temple, briefly recounting the events of the
voyage to that time, which was probably despatched on the returning
“Swallow.” This letter Hakluyt gives with the literature of this
expedition. Daniel, the Saxon, was another of the lost, and with him
perished most of his evidences of “inestimable riches” in silver at
Newfoundland. Also went down with this ship “cards and plats” that the
draughtsmen had drawn, with the due gradation of the harbours, bays, and
capes. Captain Brown stood by his ship to the last, refusing to take to
the pinnace running at her stern. He chose “rather to die then [than] to
incurre infamie by forsaking his charge, which then might be thought to
have perished through his default.” So, when all hope of saving her was
passed, exhorting his men “not to despair but strive to save what they
could,” he “mounted upon the highest decke where hee attended imminent
death and unavoidable.”
Fourteen escaped in the pinnace, and “committed themselves to God’s
mercy amiddest the storme and rage of sea and windes, destitute of
foode, not so much as a droppe of fresh water.” The little boat was
overloaded for such foul weather, and to lighten her one of her company,
Edward Headly, a “valiant soldier,” proposed that they should cast lots,
those upon whom the lots fell to be thrown overboard, and offered
himself with the first “content to take his adventure gladly.” But
Richard Clark, the master of their lost “Delight,” who was of the
number, protested, advising them “to abide Gods pleasure, who was able
to save all as well as a few.” So they held together, and after six days
and nights in the open ocean, carried before the wind, they arrived on
the coast of Newfoundland, weak and famished, all save two,—the valiant
soldier Headly, and a sailor called “Brazil,” because of his travels in
that country. Later they were taken off by some kindly French fishermen,
and ultimately reached their homes by way of France.
The “Golden Hind” and the “Squirrel” continued for two days “beating the
sea up and downe,” expecting when the weather cleared to bear in with
the land which it was judged was not far off, “either the continent or
some Island.” But it remained thick and blustering with increase of
cold, and the men began to lose courage. “The Leeside of us lay full of
flats and dangers inevitable, if the wind blew hard at South. Some
againe doubted we were ingulfed in the Bay of S. Lawrence, and coast
full of dangers, and unto us unknowen. But above all, provisions waxed
scant, and hope of supply was gone with losse of our Admirall. Those of
the Frigat were already pinched with spare allowance, and want of
clothes chiefly.” Thereupon the “Squirrel’s” men besought the general to
head for England before they all perished. “And to them of the Golden
Hinde they made signes of their distresse, pointing to their mouthes,
and to their clothes thinne and ragged: then immediately they of the
Golden Hinde grew to be of the same opinion and desire to return home.”
Finally the return was agreed upon. Sir Humphrey expressed himself
satisfied with what he had seen and knew already, and promised to set
them forth again “right royally” the next spring if “God sent them safe
home.”
So in the afternoon of Saturday the thirty-first of August they changed
their course for the homeward run. At that very instant, “even in the
winding about,” a wondrous thing met their astonished gaze.
Between them and toward the land they were now forsaking there passed
along a strange monster of the sea: a “very lion” to their seeming, “in
shape, hair, and colour, swimming after the maner of a beast by mooving
of his feete, but rather sliding upon the water with his whole body
(excepting the legs) in sight, neither yet diving under, and againe
rising above the water, as the maner is of Whales, Dolphins, Tunise,
Porposes, and all other fish: but confidently shewing himselfe above
water without hiding: Notwithstanding we presented ourselves in open
view and gesture to amase him, as all creatures will be commonly at a
sudden gaze and sight of men. Thus he passed along turning his head to
and fro, yawning and gaping wide, with ougly demonstration of long
teeth, and glaring eies, and to bidde us farewell (comming right against
the Hinde) he sent forth a horrible voyce, roaring or bellowing as doeth
a lion, which spectacle wee all beheld so farre as we were able to
discerne the same, as men prone to wonder at every strange thing, as
this doubtless was, to see a lion in the Ocean sea, or fish in shape of
a lion. What opinion others had thereof, and chiefly the Generall
himselfe, I forbeare to deliver; but he took it for Bonum Omen,
rejoycing that he was to warre against such an enemie, if it were the
devill.”
The wind was “large” for England at the start but very high, and the sea
rough, insomuch that the “Squirrel” was almost swallowed up. On Monday
the general came aboard the “Golden Hind” to have her surgeon dress his
foot, which he had hurt by treading upon a nail on the “Squirrel’s”
deck. While here he and the “Hind’s” officers “comforted ech other with
hope of hard successe to be all past, and of the good to come.” It was
agreed that both ships should show their lights always by night that
they might keep together. The general was entreated to remain on the
“Hind,” where he would be far safer than on the little “Squirrel,” but
refused. Immediately after his return to the “Squirrel” a sharp storm
arose, but this both ships, though in much peril, happily “overpassed.”
A morning or two later, the weather having at last become fair, the
general again came aboard the “Golden Hind” to “make merie together with
the Captaine, Master and company.” This was their last meeting with him.
He remained with them throughout the day till nightfall. Their talk fell
upon “affaires past and to come.” Sir Humphrey lamented much the loss of
the “Delight”: "more of the men, but most of all of his bookes and
notes," and of something else which he avoided mentioning, but for which
he was “out of measure grieved.” This something the narrator gathered
“by circumstance” to be the ore specimens which had gone down with
Daniel the Saxon. “Whatsoever it was,” the narrator noted, “the
remembrance touched him so deepe as, not able to containe himselfe, he
beat his boy [the cabin boy] in great rage even at the same time so long
after the miscarying of the great ship, because upon a faire day, when
wee were becalmed upon the coast of the New found land, ... he [had]
sent his boy aboord the Admirall to fetch certaine things: amongst which
this [the ore] being chiefe was yet forgotten and left behind. After
which time he could never conveniently send againe aboord the great
ship, much lesse hee doubted her ruine so neere at hand.” That Daniel
the Saxon’s find and the existence of rich mines in Newfoundland, which
it seemed to warrant, had wrought a radical change in Sir Humphrey’s
plans, had become apparent in his actions and in this last talk. Says
the narrator, “Whereas the generall had never before good conceit of
these North parts of the world: now his mind was wholly fixed upon the
New found land. And as before he refused not to grant assignments
liberally to them that required the same into these Northern parts, now
he became contrarily affected, refusing to make any so large grants
especially in S. Johns.... Also his expression of a determination in the
Spring following for disposing of his voyage then to be reattempted: he
assigned the captaine and master of the Golden Hind unto the South
discovery, and reserved unto himself the North, affirming that this
voyage had wonne his heart from the South, and that he was now become a
Northerne man altogether.”
Again he was vehemently entreated by the captain, master, and others of
his “well willers” to stay on the “Golden Hind” for the remainder of the
voyage. They dwelt on the preciousness of his life and the dangerous
condition of the “Squirrel” with her decks overcharged with guns, small
artillery, nettings “too cumbersome for so small a boate that was to
pass through the Ocean sea at that season of the yere,” when much foul
weather was to be expected. But these entreaties were in vain as before.
All were swept aside with his final answer, “I will not forsake my
little company going homeward with whom I have passed so many stormes
and perils.” Since he would not “bend to reason,” such provisions as
were wanting on the “Squirrel” were furnished from the “Hind,” and then,
committing him to “God’s protection,” he was reluctantly and sorrowfully
set aboard his pinnace.
The ships were by this time more than three hundred leagues onward of
their way home. They had brought the Azores south of them: but were then
keeping much to the North to get into “the height and elevation” of
England. This attained they met with very bad weather and terrible seas
breaking short and high, “Pyramid wise.”
Then came the final catastrophe.
"Munday the ninth of September, in the afternoone, the Frigat was neere
cast away, oppressed by waves, yet at that time recovered: and giving
forth signes of joy, the Generall sitting abaft with a booke in his
hand, cried out to us in the Hind (so oft as we did approach within
hearing), We are as neere to heaven by sea as by land. Reiterating the
same speech, well beseeming a souldier, resolute in Jesus Christ, as I
can testifie he was.
“The same Monday night, about twelve of the clocke, or not long after,
the Frigat being ahead of us in the Golden Hinde, suddenly her lights
were out, whereof as it were in a moment, we lost the sight, and withall
our watch cryed, the Generall was cast away, which was too true. For in
that moment the Frigat was devoured and swallowed up of the Sea.”
All that night the “Golden Hinde” kept up a constant lookout hoping to
sight her again. But not a fragment of her could be seen or a single
survivor.
Then the “Hind” continued on the course alone, still maintaining the
lookout. At length, after “great torment of weather and perill of
drowning,” she came safely to a home port, with her doleful tale of
disaster, arriving at Falmouth on the twenty-second of September—a
Sunday.
XIX
FOOTPRINTS OF COLONIZATION
Upon the lamentable death of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and the consequent
failure of his scheme of colonization, Walter Raleigh immediately took
up the cause energetically, with a view of attempting a settlement on
the continent in the milder southern clime; and within nineteen months,
or about a year and a half, after the return home of the forlorn remnant
of Sir Humphrey’s expedition, Raleigh’s first company of American
colonists sailed out of Plymouth bound for the salubrious country then
comprised in “Virginia.”
Raleigh’s patent, obtained from Queen Elizabeth in March, 1584, in the
securing of which, as we have seen, Hakluyt’s writings were so
influential, constituted him a lord proprietary with almost unlimited
jurisdiction over a vast region indefinitely defined. Its provisions
were similar to those of Gilbert’s patent but more ample. It licensed
him, his heirs and assigns, to “discover, search, find out, and view
such remote, heathen, and barbarous lands, countries, and territories
not actually possessed by any Christian prince, nor inhabited by
Christian people,” as to him, his heirs and assigns, should seem good;
and to hold, occupy, and enjoy such lands and regions with all
“prerogatives, commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, priviledges,
franchises, and pre-eminences thereto or thereabouts both by sea and
land, whatsoever” the queen by her letters-patent might grant, and as
she or “any of our noble projectors” had heretofore granted to “any
person or persons, bodies politique or corporate”: the proviso, as in
Gilbert’s patent, being made that a fifth part of all the “oare of golde
and silver” that should be obtained be reserved for the queen. Powers to
make laws for the government of a colony were conferred, these
ordinances to be, as near as conveniently might be, agreeable to the
English form of statutes, and not against the faith professed by the
Church of England. They were to be in force over all who should from
time to time “advantage themselves in the said journeis or voyages,” or
that should at any time inhabit “any such lands, countries or
territories aforesaid,” or that should abide within two hundred leagues
of the place or places that Raleigh’s companies should inhabit within
six years from the date of the patent. Raleigh might make grants from
his territory at his pleasure.
Hakluyt gives the text of the patent in the _Principal Navigations_
under this title: “The letters patents granted by the Queenes Majestie
to M. Walter Ralegh, now Knight, for the discovering and planting of new
lands and Countries, to continue the space of 6 yeeres and no more.”
[Illustration:
SIR WALTER RALEIGH AT THE AGE OF 34.
From a Photograph, copyrighted by Walker & Cockerell, of the portrait
attributed to Federigo Zuccaro in the National Portrait Gallery.
]
Raleigh was now high in the queen’s favor, and with large influence at
court. He was in or about his thirty-second year, of rugged manhood,
handsome, and debonair. The son of a country gentleman, well connected
through his father’s three marriages with families of prominence, and
taking young to adventure, he was early concerned in lively affairs. He
was born about the year 1552, at Hayes, near Budlegh Salterton, South
Devonshire, the second son of his father’s third wife, who was the widow
of Otho Gilbert and the mother of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. Through his
father’s first wife, who was Joan Drake, he was related to Sir Francis
Drake. His own brother was Sir Carew Raleigh, who was concerned with him
in Gilbert’s first expedition of 1578. As a boy he became interested in
seamanship and the life of the sea from talks with sailors returned from
distant voyages. At fifteen he was at Oxford, entered in Oriel College.
At seventeen he was serving as a volunteer in the French Huguenot army.
He remained in France through the next five years. Back in London in
1576, he was variously employed. The next year, or early in 1578, he was
warring in the Low Countries under Sir John Norris. Later in September
he was at Dartmouth, busied with Humphrey Gilbert in fitting out the
fleet for that year’s venture, in which he sailed in command of the
“Falcon.” In 1580 he was serving in Ireland as captain of a company, and
he had part in the awful and cruel massacre at Somerwich in November of
that year. Toward the end of 1581 he was sent home to England with
despatches from the new governor of Münster. Coming to the court he
attracted the fancy of the queen by his manly presence, bearing, and
gallantry, and he rose instantly into the royal favor. With this time is
dated the tradition of his spreading his new plush coat over a muddy way
for the queen to walk upon. He was granted lucrative monopolies,
particularly the “wine licenses,” the profits of which enabled him
liberally to prosecute the schemes of Western adventure he was then
developing.
Raleigh’s patent received the royal signature on the twenty-fifth day of
March, 1584, and only a month later, as we have seen (Chapter I), his
preliminary expedition, comprising his two barks under the experienced
captains Amadas and Barlow, charged to investigate, hasten back, and
report, had sailed off; and under the inspiration of the warm-coloured
story that these captains told upon their return in September, the first
colonization band was formed. This fascinating narrative, therefore, is
the prologue to the epic of true English colonization in America,
culminating in the permanent settlement at Jamestown.
It appears in full in the _Principal Navigations_ with this caption:
“The first voyage made to the coasts of America with two barks, where in
were Captaines M. Philip Amidas, and M. Arthur Barlowe, who discovered
part of the Countrey now called Virginia, Anno 1584. Written by one of
the said Captaines, and sent to sir Walter Ralegh knight, at whose
charge and direction the said voyage was set forth.” Barlow was the
author.
The captains set sail on the twenty-seventh of April, taking the
southern course by the West Indies toward the coast of Florida. Their
landfall, now reckoned to have been shoals out from Capes Fear and
Hatteras, was made on the fourth of July. Their approach was propitious,
for as they struck shoal water two days before, by which they were
assured that land was not far off, they “smelt so sweet and so strong a
smel as if we had bene in the midst of some delicate garden abounding in
all kinds of odoriferous flowers.” They first supposed the coast they
saw to be that of a continent and “firme land.” They ranged along it
northward some “hundred and twentie English miles,” seeking an opening.
At length they came to an inlet which they entered, “not without some
difficultie,” and dropped anchor “about three harquebuz-shot” within the
haven’s mouth. Just where this inlet was has been a matter of long
discussion by historical investigators. Some have confidently identified
it with Ocracoke, now Oregon Inlet: others with New Inlet. A later
authority (Talcott Williams) designated it as a passage long ago closed
by the drifting sands, north of Roanoke Island, and near Collington
Island. After giving thanks to God for their safe arrival thither, they
manned their small boats and went ashore on the “island of Wocokon”
(identified as Collington Island); and here forthwith performed the
ceremony of taking possession of the region “in the right of the Queenes
most excellent Majestie, as rightful Queene and Princesse of the same,”
and for Raleigh under his patent.
This ceremony over they viewed the land about them. While sandy and low
by the waterside it soon rose into fair little hills. Close by the
water’s edge were masses of grape vines. So “full of grapes” indeed was
the place that “the very beating and surging of the Sea overflowed
them.” There was such plenty “as well there as in all places else, both
on the sand and on the greene soile on the hils, as in the plaines, as
well as every little shrubb, as also climing towardes the tops of high
Cedars,” that the narrator thought that in all the world the “like
abundance” was not to be found: and he was a much-travelled man.
Ascending one of the little hills they saw the place to be an island and
not the main. Below them they beheld valleys “replenished with goodly
Cedar trees.” Upon discharging their “harquebuz-shot” such a flock of
cranes, mostly white ones, rose that their cry “redoubled by many
echoes” was “as if an armie of men had showted together.” The island was
seen to be rich in “many goodly woodes full of Deere, Conies, Hares, and
Fowle, even in the middest of Summer in incredible abundance.” The woods
contained “the highest and reddest Cedars of the world ... Pynes,
Cypres, Sarsaphras, the Lentisk, or the tree that beareth the Masticke,
the tree that beareth the vine of blacke Sinamon, of which Master Winter
[of Drake’s fleet that entered the Pacific] brought from the straights
of Magellan, and many other of excellent smel and qualitie.”
They remained at this island for two whole days before they had sight of
any natives. On the third day when on ship-board they espied a canoe
paddling toward them with three Indians in it. When it had come within
“foure harquebuz-shot” of their ships it put into the point of land
nearest to them. Two of its three occupants went up into the island,
while the other walked to and fro along the point, viewing the ships
with evident interest. Then the two captains and a few others rowed to
the shore to meet him. As they approached he made no shew of “feare or
doubt.” After he had spoken with them “of many things” which they could
not understand, he was invited by gestures to visit the ships, which he
showed was quite to his liking. On board he was entertained with a taste
of their wine and their bread, which he “liked very much,” and was given
a shirt, a hat, and some other things. When he had viewed both barks to
his satisfaction, he was sent back ashore. Again taking his canoe which
he had left in a creek he fell a-fishing not far from the ships, and in
less than half an hour he had laden his boat “as deepe as it could
swimme.” Then returning to the point of land nearest the ships he here
divided his fish into two parts, pointing one part to one of the ships
and one to the other. And so, “as much as he might,” requiting the
benefits he had received from the Englishmen, he departed from their
sight.
The next day a considerable body of natives appeared and formally made
the Englishmen welcome:
"There came unto us divers boates, and in one of them the king’s
brother, accompanied with fortie or fiftie men, very handsome and goodly
people, and in their behaviour as mannerly and civill as any of Europe.
His name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina, the countrey
Wingandacoa. The maner of his comming was in this sort: hee left his
boates altogether, as the first man did a little from the shippes by the
shore, and came along to the place over against the shippes followed
with fortie men.
"When he came to the place his servants spread a long matte upon the
ground on which he sate downe, and at the other ende of the matte foure
others of his companie did the like, the rest of his men stood round
about him, somewhat afarre off: when we came to the shore to him with
our weapons, hee never moved from his place, nor any of the other foure,
nor never mistrusted any harme to be offred from us, but sitting still
he beckoned us to come and sit by him, which we performed: and being set
hee made all signes of joy and welcome, striking on his head and his
breast and afterwardes on ours, to shew wee were all one, smiling and
making shew the best he could of all love and familiaritie.
“After he had made a long speech unto us, wee presented him with divers
things, which he received very joyfully and thankfully. None of the
companie durst speake one worde all the time: onely the foure which were
at the other ende, spake one in the others eare very softly.”
The king himself, it was explained, could not appear, for he was lying
at the chief town of the country, six days’ journey off, sore wounded
from a fight with the king of “the next countrie.”
A day or two after this welcoming meeting the Englishmen fell to trade
with the natives, exchanging various trinkets for “chamoys, buffe, and
Deere skinnes.” A bright tin dish had more attractions than anything
else in their packet of merchandise. One of the natives “clapt” it on
his breast and making a hole in the rim hung it about his neck as a
shield, with gestures to indicate that it would defend him against his
enemies’ arrows. The dish was exchanged for twenty skins worth twenty
English crowns. A copper kettle was traded for fifty skins worth as many
crowns. The natives offered good exchange for hatchets, axes, and
knives, and would have given anything for swords: but with these the
Englishmen would not part. The king’s brother took a special fancy to
the Englishmen’s armor. He offered to lay a great box of pearls in gage
for a suit, together with a sword and a few other things. His offer was
declined for the reason that the captains did not want him to know how
highly they prized the pearls till they had learned in “what places the
pearls grew.” They afterward apparently satisfied themselves on this
point, when, in an exploration of a neighbouring river, they found
“great store of Muskles in which there are pearles.”
After a few days Granganimeo came aboard the ships and was entertained
like the first visitor, with wine, meat, and bread, to his great
pleasure. Another day he brought his wife, daughter, and two or three
children aboard. The wife was of small stature, “very well favoured, and
very bashful.” She was attired in a long cloak of skin with the fur
inwards. Her forehead was adorned with a band of white coral. From her
ears depended “bracelets” of pearls, each pearl, of the size of a pea,
extending to her waist. Her women attendants, who remained on the shore,
some forty of them, during her visit, had pendants of copper in their
ears, and some of Granganimeo’s children and those of other “noble” men
wore five or six in each ear. Granganimeo’s apparel was a cloak like his
wife’s, and on his head was a broad plate of gold or copper. The women
wore their hair long on both sides, the men on but one. These natives
were of a yellowish colour and generally with black hair.
Their boats were made out of whole trees, either pine or pitch trees.
Their manner of constructing them was thus: “They burne downe some great
tree or take such as are winde fallen, and putting gumme and rosen on
one side thereof they set fire unto it, and when it hath burnt it
hollow, they cut out the coale with their shels, and even where they
would burne it deeper or wider they lay on gummes which burne away the
timber, and by this meanes they fashion very fine boates, and such as
will transport twentie men.” Their oars were “like scoopes,” and “many
times they set with long pooles as the depth serveth.”
The king’s brother was very just in keeping his promises and generous
with supplies. Every day he sent to the ships a brace or two of fat
“Bucks, Conies, Hares, Fish the best of the world.” Also “divers kindes
of fruites, Melons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Gourdes, Pease, and divers
roots,” and of their “countrey corne, which is very white, faire, and
well tasted, and groweth three times in five moneths.” The Englishmen
“proved” the soil, putting some pease into the ground; in less than ten
days, the narrator averred, they were of “fourteene ynches high.” The
natives also raised beans “very faire of divers colours and wonderful
plentie: some growing naturally, and some in their gardens”; and both
wheat and oats. The soil was declared to be “the most plentifull,
sweete, fruitfull and wholesome of all the worlde.” There were counted
fourteen or more different “sweete smeling” timber trees. The most part
of the underwoods were “Bayes and such like.” There were oaks like those
of England, but “farre greater and better.”
The narrator with seven others went “twentie miles into the river that
runneth towarde the citie of Skiwak [Indian village], which river they
[the natives] call Occam, and in the evening following ... came to an
island which they call Roanoak.” At the north end of this island was a
village of nine houses built of cedar and fortified round with sharp
trees to keep out their enemies, the entrance being “made like a turne
pike very artificially.” This village was the home of Granganimeo. As
they neared it his wife came running down to the waterside to meet them.
Granganimeo was not then in the village, and his spouse did the honours
of host most graciously. She bade some of her people to draw the
Englishmen’s boat through the beating billows to the shore; others to
carry the visitors on their backs to the dry ground; others to take
their oars to her house lest the boat might be stolen. After they were
come into her dwelling, a hut of five rooms, they were sat by a great
fire while their wet garments were washed and dried by her women, she
herself in the meantime taking “great paines to see all things ordered
in the best maner shee could,” and “making great haste to dress some
meat” for their supper. When they had comfortably dried themselves they
were conducted into an inner room where, “on the board standing along
the house,” a tempting banquet of venison, fruits, and wheat foods was
spread. The whole entertainment was marked by “all love and kindnesse,
and with as much bountie (after their maner) as they could possibly
devise.” Here, as in their other experiences, the Englishmen found the
people “most gentle, loving, and faithful, voide of all guile and
treason, and such as live after the maner of the golden age.”
Throughout the visit at Roanoke their hostess was assiduous for their
welfare. This was most energetically displayed in an incident while they
were at supper. “There came in at the gates two or three men with their
bowes and arrowes from hunting, whom when wee espied we beganne to looke
one towardes another, and offered to reach our weapons: but assoone as
she espied our mistrust shee was very much mooved, and caused some of
her men to runne out, and take away their bowes and arrowes and breake
them and withall beate the poore fellowes out of the gate againe.” When
as the evening waned the Englishmen made ready to return to their boats,
declining the hospitality of the village over night, she had the viands
left over from the supper, “pottes and all,” carried to their craft.
When they embarked and rowed off a “prettie” distance from the shore,
there to lie through the night, she was much grieved at this evidence of
mistrust, and again entreated them to rest in the houses of the village.
And when they still declined, she sent “divers men and thirtie women to
sit all night on the banke side” opposite them; and as rain began to
fall mats were sent out to them for protection against the storm. The
narrator explained that they were thus cautious because they were “fewe
men,” and if they had “miscaried” the expedition would have been in
great danger, so they “durst not adventure any thing.” Yet they had no
cause to doubt the sincerity of these natives, “for a more kinde and
loving people there can not be founde in the worlde, as farre as we have
hitherto had trial.”
On other days further explorations were made around Albemarle Sound, and
information more or less authentic was gathered from the natives as to
Indian towns, and relations between the tribes and the several kings of
the region round about. They found that beyond the islands lay the
mainland. They were told of the greatest Indian city called “Scicoak,”
on the “River Occam”: of another great town on a tributary of this
river, under a “free lord,” independent of neighbouring kings; and
another, four days’ journey southwest of Roanoke, called “Sequotan,” or
“Secotan.” The friendship of the natives increased in warmth on closer
intercourse with the Englishmen. Their interest in the English ships was
unbounded. Whenever a gun was discharged, “were it but a hargubuz,” they
would tremble “for the strangeness of the same.” Their own weapons were
principally slender bows and arrows. The arrows were small canes headed
with a sharp shell or a fish’s tooth, but “sufficient ynough to kill a
naked man.” They used swords of hardened wood, and a sort of club with
the sharp horns of a stag fastened at the heavy end. They wore wooden
breastplates for defence. When they went to war they carried with them
“their idol of whom they aske counsel as the Romans were woont of the
Oracle of Apollo.” They sang songs as they marched forth to battle
instead of sounding drums and trumpets. Their wars were “very cruel and
bloody.” For this reason, and as a result of civil dissensions that had
happened among them in recent years, the people of the region were
“marvellously wasted, and in some places the countrey [was] left
desolate.”
When the reconnoitering captains finally set sail for the return to
England they carried with them two of the natives, “lustie men,”
Wanchese and Manteo by name. Manteo afterward became of considerable
service to the first two colonies, and rose to the distinction of a
native American baron—the “Lord of Roanoak,” as will duly appear with
the development of the story of colonization in the following chapters.
XX
“VIRGINIA”
The country to which Queen Elizabeth gave the name “Virginia,” upon the
return of Raleigh’s reconnoitering captains in September, 1584, with
their flattering report, comprehended vaguely the whole of the seaboard
of North America above Florida to a point toward Newfoundland, and
inland indefinitely. In the following Spring Raleigh’s first company of
intended colonists were ready to depart for the fruitful region, the
attractions of which Captains Amadas and Barlow had set forth so
enchantingly.
This pioneer band comprised gentlemen of standing, experienced
navigators, younger sons of noble houses or gentry seeking adventure,
restless spirits with an eye for pelf, hardy sailors. Ralph Lane at the
head as governor, was a sailor-soldier of merit, and when invited by
Raleigh to this post was serving in Ireland. Captain Amadas, of the
reconnoitering expedition, was Lane’s deputy, afterward designated
“admiral of the country”—Virginia. Thomas Hariot, or Harriot, named as
surveyor, and also to be the historian of the colony, had been Raleigh’s
tutor: he became in after years distinguished as a mathematician and
astronomer, and materially advanced the science of algebra. John White,
to be the principal draughtsman, was a man of affairs as well as a
painter of some note, and was later to become governor of Raleigh’s
second colony and grandfather of the first English child born in North
America—Virginia Dare; and in his drawings, with those of the artist Le
Moine, of the Huguenot colony in Florida, 1562–1566 (afterward in London
a “servant” of Raleigh’s), we have the first accurate knowledge of the
North American Indian and of the natural history of the country. Sir
Richard Grenville, a cousin of Raleigh’s, a British naval hero, was the
general of the fleet assembled to carry the company out. Captain Thomas
Cavendish, navigator and freebooter, soon to circumnavigate the globe,
was commander of one of the ships. The two Indians, Wanchese and Manteo,
whom Amadas and Barlow brought home with them, were joined to the
company as guides.
The fleet comprised seven sail: the “Tiger,” admiral or flagship, of one
hundred and forty tons; a “Flie-boat called the Roe-bucke, of the like
burden”; the “Lyon,” one hundred tons, “or thereabouts”; the
“Elizabeth,” fifty tons; the “Dorithie,” a small bark; and two small
pinnaces. They weighed anchor and sailed out of Plymouth harbour on the
ninth of April, 1585. The outward voyage was a leisurely one, with stops
at Porto Rico, Hispaniola, and other places, and with seizures of
Spanish prizes along the way, so that their destination at Wocokon and
Roanoke Island was not reached till the end of June. Their sometimes
exciting adventures on this passage are summarily related in the diary
of one of the company, which Hakluyt gives with this unusually brief
caption: “The voiage made by Sir Richard Greenvile for Sir Walter Ralegh
to Virginia in the yeere 1585.”
The longest stop was made off Porto Rico, at the “Island of S. John de
Porto Rico.” Here a temporary fort was erected close to the seaside, and
backed by woods, and within it a pinnace was built from timber, some of
which was cut three miles up the land and brought upon trucks to the
fort, the few Spaniards on the island “not daring to make or offer
resistance.” One day while they were at this work eight horsemen
appeared out of the woods about a quarter of a mile back, and there
halting, stood silently gazing upon them for half an hour; then, a
company of ten of their men being started out in marching order, the
horsemen disappeared in the woods. Another day a sail was seen afar off
approaching their haven. Supposing her to be either a Spanish or a
French warship, the “Tiger” was made ready and went out to meet her. As
the strange craft was neared, however, she was discovered to be Captain
Cavendish’s ship of their own fleet, which had been separated from them
at sea in a storm. Thereat there was rejoicing instead of a fight, and
the ships’ guns were discharged in mutual peaceful salutes. Again, on
another day, a second and a larger band of horsemen appeared, and nearer
the fort. Twenty footmen and two horsemen, the latter mounted on Spanish
horses that had been seized, were sent against them. When the Englishmen
were within hailing distance the Spaniards displayed a flag of truce,
and made signs for a parley. Two from each side accordingly came
together on the sands between the two lines. The Spanish representatives
offered “very great salutations” to the English, but expostulated
against the Englishmen’s coming and fortifying in their country. The
English representatives assured them that their company were here only
to furnish themselves with water, victuals, and other necessities of
which they stood in need. They hoped the Spaniards would yield these to
them “with faire and friendly meanes”; but if this were not done they
were resolved to “practice force” and relieve themselves by the sword.
At this the Spaniards, with “all courtesie and great favour,” expressed
their readiness to render every assistance, and promised a supply of
provisions. And so the parley ended graciously.
[Illustration:
THE ARRIVAL OF THE ENGLISHMEN IN VIRGINIA.
From a drawing by John White, of Raleigh’s first colony, 1585.
]
The very next day the pinnace was finished and launched. Then the
general, with his captains and gentlemen, marched up into the country to
meet the Spaniards with the promised provisions. But the Spaniards came
not. Whereupon the general fired the woods roundabout, and his party
marched back to their fort. Later, the same day, they fired their fort
and all embarked to sail the next morning on their course. In the
meantime Ralph Lane, taking a Spanish frigate that they had captured,
with a Spanish pilot, had made a successful venture with twenty of his
men to “Roxo bay, on the southwest side of S. John,” after a cargo of
salt. He threw up entrenchments about a salt hut here, and quietly
loaded the frigate while “two or three troupes of [Spanish] horsemen”
stood off and “gave him the looking,” but offered no resistance. When
the fleet sailed from St. John most of the company were itching from the
stings of swarms of “muskitos” which they had got on shore.
That night at sea they took a Spanish frigate whose crew had abandoned
her upon sight of the fleet. Early next morning another was captured:
this a more profitable prize, having a “good and riche freight and
divers Spaniards of account in her.” The Spaniards were afterward
ransomed “for good round summes” and were landed at St. John.
The next call was made at Hispaniola. Here there was much impressive
exchange of courtesies between the Spaniards and their uninvited guests.
The fleet anchored at Isabella on the first of June. Upon his arrival,
apparently, the general entertained some local grandees on his ship. For
on the third of June the “governor of Isabella and captaine of Port de
Plata,” having heard that there were “many brave and gallant gentlemen”
in the fleet, sent a “gentle commendation” to Sir Richard with a promise
shortly to make him an official call. On the appointed day the governor
appeared at the landing off which the fleet lay, accompanied by a
“lustie Fryer” and twenty other Spaniards with their servants and
Negroes. Thereupon Sir Richard and his chief men, “every man appointed
and furnished in the best sort,”—in briefer phrase, wearing his best
clothes,—took the shipboats and were rowed forth in fine feather to meet
them. The reception was most cordial on both sides. The Spanish governor
received the English general “very courteously,” while the Spanish
gentlemen saluted the English gentlemen, and “their inferior sort did
also salute our Souldiers and Sea men, liking our men and likewise their
qualities.”
Then followed a sylvan banquet: “In the meane time while our English
Generall and the Spanish Governour discussed betwixt them of divers
matters, and of the state of the Countrey, the multitude of the Townes
and people, and the commodities of the Iland, our men provided two
banquetting houses covered with greene boughes, the one for the
Gentlemen, the other for the servants, and a sumptuous banquet was
brought in served by us all in plate, with the sound of trumpets, and
consort of musicke, wherewith the Spaniards were delighted.” The feast
ended, the Spaniards in their turn, in recompense of the English
courtesies, provided a bull fight, or hunt, for them. “They caused a
great heard of white buls, and kyne to be brought together from the
mountaines, and appoynted for every Gentleman and Captaine that would
ride, a horse ready sadled, and then singled out three of the best of
them to be hunted by horsemen after their maner, so that the pastime
grewe very pleasant for space of three houres, wherein all three of the
beasts were killed, whereof one tooke the Sea and was slain with a
musket.” After this brutal sport rare presents were exchanged. The next
day the thrifty Englishmen “played the Marchants in bargaining with them
by way of trucke and exchange of divers of their commodities, as horses,
mares, kine, buls, goates, swine, sheepe, bull-hides, sugar, ginger,
pearle, tobacco, and such like commodities of the Iland.”
On the seventh of June they departed, with great good will, from these
Spaniards and Hispaniola. “But,” the diarist shrewdly observed, “the
wiser sort doe impute this great shew of friendship and courtesie used
towards us by the Spaniards rather to the force that wee were of, and
the vigilancie and watchfulnesse that was amongst us, then [than] to any
heartie good will or sure friendly intertainement: for doubtless if they
had been stronger then wee, wee might have looked for no better
courtesie at their handes then Master John Haukins received at Saint
John de Ullua, or John Oxnam neere the streights of Dariene, and divers
others of our Countreymen in other places.”
Resuming the voyage, short stops were made at some of the Bahama
Islands, and on the twentieth of June they fell in with the mainland of
Florida. On the twenty-third they were in great danger of wreck “on a
beach called the Cape of Feare,” so first named by these voyagers. The
next day they came to anchor in a harbour where they caught “in one tyde
so much fish as would have yeelded us twentie pounds in London.” Here
they made their first landing on the continent. Two days afterward they
had arrived at Wocokon.
In entering the shallow harbour three days later the flagship struck
aground and, according to the diarist, “sunk,” but she was not lost. On
the third of July word of their arrival at Wocokon was sent by Manteo to
king Wingina at Roanoke Island. And ultimately the company went up to
Roanoke Island and began their settlement there.
Grenville remained with them for about two months and then returned with
the ships to England, promising to come back with supplies by the next
Easter. The month was spent mostly in explorations of the neighbouring
waters and country; while one harsh and ill-judged act was committed by
Sir Richard’s orders against the Indians, whom Amadas and Barlow had
found so friendly and hospitable, which had evil results in fostering
conspiracies against the new comers. The first exploration, with visits
to Indian towns, was made in state soon after the arrival, and occupied
eight days. Sir Richard, Master John Arundel, and “divers other
gentlemen,” led in the “tilt-boat”; Governor Lane, Captain Cavendish,
Heriot, and twenty others, followed in the “new pinnace,” which had been
built at St. John; Captains Amadas and Clarke, with ten others, in one
shipboat, and White, the artist, with Francis Broke in another. They
crossed the southern part of Pamlico Sound to the mainland and
discovered three Indian towns—Pomejok, Aquascogoc, and Secotan. On the
next day Pomejok was visited; on the next, Aquascogoc, and two days
after, Secotan, where they were well entertained. The next day was
marked by the harsh act of large consequences. They had returned to
Secotan and thence “one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to
Aquasogok to demand a silver cup which one of the Savages had stolen
from us, and not receiving it according to his promise, wee burnt and
spoyled their corne, and Towne, all the people being fled.”
The fleet left Wocokon on the twenty-first of July for Hastorask, where
they arrived and anchored on the twenty-seventh. Soon after, the
courteous receiver of Amadas and Barlow on their first coming, King
Wingina’s brother Granganimeo, came aboard the flagship with Manteo, and
paid his respects to Sir Richard.
The colony being finally established at Roanoke Island, the ships
weighed anchor on August the twenty-fifth and Grenville was off on his
return to England. When less than a week at sea he came upon a fine
Spanish ship of three hundred tons, and forthwith took her, with a rich
cargo. In this performance a reckless show of bravery was made, Sir
Richard boarding her “with a boate made with boards of chests, which
fell asunder and sunke at the ship’s side, assoone as ever he and his
men were out of it.” Afterward Sir Richard took charge of the prize and
completed the voyage in her, arriving at Plymouth on the eighteenth of
September. As was natural with this plunder, he was “courteously
received by divers of his worshipfull friends.” The “Tiger,” of which he
had lost sight in foul weather on the tenth, had previously arrived at
Falmouth.
How fared the colony in “Virginia” after Sir Richard had left with the
ships is told in Ralph Lane’s report to Raleigh: “An account of the
particularities of the imployments of the English men left in Virginia
by Sir Richard Greenevill under the charge of Master Ralph Lane Generall
of the same, from the 17 of August 1585 until the 18 of June 1586 at
which time they departed the Countrey: sent and directed to Sir Walter
Ralegh.”
There were in all one hundred and eight men of the company remaining in
the colony. They finished the building of a fort on Roanoke Island,
which had apparently been begun before Grenville left; and set up their
houses, presumably of logs, the best of these thatched with grasses. But
their principal occupation was in exploration for discovery of the
country about them. These expeditions were mainly by water and only in
small boats, all the craft they had. One much used was a four-oared
boat, which could carry not more than fifteen men with their trappings
and provisions for seven days at the most. The largest apparently was
the pinnace built at St. John, but she drew too deep water for the
shallow sound about their settlement, and so could not be employed as
readily as the smaller rowboats. Others were “wherries,” perhaps
shipboats. With these slender facilities the extent of their
explorations was surprising. Their discoveries were extended from
Roanoke Island south, north, northwest, and west for considerable
distances. Southward the farthest point reached was “Secotan,” or
“Croatoan,” in the present county of Carteret at the southern end of
Pamlico Sound, which they estimated to be eighty miles from Roanoke
Island. To the northward they went one hundred and thirty miles to the
“Chesepians,” so passing into the present Virginia. They penetrated into
the Chesepian’s territory some fifteen miles from the shore, nearly
reaching the Chesapeake Bay, below Norfolk. Northwestward they travelled
one hundred and thirty miles to “Chawanook,” on the Chowan River, at a
point just below the junction of the Meherrin and the Nottaway rivers.
And westward they ascended the “River of Moratoc”—the Roanoke River—till
they were distant one hundred and sixty miles from Roanoke Island.
On the voyage up the Chowan, Lane learned from a native monarch,
“Menatonon,” king of the “province of Chawanook,” whom he had prisoner
with him for two days, and described as, “for a savage, a very grave and
wise man,” that by a canoe journey of three days, and overland four days
to the northeast, he would come to a rich king’s country which lay upon
the sea, whose place of greatest strength was an island in a deep bay.
This pointed to Chesapeake Bay and Craney Island, in Hampton Roads, at
the mouth of the Elizabeth River. Lane had early become satisfied that
Roanoke Island, with its poor harbour and the dangerous coast, was not
the fittest place for a settlement; and having Menatonon’s information
he resolved “with himself” that, should the expected supplies from
England come before the end of April, and with them more boats or more
men to build boats in reasonable time, he would seek out this king’s
stronghold; and if the country were as represented he would move the
colony to that point. This project was thoroughly and judiciously
planned, as appears in the outline of it that he gives in his report. He
would have two expeditions starting from Roanoke Island. One should go
out in a small bark and two pinnaces by sea northward to find the bay,
sound the bar if there were any, and to ride in the bay about the island
stronghold till the other should arrive. The other, led by himself,
should comprise two hundred men, taking all the small boats he could
have built, and should penetrate to the head of the “river of Chewanook”
(the Chowan), and thence overland. He would have with him Indian guides
whom Menatonon would provide: and that these guides would be selected
from the best of Menatonon’s men he was assured, for he had cleverly
retained the king’s “best beloved son,” "Skyko," as his prisoner or
hostage. He would, too, have this young brave keep company with him “in
a hand-locke with the rest, foote by foote all the voyage over-land.”
Thus, if he had been enabled to prosecute this venture to the finish
Lane would have found Chesapeake Bay and Craney Island, and removing his
colony thence, would have anticipated the settlement at Jamestown by
about twenty years. But the relief from England did not come as
expected, and in April Lane had a formidable Indian conspiracy against
the life of the colony to meet.
King Wingina became an enemy of the colony and plotted to destroy it.
His father, Ensenore, and his brother, Granganimeo, continued friendly,
and stayed his hand for a while. But Granganimeo died not long after the
arrival of the colony, and Ensenore died in April. Wingina, upon the
death of Granganimeo, changed his name to “Pemisapan,” and Pemisapan he
is afterward called in Lane’s report. The conspiracy was his conception,
and was formed immediately upon Ensenore’s death. Wanchese, the
companion of Manteo in the visit to England, was among the chief
conspirators. But Manteo remained the Englishmen’s staunch and steadfast
friend, and rendered them signal aid in times of their greatest perils.
Wingina’s cunning diplomacy was first exercised at the time of Lane’s
ascension of the Moratoc (Roanoke) River. This exploration Lane deemed
of large importance, the natives having reported “strange things” of the
head of that river, and told of a wondrous mine thereabouts, producing a
“marvellous mineral,” and a people skilled in refining ore. The river,
they said, sprang in a violent stream out of a huge rock, which stood so
near to the sea that in great storms the ocean’s waves were so beaten
into the river that its fresh water for a certain space grew salt and
brackish. In the opinion of Master Hariot, which Lane quoted, the head,
from the savages’ description of the country, rose either “from the bay
of Mexico or els from very neere unto the same, that openeth out into
the South Sea [the Pacific].” The mine was of copper and famed for its
richness among all the tribes of the region, those of the mainland as
well as on the river’s banks. Such abundant store of the metal had the
tribe dwelling nearest to it-the “Mangoaks”—that they beautified their
houses with large plates of it. These stories moved Lane to a great
effort to attain this promising point, for, as he observed, with a touch
of humor or of pessimism, in the light of previous western enterprises
of his countrymen, “the discovery of a good mine, or the passage to the
South Sea, or some other way to it, and nothing els can bring this
Countrey in request to be inhabited by our nation.”
Accordingly he planned his largest expedition to this end, comprising
some forty men with two “double wherries.” The head of the river, he was
told, was a thirty or forty days’ canoe voyage above the principal
Indian town on its banks, which had the same name as it—Moratoc.
Therefore he purposed to go up stream as far as the quantity of
provisions he could carry would supply his company, and then obtain
fresh provisions from the Moratocs or from the Mangoaks farther up. The
expedition started out in March. They had proceeded only three days on
their voyage from Menatonon’s dominions and had come to the Moratocs’
country, when they found that all the people had withdrawn and taken
their whole stock of corn with them into the interior. Not a single
savage could be seen in any of the towns or villages, nor a grain of
corn be found. The voyagers were now a hundred and sixty miles from
“home”—Roanoke Island—and with only two days’ victuals left. It was
evident that they had been betrayed by some of their own Indians, and
that the intent was to starve and so destroy them.
And so it proved. This was Pemisapan’s scheme. Lane had been obliged to
take Pemisapan into his confidence, because he depended upon him for a
guide to the Mangoaks, and the wily savage had secretly given the tribes
word of his coming, with the declaration that his real purpose was to
kill them all off. On the other hand, he had told Lane that the tribes
had such intention toward the English, plotting their destruction, and
had repeatedly urged him to go against them. He had told of a general
assembly by Manatonon at Chawanook of all his “Weroances” and allies to
the number of three thousand bows, to go against the English at Roanoke
Island; and had declared that the Mangoaks, who were able to bring as
many more fighting men to the enterprise, were in the same confederacy.
And true it was that at that time this assembly was held at Chawanook,
and the confederacy was formed, but this, as Menatonon afterward
confessed to Lane, was “altogether and wholly procured by Pemisapan
himselfe.” He had fabricated the story of the Englishmen’s hostile
intention in passing up the river, notwithstanding that they had entered
into a league of amity with representatives of both the Moratocs and the
Mangoaks, and they had heretofore dealt kindly with each other.
On the night of their arrival at the deserted villages, before placing
his sentinels, Lane informed his company of the situation they were in,
and of his belief that they had been betrayed and “drawen foorth upon a
vaine hope to be in the ende starved,” and he left it to be determined
by the majority whether they should venture the spending of all their
victuals in further voyaging onward with the hope of better luck above,
or return. That the matter might not be acted upon hastily, he advised
them to reserve their decision till the next morning. At that time they
resolved almost unanimously, “not three of the contrary opinion,” that,
“while there was one-half pint of corn for a man, they should not leave
the search of that river.” If the worst fell out they had two mastiffs
with them, and they could make shift to live on a “pottage” of these
dogs with sassafras leaves, for two days, which time, they then
returning, would bring them down the current back to the entrance to the
sound. They would patiently fast for two days, “rather than to draw back
a foot till they had seen the Mangoaks either as friends or foes.”
So these plucky Englishmen kept on for two days more when their victuals
were gone. Lying by the shore through the nights they saw nobody, but
they perceived fires at intervals along the shore where they were to
pass, and up into the country. On the afternoon of the second day they
heard savages call from the shore, as they thought, “Manteo,” who was
then in the boat with Lane. At this they were all glad, hoping for a
friendly conference. Manteo was bidden to answer. He did so, and
presently the savages began a song. This the Englishmen took as in token
of his welcome by them. But Manteo seized his piece, telling Lane that
they meant to fight. No sooner had his words been spoken and the “light
horsemen” made ready to be put on shore, than a volley of arrows lighted
amongst the company. None, however, was hurt. Immediately the other boat
lay ready with her shot to scour a place for the “hand weepons” to land.
A landing was quickly accomplished, although the shore was high and
steep. Then the savages fled. They were followed for a while till they
had “wooded themselves,” the pursuers knew not where. That night was
spent at this point, on guard.
The next morning all agreed that further advancement was impossible, for
there was no prospect of obtaining victuals. The worst had now fallen
out, and the party were obliged to resort to their “dogges porredge.” So
before sunrise they began their return voyage. By nightfall of the next
day they were within a few miles of the river’s mouth. They had rowed in
one day with the current as great a distance as they had made in four
days up stream against the current. That night they lodged upon an
island, where they had “nothing in the world to eat but pottage of
sassafras leaves.” They had next day to pass the broad sound with empty
stomachs. That day the wind blew so strong and the billows rose so high
that the passage could not then be made without danger of sinking their
boats. That evening was Easter eve, “which was fasted most truely.”
Easter morning, however, opened calmly, so that they could proceed with
safety. Late in the afternoon they arrived at Chypannum. The savages
they had left here had all fled, but their weirs yielded them some fish,
with which they thankfully broke their fast. The next morning they
reached “home,” at Roanoke.
Their return astonished and dismayed Pemisapan and his allies. A “bruit”
had been raised among the tribes that they had all been destroyed by the
Chaonists and the Mangoaks, part of them slain and part starved. This
had developed in Pemisapan and the hostile confederates a contempt for
the English. Instead of a “reverent opinion” that had formerly been
shown toward the Englishmen’s God, they had begun “flatly to say that
our Lorde God was not God since he suffered us to sustaine much hunger
and also to be killed.” Pemisapan had further planned to starve out the
rest of the colonists at Roanoke Island, and had now made ready to put
this plan into execution. He proposed to take his savages off and leave
his ground in the island unsown. This done, the English could not have
been preserved from starvation. For at that time they had no fish weirs
of their own, nor men skilled in making them; neither had they a grain
of corn for seed.
All was changed by Lane’s safe return with the whole of his party, and
by the reports of their adventures made to Pemisapan by three of his own
savages whom Lane had had with him besides Manteo; also by the knowledge
that Menatonon had been made prisoner, and his favourite son Skyko taken
and brought to Roanoke. “Old Ensenore” again became potent in
Pemisapan’s councils. He reasoned that the English were the servants of
God and could not be destroyed by them. Contrariwise, that those savages
that sought their destruction would find their own. That the English
“being dead men were able to doe them more hurt than now” they “could do
being alive.” It was an opinion confidently held by the “wisest” among
the tribes, as well by their old men, that at night when a hundred miles
from any of the living English some of their people had been shot at in
the air, and stricken by English men that had died among them from
sickness. And many of them believed that the English were “dead men
returned into the world againe, and that we doe not remaine dead but for
a certaine time, and that then we returne againe.”
Ensenore’s influence and such reasoning temporarily restored the
Englishmen’s power. But that which had the largest effect was an act of
Menatonon’s in bringing one of the kings to formal allegiance to the
English queen and to Sir Walter Raleigh:
“Within certaine dayes after my returne from the sayd journey [up the
Roanoke] Menatonon sent a messenger to visite his sonne the prisoner
with me, and sent me certaine pearle for a present, or rather, as
Pemisapan tolde mee, for the ransome of his sonne, and therefore I
refused them: but the greatest cause of his sending then, was to
signifie unto mee that hee had commanded Okisko, King of Weopomiok, to
yeelde himselfe servant, and homager to the great Weroanza of England,
and after her to Sir Walter Ralegh: to perfourme which commandement
received from Menatonon the sayd Okisko joyntly with this Menatonons
messenger sent foure and twentie of his principallest men to Roanoke to
Pemisapan, to signifie that they were ready to perfourme the same, and
so had sent those his men to let me knowe that from that time forwarde,
hee, and his successours were to acknowledge her Majestie their onely
Soveraigne and next unto her as aforesaid.”
This done and acknowledged by them all in the presence of Ensenore, and
Pemisapan and his council, apparently quite changed Pemisapan’s
disposition. At all events he agreed with Ensenore that his people
should set up weirs for the colonists, and sow his land. This was done,
and by the end of April the Indians had sown sufficient land to produce
a crop that would have kept the whole company for a year. The king also
gave the colonists a plot of land for themselves to sow. These
proceedings put them in “marvellous comfort,” for if they could keep
themselves till the opening of July, which was the beginning of the
Indian harvest, they would then have, even though their expected new
supplies from England had not then arrived, enough store of their own to
sustain them.
But Ensenore died within a few days after these promising arrangements,
and now Pemisapan perfected his conspiracy. The plot was artfully
contrived. First king Okisko of Weopomiok, who had so dramatically given
his allegiance to the English queen, was to be moved through the agency
of a “great quantitie of copper” to take a hand in it with the Mangoaks
to the number of seven or eight hundred bows. They of Weopomiok were to
be invited ostensibly to a “certaine kind of moneths mind,” or ceremony
which the savages were wont to hold in memory of a dead personage, in
this case Ensenore. At the same time the Mangoaks and the Chespians with
their allies, to the number of seven hundred, were to be assembled at
“Dasamonguepeio” or Dasamonguepeuk—the mainland lying west of Roanoke
Island. The clans here were to lie low in ambush till signals were
exchanged with the other forces, the signals to be fires, denoting the
moment for action. Then Pemisapan and his fellows were to seize and
execute Lane and some of his principal men, while the Dasamonguepeuk
bands were to cross to Roanoke and despatch the rest of the colony. It
was expected that they would then be dismayed by hunger and scattered
over the island and elsewhere, seeking crabs and fish for food. For it
was to be agreed that from the time of the formation of the conspiracy
no corn or other supplies should be sold the colony, and that the weirs
which had been built for them should be robbed at night and broken up.
By these means Pemisapan felt assured that Lane would be enforced for
lack of sustenance at Roanoke to disband his people into sundry places
to live upon shell fish as the savages themselves were accustomed to do
while their corn was growing.
Lane and his chief men were to be despatched in this fashion. Two of
Pemisapan’s principal braves, “very lustie fellows,” with twenty more,
were charged with Lane’s taking off. “In the dead time of the night they
would have beset my house and put fire in the reedes that the same was
covered with: meaning (as it was likely) that my selfe would have come
running out of a sudden amazed in my shirt without armes, upon the
instant whereof they would have knockt out my braines. The same order
was given to certaine of his fellowes for M. Heriots: so for the rest of
our better sort, all our houses at one instant being set on fire as
afore is saide, and that as well for them of the fort as for us at the
towne.” It was arranged that the blow should be struck on the tenth of
June.
In the meantime Pemisapan continued an ostentatious show of friendship.
But Lane was aware of his designs. He was kept informed by young Skyko,
his prisoner, who was in the confidence of Pemisapan, the plotter
believing that he was secretly the Englishmen’s “enemy to the death.” At
one time he had attempted to escape, when Lane put him in the “bylboes”
and threatened to cut off his head, but refrained from that drastic
punishment at Pemisapan’s earnest entreaty. So Pemisapan held him his
true friend, for favours received. Afterward, however, he was well used
by Lane, while the colonists generally made much of him, and he became
attached to them. Lane accepted Pemisapan’s show of friendship while the
scheme was maturing, and bided his time to spring a trap on his savage
enemies.
While laying his plans Pemisapan went over to Dasamonguepeuk for three
causes. One was to see his grounds there broken up and sowed for a
second crop; another to avoid Lane’s daily calls upon him for the sale
of victuals for the colonists, his stock of excuses apparently having
become exhausted; the third, to despatch his messengers to Weopomiok and
to the Mangoaks. King Okisko declined to be a party to the conspiracy
and retired with his forces into the mainland. The others joined it.
Lane relied on Menatonon and the Chaonists who since his last visit to
them had given tokens of a desire to join in perfect league with the
English. One expectation of Pemisapan’s was realized. The shortage of
food had become so serious that Lane was obliged to scatter the
colonists. Captain Stafford with twenty men was sent to Croatoan, “My
Lord Admirals Island,” there to find food for themselves, and also to
watch for any shipping that might appear upon the coast, the expected
relief fleet, or any other, and give warning of the approach. Master
Pridiox and the “Provost Marshal,” with ten others, were sent in the
pinnace to Hastorask, there to live as best they could, and look for
shipping. Sixteen or twenty of the rest of the colony were sent every
week to the mainland “over against us,” to live on “casada” and oysters.
To put “suspicion out of his head” that his conspiracy was known, and to
draw him on, Lane sent word to Pemisapan that he was presently to go to
Croatoan, since he had heard of the arrival of his relief fleet from
England (which he had not), and asking him to loan some of his men to
fish for the colonists. Pemisapan made reply that he would come himself.
But he deferred from day to day. At length on the last day of May his
savages began to “make their assembly at Roanoak at his commandement
sent abroad to them.” Now Lane took the aggressive.
"I resolved not to stay longer upon his comming over, since he meant to
come with so good company, but thought good to go and visit him with
such as I had, which I resolved to do the next day: but that night I
meant by the way to give them in the Island a canvisado, and at the
instant to seize upon all the canoas about the Island to keepe him from
advertisements. But the towne tooke the alarme before I meant it to
them: the occasion was this. I had sent the Master of the light horsman,
with a few with him, to gather up all the canoas in the setting of the
Sun, & to take as many as were going from us to Dasamonguepeio, but to
suffer any that came from thence, to land. He met with a Canoa going
from the shore, and overthrew the Canoa and cut off two Savages heads:
this was not done so secretly but he was discovered from the shore;
whereupon the cry arose: for in trueth they, privy to their owne
villanous purposes against us, held as good espiall [spy] upon us, both
by day and night, as we did upon them. The allarme given they tooke
themselves to their bowes and we to our armes: some three or foure of
them at the first were slaine with our shot: the rest fled into the
woods.
“The next morning with the light horsman & one Canoa taking 25 with the
Colonel of the Chesepians, and the Sergeant major, I went to
Dasamonguepeio: and being landed, sent Pemisapan word by one of his owne
Savages that met me at the shore, that I was going to Croatoan, and
meant to take him in the way to complaine unto him of Osocon who the
night past was conveying away my prisoner, whom I had there present tied
in a handlocke. Heereupon the king did abide my comming to him, and
finding my selfe amidst seven or eight of his principall Weroances and
followers, (not regarding any of the common sort) I gave the watchword
agreed upon (which was, Christ our victory) and immediately those his
chiefe men and himselfe had by the mercy of God for our deliverance,
that which they had purposed for us. [In other words they were slain.]
The king himselfe being shot thorow by the Colonell with a pistoll,
lying on the ground for dead, & I looking as watchfully for the saving
of Manteos friends, as others were busie that none of the rest should
escape, suddenly he started up and ran away as though he had not bene
touched, insomuch as he overran all the company, being by the way shot
thwart the buttocks by mine Irish boy with my petronell. In the end an
Irish man serving me, one Nugent, and the deputy provost, undertooke
him; and following him in the woods, overtooke him; and I in some doubt
least we had lost both the king & my man by our owne negligence to have
beene intercepted by the Savages, wee met him returning out of the woods
with Pemisapans head in his hand.”
So ended Pemisapan’s conspiracy.
Seven days later word came to Lane at Roanoke from Captain Stafford at
Croatoan that he had sighted a great fleet of three and twenty sail
approaching the coast: but whether they were friends or foes he could
not discern, and he advised the governor to “stand upon as good guard”
as he could. They proved to be the fleet of Sir Francis Drake on his
“prosperous” return from the sacking of St. Domingo, Cartagena, and St.
Augustine. This spoiling of Spanish possessions accomplished, Sir
Francis had turned from the direct homeward course to visit Sir Walter’s
colony and see how it fared with them. The next day Captain Stafford
followed close upon his messenger, having travelled through the night
before and that day twenty miles by land, and arrived at Roanoke with a
letter from Sir Francis conveying a “most bountifull and honourable
offer” to the governor. He would supply the colony with what necessities
they required,—victuals, clothing, munitions, barks, pinnaces, and boats
manned and provisioned. The following day the fleet appeared in the road
of Roanoke’s “bad harborow” and came there to anchor. And the next, Lane
and Drake met on his flagship and exchanged greetings.
Sir Francis renewed his offer, to which he said all the captains of his
fleet had assented, and asked for details of the colony’s needs.
Thanking him and his captains with warmth for their generosity Lane
craved the following: That Drake would take with him to England a number
of weak and unfit men of the colony, and in their places supply oarsmen,
artificers, and others; that he would leave sufficient shipping and
provisions to carry the colonists into August or later, when they might
have to return to England; also some ships’ masters, not only to convey
them to England “when time should be,” but to search the coast for some
better harbour, if there were one; provide them a number of small boats;
and supply them with “calievers, hand weapons, match and lead, tooles,
apparell, and such like.” All these desires Sir Francis stood ready
cheerfully to meet. At his request Lane sent to him the various officers
of the colony with their lists of needs—the “Master of the Victuals,”
the “Keeper of the Store,” the “Vice-treasurer.” Drake forthwith turned
over to Lane the “Francis” of his fleet, “a very proper bark of 70 tun,”
and ordered her to be provisioned for an hundred men for four months.
Also, two pinnaces and four small boats. And two of his masters, with
their consent, were assigned to Lane’s service till the time he had
promised for their return to England.
On the twelfth the bark was provisioned, the two loaned masters were
aboard her, and several of Lane’s best men, ready to pass from the
fleet’s anchorage to Roanoke Island. The very next morning an unwonted
storm arose which scattered the fleet. The tempest raged through four
days, and “had like to have driven all on shore if the Lord had not held
his loving hand over them, and the Generall very providentially forseene
the worst himselfe.” As it was, several of the fleet were driven to put
to sea, while the “Francis,” with her precious cargo, the two masters,
and Lane’s choice men, was seen to be free from the others and also “to
put cleere to Sea.” After the storm was over Drake came ashore and
offered Lane another ship, provisioned as the “Francis” had been, and
with another master. This was a large bark, the “Bonner,” of one hundred
and seventy tons, and Sir Francis said that she could not be brought
into the harbour but must be left in the road.
Thereupon Lane called his remaining chiefs into council, and the upshot
of their deliberations, considering the situation of the colony,—their
reduced numbers, the carrying away of the “Francis” with her provisions
and company, the hopelessness of the arrival of Sir Richard Grenville
with the relief fleet now long overdue,—was the decision that Sir
Francis’s second offer, “though most honourable of his part,” must be
declined, and that he be petitioned in all their names to give the
colony passage with him back to England. This request Lane personally
delivered, and Drake promptly granted. Accordingly his pinnaces were
sent to Roanoke to take off the men and their effects. But the weather
was yet boisterous, and the pinnaces were so often aground that much
valuable stuff was lost. “The most of all we had, with all our Cards
[charts], Books, and writings were by the Sailers cast overboard, the
greater number of the fleet being much aggrieved with their long and
dangerous abode in that miserable road.”
The returning colonists were bestowed among the several ships, and on
the nineteenth all set sail for home, where they duly arrived, at
Portsmouth, on the twenty-seventh of July.
Almost immediately after the colonists had abandoned Roanoke and sailed
off with Drake, a ship sent out by Raleigh at his “sole charges” to
their relief, arrived on the coast of Carolina. She had left England
after Easter, freighted plentifully with stores most necessary for the
infant colony. When her captain found this “paradise of the world,” as
he termed their seat, deserted, he returned with his cargo to England.
Hakluyt gives the brief account of this voyage as third in the series of
Raleigh’s Virginia expeditions. A fortnight later Sir Richard
Grenville’s delayed relief fleet, comprising three ships full laden with
supplies of all sorts, at last arrived at the deserted place. In order
to preserve possession of the country for England he left fifteen men
(not fifty as some after chroniclers stated) at Roanoke Island, and then
returned as he had come.
While so much material was lost by the colonists in the hurry of
departure, Thomas Hariot preserved notes from which he subsequently
wrote out a particular and helpful description of the country of
“Virginia,” its inhabitants, productions, animals, birds, and fishes,
which was first published in 1588 and Hakluyt reproduced the next year;
and John White brought home many sketches, drawings, and water colours,
which subsequently appeared as illustrations of Hariot’s book.
Others of the colonists brought home specimens of the country’s
products, among them the tobacco plant and the potato root. Both were
first introduced into general use in Europe by Raleigh.
[Illustration:
A MAP OF VIRGINIA, 1585.
From the map in Hariot’s “Relation.”
]
XXI
RALEIGH’S LOST COLONY
Upon the return of his first colonists Raleigh at once bent his superb
energies to the formation of his second or New Colony. The failure of
the first colonists instead of dismaying inspirited him to larger
effort. Lane’s report and Hariot’s account of the excellencies of the
country moved him to plan his New Colony on a broader scale. He would
now plant in “Virginia” a prosperous English agricultural state. The new
colonists should include families, men, women, and children, and a
regular government should be established at the outset. In accord with
Lane’s theory, Roanoke Island should be passed by and the New Colony be
seated on Chesapeake Bay.
To these ends Raleigh sagaciously determined to admit a number of
investors to share in the privileges of his patent, and under date of
January seventh, 1587, he executed an instrument granting a charter to
thirty-two persons for the new settlement. These were divided into two
classes. Nineteen, comprising one class, were gentlemen or merchants of
London who were to venture their money in the enterprise; thirteen,
constituting the other class, were to venture their persons. The latter
were to be known by the corporate name of “The Governour and Assistants
of the Citie of Ralegh in Virginia,” and were described as “late of
London gentlemen.” The former were styled “merchants of London and
adventurers.” They were to be “free of the corporation, company, and
society ... in the citie of Ralegh intended to be erected and builded,”
and were to adventure “divers and sundry sums of money, merchandises and
shipping, munition, victual, and other commodities” into “Virginia.” In
consideration of their investment they were granted free trade in the
new settlement and in any other settlement that Raleigh might make by
future discovery in America; and were exempted from all duties on their
commerce, rents, or subsidies. An appropriation was made to them of one
hundred pounds, to be ventured in any way they should see fit, the
profits to be applied in “Virginia” in “planting the Christian religion
and advancing the same,” and for “the common utility and profit of the
inhabitants thereof.” In this indenture Raleigh as the grantor was
styled “Chief governour of Assamocomoc, alias Wingandacoa alias
Virginia.” In the list of the nineteen investing “merchants” appears the
name of Richard Hakluyt. At the head of the thirteen to be planters of
the “citie of Ralegh” was John White, the artist and man-of-affairs of
the “Old Colony,” as governor; and among these was his son-in-law
Ananias Dare, who became the father of Virginia Dare.
The company brought together to plant this colony numbered one hundred
and fifty persons, of whom seventeen were women and nine were “boys and
children.” They embarked on three ships in charge of Simon Ferdinando,
and sailed from Portsmouth harbour on April the twenty-sixth, 1587.
The narrative of the outward voyage Hakluyt first published under the
title, “The fourth voyage made to Virginia with three ships in the yere
1587. Wherein was transported the second Colonie.” The narrator early
displayed a feeling of resentment against Ferdinando, which grew in
warmth as the account proceeded; and this feeling seems to have been
fully justified by the captain’s conduct. He was a Spaniard by birth,
and it has been conjectured that he was acting in the interest of Spain.
Another explanation of his strange course is found in his differences
with White on the voyage. He unquestionably lied on more than one
occasion; ruthlessly abandoned one of the ships of the fleet at sea and
“grieved” at her reappearance with her passengers at the end of the
voyage; nearly wrecked his ship off Cape Fear; and when Roanoke Island
was reached refused to carry the colonists further, regardless of
Raleigh’s positive directions to deliver them at Chesapeake Bay,
stopping at Roanoke only long enough to take on, if found, the fifteen
men left there by Grenville. He is said to have been twice before on the
coast of Carolina as a pilot. He was with Captains Amadas and Barlow on
their reconnoitering expedition, and his second voyage may have been
with Grenville’s relief fleet. His name appeared among the twelve
assistants to Governor White.
The narrative begins with the crispness of a diary.
"Our fleete being in number three saile, viz., the Admirall [the "Lion"]
a ship of one hundred and twentie Tunnes, a Flie boate, and a Pinnesse,
departed the sixe and twentieth of April from Portesmouth, and the same
day came to an ancher at the Cowes in the Isle of Wight, where wee
stayed eight dayes.
"The fift of May at nine of the clocke at night we came to Plimmouth,
where we remained the space of two dayes.
"The 8 we weyed anker at Plimmouth and departed thence for Virginia.
"The 19 [June] we fell with Dominica, and the same evening we sayled
betweene it and Guadalupe:
"The 21 the Fly-boat also fell with Dominica.
“The 22 we came to an anker at an Island called Santa Cruz, where all
the planters were set on land, staying there till the 25 of the same
moneth.”
At their first landing here a number of the company, men and women, ate
freely of a “small fruit like green apples,” which they found in
abundance, and soon were “fearfully troubled” with a burning in their
mouths, and swelling of their tongues “so bigge that some of them could
not speake.” The first night five great tortoise were caught, “some of
them of such bignes that sixteene of our strongest men were tired with
carying of one of them but from the seaside to our cabbins.” They sought
a fit watering place, but found only a “standing ponde,” the water of
which was so “evill” that many of the company fell sick from drinking
it; while those who washed their faces with it in the morning before the
sun had drawn off the corruption, suffered a burning sensation, and
their faces became so swollen that their eyes were closed and they could
not see in “five or sixe dayes, or longer.”
The next stopping place was “Cottea,” which was reached two days after
leaving Santa Cruz, the pinnace arriving there before the admiral. Here
they lay at anchor for a day and a night. Next they came to anchor at
St. John’s, in “Musketos Bay.”
At this place three days were spent taking in fresh water, and
“unprofitable,” since during their stay more “beere” was consumed than
the “quantitie of the water came unto.” When they weighed anchor and
were off again, two Irishmen of the company—"Darbie Glaven and Denice
Carrell"—were left behind.
No more stops were permitted by Captain Ferdinando till they were off
the coast of Florida. On the evening after the departure from Mosquito
Bay they fell in with “Rosse Bay,” where Ferdinando had promised they
should take in salt. White appointed “thirty shot, tenne pikes, and ten
targets” to man the pinnace to go to the shore for this purpose, and
they were about to start out when Ferdinando demurred. He was not sure,
he now said, that this was really the place where the salt was to be
obtained. Besides, if the pinnace should go she could not come back
without peril till the next night. Meanwhile should a storm arise the
admiral would be in danger of being cast away. While thus arguing, as
the narrator avers, he had craftily got the ship into shoal water, and
suddenly “dissembling great danger” he cried to the helmsman, “Bear up
hard! Bear up hard!” So she went off, and they were “disappointed of
salt by his meanes.” The next day, sailing along the west end of St.
John, White desired to go ashore at “St. Germans Bay,” to gather young
plants of oranges, lemons, plantans, and pines to set out in “Virginia.”
These grew in plenty near the shore, as was well known to the governor
and some of the other planters who had been with the first colony. But
“our Simon” denied it, and refused to stop. He however promised to come
to anchor at Hispaniola. There he would go ashore with the governor and
other of the chief men, to see if he could speak with “his friend
Alanson,”—the Spanish governor of Hispaniola,—by whom he hoped to be
furnished with cattle, and all such things as they could have taken at
St. John. The next day, the third of July, they came to Hispaniola. All
that day they bore with the coast, and the next, and till noon of the
following, but no preparation was made to land. When they had passed the
place where “friend Alanson” dwelt, the governor demanded of the captain
whether he intended to keep his promise. Whereupon Ferdinando coolly
declared that it was to no purpose to touch at Hispaniola, for he had
been told by Sir Walter Raleigh, who had it from the French ambassador,
that the king of Spain had sent for Alanson to come to Spain: and
Ferdinando really thought him dead.
So the next day they sailed out of sight of Hispaniola, and “haled off
for Virginia.” Coming to the “Island Caycos” Ferdinando told of two good
salt ponds here. Accordingly a landing was made, and the better part of
a day spent in roaming about this isle: some of the company seeking the
salt ponds which they did not find; others fowling; others hunting
swans, “whereof we caught many.” The next land sighted was the Carolina
coast. On July sixteenth they fell with the “main of Virginia.”
Ferdinando took it to be the island of Croatoan, and came to anchor. But
after riding here for two or three days he found out his mistake. Then
setting sail again he bore farther along the coast. The following night
“had not Captaine Stafford bene more carefull in looking out than our
Simon Ferdinando, we had bene all cast away upon the beach called the
Cape of Feare, for we were come within two cables length of it: such was
the carelesnes and ignorance of our Master.”
On the twenty-second of July the ships were safe arrived at Hastorask.
Immediately upon their arrival Governor White with forty of his best men
went aboard the pinnace to pass up to Roanoke Island forthwith and seek
the fifteen men left by Grenville. When they had been met, as he
confidently expected they would be, and after a conference with them as
to the state of affairs, he was to return, and the fleet were without
further delay to sail up the coast to the Chesapeake Bay country. But as
soon as the pinnace with his party had put off from the admiral
Ferdinando caused one of his chief men to call out to her sailors not to
bring the party back from Roanoke Island, but to leave them there, all
except the governor, “and two or three such as he approved”: for the
summer was far spent, and therefore Ferdinando would “land the planters
in no other place.” Since it appeared that all the sailors both in the
pinnace and on board the admiral were in agreement with Ferdinando’s
decision, it “booted not the governour to contend with them.”
Accordingly he proceeded to Roanoke and made preparations there for the
temporary accommodation at least of his colonists.
The island was reached at sunset and White and his companions landed at
the point where he understood that Grenville’s fifteen men had
established themselves. Not one was found. But the discovery of the
bones of one of them led the searchers to fear that all had perished at
the hands of the Indians. The next morning White with several of his
party walked up to the Old Colony’s plantation at the north end of the
island, hoping there to find some trace of the missing men. The place
was deserted. The fort had been razed, and its site was overgrown with
vines. The “decent dwelling houses” of the colony yet stood, but they
were open to the weather, and, like the site of the fort, overgrown with
vines, and within them deer were feeding. With this melancholic
spectacle the governor’s party returned “without hope of ever seeing any
of the fifteene men living.”
Then the governor gave orders for the repairing of the houses on the
deserted plantation and for the erection of new cottages; and when this
work was well under way the colonists were all brought up here. On the
twenty-fifth the fly-boat appeared in the road off Roanoke with all her
passengers safe, to the joy of their fellow planters and the grief of
Ferdinando. For when he had “purposely left them in the Bay of Portugal,
and stole away from them in the night,” he had hoped that the master of
the ship, Edward Spicer, “for that he had never bene in Virginia would
hardly finde the place, or els being left in so dangerous a place as
that was, by meanes of so many men of warre as at that time were abroad,
they would surely be taken or slain.” Such is the record, but let us
cherish the hope that the chronicler misinterpreted Ferdinando’s strange
act, and that he was not guilty of so diabolical a scheme.
On the twenty-eighth, when the new colonists were probably settling
themselves at Roanoke, one of the assistants, George Howe, was set upon
and slain by a little band of Indians who had come over to the island
either to spy upon the new comers, or to hunt deer, or both. He was
alone at the time, and some distance from the plantation, wading in the
water catching crabs with a forked stick. He was only half dressed and
had no weapon, his gun perhaps having been left on the shore. The
savages stealthily approached him from a hiding place among tall reeds,
where deer were often found asleep, and killed by the Indian hunters.
They sprang at his back and gave him sixteen wounds with their arrows,
finally beating him to death with their wooden swords. The deed done,
they “fled over the water to the main.” These savages belonged to the
remnant of the dead Wingina’s—or Pemisapan’s—people, who were now
dwelling on the mainland at Dasamonguepeuk.
The quest for traces of the fifteen men was continued while the work of
setting up the plantation was going forward. On the last day of July
Master Stafford and twenty men started off with Manteo for the island of
Croatoan, where Manteo’s kindred dwelt, and where the Indians had been
friendly with the Old Colony, hoping from them to get some definite news
of the lost men. At the same time the new comers would renew “old
friendships” and endeavour to ascertain the present attitude of the
other tribes of the country, besides Pemisapan’s broken band, toward the
English. Upon their landing at Croatoan the natives appeared on their
guard, but when Manteo showed himself and called to them in their own
language, they threw down their bows and arrows and made hospitable
demonstrations. When told that the Englishmen were come to renew the
“old love” with assurances of their desire to live with them only as
“brethren and friends” they were greatly pleased, and invited the
visitors “to walke up to their Towne”: which they did, and there were
feasted. Then at a conference that followed, the fate of the fifteen men
was revealed. They had been attacked by a band from Pemisapan’s former
confederates and driven from Roanoke Island, and all had disappeared,
most of them killed, the others probably drowned. As the Croatoans told
it the story thus ran.
Eleven of the fifteen were at Roanoke when the attack was made: the
remaining four were off in a creek gathering oysters. The attacking
band, composed of thirty savages, crept to the island and hid themselves
behind trees, which were thick near the houses where the Englishmen were
living carelessly. Two of the band first approached the houses as if
alone, and apparently unarmed, and with friendly signs called for two of
the Englishmen to come out without their arms and speak with them. The
Englishmen unsuspiciously acquiesced. When the four met and one of the
Indians was embracing one of the Englishmen, the other Indian drew his
wooden sword from beneath his mantle, and slew this Englishman. His
companion fled toward the houses while the remainder of the band sprang
from their hiding places and pursued him with a flight of arrows. The
little body of Englishmen crowded into the house where all their weapons
and their provisions were, and prepared for a stubborn defence.
Presently, however, the savages set the house afire, and they were
driven into the open with what weapons they could catch up. A skirmish
followed and continued for above an hour, in which the Indians had the
advantage through their nimbleness in dodging behind trees. At length
the surviving Englishmen backed fighting to the waterside where their
boat lay. Taking to the boat they fled toward Hastorask, on the way
picking up the four who had been absent on the oyster trip. All landed
on a small island near Hatteras. Here they were able to remain only for
a little while. Their departure from this place was the last heard of
them. It was supposed that in making their escape they were drowned.
As to the disposition of the natives in the other towns nothing decisive
was obtained. It was therefore agreed at this conference that the
Croatoans should undertake to convey a message to those that had before
come into Pemisapan’s confederation, and bring back to Roanoke either
their chief “governours” or their answer to the English governor within
seven days. Those towns were to be told that if they would accept the
friendship of the new colonists all past unfriendly dealings on both
sides, the Indian and the English, would be forgiven and forgotten. All
their business being despatched, Master Stafford and his party departed
the same day and returned to Roanoke to await the outcome of these
negotiations.
When the seven days had passed and no tidings had come from the men of
Croatoan on their mission of peace, the governor now determined to
avenge the killing of George Howe and the driving off of Grenville’s men
by moving upon the remnant of Pemisapan’s men at Dasamonguepeuk. So with
Captain Stafford, and a force of twenty-four men, one of them Manteo as
guide, he set out on this expedition at midnight of the eighth of
August. The party crossed to the mainland and landed early the next
morning, while it was yet dark, near the enemy’s dwelling place.
Silently passing through a stretch of woods they came to a point where
they had the Indians’ houses between them and the water. Then—"having
espied their fire and some sitting about it, we presently set on them:
the miserable soules herewith amazed, fled into a place of thicke
reedes, growing fast by, where our men perceiving them, shot one of them
through the bodie with a bullet; and therewith we entred the reedes,
among which we hoped to acquite their evill doing towards us": when it
was discovered that a sad mistake had been made. For “those Savages were
our friends, and were come from Croatoan to gather the corne & fruit of
that place, because they understood our enemies were fled immediately
after they had slain George Howe, and for haste had left all their
corne, Tobacco, and Pompions standing in such sort, that al had bene
devoured of the birds, and Deere, if it had not bene gathered in time:
but they had like to have payd deerely for it: for it was so darke, that
they being naked, and their men and women apparelled all so like others,
wee knew not but that they were all men: and if that one of them, a
Wiroance’s [chief man’s] wife, had not had a child at her backe, shee
had been slain in stead of a man; and as hap was another Savage knew
master Stafford, and ran to him, calling him by his name, whereby he was
saved.” The Englishmen did what they could in reparation of their
blunder. They gathered all the corn and other crops found ripe, leaving
the rest unspoiled, and took the chief man’s wife and child and others
of the savages back to Roanoke with them. Although Manteo was grieved at
this mishap to his own people, he imputed their harm to their own folly,
saying to them that if their Wiroances had kept their promise and come
to the governor and reported at the time appointed they had not suffered
such mischance.
A few days after the return from this expedition,—on the thirteenth of
August,—the unique ceremony of christening the savage Manteo and
investing him with the title of “Lord of Roanoke” was performed before
the assembled colonists. This was done by order of Raleigh before the
colonists left England, and was in reward of his faithful service. On
the eighteenth was recorded the birth of a daughter “to Elenor, daughter
to the Governour, and wife to Ananias Dare, one of the Assistants,” and
on the Sunday following, the christening of the infant: “and because
this child was the first Christian borne in Virginia, she was named
Virginia.” Afterward—the date is not given—a child was born to the wife
of Dyonis Harvie: the second white child born in the colony.
By about the third week in August the ships had unladen the goods and
victuals of the planters and begun to take in wood and fresh water, and
the workmen had started newly to calk and trim them for the return
voyage to England; while the planters were preparing their home letters
and “tokens” to go back on them. They were ready to depart on the
twenty-first, when a violent tempest broke from the northeast. The
“Lion,” then riding out of the harbour, was forced to cut her cables and
put to sea. The planters feared that she had been cast away, the more so
because at the time that the storm struck her the most and the best of
her sailors were ashore. She, however, lay outside beating off and on
for six days, and with clearing weather, on the morning of the
twenty-seventh, she reappeared without the bar, and was riding beside
the fly-boat, both again ready for the departure.
In the meantime some controversies had arisen between the governor and
the assistants over the selection of two of their number to return with
the ships as factors for the company to their associates in London. For
none desired to go. After much persuading by the governor, Christopher
Cooper agreed to be one of the two. But the next day, through the
persuasions of “divers of his familiar friends,” he changed his mind,
and withdrew his acceptance. Thereupon the whole company with “one
voice” requested the governor himself to go. He, it was argued, could
better and sooner than any other obtain the supplies and necessaries for
the comfort and development of the colony. But he refused. He could not
so soon return he declared, leaving behind so many whom he “partly had
procured through his perswasions to leave their native countrey” and
embark in this venture, without discredit. At his return in England some
enemies of himself and of the enterprise “would not spare to slander
falsely both him and the action, by saying hee went to Virginia but
politikely, and to no other end but to leade so many into a countrey in
which hee never meant to stay himselfe, and there to leave them behind
him.” Besides, it had been agreed that the colony should presently
remove fifty miles farther up into the main. If this should be done, and
he being absent, his own stuff and goods might be spoiled, or pilfered
in transportation, so that at his coming back he would be forced to
provide himself of all such things again; and he had already had some
proof of the insecurity of his property when once absent from the colony
for only three days. Now stronger pressure was brought by his
associates, and they agreed to give him their bond, “under all their
handes and seales” for the safe preservation of all his things at his
return to Virginia, so that if any were lost or spoiled such would be
made good to him or his assigns. Under this pressure and with the
execution of the bond, he reluctantly reversed his decision, and made
ready to go.
Since Captain Ferdinando was now impatient to be off, the governor had
only half a day’s time to prepare for sailing. He left Roanoke on the
morning of the twenty-seventh and at midnight boarded the fly-boat. The
next morning both ships weighed anchor.
Before he left the plantation White had agreed with the assistants that
should the colony move from Roanoke before his return they should carve
on a tree trunk or other conspicuous post, the name of the place to
which they had gone.
Of his parting from his associates, or from his daughter Eleanor and his
little grandchild, nothing is said in the record. Nor of the wistful
farewells as the ships sailed off for the home that the more than a
hundred colonists left behind were never again to see. Here their story
abruptly ends. How they lived after the ships had sailed away, and how
they perished, or what was their fate, none can tell. With the departure
of Governor White history closes the chapter.
* * * * *
The return voyage was one of hardship and adventure. At the very start,
at the weighing of their anchors, twelve of the fly-boat’s men were
thrown from the capstan and hurt, and for a time only five of her
complement of fifteen men were able to do the ship’s work. Nevertheless
she kept company with the “Lion” for about twenty days. Then seeing that
Ferdinando did not mean to make any haste for home, but was determined
to loiter along the way in the hope of taking Spanish prizes, she left
the admiral and struck out on her own hook for England. Repeated storms
were encountered on the passage; through “foure dayes together” her
master could see “neither sunne nor starre”; her fresh water gave out;
several of her sailors sickened and two died. At length on the sixteenth
of October she made the Irish coast and came to Smerwick. A few days
after her arrival the boatswain, the steward, and the boatswain’s mate
died. Subsequently White took passage on another ship, sailing from
Dingen for England, and landed at Cornwall on the fifth of November. The
fly-boat came up three days later to Hampton. Here it was learned that
the “Lion” had arrived three weeks before, at Portsmouth. Ferdinando had
experienced hard luck. He and his company “were not onely come home
without any purchase [seizure] but also in such weaknesse by sicknesse
and death of the chiefest men, that they were scarce able to bring their
ship into harbour, but were forced to let fall their anker without which
they could not wey againe, but might all have perished there if a small
barke by great hap had not come to them to help them.”
White at his return found the whole kingdom in a turmoil over the
threatened invasion by the “Invincible Armada” of Spain,—that “mightie”
navy, “as never the like before that time had sailed the Ocean sea,”
comprising nearly one hundred and forty grand ships and thirty thousand
fighting men, among them many grandees and gentlemen volunteers,—Philip
of Spain’s now open and bold stroke for the conquest of England, and her
“reduction to his Catholic religion,” in revenge for the “disgrace,
contempt, and dishonour” which he had “endured of the English nation.”
Raleigh, Grenville, and Lane, the latter knighted after his return from
America, were all members of the council of war that Elizabeth had
hurriedly called together; while other friends of American colonization
were engrossed in affairs of state. Scant attention, therefore, to the
needs of the distant handful of colonists could be expected at this time
of peril at home. Yet Raleigh was quick to act, and generously, in their
behalf. In the thick of his activities for England’s defence, he found
leisure to fit out, again at his own charges, a small fleet to be
despatched at the earliest moment with supplies and probably a few new
colonists. Grenville was to take charge as commander of this expedition,
and White, of course, was to return with him. But before the ships were
ready to sail all of them were impressed by the government, and Sir
Richard was required to attend Sir Walter in Cornwall and train troops
there. Not long after another attempt was made. White, with Raleigh’s
aid, succeeded in obtaining two barks, and with these he sailed on the
twenty-second of April, 1588, bound for Virginia. But their men were
more anxious to fight the Spaniards than to hasten to the colony. In an
encounter at sea with Spanish ships they were worsted and were obliged
to limp back ingloriously to England. So this intended voyage was
abandoned.
Nothing more was done or well could be done under the condition of
affairs for nearly two years. In July and August, 1588, the “Invincible
Armada” was defeated and dispersed. While with Howard, the lord high
admiral, Drake, Hawkins, and Frobisher bore off the larger glory for
this signal achievement, Raleigh shared in all the dangers of the
protracted sea fight. But with the return of comparative tranquility he
found himself too much reduced in means to prosecute his colonial
projects to the extent of his desires. He had expended in his various
ventures upward of forty thousand pounds for which he had received no
return. Still he continued undaunted to do what he could to accomplish
his ends. With his assistance in March, 1590, an opportunity opening,
White made another effort to get to the colony, and this time succeeded
in reaching “Virginia.”
The opportunity was furnished by an enterprise of John Watts, a London
merchant. Watts had a fleet of three ships at Plymouth in readiness to
sail ostensibly for a trading voyage to the West Indies, when they were
held up by a general order of government prohibiting any vessel from
leaving England. White hearing of this sought Sir Walter and proposed
that he should use his influence to obtain a license for these ships to
proceed on their intended voyage, upon the condition that they should
transport White and a few other passengers with their belongings,
together with a quantity of provisions, and land them at Virginia.
Thereby, White urged, the “people of Virginia [if it were God’s
pleasure] might speedily be comforted and relieved without further
charges unto him.” Raleigh readily obtained the desired license, the
ships’ owner to be bound to him or his assigns in three thousand pounds,
to carry out the agreement. But, as White afterward wrote to Richard
Hakluyt, the bond was not taken according to the terms. No passengers
were permitted to embark or any goods to be shipped, except White alone
with his chest. He was not even allowed “so much as a boy” for his
personal service. This “crosse and unkind dealing” much “discontented”
him; but the fleet being all ready to sail when he went aboard there was
no time to make complaint to Raleigh. It was apparent that the
“governours, masters, and sailors” of the enterprise, “regarding very
smally the good of their countreymen in Virginia, determined nothing
less [no more] than to touch at those places, but wholly disposed
themselves to seek after purchase and spoiles.”
The story of this quest, White’s last one, is White’s own “true
discourse” written for Hakluyt, and presented with this title: “The fift
voyage of M. John White into the West Indies and parts of America called
Virginia, in the yeere 1590.”
At the start from Plymouth the fleet comprised the “Hopewell,” the “John
Evangelist,” the “Little John,” and two small shallops. They sailed on
the twentieth of March, and so much time was lost on the outward voyage,
largely in chasing and taking prizes, that the Carolina coast was not
reached till the beginning of August. Along the way they were joined by
Captain Edward Spicer, with a pinnace, whom they had left in England.
They came first upon this coast in a storm, and on the third of August
were off low sandy islands west of Wocokon. But the weather was so foul
that they were forced to put to sea again, and there remain for six
days, till the storm had abated. Then they came up to these islands and
a landing was made on one of them, where they took in fresh water and
caught a great quantity of fish. On the morning of the twelfth they
sailed for the island of Croatoan, and at night came to anchor at its
northeast end. On the fifteenth they were at Hastorask. On their first
coming to anchor here they saw a “great smoke” rising from Roanoke
Island, which put them, especially White, in “good hope” that the colony
were there, still expecting his return from England. Bright and early
next morning the impatient and expectant governor set out for Roanoke:
"Our 2 boates went ashore & Captaine Cooke & Cap. Spicer & their company
with me, with intent to passe to the place at Roanoak where our
countreymen were left.
"At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make
readie 2 Minions and a Falkon well loden, and to shoot them off with
reasonable space betweene every shot, to the ende that their reportes
might bee heard to the place where wee hoped to finde some of our
people. This was accordingly performed, & our twoe boats put off unto
the shore: in the admirals boat we sounded all the way and found from
our shippe untill we came within a mile of the shore, nine, eight, and
seven fadome: but before we were halfe way betweene our ships and the
shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes
[assumed to be sand hills near the present Nags Head, the highest on
this coast]: we therefore thought good to go to that second smoke first:
but it was much further from the harbour where we landed than we
supposed it to be, so that we were very sore tired before wee came to
the smoke.
“But that which grieved us more was that when we came to the smoke we
found no man nor signe that any had bene there lately, nor yet any fresh
water in all this way to drinke. Being thus wearied with this journey we
returned to the harbour where we left our boates, who in our absence had
brought their cask a shore for fresh water: so we deferred our going to
Roanoak untill the next morning, and caused some of those saylers to
digge in those sandie hills for fresh water whereof we found very
sufficient. That night wee returned aboord with our boates and our whole
company in safety.”
A fresh start was made on the following day as agreed, but under less
favourable conditions, and a tragic happening almost at the outset much
distressed this expedition:
“The next morning being the 17 of August our boates and company were
prepared againe to goe up to Roanoak, but Captaine Spicer had then sent
his boat a shore for fresh water by meanes whereof it was ten of the
clocke aforenoone before we put from our ships which were then come to
an anker within two miles of the shore. The Admirals boat [in which was
White] was halfe wey toward the shore when Captaine Spicer put off from
his ship. The Admirals boat first passed the breach, but not without
some danger of sinking, for we had a sea brake into our boat which
filled us halfe full of water, but by the will of God and carefull
styrage of Captaine Cooke we came safe ashore, saving only that our
furniture, victuals, match and powder were much wet and spoyled. For at
this time the winde blew at Northeast and direct into the harbour so
great a gale, that the Sea brake extremely on the barre, and the tide
went very forcibly at the entrance. By the time that our Admirals boate
was hailed ashore, and most of the things taken out to dry, Captaine
Spicer came to the entrance of the breach with his mast standing up, and
was halfe passed over, but by the rash and indiscreet styrage of Ralph
Skinner his Masters mate, a very dangerous sea brake into their boate
and overset them quite: the men kept the boat, some in it, and some
hanging on it, but the next sea set the boat on ground, where it beat so
that some of them were forced to let goe their hold, hoping to wade
ashore; but the Sea still beat them downe, so that they could neither
stand nor swimme, and the boat twise or thrise was turned the keel
upward, whereon Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung untill they sunke &
were seene no more. But foure that could swimme a little kept themselves
in deeper water and were saved by Captaine Cookes meanes, who so soon as
he saw them oversetting stripped himselfe, and foure other that could
swimme very well, & with all haste possible rowed unto them & saved
foure. They were 11 in all, & 7 of the chiefest men were drowned.”
This mishap so disturbed the sailors in White’s boat that they were “all
of one mind not to goe any further to seeke the planters.” But through
the persuasions and commands of White and Captain Cooke they recovered
courage, and set to work refitting both boats. Then the remaining
company, nineteen in all, put off once more. Before Roanoke Island was
reached night had fallen, and in the darkness they overshot the place of
plantation by a quarter of a mile. Toward the north end of the island
they saw the light of a great fire through the woods, and in its
direction they presently rowed. When they had come directly over against
it they let fall their grapnel near the shore and sounded a trumpet
call. This bringing no response they gave some familiar English tunes,
then sang some English songs, and “called to them friendly.” Still there
came no answer, and the hope that the colonists were here died out
within them. At daybreak they landed, and coming to the fire they found
grass and rotten trees burning, but no human beings about the place.
Then they tramped through the woods to that part of the island over
against Dasamonguepeuk, and thence returned by the water side round
about the north point till they had reached the place where White had
left the colony:
"In all this way we saw in the sand the print of the Salvages feet of 2
or 3 sorts troaden ye night, and as we entred up the sandy banke, upon a
tree, in the very brow thereof were curiously carved these faire Roman
letters
CRO
which letters presently we knew to signifie the place where I should
find the planters seated according to a secret token agreed upon
betweene them & me at my last departure from them, which was, that in
any ways they should not faile to carve on the trees or posts of the
dores [of their houses] the name of the place where they should be
seated: for at my coming away they were prepared to remove from Roanoak
50 miles into the main. Therefore at my departure from them in An 1587 I
willed them, that if they should happen to be distressed in any of those
places, that then they should carve over the letters or name a Crosse in
this forme =☩=, but we found no such signe of distresse.
"And having well considered of this, we passed toward the place where
they were left in sundry houses, but we found the houses taken downe,
and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great
trees, with cortynes and flankers very Fort-like, and one of the chiefe
trees or postes on the right side of the entrance had the barke taken
off, and 5 foote from the ground in fayre Capitall letters were graven
CROATOAN
without any crosse or signe of distresse: this done we entred into the
palisado, where we found many barres of Iron, too pigges of Lead, foure
yron fowlers, Iron sacker-shotte, and such like heavie things, throwen
here and there, almost overgrowen with grasse and weedes.
"From thence wee went along by the water side towards the pointe or
Creeke to see if we could find any of their botes or Pinnisse, but we
could perceive no signe of them, nor any of the last Falkons and small
Ordinance which were left with them at my departure from them. At our
returne from the Creeke, some of our Saylers meeting us, tolde us that
they had found where divers chests had bene hidden and long sithence
[since] digged up againe and broken up, and much of the goods in them
spoyled and scattered about, but nothing left, of such things as the
Savages knew any use of, undefaced.
[Illustration: THE LOST COLONY.]
“Presently Captaine Cooke and I went to the place, which was in the ende
of an olde trench, made two yeeres past by Captaine Amadas: wheere wee
found five Chests, that had bene carefully hidden of the Planters, and
of the same chests three were my owne, and about the place many of my
things spoyled and broken, and my bookes torne from the covers, the
frames of some of my pictures and Mappes rotten and spoyled with rayne,
and my armour almost eaten through with rust; this could bee no other
than the deede of the Savages our enemies at Dasamonguepeuk, who had
watched the departure of our men to Croatoan [the island, not the main
land so named, at Dasamonguepeuk, as on early maps]: and assoone as they
were departed, digged up every place where they suspected anything to be
buried: but although it much grieved me to see such spoyle of my goods,
yet on the other side I greatly joyed that I had safely found a certaine
token of their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo
was borne, and the Savages of the Iland our friends.”
With these findings, the day being near spent, the party returned to
their boats and made off for the ships as fast as possible for a stormy
night threatened. They reached the ships in the evening and got aboard
with “much danger and labour,” for the storm had now fallen with high
wind and a heavy sea.
The next morning the ships were made ready immediately to sail for the
island of Croatoan, the wind being good for that place, all hands fully
expecting to come upon the colony there. But in hoisting the admiral’s
anchor the cable broke, and the anchor was lost: whereupon the ship was
driven so fast shoreward that she was forced to let fall another anchor,
and this “came so fast home” that she barely escaped running ashore by
“Kendricks mounts.” She fortunately got clear again but not without some
injury. She now had but one cable, and but one anchor left of her
equipment of four. Meanwhile the weather was becoming “fouler and
fouler.” Under these conditions, and in view of their diminishing stock
of victuals, together with the loss of a cask of fresh water that they
had been obliged to leave on shore, it was decided that the visit of
Croatoan must be given up for this time, and that, instead, the ships
must at once make for Saint John or some other island to the southward
for fresh water and new supplies. It was further proposed that the ships
should winter in the West Indies, with the hope of making “two riche
voyages of one”: and Captain Cooke of the admiral, at White’s earnest
plea, agreed that they should then return to “Virginia” and again seek
the colony at Croatoan.
But to this proposal the captain of one of the ships objected on the
ground that his vessel was too weak and leaky to attempt to continue so
long a voyage. Accordingly that night they parted company, this consort
heading direct for England, and the admiral setting her course for
Trinidad. So the Carolina coast was forsaken, and no return was made.
After various adventures the admiral ultimately reached home with White
heartbroken at his failure to reach his people, to whom he believed he
had been so near.
The “evils and unfortunate events” attending this expedition, “as well
to their owne losse as to the hindrance of the planters of Virginia,” he
wrote Richard Hakluyt, “had not chanced if the order set downe by Sir
Walter Ralegh had bene observed, or if my dayly & continuall petitions
for the performance of the same might have taken any place.” And “thus,”
he sorrowfully concludes, “you may plainely perceive the successe of my
fift & last voiage to Virginia, which was no lesse unfortunately ended
than frowardly begun, and as lucklesse to many as sinister to my self.
But I would to God it had bene as prosperous to all, as noysome to the
planters, & as joyfull to me as discomfortable to them. Yet seeing it is
not my first crossed voyage, I remaine contented. And wanting my wishes,
I leave off from prosecuting that whereunto I would to God my wealth
were answerable to my will.” With this letter, written “from my house at
Newtowne in Kylmore the 4 of February 1593,” White took leave of the
matter, committing “the planters in Virginia to the merciful help of the
Almighty.” He could do no more. From this time he seems to have remained
in retirement in Ireland till the close of his life.
Of the fate of the Lost Colony conjectures of historians have been
various. That they did actually replant themselves on the then existing
“island of Croatoan,” presumed to have been some part of the banks lying
between Capes Lookout and Hatteras, and in the present county of
Carteret, is accepted as fairly proved by White’s finding of the
inscription on the “chiefe tree” of the palisado at Roanoke. No further
clue to the mystery of their passing is to be found, unless it be in
this statement made a century and a quarter afterward by an early
historian of Carolina (Lawson, 1714): “The Hatteras Indians who lived in
Roanoke Island, or much frequented it, tell us that several of their
ancestors were white people who could talk in a book as we do.”
Perhaps a remnant that survived massacre, misery, or homesickness were,
as this statement implies, and the later Carolina historian, Hawkes,
assumed, gradually incorporated with these friendly Indians and faded
from civilization into the savage life.
XXII
JAMESTOWN
With unquenchable hopefulness Raleigh continued his quest for the Lost
Colony to the close of Elizabeth’s reign, and abandoned it only when
forced to do so by the attainder of James stripping him of his rights
and liberty. By Elizabeth’s last year he had fitted out at his own
charges five several expeditions solely for this purpose. While during
this period, 1589–1603, his marvellous energies had been directed in
many channels, he had remitted no efforts for the succour of his
colonists. While performing many parts,—courtier, captain of the queen’s
guard, statesman, member of parliament, mariner, sea-fighter, explorer,
gold seeker,—and with varying fortunes, now falling under the queen’s
displeasure, imprisoned in the Tower of London, again restored to her
favour, engaged in dazzling adventure, American colonization was ever
paramount in his thoughts.
[Illustration: A SPANISH GALLEON OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.]
And how crowded with extraordinary activities by this most versatile of
the Elizabethan men these years were, the record of his greater
achievements, mostly chronicled in the _Principal Navigations_, shows.
What he had done up to the time of White’s abandonment of the search for
the Lost Colony in 1590 we have seen. In 1591 he was the organizer of a
fleet for service against Spain’s American possessions, and was
appointed second in command under Lord Thomas Howard. But the queen
refusing to let him go out, his cousin Sir Richard Grenville was
appointed in his place; and with this expedition Sir Richard’s career
closed, he being wounded to death when off the Azores, the last of
August, in one of the most stubborn and desperate sea-fights of naval
history. The next year, 1592, Raleigh promoted the privateering
expedition under Frobisher and Burroughs which captured, among other
prizes in the West Indies, the “Madre de Dios,” greatest of the Spanish
treasure-ships then afloat. It was in this year, in July, that he was
disgraced and sent to the Tower, but in October, when the privateers had
returned with their rich prize, the queen, who had the largest share in
this privateering venture, released him, since he alone could
superintend the division of the plunder. In 1593 he matured a plan for a
voyage to the “Empire of Guiana” and the fabled “El Dorado,” the “citie
of gold,” in the unexplored northwestern part of South America, of which
the natives had told Spanish travellers, with mines far excelling those
of Peru. In 1594, in accordance with this plan, he sent out a
preliminary expedition, under an experienced navigator, Captain Jacob
Whiddon, to explore the coast contiguous to the great River Orinoco, and
also the river with its tributaries, above which “El Dorado,” or “Manoa”
as called by the Indians, was supposed to lie. In 1595 he sailed himself
for Guiana at the head of a fleet of five ships and a company of one
hundred officers, soldiers, and gentlemen adventurers. By a perilous
voyage in small boats he succeeded in penetrating the Orinoco far up to
the mouth of the Caroni, and the latter river to impassable falls, yet
two hundred miles short, as it was reckoned, of the “citie of gold.”
Upon his return to England in the summer, with some specimens of ore
which he had picked up along the way, and the son of a local king as a
pledge of friendship against his next coming, he prepared, maybe with
Hakluyt’s assistance, a glowing account of this voyage, embellished with
the tales that had been told him of the wonders of the region besides
its richness in mines: among them, the “Amazons,” a warlike race of
great women, and the “Ewaipanoma,” a headless nation, whose eyes were in
their shoulders and their mouths in the middle of their breasts, and who
wore “a long train of hair growing backward between the shoulders.” And
when this story was printed, under the inviting title, “The Discouerie
of the large, rich, and beautifull Empire of Guiana, with a relation of
the great and golden citie of Manoa, which the Spaniards call El
Dorado,” it was eagerly read and heightened his reputation. In 1596 he
sent out Captain Laurence Keymis, a companion of his first voyage, with
two well-equipped ships to renew the exploration of the Orinoco,
especially with a view to planting an English colony in the region.
Keymis returned in June with a report that confirmed Raleigh’s belief in
its great mineral wealth. But at this juncture Raleigh was engrossed in
a venture nearer home for checkmating Spain’s move of a second “Armada”
against England. He was now united with Howard and the Earl of Essex in
command of a fleet to attack Cadiz. With the ship “Warspite” he led the
van in the great fight of June twenty-one which resulted in the
destruction of the fleet intended for the descent upon England, and the
capture of the city. Later, the same year, he despatched one of the
smaller ships that had been in the Cadiz fight to Guiana, but this
voyage had no important result. In 1597 he sailed as second in command
with Essex in an expedition to strike another blow against Spain, and
this was effectively done with the capture of Fayal. In 1598 his scheme
of colonization in the fertile valley of the Orinoco had developed, and
he planned to send out a colony. But for some reason not known the
enterprise was abandoned. In 1600 he added to his several offices that
of Governor of Jersey. In 1602 he despatched his fifth expedition for
the relief of the “Virginia” colony.
This expedition was put in charge of Captain Samuel Mace, an excellent
mariner, who had already made two voyages to “Virginia.” He returned
unsuccessful and Raleigh planned to send him out again. Raleigh could
not, however, do any more at his personal cost alone. He had now
exhausted his own means in the undertaking which, as Hakluyt wrote,
“required a prince’s purse to have it thoroughly followed out.” He had
renewed his endeavours to bring the privy council into his scheme, but
without success. Elizabeth’s end was approaching and her ministers were
busy with their personal affairs, manœuvring for their own
advancement with her successor on the throne. Notwithstanding his
failure to find support his splendid hope for his “Virginia” was not
crushed. On the eve of his own downfall, which came swift upon the
accession of James, he had written, “I shall yet live to see it an
English Nation.” This faith he carried with him to the Tower of London,
into which James thrust him in December, 1603, under sentence of death
on a trumped-up charge of treason; and while in durance here he saw his
cherished hopes realized through Richard Hakluyt’s efforts.
In 1605 Hakluyt brought his arguments to bear upon various men of
condition, friendly to colonization, to induce them to join in a
petition for patents for the establishment of two plantations on the
coast of North America. The issue of this petition was James’s charter
bearing date of April tenth, 1606, by which the two companies,
subsequently designated the London and the Plymouth Companies, were
created, between whom were divided in nearly equal parts the vast
territory then known as Virginia, stretching from Cape Fear to Halifax,
and back a hundred miles inland: the company occupying the southern part
to be called the “First Colony of Virginia” and that occupying the
northern part, the “Second Colony of Virginia.”
Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, Richard Hakluyt, and Edward Maria
Wingfield, as patentees, were the chief adventurers in the London or
South Virginia Company. Ten of the nineteen adventurers styled
merchants, remaining in England, at the establishment of the corporation
of “The Governour and Assistants of the Citie of Ralegh in Virginia”
became subscribers to the South Virginia Company. Sir Thomas Smith,
chief among the nineteen merchants, was made their first treasurer. Just
a year after the issue of the patent their “First Colony of Virginia,”
sailing from England in December, 1606, arrived out at Chesapeake Bay,
the region which Ralph Lane had determined as the fitter place than
Roanoke for settlement, and in which Raleigh had directed White with the
Second—the Lost—Colony to plant, as they would have done had Captain
Ferdinando been true to them. And in May, 1607, the permanent settlement
here was at last begun as Jamestown.
* * * * *
Raleigh was condemned to be executed on the eleventh of December, 1603,
but the day before he was reprieved, and he was held a prisoner in the
Tower, with this unjust sentence hanging over his head, for thirteen
dismal years. During this cruel imprisonment his great talents were
occupied in philosophic and literary work, and he wrote out his notable
_Historie of the World_. Meanwhile his statesmanlike interest in the
developing American colony continued constant and keen. At one time he
sought release for a visit to Virginia, promising to bring the king rich
returns therefrom. At length, in 1616, James liberated him for the
purpose of making another expedition to Guiana upon his pledge to find
the fabulous gold mine or else bear all the expenses of the undertaking.
Thus at liberty, while making his preparations for this voyage, he was
enabled to see Pocahontas from Virginia, who was in England that year.
He sailed on his forlorn hope in June, 1617, with a fleet of fourteen
ships and four hundred men, accompanied by his son Walter, and his
faithful friend Captain Keymis. The expedition was a tragic failure, for
his plans were betrayed to the court at Madrid, through the Spanish
ambassador, under whose influence James had fallen, and immediate steps
were taken to thwart them. The fleet were attacked by the Spaniards at a
new Spanish settlement on the Orinoco, and in the fight that ensued
young Raleigh was killed. Sir Walter himself had been detained at
Trinidad, sick with a violent fever, and when the report of this
disaster with the loss of his beloved son was brought to him, his stout
heart was broken. Upon his return to England he was rearrested at the
representation of the Spanish ambassador, on a charge of breaking the
peace with Spain. Again he was thrust into the Tower. Trial was denied
him, and the truculent James, at the behest of the king of Spain, now
ordered his execution, finding a legal cover for this judicial murder in
the original sentence of 1603. He was brought before the Court of King’s
Bench on the twenty-eighth of October, 1618, and the next morning was
beheaded on Tower Hill, meeting death with great fortitude. “Prythie,
let me see the axe, dost thou think, man, I am afraid of it?” he asked
of the executioner; “a sharp medicine, but a sound cure for all
diseases.”
* * * * *
In St. Margaret’s Church, Westminster, is the beautiful Raleigh Window,
the gift of Americans, with this inscription from the pen of James
Russell Lowell:
“The New World’s sons, from England’s breasts we drew
Such milk as bids remember whence we came;
Proud of her Past, wherefrom our Present grew,
This Window we inscribe with Raleigh’s name.”
Hakluyt’s monument is the Hakluyt Society, worthy among historical
institutions, in the membership of which Americans are united with
Englishmen, founded in England in the first half of the nineteenth
century, in a manner to continue Hakluyt’s work through the printing of
hitherto unpublished or rare accounts of voyages and travels, so to open
an easier way to a branch of knowledge which, as the founders truly say,
“yields to none in importance and is superior to most in agreeable
variety.”
THE END
INDEX
Adams, Clement, 77, 78;
narrative of Richard Chancellor’s adventures by, 109, 114, 117.
Ælfrid, King, 37.
African coast, 144, 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 210, 211, 228, 256.
African slave trade, 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 210, 212.
“Aid,” ship, 141;
“Ayde,” ship, in Frobisher’s voyages, 157, 158, 159, 166, 167, 169,
170, 174, 175, 177, 178, 179, 183, 185, 186.
Albemarle Sound, 10, 320.
Amadas, Philip, and Arthur Barlow, Capts., first expedition of, to
North America for Raleigh, 311–321, 322;
Amadas admiral in Raleigh’s First Colony, 322, 323, 329, 330, 353,
376.
“Amazons,” of Guiana, 383.
American colonization, 5, 6, 8, 10, 11;
Gilbert’s projects for, 5, 23, 24, 285, 307;
Raleigh’s projects for, 6, 8–9, 11, 12, 24, 25, 308, 311;
Huguenot colony, 11, 12, 206–209, 252;
Frobisher’s scheme of, 177;
footprints of, 308–321;
Raleigh’s colonies, 322–380, 381;
in South America, 384, 386.
“Angel,” ship, in Hawkins’s third westward voyage, 210.
“Anne,” ship, of fleet for Russia, 129.
“Anne Francis,” ship, in Frobisher’s third Northwestern voyage, 178,
181, 183, 184, 185, 187, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193.
Antonio, Dom, Portuguese pretender, 26, 284.
Archangel, 114, 130.
Arthur, King, 13, 36.
Ashehurst, Thomas, merchant adventurer, 92.
Atlantic ocean, 263.
Ayala, Don Pedro de, 73.
Azores, 306, 382.
B
“Baccaloas,” 75, 85, 87.
Baffin Land, 155.
Balboa, Vasco Nunez, 241.
Bahama Islands, 328.
“Bark Raleigh,” of Gilbert’s fleet for America, 288, 290.
Barlow, Arthur. _See_ Amadas and Barlow.
Barret, Capt., master of the “Jesus of Lubec,” 218, 224.
Basanière, Martin, 11.
Bay of St. Nicholas, 114.
“Bay of Severing Friends,” 263.
Beare, James, navigator, 158, 169.
“Beare,” ship, in Frobisher’s third Northwestern voyage, 178.
Bear’s Sound, 169, 187, 193.
“Benedict,” ship, of Drake’s fleet for the voyage round the world, 275.
Best, George, historian and voyager, 144;
narratives of Frobisher’s voyages by, 149, 150, 151, 154, 155, 156,
158, 159, 160, 161, 162–165, 166, 167–168;
lieutenant in Frobisher’s second voyage, 158, 168, 170;
description of natives of “Meta Incognita” by, 173, 176, 178, 179,
180, 181;
heroic exploits of, 188–191, 193.
“Best’s Blessing,” 189, 191.
“Best’s Bulwark,” 170.
Biddle, Richard, biographer, 71, 88.
Bodleian Library, 283.
Bokhara, 130, 133, 134.
“Bona Confidentia,” ship, in the Willoughby-Chancellor voyage, 105,
106, 111, 112, 113, 126;
wreck of, 127, 137.
“Bona Esperanza,” ship, in the Willoughby-Chancellor voyage, 105, 106,
108, 111, 112, 113, 126;
wreck of, 127, 137.
“Bonner,” ship, of Drake’s fleet in “Virginia,” 348.
Borough, _Stephen_, 106, 135, 136;
voyages of, to Russia, 136–138, 138–139;
Burrough’s Straits named for, 137;
in Spain, 138.
_William_, 109, 135.
Bowdoin College, 7.
Brazil, 90, 94, 198, 199, 258.
Bristol, Eng., 39, 61, 62;
the Cabot’s voyages from, 65, 66, 72;
Bristol men in American adventures, 66, 72, 91–92, 103;
Bristol Castle, 175, 177.
British Museum, 7.
Brown, Capt., of the “Delight” of Gilbert’s fleet, 301.
Buenos Ayres, 102.
“Burcher’s Island,” 152.
“Buss Island,” 194.
Butrigarius, Galeacius, 79.
Buts, Thomas, mariner, 101.
C
Cabot, _John_, 3, 4;
first letters patent to, 61, 62–65;
biographical notice of, 65–66;
voyages of, 65–68; 69, 70;
second patent to, 71–72;
sails on his last voyage, 72–73, 74, 78, 80, 82, 87, 91, 92, 136.
_Lewis_, 4, 61, 62–65, 66, 136.
_Santius_, 4, 61, 62–65, 66, 136.
_Sebastian_, 3, 4, 61;
in the first Cabot voyage, 62–65; 66, 67, 71;
in the second, 74–76;
map credited to, 77, 78;
“discourse” of, 79–82;
pilot-major of Spain, 80, 84, 95; 90, 91, 92;
again in England, 93;
discoveries of, in South America, 102;
grand pilot of England, 102; 105, 106;
instructions of, for the Willoughby-Chancellor voyage, 107–108,
111, 115;
governor of the Muscovy Company, 124, 135;
last public appearance of, 136;
death of, 136.
Cabot voyages, the, 3, 9, 22, 62–76, 77, 84;
ventures of other navigators in the track of, 90–95, 102.
Cabral, Pedro Alvarez, Portuguese commander, 91.
“Cacafuego,” ship, the “glory of the South Sea,” 268;
captured by Drake, 269.
Cadiz, 384.
California, 23, 226, 254;
Drake’s discovery of, for the English, and named “New Albion,” 274;
earlier discoverers of, 274;
Drake’s landfall, 274;
Drake’s reception by the natives, 275–278;
possession of, taken for England, 278, 279.
Camden, William, historian, 227, 228, 252.
Canary Islands, 200, 210.
Cape Breton, John Cabot’s landfall, 67, 93, 97, 98, 225, 297.
Cape Farewell, 150.
Cape Fear, 312, 328, 353, 357.
Cape Ferrelo, 275.
Cape Hatteras, 312, 362, 379.
Cape Horn, 263.
Cape of Florida, 289.
Cape of Good Hope, 282.
Cape Lookout, 379.
Cape Resolution. _See_ “Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland.”
Cape Verde, 202, 210.
Cape Verde Islands, 256, 257, 258, 271.
Carate, Don Francisco de, 270, 271.
Carew, Capt., navigator, 178.
Carolina coast, 349, 357, 371, 378.
Caroni River, 383.
Carpini, John de Plano, and William of Rubruquis, Franciscan friars,
adventures of, 53–54.
Cartagena, 212, 213, 238, 239, 251, 345.
Cartier, Jaques, explorer, 82.
Caspian Sea, 133, 139, 140.
“Cathay,” the mysterious empire of, 53, 54;
Marco Polo’s story of, 55;
the aim of Columbus, 56, 60;
of the Cabots, 68, 74, 76, 81, 83;
of Willoughby and of Chancellor, 103, 107, 125;
of Anthony Jenkinson, 133, 134;
of Gilbert, 143, 145, 147, 149;
of Frobisher, 155, 157, 158, 176, 183, 192;
Drake’s thought of a passage to, 273.
“Cativaas” (Catives) Island, 232, 247.
Cavendish, Capt. Thomas, navigator, 323, 324, 329.
Cecil, _Sir Robert_, 13.
_Sir William_, 229.
Celebes, 282.
Chagres River, 242, 246.
Chancellor, Richard, explorer, 103;
characterization of, 106, 109, 111, 113;
voyages of, to “Muscovia,” 114-115, 125–126;
reception of, at the Russian court, 117–120;
his description of the Russians, 120–122, 123, 124;
loss of, in the wreck of his ship, 127, 129, 135, 137.
“Chaonisti,” Indian tribe, 339, 344.
Charles VIII, of France, 59.
Chesapeake Bay, 332, 333;
Raleigh’s Second Colony intended for, 351, 353, 357;
arrival of the “First Colony of Virginia” in, 386.
“Chespians,” Indian tribe, 332, 342, 345.
Chester, Capt. John, with Drake, 254.
China, 55, 145, 158.
Chowan River, 332, 333.
“Christopher,” ship, of Drake’s fleet for the voyage round the world,
254, 257, 259, 260.
“Cimaroons,” Indian tribe, 232, 235, 239;
with Drake on the Isthmus of Panama, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244,
243–246, 247–249, 251, 252.
Clark, Richard, master of the wrecked “Delight,” 301.
Colonies in “Virginia.” _See_ “Virginia.”
Columbus, _Bartholomew_, 57, 58, 59, 60.
_Christopher_, discoveries of, offered to England, 56–60, 60, 61, 65,
68, 73, 80, 90.
_Fernando Colon_, 56, 59.
“Company of Cathay,” The, 157, 194, 195.
Conception Bay, 291.
Constantine, “the Great,” 38.
Contractation House, 21, 138.
Cooke, Capt., with White in the quest for the Lost Colony, 372, 373,
374, 376, 378.
Cooper, Christopher, 365.
Copper, in “Virginia,” 334, 335.
Cornwall, Eng., 175, 209, 223, 367, 369.
Cortereal, Gaspar de, and Michael de, navigators, 91.
“Countess of Sussex Island,” 191;
“Countess of Sussex Mine,” 187.
“Countess of Warwick’s Island,” 170, 173, 184, 185, 186, 189, 190, 191,
192;
identified as Kod-lu-narn, 195.
Cox, Capt., with Gilbert, 298, 299.
Craney Island, 332, 333.
Croatoan, 329, 330, 331, 344, 345, 346, 347, 360, 361, 362, 363, 371;
supposed place to which the Lost Colony removed from Roanoke, 376,
377, 378, 379.
Crusades, The, English adventurers in, 41–50.
Cuba, 85, 204, 213.
D
“Daniel the Saxon,” mineral man with Gilbert, 295, 300, 304, 305.
Dare, _Ananias_, 352, 364.
_Eleanor_, 363, 366.
_Virginia_, first English child born in North America, 323, 352, 364,
366.
“Dasamonguepeuk,” 342, 343, 345, 360, 362, 375, 377.
Davidson, Prof. George, 274, 275.
“Delight,” ship, of Gilbert’s fleet, 288, 290, 297;
wreck of, 298, 299–300, 301, 304.
“Dennis,” ship, in Frobisher’s third Northwestern voyage, 178, 181,
186, 187.
_Discourse on Western Planting, A_, 6–10, 11, 24.
_Divers Voyages_, 1, 2–5, 6, 10, 12, 13, 23, 138, 139.
“Dorithie,” ship, of Raleigh’s second Virginia fleet, 323.
Doughty, Thomas, with Drake, 258, 260;
trial and execution of, at Port St. Julien, 260–261.
“Dragon,” ship, in Drake’s voyages to the Spanish Main, 229.
Drake, _Edmund_, 227.
Sir _Francis_, 9, 22, 23, 209;
with Hawkins at San Juan d’Ulloa, 210, 221, 226;
biographical notice of, 227–229;
expeditions of, to the Spanish Main, 229–240;
raid of, upon Nombre de Dios, 233–238;
his first sight of the Pacific, 240, 241;
attacks upon treasure trains from Panama, 242–246, 247–249, 250, 251,
252;
on the Pacific coast, 253–283;
discovery of California for the English, 274–279;
across the Pacific, 279–282;
reception upon his return from his marvellous voyage, 283;
after exploits of, 284;
“singeing the King of Spain’s beard,” 284, 310, 313;
in “Virginia,” 347, 348, 349, 369.
_John_, 230, 235, 236, 239.
_Joseph_, 230, 239.
_Robert_, 227, 228.
_Thomas_, 258, 268.
Drake’s Harbor, 275.
Durfoorth, Cornelius, mariner, 106.
Dwina River, 130.
E
Eadgar, “the Peaceful,” 39.
Earl of Cumberland, 237.
Earl of Essex, 253, 384.
Earl of Leicester, 195, 202.
Earl of Pembroke, 202.
Earl of Warwick, 147, 157, 161, 165;
Countess of Warwick, 157, 158, 170, 174.
Early English voyages, 36–52.
East Indian Archipelago, 272.
Ecgfrith, King, 37.
Eden, Richard, historian, 22, 79.
Edward III, 50.
Edward VI, 101, 102, 107, 108, 109, 115, 117, 118.
“Edward Bonaventure,” ship, in the Willoughby-Chancellor voyage, 105,
106, 109, 111, 112;
in Chancellor’s voyages to Russia, 113, 114, 125, 126;
wreck of, 127, 135.
Edwin, King, 36.
“El Dorado,” the “city of gold,” 382, 383.
Eliot, Hugh, merchant adventurer, 92.
Elizabeth, Queen, 6, 9, 10;
names “Virginia,” 11, 322, 13, 17, 22, 23, 29, 139, 140, 141, 143,
144, 145;
farewell demonstrations to departing fleets for discovery, 148, 179,
156, 157, 167, 168;
Frobisher’s interview with, 176, 177, 180, 204, 245, 252, 261, 262;
Drake takes possession of California for, 278, 280, 283;
letters patent to Gilbert, 285, 288, 290, 291;
Newfoundland taken possession for, 292–293;
patent to Raleigh, 308–309, 310, 311;
“Virginia” taken possession for, 312, 322, 340, 341, 368, 381, 385.
“Elizabeth,” ship, of Drake’s fleet for the voyage round the world,
254, 263.
Of Raleigh’s fleet with his First Colony, 323.
Elizabeth River, 332.
Elizabethan period, 18, 144, 381.
“Elizabethides,” 263.
Ellis, Thomas, 179.
Emmanuel, King of Portugal, 91.
“Emmanuel (or Buss) of Bridgewater,” ship, in Frobisher’s third
Northwestern voyage, 178, 184, 193, 194.
“Emmanuel of Exeter,” ship, in Frobisher’s third Northwestern voyage,
178.
England’s claim to North America, 3–4, 9, 22, 77–89, 90.
“Ensinore,” Indian king, 333, 334, 339, 340, 341.
Eskimo, The, first description of, 153, 163–165, 171, 187.
“Ewaipanoma,” Indian tribe, 383.
F
Fabian, Robert, _Chronicle_ of, 4, 77, 87–88.
“Falcon,” ship, 310.
Farallones, islands, 279;
called by Drake “Islands of St. James,” 280.
Fayal, 384.
“Fellowship of English Merchants,” 141, 144, 145.
Fenton, Capt. Edward, 158, 168, 178, 181, 186, 187, 195.
Ferdinand and Isabella, 60, 73, 93.
Ferdinando, Simon, with Raleigh’s Second Colony, 353, 354, 355, 356,
357, 358, 359, 366, 367, 386.
Fernandus, Francis, and John, mariners, 92.
Finland, 137.
Fisher Island, 137, 138.
Fletcher, Francis, Drake’s chaplain, 261, 262, 266, 273.
Florida, 5, 9, 12, 15, 26, 27, 81, 83;
Huguenot colony in, 11, 206–208;
Hawkins in, 197, 202, 204–208, 209, 213, 252, 289, 312, 328, 355.
Fly-boat, of the fleet with Raleigh’s Second Colony, 354, 359, 365,
367.
“Fort Diego,” 239, 251.
Francastor, Hieronymo, 79.
France in America, 1, 4, 5, 11, 12, 82, 83, 197.
“Francis,” ship, 348, 349.
“Francis of Foy,” ship, in Frobisher’s third Northwestern voyage, 178,
181, 184.
French Huguenot colony in Florida, 11, 12, 206–207;
relieved by Hawkins, 208;
menaced by Pedro Menendez de Avilés, 208;
Menendez’s act avenged, 209, 252, 323.
“Friesland,” 150, 160.
Frobisher, Sir Martin, 143;
biographical notice of, 144–145;
first Northwestern voyage of, 147–155;
second, 158–175;
third, 177–194;
later exploits of, 195–196, 197, 273, 284, 285, 369, 382.
Frobisher’s Bay, 152.
“Frobisher’s Straits,” 152, 155, 180, 182, 184.
Froude, James Anthony, 32.
G
“Gabriel,” ship, in Frobisher’s Northwestern voyages, 147, 148, 150,
157, 158, 174, 175, 177, 178, 181, 193.
Galvano, Antonio, historian, 14.
Gama, Vasco da, navigator, 90, 91.
Gannet, Capt. John, navigator, 231.
Gascoigne, George, poet, 144, 145.
Gates, Sir Thomas, of South Virginia Company, 385.
Gefferson, William, shipmaster, 106.
Genghis Khan, 53.
Gilbert, Sir _Humphrey_, 5, 6;
letters patent to, 23, 285, 286, 141;
biographical notice of, 143–144;
revival of the Northwest theory by, 143–147;
voyages of, 285–307;
at Newfoundland, 292–297;
attempt of, to reach the mainland, 297–302;
loss of, on the homeward voyage, 306–307, 308, 309, 310.
_Otho_, 310.
Goës, Benedict, at “Cathay,” 55.
Gold, supposed discovery of, in “Meta Incognita,” 155, 156;
Frobisher’s speculative enterprises, 157, 177;
prospecting for, 161, 162, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 175, 176.
In California, 279.
“El Dorado,” 382, 383, 387.
“Golden Hind,” originally “Pelican,” ship, in Drake’s voyage round the
world, 262, 263, 264–272, 274–279, 282;
long preserved as a monument to England’s glory, 283.
“Golden Hind,” the, of Gilbert’s fleet, 288, 289, 290, 297, 298, 299,
302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307.
Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, historian, 77, 86, 87.
Gorges, Sir Fernandino, 7.
“Governour and Assistants of the Citie of Ralegh in Virginia,” The,
352, 386.
“Granganimeo,” Indian chief, 314;
welcome of, to the first English in “Virginia,” 315-316, 317;
home of, 318;
wife of, and her hospitality, 318–320, 330, 333, 334.
Greenland, 4, 147, 150, 160, 161;
West Friesland, 180;
taken possession of, and called West England, 180, 194.
Greenwich, court at, 148, 179.
Grenville, Sir Richard, 288;
general of Raleigh’s fleet with his First Colony for “Virginia,”
323-328;
return voyage of, 329;
capture of Spanish prizes along the way, 330–331, 349;
later return of, to “Virginia” with a relief fleet, 350, 353, 357,
358, 368, 369, 382.
Griego, John, pilot, 266.
Guiana, 382;
Raleigh’s story of, 383, 384, 387.
Gulf of Darien, 230, 231.
Gulf of Mexico, 210, 213;
experiences of Hawkins’s men landed thereon, 222, 224–225, 334.
Gulf of St. Lawrence, 68.
Gundlur, John, mariner, 92.
H
Hakluyt, _Edmund_, 30.
_Richard_, publications of, 2–16;
biography of, 17–31;
influence of, in obtaining patents for American colonization, 385;
patentee in the South Virginia Company, 385, 388.
_Richard_, of the Middle Temple, 19, 300, 370, 379.
_Thomas_, 19.
Hakluyt family, The, 18, 19.
Hakluyt Society, 388.
Hall, Capt. Charles Francis, explorer, 195.
Hall, Capt. Christopher, navigator, 148;
his narrative of Frobisher’s first Northwestern voyage, 148, 149,
150, 151, 152, 155;
in Frobisher’s second voyage, 158, 161;
chief pilot in Frobisher’s third voyage, 178, 181.
“Hall’s Island.” _See_ “North Foreland.”
Hallam, Henry, 34.
Hariot, Thomas, historian, in Raleigh’s first colony, 322, 329, 334,
343;
his description of “Virginia,” 350, 351.
Hartop, Job, David Ingram, Miles Philips, of Hawkins’s men, tales by,
of marvellous adventures, 224, 225.
Harvie, Dyonis, 364.
Hastorask, 330, 344, 357, 361, 371.
Hatteras Indians, 380.
Hatton, Sir Christopher, 253, 262.
Hatton’s Headland, 189.
Hawkes, Francis L., 380.
Hawkins, Sir _John_, 9, 196, 197;
biographical notice of, 198, 200, 201;
in Florida, 204–208;
third voyage of, westward, 209, 210;
his own narrative of the latter adventure, 210–224;
fight with a Spanish fleet at San Juan d’Ulloa, 219–221;
after exploits of, 226, 228, 231, 284, 328, 369.
Hawkyns, _John_, 198.
_William_, 198, 199, 200, 228.
Hayes, Capt. Edward, with Gilbert, 289, 290.
Headly, Edward, soldier-sailor, 301.
Helena, Flavia Augusta, Empress, 38.
Henry, Prince, “The Navigator,” 21, 51–52.
Henry IV, 50.
Henry VII, 3, 22;
discoveries of Columbus offered to, 56–60;
first letters patent of, granted to the Cabots, 61, 62–65, 67, 68,
69;
second patent of, granted to John Cabot, 70–72, 76, 79, 80, 83, 86,
87, 88;
patent of, to Bristol men, 1501, 92, 93, 136.
Henry VIII, 4, 57, 93, 96, 198, 199.
“Hispaniola” (San Domingo), 94, 95, 200, 201, 207, 238, 323;
entertainment at, of Raleigh’s First Colony on the outward voyage,
327–328, 347, 356, 357.
Holy Land, early pilgrimages to, #38.
“Hopewell,” ship, in Frobisher’s third Northwestern voyage, 178.
Hore’s, Master, expedition of 1533, 97–101.
Howard, Admiral _Charles_, 13, 27, 157, 158, 196, 369, 384.
Lord _Thomas_, 382.
Howe, George, an assistant in Raleigh’s Second Colony, slain by
Indians, 359, 362, 363.
Hudson’s Strait, 74, 91, 151, 182, 183.
I
Iceland, 36, 87.
India, 37, 52, 80, 83;
Portuguese in, 90, 91, 96, 103, 134, 159.
_See_ Northwest Passage and Northeast Passage.
Indian Ocean, 90.
Indian villages in “Virginia,” 318, 320, 329, 332, 335, 336, 360.
Indians, North American, 88, 146, 152, 153, 154, 155, 163;
of Florida, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208;
of “Virginia,” 314-321, 329, 359, 360, 361, 362–364, 380;
John White’s drawings of, 323;
South American, 102;
a Brazilian king in London, 199;
the “Cimaroons,” 232, 382, 383.
Ingulphus, eleventh century crusader, narrative of, 41–45.
Ireland, 36, 37, 143, 144, 195, 254, 310, 322.
“Island Caycos,” 357.
“Islands of St. James.” _See_ Farallones.
“Islands of Thieves.” _See_ Pellew Islands.
Isle of Bartimentos, 237.
Isles of Pines, 231, 233, 235, 237, 238.
Isthmus of Darien, 230, 328.
Isthmus of Panama, 234, 235, 239;
treasure teams of, 235, 241;
Drake’s attacks upon, 242–246, 247–249, 251, 254, 268, 269.
Ivan IV, of Russia, 114, 115, 116;
reception of Chancellor by, 117–120, 125;
gifts of, to the English sovereign, 126, 127, 129, 134, 141, 142.
J
Jackman’s Sound, 167, 169, 170, 171.
Jamaica, 61, 204, 207.
James I, 11, 25, 381, 382;
charter granted by, 385, 386, 387.
Jamestown, 1, 25, 31, 311, 333;
planted, 386.
Java, 282.
Jenkinson, Anthony, traveller, adventures of, 130–135;
his description of the manners and customs of the “Russes,” 131–132,
138;
ambassador to Persia, 139;
second Transcaspian expedition of, 139–140;
associated with Gilbert, 141;
last voyage of, 141–142;
concerned in new ventures westward, 142, 143, 146, 157.
“Jesus,” ship, in Borough’s service, 138.
“Jesus of Lubec,” in Hawkins’s westward voyages, 202, 210, 213, 219,
220, 221, 225.
“John Evangelist,” ship, of fleet for Russia, 129.
“John Evangelist,” of White’s last fleet in quest of the Lost Colony,
371.
Johnson, Richard and Robert, travellers in the East, 133.
Jones, John Winter, 5.
“Judith,” ship, in Frobisher’s third Northwestern voyage, 178, 181,
185, 192, 193.
“Judith,” in Hawkins’s third western voyage, 210, 221, 228.
K
Kara Sea, 137.
Kendrick’s Mount, 372, 378.
Keymis, Capt. Lawrence, on the Orinoco, 383, 387.
Khan, the Great, 54, 68.
Kholmogro, 130, 133, 137.
Kidder, Frederick, 68.
Kod-lu-narn. _See_ Countess of Warwick’s Island.
L
Labrador, 68, 91, 92, 93, 150, 151.
Lane, Ralph, governor of Raleigh’s First Colony, 322, 325, 329, 330;
narrative of, 331–350;
explorations of, in “Virginia,” 331-332, 334–339;
crushing an Indian conspiracy, 344–346, 347, 348;
return with the colony to England, 349–350, 352, 368, 386.
Lapland, haven in, where Sir Hugh Willoughby and his companions
perished, 111, 112, 113, 126.
Laudonnière, René de, in Florida, 11, 12, 206, 207, 208.
“Leicester’s Island,” 169.
Le Moyne, James, artist in the French Huguenot colony in Florida,
drawings of, 208, 323.
Levant, the, 144.
Ley, Dr., English ambassador in Spain, 92, 96.
Lima, 241, 242, 266, 267.
Linna, Nicholas de, voyage of, to the “North parts” in 1360, 50.
“Lion,” ship, of the fleet with Raleigh’s First Colony, 323;
with his Second Colony, 354, 356;
return voyage to England, 364, 367, 368.
Lisbon, 284.
“Little John,” ship, of White’s last fleet in quest of the Lost Colony,
371.
Lock, Sir John and Thomas, merchant adventurers, 144.
Lofoden Islands, 110.
Lok, Michael, 157.
London, in the twelfth century, 39.
London, or South Virginia Company, 25, 385, 386.
“Lord of Roanoke.” _See_ “Manteo.”
Lovell, Capt. John, 228.
Lowell, James Russell, his inscription on the Raleigh Window, 388.
Lumley, Lord, Library of, 27, 34.
“Lyon,” ship. _See_ Lion.
M
Mace, Capt. Samuel, of Raleigh’s fifth expedition to “Virginia,” 384.
Macham, Robert, story of the discovery of Madeira by, 50–51.
Madeira, 50–51, 52.
Madoc, Welshman, legend of the discovery of the West Indies by, 18,
39–41, 89.
Magalhaes, Fernao de, discoverer, 102, 260, 262.
Maine Historical Society, 8, 68.
Major, Richard Henry, geographer, 50.
Malgo, 36.
“Mangoaks,” Indian tribe, 334, 335, 336, 337, 339, 341, 343.
“Manteo,” Indian of “Virginia,” 321;
made “Lord of Roanoke,” 321, 364, 323, 329, 330, 334, 337, 339, 360,
362, 363, 377.
“Marigold,” ship, of Drake’s fleet for the voyage round the world, 254,
263;
foundered, 264.
Martyr, Peter, historian, 12, 14, 77, 84.
Mary, Queen, 124, 126, 129, 138.
“Mary,” ship, Portuguese prize added to Drake’s fleet, 257, 260.
“Matthew,” the, John Cabot’s ship, 66.
“Menatonon,” Indian king, 332, 333, 335, 336, 339, 340, 341, 344.
Menendez, de Avilés, Pedro, 208, 252.
Mercator’s Projection, 34.
“Merchant Adventurers of England,” 104, 111;
chartered, 124, 128, 130.
“Meta Incognita,” 97, 155, 177, 180, 181.
Mexico, 214, 215, 217, 224, 225, 230, 269, 270, 271, 272, 274.
“Michael,” ship, in Frobisher’s Northwestern voyages, 147, 150, 151,
157, 158, 161, 170, 171, 174, 175, 178, 181, 185, 193.
Milford Haven, 175.
“Minion,” ship, in Hawkins’s third westward voyage, 210, 218, 219, 220,
221, 222, 223, 231.
_Mr. Rawley’s Voyage._ _See_ _Discourse on Western Planting, A_.
Mollineux, Emmerie, map of, 34.
Moon, Capt. Thomas, 254.
“Moone,” ship, in Frobisher’s third Northwestern voyage, 178, 181, 185,
187, 188, 189, 190, 191.
“Moratoc,” or Roanoke River, 332, 334, 335.
“Moratocs,” Indian tribe, 335, 336.
Morgan, Miles, 287.
Moscow, 116, 117, 121, 123, 125, 130, 131, 132, 133, 135, 139.
Moskva River, 133.
Mosquito Bay, 355.
“Mount Warwicke,” 162-163, 182.
Muscovy. _See_ Russia.
“Muscovy Company,” The, 124, 127, 129, 130, 133, 135, 138, 139, 141,
157.
“My Lord Admiral’s Island.” _See_ Croatoan.
N
Napea, Osep, first ambassador from Russia to England, 125, 126, 127;
reception of, 127–129;
return voyage of, 129–130, 137.
Navigation, early schools of, 21.
Netherlands, 9, 144.
“New Albion.” _See_ California.
New Brunswick, 68.
New France, 82, 83.
New Spain. _See_ Mexico.
Newfoundland, 4, 5, 27, 67, 68, 75;
Portugal’s claim to, 91;
English discovery of, 92, 93, 97, 209, 288;
Gilbert’s colonizing voyage to, 289–307;
taken possession of for England, 292–293, 301, 305.
Newfoundland fishing fleets, 93, 291.
Nombre de Dios, 230, 231, 232;
Drake’s raid upon, 233–238, 239, 241;
Drake’s attacks upon treasure teams to, 242–246, 247-249, 254;
death of Drake near, 284.
Norfolk, Virginia, 332.
Norris, Sir John, 196, 310.
North America, England’s claim to, 3, 9;
founders of English colonies in, 31;
Portugal’s claim to, 91;
supposed continent of, 152, 161, 167, 197;
Drake on the western coast of, 254, 262–283;
Gilbert’s attempt to reach the eastern coast, 297–302, 305;
Raleigh’s attempts at colonization in, 322–380, 385.
North Carolina, 75.
Northeast Passage, The, 90, 96–103, 125, 126, 133, 135, 141, 143.
Northwest Passage, The, 3, 19, 53–61;
early quests for, by the Cabots, 62–76, 79, 81, 93, 102, 142;
revival of the theory by Gilbert, 143, 144, 145–147;
Frobisher’s voyages for the discovery of, 147–194, 195, 273.
“North Foreland,” or Hall’s Island, 161, 162, 182.
North Seas, 36, 37, 110.
Norway, 126, 135.
Nova Zembla, 137.
Nova Scotia, 67, 91.
O
Obi River, 137.
“Ocracoke” (Oregon Inlet), North Carolina, 312.
Octher, northward voyage of, in the ninth century, 37.
Ojeda, Alonzo de, navigator, 90.
“Okisko,” Indian king, 340, 341, 343.
Oregon, Drake on the coast of, 273, 274;
Drake’s “bad harbour,” 275.
Orinoco River, 382;
Raleigh’s exploration of, 383, 387;
scheme for colonization on, 384.
Ortelius, Abraham, geographer, 35.
Oviedo, Gonzalo de, historian, 94, 95.
Oxenham, Capt. John, navigator, 236, 241, 243, 328.
Oxford, 19, 20, 22, 23, 42, 143, 283, 310.
P
Pacific Ocean, 23, 102, 147, 183;
Drake’s first sight of, 240, 241;
his voyage up the coast, 253–282;
harassing Spanish possessions on, 254;
at Oregon and California, 274–279;
across the ocean, 279–282, 313, 334, 335.
Pamlico Sound, 10, 329, 331.
Papal bulls, 52, 60, 76.
Paraguay River, 102.
Parana River, 102.
Parmenius, Stephanus, poet and historian, 300.
“Pasha,” ship, in Drake’s voyages to the Spanish Main, 229, 230, 239,
247, 251.
Pasqualigo, Lorenzo, 68.
Patagonia, 254, 260, 264.
Patents for English adventures, 61, 62–65, 70–72, 92, 93.
“Paul of Plymouth,” ship, 198.
Peckham, Sir George, associated with Gilbert’s projects, 288.
“Pelican,” ship, of Drake’s fleet for the voyage round the world, 254,
255, 258;
name changed to the “Golden Hind,” 262.
_See_ “Golden Hind.”
Pellew Islands, called by Drake Islands of Thieves, 280.
“Pemisapan,” Indian king. _See_ “Wingina.”
"Penguin, Island of," adventures on, 98–99.
Persia, 134, 139, 140;
Shah of, 140, 141.
Pert, Sir Thomas, expedition of, 94.
Peru, 230, 241, 242, 265, 266, 267;
mines of, 382.
Philippine Islands, 102, 272, 280.
Philip II of Spain, 6, 10, 124, 126, 129, 138, 356, 368;
Philip III, 387.
Philip and Mary. _See_ Mary.
“Philip and Mary,” ship, in Chancellor’s second voyage to Russia, 125,
126, 127, 138;
in Stephen Borough’s third voyage to Russia, 138.
Phillips, Sir Thomas, 7.
Philpot, Richard, in Frobisher’s second northwestern voyage, 171, 178.
Pinnace, of the fleet with Raleigh’s Second Colony, 354, 355, 357.
Pinzon, Vincente Yarez, navigator, 90.
Plate River, 102, 237, 259, 264.
Plymouth, America, 1.
Plymouth, England, 11, 144, 196, 202, 210, 228, 230, 231, 252, 255,
287, 290, 308, 323, 330, 354, 370, 371.
“Plymouth Company,” The, 25, 385.
“Pocahontas,” 387.
Point Reyes Head, Drake’s landfall in California, 274.
Polo, _Maffei_, 54;
_Nicolo_, 54;
_Marco_, 54;
_Voyages and Travels_ of Marco, 55.
“Port Pheasant,” 230.
Porto Rico, 61, 94, 226, 323, 324.
Portsmouth, England, 349, 353, 367.
Portugal, 21;
Papal bulls in favor of, 52, 60, 87, 90;
claim of, to the North American coast, 91, 284.
Portuguese, navigations and discoveries of, 3, 4, 21, 51, 52, 53, 57,
75, 80, 90, 91, 92, 104;
on the California coast, 274.
“Primrose,” ship, 129.
Prince Edward Island. _See_ St. John, Island of.
_Principal Navigations_, The, 12–14, 25–28;
contents of, 32–35.
Public Library of Boston, 34.
Purchas, _Samuel_, 14;
his Hakluytus Posthumus, 14, 226.
_William_, 88.
Q
“Queen Elizabeth’s Foreland” (Cape Resolution), 151, 161, 180, 181,
184, 188.
R
Raleigh, Sir _Carew_, 310.
Sir _Walter_, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 17, 23, 31, 143, 196, 197;
letters patent granted to, 24, 25, 308–309, 311, 351;
associated with Gilbert’s projects, 286–289;
biographical notice of, 310–311;
preliminary expedition of, sent to America, 311–312;
Virginia taken possession of, 312, 322;
his First Colony, 322–350;
Second Colony, 351–352, 356, 364, 368;
service of, against the Spanish Armada, 369, 370, 379;
repeated quests for his Lost Colony, 381, 384;
voyages of, to the Orinoco, 382–384, 387;
imprisoned in the Tower of London, 381, 382, 385, 386, 387;
_Walter, Jr._, 387.
Prof. _Walter_, 34.
Raleigh Window, The, 388.
Ramusio, Giovanni Battista, historian, 4, 77, 82, 94.
Resolution Island, 151.
Ribault, Capt. John, in Florida, 5, 11, 12, 208.
Rio del Hacha, 203, 212, 228, 229.
“Rio Francesco,” 247, 249, 250.
“River of May,” 206.
“River Occam,” 320.
Roanoke Island, 11, 312;
first Englishmen on, 318, 319, 320, 323;
Raleigh’s First Colony at, 329, 330, 331–352;
abandoned by that colony, 349;
Grenville’s later return to, with a relief fleet, 350, 352, 353;
Second Colony at, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 366;
White at, in quest of the Lost Colony, 371–373, 373–378;
inscription on the palisado at, 376, 379, 380, 386.
Roanoke River. _See_ “Moratoc.”
"Roe-bucke," ship, of the fleet with Raleigh’s First Colony, 323.
“Rosse Bay,” 355.
Rouse, Capt. James, navigator, 231, 232, 237, 238.
Russia, 103;
opening of, by Chancellor’s voyage of 1553, 104–124;
voyages to, for the Muscovy Company, 124–142;
Jenkinson’s adventures in, 130–135;
Borough’s voyages to, 136–139, 141, 142.
S
St. Augustine, 347.
“St. German’s Bay,” 356.
St. John, Island of (Prince Edward Island), 67, 68, 78.
“S. John de Porto Rico, Island of,” 324, 325, 326, 329, 331, 355, 356,
378.
St. John’s, Newfoundland, 291, 292, 296, 297, 300, 305.
St. John’s River. _See_ “River of May.”
St. Julien, port of, 260, 262.
St. Lawrence River, 91, 287.
St. Nicholas, 114, 126, 130, 137, 138, 139, 142.
San Francisco Bay, 274, 279.
San Juan d’Ulloa, 213, 214;
engagement of Hawkins with a Spanish fleet at, 215–224, 226, 228,
229, 328.
Sanderson, William, merchant, 34.
Santa Cruz, 354, 355.
“Searchthrift,” ship, of Borough’s first fleet for Russia, 135, 137.
Settle, Dionysus, his narrative of Frobisher’s second Northwestern
voyage, 158, 160, 161, 166, 167, 168;
description of the natives of “Meta Incognita,” 171–173.
Seville, 4, 21, 59, 79, 80, 84, 96, 138, 201, 231, 238.
Shakspere, William, 17, 30, 34.
Sidney, Sir _Henry_, 106, 143.
Sir _Philip_, 2, 3, 10, 17, 23, 106, 157.
Sighelmus, Bishop of Sheburne, in India, in the ninth century, 37.
Silva, Nuno da, pilot, 257, 271, 272.
Silver, supposed discovery of, in Newfoundland, 295, 296, 300;
specimens lost, 300–301, 304, 305.
“Skyko,” Indian of “Virginia,” 333, 339, 343.
Smyth, William, navigator, 158, 174, 175.
“Solomon,” ship, in Hawkins’s westward voyages, 202.
“Solomon of Weymouth,” ship, in Frobisher’s third Northwestern voyage,
178.
Somers, Sir George, patentee South Virginia Company, 385.
Soto, Hernando de, 15.
South America, 3, 90, 94;
Sebastian Cabot’s discoveries in, 102, 197, 198, 199, 203, 382, 383.
South Carolina, 4.
South Sea. _See_ Pacific Ocean.
Spain’s possessions in America, 1, 3, 8, 9;
on the Pacific coast, 23, 60, 90, 91, 197, 201, 207, 230;
Drake’s raids on, 233–251, 253, 254, 284;
visits of Raleigh’s colonists to, on the outward voyages, 324–328,
354–356, 382, 384.
Spaniards, navigations and discoveries of, 3, 60, 80, 90, 104;
on the California coast, 274, 279.
Spanish Armada, the, 13, 226, 284, 368, 369, 384.
Spanish Inquisition, 224, 225.
Spanish Main, 8, 197, 203;
Drake’s operations on, 228, 229–240, 254, 284.
Spenser, Edmund, 17.
Spice Islands, 272, 280–282.
Spicer, Edward, shipmaster, in “Virginia,” 359, 360;
with White in quest of the Lost Colony, 371, 372, 373;
lost, 374.
“Squirrel,” ship, of Gilbert’s fleet, 288, 290, 291, 297, 298, 299,
302, 303, 304, 305, 306;
foundering of, with Gilbert, 307.
Stafford, Sir _Edward_, 24, 25, 27.
Master _Richard_, chaplain of the Willoughby-Chancellor voyage, 106,
108.
Capt. _Edward_, of Raleigh’s colonies, 344, 346, 347, 357, 360, 362.
Stevens, Henry, bibliophile, 7.
Stow, John, annalist, 87.
Strait of Magellan, 102, 147, 260, 262;
passage of, by Drake’s fleet, 262, 272, 313.
Straits of Hercules, 85.
“Swallow,” ship, in Borough’s third voyage for Russia, 138, 139.
“Swallow,” in Hawkins’s westward voyages, 202, 210.
“Swallow,” of Gilbert’s fleet, 288, 290, 291, 297, 300.
“Swan,” ship, in Drake’s voyages, 229, 230, 239, 254, 258, 259.
T
Tetou, Capt., of a French ship, with Drake at Panama, 247, 249, 251,
252.
Thames River, 39.
Thomas, John, merchant adventurer, 92.
“Thomas Allen,” ship, in Frobisher’s third Northwestern voyage, 178,
183, 184, 187.
“Thomas of Ipswich,” ship, in Frobisher’s third Northwestern voyage,
178, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189.
Thomson, Sir Peter, 7.
Thorne, Robert, merchant, 4, 92, 96, 105.
Tierra del Fuego, 263.
“Tiger,” ship, in Hawkins’s westward voyages, 202.
“Tiger,” of Raleigh’s fleet with his First Colony, 323, 324, 329,
330.
Tower Hill, 387.
Tower of London, 177, 381, 382, 385, 386, 387.
“Treasure of the World,” 236, 238, 254.
Treasure ships, 5, 8;
capture of the “Madre de Dios,” 382.
“Trinitie,” ship, of fleet for Russia, 129.
Trinity College, Cambridge, 19, 30.
U
Upcot, Capt., in Frobisher’s third Northwestern voyage, 178, 190.
V
Valentia, Lord, Library of, 7.
Valparaiso, 265, 266.
Vaz, Lopez, 237.
Venezuela, 203.
“Venta Cruz,” 242, 243, 244, 245.
Verazzano, John, discoverer, 4, 82.
Vermejo River, 102.
Vespucci, Amerigo, 90, 91.
“Virginia,” 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 25, 31;
Capts. Amadas and Barlow’s preliminary expedition to, 10, 311–321;
their landfall, 312;
their description of, 313;
extent of, 322, 385;
named by Queen Elizabeth, 11, 322;
Raleigh’s First Colony in, 322–350;
his Second Colony, 351–357;
fate of a band left by Grenville at Roanoke, 358, 360, 361, 362;
the Lost Colony, 369–379, 381, 382, 384;
“First Colony of Virginia,” 385;
“Second Colony of Virginia,” 385, 386, 387.
_Virginia Richly Valued_, 15.
Volga River, 133, 135.
W
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 10, 13, 23, 24.
“Wanchese,” Indian of “Virginia,” 321, 323, 334.
Ward, Richard, merchant adventurer, 91, 92.
“Wardhouse,” 110, 112, 113, 114, 125, 135, 137.
“Warspite,” battleship, 384.
Watts, John, merchant adventurer, 370.
“West England.” _See_ Greenland.
West Indies, 8, 14;
tradition of discovery by a Welshman, 18, 39–41, 56, 59, 60, 61, 79,
80, 86, 89, 90, 93, 96;
Hawkins in, 197, 200, 202, 211, 213, 226;
Drake in, 228, 230, 238, 284, 286, 312, 370, 378.
Westminster, 27, 30, 77, 88, 129.
Westminster Abbey, 30, 388.
Westminster School, 19, 42.
White, John, artist of Raleigh’s First Colony, 323, 329;
drawings by, 323, 350;
governor of Raleigh’s Second Colony, 323, 352;
grandfather of Virginia Dare, 323, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358,
364, 365;
return of, to England, 366, 367, 368;
quests for the Lost Colony, 369, 370, 371–379, 382, 386.
White Sea, 114, 125, 135, 137.
“William and John,” ship, in Hawkins’s third westward voyage, 210, 231.
Willoughby, Sir Hugh, 103;
Captain-general for the Willoughby-Chancellor voyage, 105;
characterization of, 106;
journal of, 108, 111;
adventures of, as therein recorded, 111–113;
tragic fate of, 113, 124, 125, 126.
Willoughby-Chancellor voyage of 1553, 104–113; 148.
“Willoughbie’s Land,” 112.
Wingfield, Edward Maria, patentee South Virginia Company, 386.
“Wingina,” Indian king, 315, 329, 330;
conspiracy of, to destroy Raleigh’s First Colony, 333–346;
name changed to “Pemisapan,” 33, 360, 362.
Winter, Capt. John, navigator, 254, 263, 313.
Wocokon, Island of, 312, 313, 314, 323, 328, 329, 330, 371.
Wolfall, Master, Frobisher’s chaplain, 186, 192.
Woods, President Leonard, Bowdoin College, 7.
Wright, Edward, 34
Y
Yarmouth, England, 174.
Yorke, Capt. Gilbert, with Frobisher, 158, 168, 170;
“Yorke’s Sound” named for, 171, 178, 183, 187.
Yorke’s Sound, 171.
Z
Zeno, the brothers, navigators, 4;
the Zeno chart, 148, 150, 160.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
=First Across the Continent=
=A concise story of the Lewis and Clark Expedition=
=By Noah Brooks=
_Illustrated. $1.50 net_
“For any one who has an interest in travel, in adventure, and in the
hardihood of the pioneer this is a great story.”—_Baltimore Herald._
“Probably no incident in the Winning of the West exceeds or even equals
in romantic interest that pioneer journey across the continent by Lewis
and Clark.”—_The Churchman._
“It is concise, comprehensive, and readable, and will be useful to young
and old alike. The book is illustrated by reproductions of drawings from
Catlin, Schoolcraft, and other early observers. Ernest Thompson Seton
contributes four animal drawings.”—_St. Louis Post-Dispatch._
“More readable than a romance, full of hair-breadth escapes and imminent
perils from savage man and beast, by storm and flood, by sickness and
cold and starvation.”—_Chicago Post._
------------------------------------------------------------------------
=CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS=
------------------------------------------------------------------------
=The Boy’s King Arthur=
=Being Sir Thomas Mallory’s History of King Arthur and His Knights of
the Round Table=
=Edited by Sidney Lanier=
_Illustrated. $2.00_
“Unconsciously as he reads of the brave deeds, the boy’s
heart is thrilled and his higher nature throbs with knightly
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=The Boy’s Percy=
=Edited by Sidney Lanier=
_Illustrated. $2.00_
“He who walks in the way these following ballads point will be manful in
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=The Boy’s Froissart=
=Being Sir John Froissart’s Chronicles of Adventure, Battle, and Custom
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=Edited by Sidney Lanier=
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“It is quite the beau ideal of a book for a present to an intelligent
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=The Knightly Legends of
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_Illustrated. $2.00_
“Amid all the strange and fanciful scenery of these stories, character
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=CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS=
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=The Story of Rustem=
=And Other Persian Hero Tales from Firdusi=
=By Elizabeth D. Renninger=
ILLUSTRATED BY J. L. S. WILLIAMS
_$1.50 net_
The great hero stories of Persia retold from the Shah Naameh and
beautifully illustrated. What Homer was to Greece and Virgil to Rome,
Firdusi was to Persia, and there are no more thrilling stories of
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heroism and knightly courtesy, coupled with all the mysticism and
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------------------------------------------------------------------------
=CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS=
------------------------------------------------------------------------
=The Boy’s Catlin=
=My Life Among the Indians=
=By George Catlin=
=Edited and arranged for boys, with Biographical Introduction, by Mary
Gay Humphreys=
_With 16 illustrations front Catlin’s drawings_
_$1.50 net_
The most interesting parts of Catlin’s famous book about the North
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and hunting, arranged for boys and superbly illustrated from
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painter, lived among the Indians and studied them at close range, and
his story of the dangers and hardships of the war-path, the hunting and
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------------------------------------------------------------------------
=CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS=
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Transcriber’s Note
The punctuation of the index, especially the use of semi-colons and
commas, seemed inconsistent, and has been regularized to use commas to
separate page references.
Spelling, in quotations from original documents, has been left as
printed, due to the idiosyncratic nature of the orthography of the
various times. Occasionally, odd (to the modern eye) phrases are
seemingly misquoted. Our 'as soon as' is most frequently spelled, in
Hakluyt, 'assoone as', and where another variant (e.g., 'assoonas' on p.
319) appears, the typical spelling is provided.
Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and
are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original.
60.1 As[ ]soone therefore as we came to the Court Inserted.
64.20 [n/m]ay not of any other of our subjects be Replaced.
frequented
97.3 one of them called “The Dominus [R/V]obiscum.” Replaced.
129.26 carried cargoes of Engp[il/li]sh merchandise Transposed.
164.6 followed at a safe di[ts/st]ance Transposed.
171.12 began an ass[ua/ua]lt with a flight of arrows Transposed.
217.30 for the performances of the premisses;[”] Added.
243.3 He headed one c[a/o]mpany Replaced.
307.10 A[t] length, after “great torment of weather Inserted.
and perill of drowning,”
319.24 but [assoonas/assoone as] she espied Replaced.
396.11 “Menatonon,” [I]ndian king, Restored.
400.30 “Second Colony of Virginia,[”] Added.
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