The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Volume 8 - History of Central America, Volume 3, 1801-1887

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Title: The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Volume 8 - History of Central America, Volume 3, 1801-1887
Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Language: English
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Transcriber's Note:

Inconsistent hyphenation and spelling in the original document have
been preserved. Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

In some cases, Bancroft uses both "u" and "v" to spell an
author’s name, e.g. Vetancurt and Vetancvrt.

Other archaic letter substitutions include "b" for "v" and "i" for
"y" and vice versa. These have been left as printed.

Possible printer's errors include:
On page 5, córtes extraordinary should possibly be córtes
extraordinarias.
On page 149, Patsun should possibly be Patzún.
On page 270, quarters should possibly be halves.
On page 387 repeated should possibly be repealed.
On page 652, 1855-5 appears to be an error.
Joaquin Eufracio Guzman should possibly be Joaquin Eufrasio
Guzman.
Joaquin Eustacio Guzman should possibly be Joaquin Eufrasio
Guzman.
The index reference to "Atrato River" wasn't found.
The index reference to "Montaiglon, M. de, works of," wasn't
found.

Possible alternate spellings or printers errors include:
Jutecalpa and Jutigalpa
Tempsky and Tempski
Blazquez and Blasquez
Savana and Sabana
Sutiaba and Subtiaba
Pontaz and Pontaza
Mourgeon and Murgeon
Iztapan and Iztapam
Serapiqui, Sesapiqui, Sarapiqui River
Carataska and Caratasca
Gualcince and Gualcinse
Nandaime, Nandayme, and Nandaimé
mosquitoes and musquitoes
Cuzcatlan and Cuscatlan
Granadans and Granadians
Chimilapa and Chimalapa
Fitzroy and Fitz-Roy
Victor and Víctor
Jil and Gil
Carlos and Cárlos
Quiroz and Quiróz
Angel and Ángel
Vijil and Vigil
Jerardo and Gerardo

Italics in the footnote citations were inconsistently applied
by the typesetter.

Accents and other diacritics are inconsistently used.

Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.

This volume contains references to the previous seven volumes
of this work.

They can be found at:

Volume 6 (Volume 1 of the History of Central America):
Volume 7 (Volume 2 of the History of Central America):

THE WORKS
OF
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.

VOLUME VIII.
HISTORY OF CENTRAL AMERICA.

VOL. III. 1801-1887.

SAN FRANCISCO:
THE HISTORY COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.
1887.

Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1887, by
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.

CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE.
1801-1818.

PAGE

Popular Feeling in Central America—Effect
of Events in Spain—Recognition of American
Equality—Representation in the Spanish
Córtes—Delusive Reforms—End of Saravia's
Rule—President José Bustamante—His Despotic
Course—Demands in the Córtes—Constitutional
Guarantees—Official Hostility—Campaign in
Oajaca—Revolutionary Movements in Salvador—War in
Nicaragua—Conspiracy in Guatemala—Treatment of
the Insurgents—Disrespect to the Diputacion—The
Constitution Revoked—Royal Decrees 1

CHAPTER II.

INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.
1818-1821.

President Cárlos Urrutia—His Liberal
Views—Colombian Assaults—Spanish Constitution
Restored—The Gazistas, or Bacos—The Cacos—José del
Valle—Pedro Molina—Liberal Institutions—Extent
of the Political Government—Ecclesiastical
Administration—Work of American Deputies—Party
Excitement in Guatemala—Urrutia Delegates his
Powers—Substitute President Gavino Gainza—Chiapas
and her Government—She Secedes from Spain and
Joins the Mexican Empire—Guatemala Declares for
Independence—Junta Gubernativa—Convocation of a
Congress 23

CHAPTER III.

UNION WITH MEXICO.
1821-1822.

First Acts of Guatemalan Rulers—Intrigues
of Parties—Their Evil Consequences—Gainza's
Intrigues—Independence in the Other Provinces—Rewards
to Gainza—Troubles in Salvador—Dissensions in
Honduras—Local Squabbles in Nicaragua—Predilection
for Imperialism—Costa Rica Neutral—Condition
of Various Sections—Seceding Districts
of Guatemala—Perplexities of the Junta
Consultiva—Iturbide's Devices—Military Pressure—His
Proposals Accepted—Illegal Annexation—Protests and
Resistance—War Begins 42

CHAPTER IV.

CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.
1822-1825.

Secession from Mexico—Arzú's Campaign—Prevarication
of Salvador—Filisola's Victory—His Subsequent
Course—Liberal Triumph in Costa Rica—Honduras
Favors Union—National Independence Secured—Labors to
Organize a Nation—The Constituent Assembly—Provincias
Unidas del Centro de América—Abolition of African
Slavery—Provisional Government—Moderados or
Serviles—Liberales or Fiebres—Principles and
Aims of Parties—Mexican Forces Retire—Seditions
Begin—Salvadoran Force in Guatemala—Confederacion de
Centro América—Fundamental Law—Finances—Adjournment
of the Constituent Assembly 60

CHAPTER V.

CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.
1825-1830.

General Elections—Meeting of the First
Congress—Manuel José Arce, First President
of the Republic—Foreign Relations—Arce's
Prevarications—Conflict with Guatemala—Party
Bickerings—Liberals Quarrel with Arce—He Joins their
Opponents—Bitterness Engendered—President versus
Guatemalan Rulers—Arrest of Jefe Juan Barrundia—Riots
at Quezaltenango—Murder of Vice-jefe Cirilo
Flores—Arce as Dictator in Guatemala—War against
Salvador—Arce Defeated—He Gives up the Presidency,
and Cannot Recover It—Bloody War of 1826-9—Morazan
the Victor—José Francisco Barrundia, Acting
President—Liberal Measures—Peace Restored—Spanish
Schemes 79

CHAPTER VI.

CIVIL WAR.
1829-1838.

Revolution in Honduras—Conservatives Invade the
State—Second General Elections—Francisco Morazan
Chosen President—Plots of the Serviles—Arce's
Invasion from Mexico—Occupation of Honduras Ports by
Exiled Rebels—Spanish Flag Hoisted in Omoa, and Aid
from Cuba—Salvadoran Authorities in Rebellion—Third
General Elections—Morazan Reëlected—Failure of
Colonization Plans—Ravages of Cholera—Indian Revolt
under Carrera—His Early Life 108

CHAPTER VII.

DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC.
1837-1840.

Campaign against Carrera—Several Departments of
Guatemala in Rebellion—Jefe Galvez Deposed—Carrera
Takes Guatemala—Murder of Salazar—Carrera Accepts
Money to Leave the City—Dictatorship Offered
Morazan by the Aristocrats and Refused—Carrera's
Second Rebellion—The Republic in Peril—Morazan's
Efforts to Save It—Nicaragua and Honduras Forces
Invade Salvador—Morazan Defeats Them—His Retreat
to San Salvador—He Embarks—Is Refused Hospitality
in Costa Rica—Goes to South America—The Republic is
Dead—Salvador at the Mercy of Carrera 127

CHAPTER VIII.

GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.
1824-1840.

State Government of Guatemala—Barrundia's
Radicalism—His Overthrow—Vice-jefe Flores
Assassinated in Quezaltenango—Downfall
of the Liberals in Guatemala—Aristocratic
Leaders Exiled—Jefe Molina—His Differences,
Impeachment, and Acquittals—Rivera Cabezas'
Reforms—Earthquakes—Galvez' Rule and its
Benefits—Party Opposition to Him—Indian
Outbreaks—Carrera Captures Guatemala—Galvez
Resigns—Subsequent Rule of the Aristocrats—Guatemala
again Independent—Honduras' State Government—Jefe
Dionisio Herrera—Early Dissensions—Comayagua
Assaulted by Rebels—Morazan in the
Field—Honduras Secedes from the Central American
Confederation—Federalism Rooted out of her Territory 145

CHAPTER IX.

SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
1824-1840.

Salvador State Government—Liberals
Overthrown—Secession from the Union—San Salvador as
the Federal Seat of Government—Guatemala Imposes her
Will—Jefe Cañas and Comandante Malespin—Nicaragua's
Early Troubles—Siege and Bombardment of
Leon—Organization of State Government—Dissensions
and Warfare—Eruption of Cosigüina—Secession from
the Confederation—Costa Rica as a Confederated
State—Juan Mora's Administration—Towns' Bickerings
Settled—Braulio Carrillo's Rule—Final Secession from
the Central American Republic—Prosperity of the State 165

CHAPTER X.

DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
1839-1852.

Interstate Dissensions—Pacto de
Chinandega—Confederacion Centro Americana—Supremo
Delegado Chamorro—Hostility of Guatemala and
British Officials—Arce Invades Salvador—War of
the Confederacy against Guatemala—Helplessness of
Chamorro—End of the Pacto de Chinandega—Condition of
the States—Ferrera's Bad Faith—Salvador and Honduras
against Nicaragua—Horrors of Leon—Vice-president
Joaquin E. Guzman—Honduras and Salvador at
War—Guardiola's Vandalism—Malespin Overthrown—Renewed
Efforts to Confederate—Guatemala an Independent
Republic—Costa Rica Follows—Salvador, Nicaragua,
and Honduras a Confederacy—Its Short Life—Further
Unsuccessful Attempts 186

CHAPTER XI.

REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.
1841-1856.

Rule of Carrillo Continued—Plots
for its Overthrow—Invasion of
Morazan—Change of Government—Morazan's
Policy—Opposition—Revolts—Morazan's Defeat and
Death—Satisfaction of the Oligarchs—Measures
of the Victors—New Constitution—Subsequent
Amendments—Sedition—Castro's Administration—Costa
Rica Declared a Republic—Recognition by
Spain—Relations with Other Powers—Boundary Questions
with Nicaragua and Colombia—President Juan Rafael
Mora—His Repressive Measures 215

CHAPTER XII.

REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.
1838-1855.

State Government—Director Buitrago's
Conservatism—British Aggression—Director
Sandoval's Rule—Internal Troubles—Guerrero's
Administration—The Mosquito Kingdom—Its Origin
and History—Bubbles—British Pretensions—Seizure
of San Juan del Norte—Diplomatic
Complications—Clayton-Bulwer Treaty—Nicaragua
Recovers her Own—Relations with Foreign
Powers—An American War Ship Bombards San Juan
del Norte—Pineda's Government—Establishment of
the Republic—Party Dissensions—Legitimists versus
Democrats—Chamorro and Castellon—Civil War—Death of
Chamorro—Estrada Succeeds Him 238

CHAPTER XIII.

REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.
1840-1865.

President Rivera Paz—Carrera's Course—Pretended
Sedition—Dissolution of the Assembly—A
Consejo Constituyente Created—Carrera Becomes
President—Attempt against his Life—Revolt of
Monterrosa—Carrera's Despotism—The Republic
Established—Relations with Other Powers—Revolution of
the Mountain—Constituent Assembly Convened—Carrera's
Forced Resignation and Exile—Liberals
Triumphant—Their Squabbles and Disintegration—The
Moderado Party—Revolution of Los Altos—Intrigues
of the Serviles—Presidencies of Martinez and
Escobar—Causes of their Resignations—Paredes—Recall
of Carrera—Deeds of Vengeance—Carrera again
President—Partial Restoration of Peace 264

CHAPTER XIV.

REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
1839-1865.

Malespin's Acts—Lindo's Coup d'Etat and Deposal—Jefe
Guzman—Revolt at Santa Ana—President Aguilar—The
Bishop Expelled—Viteri's Alliance with Malespin and
Honduran Oligarchs—President Vasconcelos—British
Hostilities—Salvador's Relations with Foreign
Powers—San Martin's Administration—Destruction of
San Salvador—President Campo—Campaign against Walker
in Nicaragua—Establishment of the Republic—Santin's
Overthrow—Presidency of Gerardo Barrios—War
of Salvador and Honduras against Guatemala
and Nicaragua—The Latter Victorious—Barrios'
Flight—Restoration of Peace—Dueñas as
President—Barrios' Subsequent Return—His Capture and
Surrender by Nicaragua—His Execution in San Salvador 285

CHAPTER XV.

REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.
1840-1865.

President Ferrera—Revolutionary Movements—Political
Executions—Presidency of Juan Lindo—New
Constitution—Lindo Overthrown—Belize—Honduras'
Troubles with Great Britain—British
Occupation of Tiger Island—Bombardment of
Omoa—Bay Islands—President Cabañas—War with
Guatemala—Guardiola's Assassination—Provisional
Rules of Castellanos and Montes—Alliance with
Barrios—Unsuccessful War with Guatemala and
Nicaragua—Montes Deposed—Establishment of the
Republic—José M. Medina Chosen President—Amendment of
the Constitution 309

CHAPTER XVI.

WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.
1855-1856.

Kinney's Expedition—William Walker Joins the
Democrats—Failure of his Expedition to Rivas—Cholera
Decimates the Legitimists at Managua—Death
of Muñoz—Walker's Victories at La Vírgen and
Granada—Execution of Minister Mayorga—Walker's
Convention with Corral—Provisional Government
Organized—President Patricio Rivas—Commander of
the Forces, Walker—Minister of War Corral Put
to Death for Treason—Recognition by Salvador
and Honduras—Seizure of the Transit Company's
Steamers—Costa Ricans on the War-path—Havoc of
Cholera 327

CHAPTER XVII.

END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA.
1856-1867.

Recognition of President Rivas by the United
States—Walker's Hostile Attitude—Flight of
Rivas—Walker Makes Himself President—Alliance
against Him—Death of Estrada—The Legitimists
Accept Rivas—Costa Ricans and Nicaraguans in
Rivas—Destruction of Granada—It is Occupied by
Allied Forces—Walker Reoccupies Rivas—Where He is
Besieged—Successes of the Costa Ricans—Failure of
Lockridge's Expedition—Surrender of Walker—War
of Nicaragua and Costa Rica—Commodore Paulding
and Walker's Second Attempt—Walker's Invasion
of Honduras, Capture, and Execution—Government
Reorganized—President Martinez' Administrations 347

CHAPTER XVIII.

POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.
1856-1886.

Rewards to Walker's Conquerors—Reëlection of
Mora—His Downfall and Exile—His Return, Capture,
and Execution—Montealegre's Administration—Violence
of Parties—Compromise on Jesus Jimenez—His Peaceful
Rule—President José M. Castro—Charges against
Him—His Overthrow—Several New Constitutions—Jimenez
again President—His Arbitrary Acts—How He was
Deposed—President Carranza—Other Temporary
Rulers—President Guardia's Despotism—Failure of his
Warlike Plans—His Death—Administration of Próspero
Fernandez—Preparations to Defend Independence—His
Sudden Death—Bernardo Soto's Peaceful Rule 371

CHAPTER XIX.

DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.
1865-1885.

Rule of President Dueñas—His Conservatism—Quarrel
with Honduras—The Latter Allied with Salvadoran
Liberals—Battle of Santa Ana—Dueñas Deposed—His
Impeachment, Release, and Temporary Exile—Santiago
Gonzalez Provisional President—Gonzalez Elected
Chief Magistrate—Guatemala and Salvador at
War with Honduras—Murder of Vice-president
Mendez—Earthquakes—President Valle—Trouble with
Guatemala—Exeunt Valle and Gonzalez—Zaldívar's Long
Rule—Constitutional Changes—Alliance with Nicaragua
and Costa Rica—Resistance to Barrios' Plan of
Conquest—Salvador Victorious—Restored Peace—Zaldívar
Eliminated—Revolution—F. Menendez Made President 392

CHAPTER XX.

DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.
1865-1873.

President Cerna's Rule—Partial Revolts—Liberals
in the Assembly—Cerna's Reëlection—Riots in
the Capital—Zavala's Course—Cruz' Rebellion,
Defeat, and Death—Arrests of Liberals—Moderation
of the Government—Revolution of García
Granados and Barrios—Plan of Patzicia—Cerna
Defeated and Overthrown—Granados as Presidente
Provisorio—Seditious Movements Quelled—Abolition of
Priestly Privileges—Prelates, Jesuits, and Capuchins
Expelled—War with Honduras—Barrios as Substitute
President—His Severity—Elections—Barrios Chosen
Constitutional President 413

CHAPTER XXI.

RENEWED EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.
1873-1885.

President Barrios of Guatemala—End of Reactionary
War—Guatemalan Progress—War with Salvador and
Honduras—Barrios' Successes and Generosity
to the Vanquished—Constitutional Régime in
Guatemala—Barrios' Reëlections—His Visit to the
United States—Peaceful Effort to Unite Central
America—Resort to Arms—Alliance of Guatemala and
Honduras—Barrios Attacks Salvador—His Defeat and
Death—His Plan Abandoned—M. L. Barillas, Provisional
President of Guatemala—Restoration of Peace 431

CHAPTER XXII.

HONDURAS AFFAIRS.
1865-1886.

National Flag and Escutcheon—Order of Santa
Rosa—Medina's Long Rule—His Differences with Dueñas,
and Triumph—War with Salvador and Guatemala—Medina
Defeated and Overthrown—Céleo Arias Succeeds Him—His
Liberal Policy—He is Beset by the Conservatives—His
Former Supporters Depose Him—Ponciano Leiva Becomes
President—His Course Displeases Barrios, Who Sets
Medina against Him—He is Forced to Resign—Marco
Aurelio Soto Made President by Barrios—Attempted
Revolt of Ex-president Medina—His Trial and
Execution—Soto's Administration—He Goes Abroad—His
Quarrel with Barrios, and Resignation—President
Bogran—Filibustering Schemes 453

CHAPTER XXIII.

POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.
1867-1885.

President Fernando Guzman—Insurrection—Misconduct
of Priests—Defeats of the Insurgents—Foreign
Mediation—Generosity of the Government—President
Vicente Quadra—Inception of the Jesuits—Aims of
Parties—Internal and Foreign Complications—Costa
Rica's Hostility and Tinoco's Invasion—Presidents
Chamorro and Zavala—More Political Troubles—Jesuits
the Promoters—Their Expulsion—Peace Restored—Progress
of the Country—President Adan Cárdenas—Resistance to
President Barrios' Plan of Forced Reconstruction 470

CHAPTER XXIV.

INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.
1801-1822.

Administration under Spain—Influence of
Events in Europe and Spanish America on the
Isthmus—Hostilities in Nueva Granada—Constitutional
Government—General Hore's Measures to Hold
the Isthmus for Spain—MacGregor's Insurgent
Expedition at Portobello—Reëstablishment of the
Constitution—Captain-general Murgeon's Rule—The
Isthmus is Declared Independent—Its Incorporation
with Colombia—José Fábrega in Temporary Command—José
María Carreño Appointed Intendente and Comandante
General—Abolition of African Slavery 488

CHAPTER XXV.

DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.
1819-1863.

Panamá Congress—Provincial Organizations—Alzuru's
Rebellion and Execution—Secession from Colombia
and Reincorporation—Differences with Foreign
Governments—Crime Rampant—Summary Treatment
of Criminals—Riots and Massacre of Foreign
Passengers—Attempts to Rob Treasure Trains—Neutrality
Treaties—Establishment of Federal System—Panamá
as a State—Revolutionary Era Begins—A Succession
of Governors—Seditious Character of the Negro
Population—Revolution against Governor Guardia and
his Death—Another Political Organization—Estado
Soberano de Panamá—Liberal Party in Full
Control—Stringent Measures 510

CHAPTER XXVI.

FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.
1863-1885.

Presidents Goitia, Santa Coloma, and Calancha—Undue
Interference of Federal Officials—Colunje's
Administration—President Olarte's Energy—Enmity
of the Arrabal's Negroes—Short and Disturbed
Rules of Diaz and Ponce—President Correoso—Negro
Element in the Ascendent—Conservatives Rebel, and
are Discomfited—Armed Peace for a Time—Feverish
Rules of Neira, Miró, Aizpuru, Correoso, and
Casorla—Cervera's Long Tenure—Temporary Rule of Vives
Leon—President Santodomingo Vila—Obtains Leave of
Absence—Is Succeeded by Pablo Arosemena—Aizpuru's
Revolution—Arosemena Flees and Resigns—Outrages at
Colon—American Forces Protect Panamá—Collapse of
the Revolution—Aizpuru and Correoso Imprisoned—Chief
Causes of Disturbances on the Isthmus 532

CHAPTER XXVII.

CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
1886.

Extent of the Country—Climate—Mountains and
Volcanoes—Earthquakes—Rivers and Lakes—Costa Rica's
Area, Possessions, and Political Division and
Government—Her Chief Cities—Nicaragua, her Territory,
Towns, and Municipal Administration—Honduras' Extent,
Islands, Cities, and Local Government—Salvador, her
Position, Area, Towns, and Civil Rule—Guatemala's
Extent and Possessions—Her Cities and Towns—Internal
Administration—Isthmus of Panamá—Area, Bays,
Rivers, and Islands—Department and District Rule—The
Capital and Other Towns—Population—Character and
Customs—Education—Epidemics and Other Calamities 560

CHAPTER XXVIII.

THE PEOPLE OF COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.
1800-1887.

Central American Population—Its Divisions—General
Characteristics and Occupations—Land Grants—Efforts
at Colonization—Failure of Foreign Schemes—Rejection
of American Negroes—Character of the Costa Rican
People—Dwellings—Dress—Food—Amusements—Nicaraguan
Men and Women—Their Domestic Life—How They Amuse
Themselves—People of Salvador—Their Character and
Mode of Living 587

CHAPTER XXIX.

THE PEOPLE OF HONDURAS AND GUATEMALA.
1800-1887.

Amalgamation in Honduras—Possible War of
Races—Xicaques and Payas—Zambos or Mosquitos—Pure
and Black Caribs—Distinguishing Traits—Ladinos—Their
Mode of Life—Guatemala and her People—Different
Classes—Their Vocations—Improved Condition of the
Lower Classes—Mestizos—Pure Indians—Lacandones—White
and Upper Class—Manners and Customs—Prevailing
Diseases—Epidemics—Provision for the Indigent 608

CHAPTER XXX.

INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT.
1800-1887.

Public Education—Early Efforts at Development—Costa
Rica's Measures—Small Success—Education in
Nicaragua—Schools and Colleges—Nicaraguan
Writers—Progress in Salvador and Honduras—Brilliant
Results in Guatemala—Polytechnic School—Schools of
Science, Arts, and Trades—Institute for the Deaf,
Dumb, and Blind—University—Public Writers—Absence of
Public Libraries—Church History in Central America
and Panamá—Creation of Dioceses of Salvador and
Costa Rica—Immorality of Priests—Their Struggles for
Supremacy—Efforts to Break their Power—Banishments of
Prelates—Expulsion of Jesuits—Suppression of Monastic
Orders—Separation of Church and State—Religious
Freedom 621

CHAPTER XXXI.

JUDICIAL AND MILITARY.
1887.

Judicial System of Guatemala—Jury Trials in the
Several States—Courts of Honduras—Absence of
Codes in the Republic—Dilatory Justice—Impunity
of Crime in Honduras and Nicaragua—Salvador's
Judiciary—Dilatory Procedure—Codification of Laws
in Nicaragua—Costa Rican Administration—Improved
Codes—Panamá Courts—Good Codes—Punishments
for Crime in the Six States—Jails and
Penitentiaries—Military Service—Available Force of
Each State—How Organized—Naval—Expenditures—Military
Schools—Improvements 638

CHAPTER XXXII.

INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS.
1800-1887.

Early Agriculture—Protection of the Industry—Great
Progress Attained—Communal Lands—Agricultural
Wealth—Decay of Cochineal—Development of Other
Staples—Indigo, Coffee, Sugar, Cacao, and
Tobacco—Food and Other Products—Precious Woods
and Medicinal Plants—Live-stock—Value of Annual
Production in Each State—Natural Products of
Panamá—Neglect of Agriculture—Mineral Wealth—Yield
of Precious Metals—Mining in Honduras, Salvador,
and Nicaragua—Deposits of Guatemala and Costa
Rica—Mints—Former Yield of Panamá—Mining Neglected on
the Isthmus—Incipiency of Manufactures—Products for
Domestic Use 650

CHAPTER XXXIII.

COMMERCE AND FINANCE.
1801-1887.

Early State of Trade—Continued Stagnation
after Independence—Steam on the Coasts—Its
Beneficial Effects—Variety of Staples—Ports
of Entry and Tariffs—Imports and
Exports—Fairs—Accessory Transit Company—Internal
Navigation—Highways—Money—Banking—Postal
Service—Panamá Railway Traffic—Local Trade of the
Isthmus—Pearl Fishery—Colonial Revenue in Finances of
the Federation—Sources of Revenue of Each State—Their
Receipts and Expenditures—Foreign and Internal Debts 663

CHAPTER XXXIV.

INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.
1801-1887.

Ancient Ideas on the North-west Passage—From
Peru to La Plata—Cape Horn Discovered—Arctic
Regions—McClure's Successful Voyage—Crozier's
Discovery—Franklin's Attempts—Finding by
Nordenskiöld of the North-east Passage—Projects to
Unite the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans across the
Isthmuses—Plans about Tehuantepec—Explorations for a
Ship-canal Route in Nicaragua, Panamá, and Darien—The
Nicaragua Accessory Transit Company—Construction of
the Panamá Railway, and its Great Benefits—Further
Efforts for a Canal—Organization of a French
Company—A Ship-canal under Construction
across the Isthmus of Panamá—Difficulties and
Expectations—Central American Railroads and
Telegraphs—Submarine Cables 688

HISTORY

CENTRAL AMERICA.

CHAPTER I.

LAST DAYS OF SPANISH RULE.

1801-1818.

POPULAR FEELING IN CENTRAL AMERICA—EFFECT OF EVENTS IN
SPAIN—RECOGNITION OF AMERICAN EQUALITY—REPRESENTATION
IN THE SPANISH CÓRTES—DELUSIVE REFORMS—END OF SARAVIA'S
RULE—PRESIDENT JOSÉ BUSTAMANTE—HIS DESPOTIC COURSE—DEMANDS
IN THE CÓRTES—CONSTITUTIONAL GUARANTEES—OFFICIAL
HOSTILITY—CAMPAIGN IN OAJACA—REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS IN
SALVADOR—WAR IN NICARAGUA—CONSPIRACY IN GUATEMALA—TREATMENT
OF THE INSURGENTS—DISRESPECT TO THE DIPUTACION—THE
CONSTITUTION REVOKED—ROYAL DECREES.

The opening century was pregnant with important events both in Europe
and America. By 1808 affairs in Spain culminated in the French
emperor's detention of the king and other members of the royal
family at Bayonne, where he forced them finally to resign in his
favor their rights to the Spanish crown. The circle surrounding the
captain-general, audiencia, and archbishop of Guatemala was made up,
not only of European Spaniards, but of Guatemalans belonging to the
so-called noble families. Popular displeasure was manifested both
against the Spaniards and against the provincial aristocracy.[I-1] The
oligarchy was hated throughout the province of Guatemala proper, and
still more in the other provinces of the presidency.

However, when the news of Napoleon's usurpation reached America, it
caused a strong revulsion of feeling in Central America, as well as
elsewhere in the Spanish dominions, even among the large class which
had hitherto secretly fostered a warm desire for independent national
existence. Creoles of pure Spanish descent, though yearning to be
free from the old thraldom, could not bring themselves to discard the
country which gave them blood, religion, and civilization. As to the
educated Indians, who were also among the wishers for independence,
like all of their race, they looked up to the ruling power with
reverence and fear. Thus arose a struggle between the old veneration
and the love of freedom; a struggle which was to last in Central
America a few years longer, though the people were becoming more and
more impatient, while leaning to the side of independent nationality.
Circumstances seemed to demand that the old connection should not be
ruptured till 1821, when decisive results in New Spain brought on the
final crisis here. When the news of Napoleon's acts of violence and
usurpations reached Guatemala, popular loyalty was aroused, and showed
itself in various ways. Manifestations by the authorities, expressive
of fealty to the mother country and the royal family, met with an
apparently hearty response from the people.

Advices came on the 30th of June, 1808, of the occurrences at
Aranjuez of March 19th.[I-2] July passed amid much anxiety about
affairs in Spain, and the public mind became depressed by unfavorable
news received on the 13th of August. Next day, at a meeting of the
authorities,[I-3] the state of affairs was anxiously discussed.
The mariscal de campo, Antonio Gonzalez Mollinedo y Saravia, had
succeeded Dolmas on the 28th of July, 1801, in the offices of governor,
captain-general, and president of the audiencia. He had seen forty
years of service in the royal armies,[I-4] and had with him his wife,
Micaela Colarte, and offspring.[I-5]

[Sidenote: SARAVIA AND FERNANDO VII.]

President Saravia read to the meeting a despatch from the viceroy of
Mexico, and a copy of the _Gaceta_ giving an account of the abdication
of Fernando VII., and of the surrender by other members of the royal
family of their rights to the Spanish crown. After due consideration,
the meeting declared these acts to have resulted from violence, being
therefore illegal and unjust, and not entitled to recognition. It
was further resolved that the authorities and people should renew
their allegiance to the legitimate sovereign, continue upholding the
laws hitherto in force, and maintain unity of action, for the sake of
religion, peace, and good order. Instructions were received[I-6] to
raise the standard of Fernando VII., and swear allegiance to him, which
were duly carried out.[I-7]

The opportunity has now arrived for a radical change in the political
status of Spanish America. The colonies have hitherto had no
government, save that of rulers set over them by a monarch whose
will was absolute, whose edicts constituted their code of laws; the
subject being allowed no voice in public affairs, save occasionally as
a timid petitioner. But troubles beset Spain at this time. Her king
is powerless; the friends of constitutional government have now the
control, and proceed to establish the desired liberal régime. In order
to be consistent, and to some extent satisfy the aspirations of their
fellow-subjects in America, the provisional government decrees, and the
córtes upon assembling confirm, all the rights claimed for Spaniards
dwelling in Spain, together with representation in the córtes and other
national councils.

The Junta Suprema Central Gubernativa in the king's name declares on
the 22d of January, 1809, the Spanish possessions in America to be, in
fact, integral parts of the monarchy,[I-8] and, approving the report of
the council of the Indies of November 21, 1808, in favor of granting
to the American dominions representation near the sovereign, and the
privilege of forming by deputies a part of the aforesaid junta, issues
to the president of Guatemala an order to invite the people of the
provinces to choose their deputy to reside at court as a member of the
governing junta.[I-9] On the 3d of March, 1810, the electors assembled
in Guatemala and chose for deputy the colonel of militia, Manuel José
Pavon y Muñoz.[I-10] The powers given him by his constituents were
general, but enjoined allegiance to the king and permanent connection
with the mother country.[I-11]

[Sidenote: DIPUTACION AMERICANA.]

The supreme government, early in 1810, in its anxiety to be surrounded
by the representatives of the people, hastened the convocation of
córtes extraordinary. Fearing, however, that there might not be a
sufficient number chosen for their timely attendance at the opening of
the session, it apprised the provincial authorities, reiterating the
decree a little later,[I-12] that deficiencies would be temporarily
supplied until regularly elected deputies presented themselves to
occupy their seats in the chamber. Guatemala, in common with the rest
of America, was unable to send her deputies in time, and had to be
represented at the inauguration by suplentes, or proxies. These[I-13]
were Andrés del Llano, a post-captain, and Colonel Manuel del Llano.
One of the first acts of the córtes[I-14] was to confirm the principle
that all the Spanish dominions possessed the same rights, promising
to enact at an early day laws conducive to the welfare of the American
portion, and to fix the number and form of national representation in
both continents.

At the suggestion of the diputacion americana, as the body of American
members was called, a general amnesty for political offences was
decreed, with the expectation of its yielding the best results in
favor of peace and conciliation. Promises of reform, and of better
days for Central America, were held out, but the provincial government
paid little attention to them. Meanwhile a jealous and restless police
constantly watched the movements of suspected persons. Informers and
spies lurked everywhere, seeking for some one against whom to bring
charges.

The promised blessings proved delusive. Instead of reforms, the people
witnessed the installation of a tribunal de fidelidad, with large
powers, for the trial and punishment of suspected persons.[I-15] This
court was short lived, however, being suppressed about the middle of
the following year, under the order of the supreme government, dated
February 20, 1811. And thus Guatemala was kept quiet and apparently
loyal, when the greater part of Spanish America was in open revolt.

Saravia's rule came to an end on the 14th of March, 1811. He was
promoted to the rank of lieutenant-general, and appointed by the
government at Cádiz to the command in chief of the forces in Mexico.
On his arrival in Oajaca, the viceroy, who was chagrined at his powers
having been thus curtailed, detained him at that place. In November
1812, the city being captured by the independents, Saravia was taken
prisoner and shot.[I-16]

[Sidenote: BUSTAMANTE Y GUERRA.]

The successor of Saravia was Lieutenant-general José Bustamante y
Guerra, appointed by the supreme council of regency, and soon after
confirmed by the córtes generales extraordinarias. He was a naval
officer, and had made several important cruises in the cause of
science,[I-17] and latterly had been civil and military governor of
Montevideo, a position that he filled efficiently. His zeal against the
independents in that country pointed him out as the one best fitted to
retard the independence of Central America. On his return to Spain from
South America he refused to recognize Joseph Bonaparte.

Bustamante is represented to have been an inflexible, vigilant,
and reticent ruler. He lost no time in adopting stringent measures
to check insurrections, and displayed much tact in choosing his
agents and spies. No intelligent native of the country was free from
mistrust, slight suspicion too often bringing upon the subject search
of domicile, imprisonment, or exile. He never hesitated to set aside
any lenient measures emanating from the home government in favor
of the suspected, and spared no means that would enable him, at the
expiration of his term, to surrender the country entire and at peace
to his superiors. He was successful, notwithstanding there were several
attempts at secession.

Meanwhile the American representatives had been permitted to lift
their voice in the national councils. They had called attention to
the grievances of their people. In a long memorial of August 1, 1811,
to the córtes, they had refuted the oft-repeated charge that the
friends of independence in America were or had been under Napoleonic
influence. They set forth the causes of discontent,[I-18] which they
declared was of long standing, and called for a remedy. Reference was
made to Macanar's memorial to Felipe V.,[I-19] wherein he stated that
the Americans were displeased, not so much because they were under
subjection to Spain, as because they were debased and enslaved by the
men sent out by the crown to fill the judicial and other offices.[I-20]

The organic code was finally adopted on the 18th of March, 1812.[I-21]
The instrument consisted of ten titles, divided into chapters, in
their turn subdivided into sections, and might be considered in two
parts: 1st, general form of government for the whole nation, namely, a
constitutional monarchy; 2d, special plan for the administration of the
Indies.[I-22]

[Sidenote: NEW ORGANIC CODE.]

In lieu of the old ayuntamientos, which were made up of hereditary
regidores, whose offices might be transferred or sold, others were
created, their members to be chosen by electors who had been in their
turn chosen by popular vote. The ayuntamientos were to control the
internal police of their towns, their funds, public instruction within
their respective localities, benevolent establishments, and local
improvements. They were to be under the inspection of a diputacion
provincial, formed of seven members, elected by the above-mentioned
electors, in each province, under the presidency of the chief civil
officer appointed by the king; the chief and the diputacion were
jointly to have the direction of the economical affairs of the
province. No act of either corporation was final till approved by
the national córtes. In America and Asia, however, owing to great
distances, moneys lawfully appropriated might be used with the assent
of the chief civil authority; but a timely report was to be made
to the supreme government for the consideration of the córtes. Such
were the chief wheels in the machinery of provincial and municipal
administration. Now, as to popular rights, equality of representation
in the provinces of the Spanish peninsula, Asia, and America was
fully recognized. The descendants of Africans were alone deprived of
the rights of citizenship. This exclusion was combated with forcible
arguments by many of the American deputies setting forth the faithful,
efficient services colored men had repeatedly rendered and were still
rendering to the nation, and their fitness for almost every position.
Many of them, they said, had received sacred orders, or had been
engaged in other honorable callings, in which they had made good
records; besides which, they comprised a considerable portion of the
useful mining and agricultural population. Unfortunately for the negro
race, the American deputies were not all of one mind. Larrazábal,
from Guatemala, probably acting both on his own judgment and on the
opinion expressed in 1810 by the real consulado, asserted the black
man's incapacity, advocating that persons of African blood should
be conceded only the privilege of voting at elections. This motion
was supported by a Peruvian deputy. The peninsular members favored
the admission to full rights of colored priests, and all colored men
serving in the royalist armies. The measure was lost, however; but the
article as passed authorized the admission to full political rights, by
special acts of the córtes, of colored men proving themselves worthy
by a remarkably virtuous life, good service to the country, talents,
or industriousness, provided they were born in wedlock, of fathers
who had been born free, married to free-born wives, and were residents
of Spanish possessions, practising some useful profession and owning
property.

Pursuant to the constitution, the córtes ordered, May 23, 1812,
elections for members to the ordinary córtes of 1813.[I-23]

The constitution was received at Guatemala on the 10th of September,
1812, proclaimed on the 24th, and its support solemnly sworn to by the
authorities and people on the 3d of November, with great satisfaction
and evidences of loyalty. Gold and silver medals were struck off to
commemorate the event.[I-24]

The installation of the córtes took place, with the apparent approval
of Guatemala. The president, members of the audiencia, and other
dignitaries who had thriven under absolutism, looking on Americans
as 'our colonists,' became at once liberals and constitutionalists,
pretending to recognize the wisdom of the national congress in
declaring that the Americans were no longer colonists, but citizens
of one common country. Their manifestation of September 15, 1812, was
followed three days after by one from the ayuntamiento of Guatemala
to Deputy Larrazábal, in the same strain, suggesting the creation of a
board advisory to the córtes, on the reino de Guatemala legislation.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: EXPEDITION TO OAJACA.]

After the fall of Oajaca during the Mexican war of independence, the
patriot chief Morelos regarded the rear of his military operations as
secure. Sympathizing messages had reached him from men of weight in
Guatemala, which lulled him into the belief that attack need not be
apprehended from this quarter. To Ignacio Rayon he wrote: "Good news
from Guatemala; they have asked for the plan of government, and I'll
send them the requisite information." It was all a mistake. His cause
had friends in Central America, and enemies likewise. Among the most
prominent of the latter were Captain-general Bustamante and Archbishop
Casaus. The ecclesiastic, with a number of Spanish merchants from
Oajaca who had sought refuge in Guatemala, prompted the general, then
anxious to avenge the execution of his predecessor, to fit out an
expedition, invade Oajaca, and harass the insurgents even at the gates
of the city.

About 700 men, mostly raw recruits, were accordingly put in the field,
early in 1813, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Dambrini, a
man of little ability and unsavory record, and crossed the line into
Tehuantepec. Dambrini could not abandon his money-making propensities;
and having been led to believe he would encounter but little or no
resistance, took along a large quantity of merchandise for trading. On
the 25th of February a small insurgent force was captured in Niltepec,
and Dambrini had its commander, together with a Dominican priest and
twenty-eight others, shot the next day. This was the usual treatment of
prisoners by both belligerents. But on April 20th the Guatemalans were
flanked and routed at Tonalá by the enemy under Matamoros. Dambrini
fled, and his men dispersed, leaving in the victors' possession their
arms, ammunition, and Dambrini's trading goods. The fugitives were
pursued some distance into Guatemalan territory.[I-25]

* * * * *

Germs of independence, as I have said, were fostered in secret by
the more intelligent, and slowly began to develop, the movement being
hastened by a few enthusiasts who were blind to the foolhardiness of
their attempt. The government tried all means to keep the people in
ignorance of the state of affairs in Mexico and South America, and when
unsuccessful, would represent the royalist army as victorious. Other
more questionable devices were also resorted to.[I-26]

Undue restraint and ill treatment, as practised under the stringent
policy of Bustamante, soon began to produce effects. Restiveness and
despair seized a portion of the people; the hopes for a government more
consonant with the spirit of the age, which had been held out from
Spain, evaporated. Men were unwilling to live longer under the heel
of despotism; and the more high-spirited in Salvador and Nicaragua
resolved to stake their fortunes upon a bold stroke for freedom.
It was, indeed, a rash step, undertaken without concert, and almost
without resources. It could but end as it did at every place where a
revolutionary movement was initiated.

Matías Delgado and Nicolás Aguilar, curates of San Salvador, Manuel and
Vicente Aguilar, Juan Manuel Rodriguez, and Manuel José Arce were the
first to strike the blow for Central American independence. Their plan
was carried into execution on the 5th of November, 1811, by the capture
of 3,000 new muskets, and upwards of $200,000 from the royal treasury
at San Salvador. They were supported by a large portion of the people
of the city, and in Metapan, Zacatecoluca, Usulutan, and Chalatenango.
But other places in the province of Salvador, namely, San Miguel, Santa
Ana, San Vicente, and Sonsonate, renewed their pledges of fealty to the
government, declaring the movement for freedom a sacrilege.[I-27]

The promoters of the revolt, which had been started in the king's name,
became disheartened and gave up further effort, and with the dismissal
of the intendente, Antonio Gutierrez Ulloa, and other officials, peace
was soon restored. San Salvador had been quiet without other government
than that of alcaldes during the disturbance.

[Sidenote: AYCINENA IN SALVADOR.]

Upon the receipt of the news of these occurrences, Bustamante
despatched Colonel José de Aycinena with ample powers to take charge
of the intendencia, and restore quiet. He had been getting troops ready
to send down, but by the mediation of the ayuntamiento of Guatemala he
had suspended preparations, and had adopted the former course. A member
of that body, José María Peinado, was associated with Aycinena.[I-28]
They reached San Salvador on the 3d of December, amid the acclamations
of the fickle populace; their presence and the exhortations of the
missionaries checked all revolutionary symptoms. The authors of the
revolt were leniently treated under a general amnesty.[I-29] Peinado
was a short time after appointed Aycinena's successor as acting
intendente.[I-30]

Another and a still more serious attempt at revolution, which may be
called a sequel to that of Salvador, had its beginning in the town of
Leon, Nicaragua, on the 13th of December, 1811, when the people deposed
the intendente, José Salvador. This action was seconded on the 22d at
Granada, where the inhabitants, at a meeting in the municipal hall,
demanded the retirement of all the Spanish officials. The insurgents,
on the 8th of January, 1812, by a coup-de-main captured Fort San
Cárlos. The officials fled to Masaya. Villa de Nicaragua—the city of
Rivas in later times—and other towns at once adopted the same course.

Early in 1812, after the first excitement had become somewhat allayed,
a board of government was organized in Leon, the members of which
were Francisco Quiñones, Domingo Galarza, Cármen Salazar, and Basilio
Carrillo. Bishop Fray Nicolás García Jerez was recognized as gobernador
intendente by all the towns, and his authority was only limited in one
point, namely, he was in no way to favor the deposed officials. The
people of Granada resolved to send two deputies to the board.[I-31]

[Sidenote: REVOLUTION IN NICARAGUA.]

The royal officials at Masaya having called for assistance from
Guatemala, Bustamante had 1,000 or more troops placed there under
command of Sargento Mayor Pedro Gutierrez. The people of Leon had ere
this accepted an amnesty from Bishop Jerez, and thereafter took no part
in movements against the crown. Granada, more firm of purpose, resolved
upon defence; caused intrenchments to be built to guard all avenues
leading to the plaza, and mounted thereon twelve heavy cannon. A
royalist force, under José M. Palomar, on the 21st of April approached
Granada to reconnoitre, and reached the plazuela de Jalteva.[I-32]
Early in the morning he opened a brisk fire on the town, and kept it
up for several hours. After a parley, next day the citizens agreed
to surrender, on Gutierrez solemnly pledging the names of the king
and Bustamante, as well as his own, that they should in no wise be
molested. But after the royal troops were allowed to enter the city on
the 28th, Bustamante, ignoring the solemn guarantees pledged by his
subordinate, ordered the arrest and prosecution of the leaders. The
governor accordingly named Alejandro Carrascosa fiscal to prosecute the
conspirators of Granada. The proceedings occupied two years, at the end
of which the fiscal called for, and the court granted, the confiscation
of the estates, in addition to the penalties awarded to those found
guilty. Sixteen of the prisoners, as heads of the rebellion, were
sentenced to be shot, nine were doomed to the chain-gang for life, and
133 to various terms of hard labor.[I-33] The sentence of death was
not carried out, however. The condemned were taken to Guatemala, and
thence transported to Spain, where the majority died as exiles. Four
others were removed as convicts to Omoa and Trujillo. The survivors
were finally released by a royal order of June 25, 1817.[I-34]

The conduct of the Leonese in leaving Granada to bear alone the
consequences of the revolution had, as I remarked, a bad effect upon
the country.[I-35] From that time dates a bitter feeling between Leon
and Granada, and between Managua and Masaya on the one part and Granada
on the other.[I-36]

Notwithstanding the existing grievances and the generally depressed
condition of business, the people did not fail to respond to the calls
from the home government upon all parts of the Spanish dominions
for pecuniary aid to meet the enormous expenses of the war against
Napoleon's forces, and other pressing demands. In 1812 there were
collected and remitted as donations $43,538. The citizens of San
Salvador also agreed to give $12,000 for 1812, and an equal sum
in 1813, if they could obtain a certain reform for the benefit of
indigo-planters.[I-37]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: FANATICISM.]

We have seen how the first steps toward independence failed. Nor
could any other result have been expected from the degraded condition,
socially and intellectually, of the masses. The people were controlled
by fanaticism, in abject submission to king and clergy. Absurd
doctrines and miracles were implicitly believed in; and every effort
made to draw the ignorant people out of that slough was in their
judgment treason and sacrilege, a violation of the laws of God, an
attempt to rob the king of his rights; certain to bring on a disruption
of social ties, and the wrath of heaven. The lower orders had been
taught that freedom signified the reign of immorality and crime,
while fealty to the sovereign was held a high virtue. Hence the daily
exhibitions of humble faithfulness, the kneeling before the images of
the monarch and before their bishops, and the more substantial proof of
money gifts to both church and crown.[I-38]

The first efforts on behalf of emancipation were not wholly lost, as
they led to definitive results in the near future. The next attempts
also met with failure, and brought upon their authors the heavy hand of
Bustamante. The first one, in 1813, was known as the Betlen conspiracy,
which derived its name from the convent where the conspirators usually
assembled. Much importance was given to this affair by the government
and the loyalists. The meetings were presided over by the sub-prior
Fray Ramon de la Concepcion, and were sometimes held in his cell,
and at others in the house of Cayetano Bedoya, under the direction of
Tomás Ruiz, an Indian.[I-39] All were sworn to secrecy, and yet the
government suspected the plot, and arrested some persons who had the
weakness to divulge the plan and the names of their associates.[I-40]

The conspirators, all of whom were men of character and good standing,
soon found themselves in prison, excepting José Francisco Barrundia,
who remained concealed six years, and afterward was one of the most
prominent statesmen of Central America. Major Antonio del Villar was
commissioned fiscal to prosecute the prisoners. He spared no one in
his charges, and managed to bring into the meshes of the prosecution
several persons who were innocent.[I-41] On the 18th of September,
1814, he asked the military court for the penalty of death, by
garrote, against Ruiz, Víctor Castrillo, José Francisco Barrundia
pro contumacia, and Joaquin Yúdice, who were hidalgos; and the same
penalty, by hanging, against the sub-prior and ten others who were
plebeians.[I-42] Ten years of hard labor in the chain-gang of the
African possessions, and a life exile from America, were pronounced
upon others against whom no guilt was proved. The prisoners were all
set free, however, in 1819, under a royal order of the 28th of July,
1817.

[Sidenote: THE PLOT OF BETLEN.]

Among the men regarded as the most dangerous, and strongly suspected of
being the real managers of the Betlen plot, was Mateo Antonio Marure,
who had been confined two years in a dungeon for the part he took in
the disturbances of 1811.[I-43] Bustamante dreaded his presence in
Guatemala, and in 1814 despatched him as a prisoner to the supreme
council of regency in Spain, with his reasons for this measure. After
recounting the Betlen affair, and naming Marure as the real instigator
and manager of it, he adds that the conspirators counted on him as a
fearless man to carry it out, and that his bold language and writings
rendered his sojourn in America a constant menace to Spanish interests.

Another and a worse planned attempt at revolution than the one of
1811 occurred in Salvador in 1814. The government quelled it, and the
promoters were arrested, Manuel José Arce suffering an imprisonment of
several years.[I-44]

* * * * *

The reader's attention is now called to matters concerning the
capitanía general of Guatemala, which occupied the government both here
and in Europe immediately before King Fernando's coup-d'état.

Bustamante, evidently hostile to constitutional government, and loath
to suffer readily any curtailment of his quasi-autocratic powers,
proclaimed, under the pressure of necessity, the national constitution,
and permitted elections under it; but between this and allowing the
diputaciones provinciales and ayuntamientos free action under the
fundamental law, there was a wide chasm. He had no intention of tamely
submitting to such innovations, whatever might be said of their merits
in the abstract. In the first place, he postponed for three whole
months the installation of the diputacion, and when it was installed,
refused to honor the event with a high mass and te deum, which would
have been the proper thing to do. Such a recognition of the importance
of the diputacion might have shaken the faith of the populace in a
one-man power. He next insisted on the diputacion having its sittings
at the government house, where it would be at his mercy. He treated
the body disrespectfully in several ways,[I-45] and as he could not
make it subservient to his will, tried by all means in his power to
destroy its influence and usefulness. In fact, he looked upon it as
a mere consultative corporation, whose advice he might ask for or
not, as suited his fancy. Lastly, he would not permit the acts of the
diputacion to be published; and for the matter of that, there was no
liberty of the press.

[Sidenote: END OF BUSTAMANTE'S RULE.]

These complaints were laid before the national córtes[I-46] for
redress, coupled with a petition that the royal authority should remove
Bustamante from office. But grievances were unredressed, and their
author continued wielding power in the country several years more.
Indeed, this was not to be wondered at. The Spanish government had
rarely, if ever, shown inclination to do justice to the ruled against
the high rulers it placed over them, or to punish the despotic acts
of the latter. Residencias had of late become mere matters of form. If
the complainants had wealth and influence at court, they might obtain
the recall of the ruler obnoxious to them, but no other punishment.
The prestige of authority must be upheld; such was the principle acted
upon.[I-47] Guatemala was finally relieved of Bustamante's hated rule
on the 28th of March, 1818.

The people of Central America, like the rest of the Spanish dominions,
were soon invited to another view in the political kaleidoscope.
Fernando VII., upon his release by Napoleon a few months after the
treaty of Valençay,[I-48] returned to Spain without delay, and on
arriving at Valencia, issued his manifesto of May 4, 1814, setting
aside the constitution, and assuming the authority of an absolute
sovereign. He did this with fair promises, which he carried out
when and how it suited him.[I-49] Among many decrees issued by the
monarch soon after, which were of interest to Central America, was one
enjoining on the archbishop and bishops to see that their subordinates
did their duty faithfully, and entertained only wholesome opinions.
No associations or leagues were to be tolerated which might lead
to a disturbance of the public peace; in other words, liberty and
constitutional government were not to be thought of.[I-50] Another
decree of June 17th, demanded of the deputies from America having
in their possession petitions from their constituents to lay them
before the royal government, in order that they might be acted upon.
Several measures for the protection of morals and the advancement of
civilization were also enacted.

CHAPTER II.

INDEPENDENCE ACHIEVED.

1818-1821.

PRESIDENT CÁRLOS URRUTIA—HIS LIBERAL VIEWS—COLOMBIAN
ASSAULTS—SPANISH CONSTITUTION RESTORED—THE
GAZISTAS, OR BACOS—THE CACOS—JOSÉ DEL VALLE—PEDRO
MOLINA—LIBERAL INSTITUTIONS—EXTENT OF THE POLITICAL
GOVERNMENT—ECCLESIASTICAL ADMINISTRATION—WORK OF AMERICAN
DEPUTIES—PARTY EXCITEMENT IN GUATEMALA—URRUTIA DELEGATES
HIS POWERS—SUBSTITUTE PRESIDENT GAVINO GAINZA—CHIAPAS
AND HER GOVERNMENT—SHE SECEDES FROM SPAIN AND JOINS THE
MEXICAN EMPIRE—GUATEMALA DECLARES FOR INDEPENDENCE—JUNTA
GUBERNATIVA—CONVOCATION OF A CONGRESS.

Successor to Bustamante in the position of governor, president,
and captain-general, in March 1818, was Lieutenant-general Cárlos
Urrutia,[II-1] knight grand cross of the military order of San
Hermenegildo, which entitled him to be called excelentísimo señor. It
was a difficult position. The country was at peace, it is true, but
a political volcano was at work, and no one could foretell when the
upheaval of revolution might occur,[II-2] letting loose the elements
of destruction, as had happened in other parts of Spanish America.
However, another constitutional term under the Spanish monarch was
about being inaugurated, and this fact helped to bring on definitive
results.

Urrutia was a man of experience, with a well-balanced mind, whose
political opinions leaned to the side of progress. He would have been
well adapted to guide the course of events in Central America had
it not been for the infirmities of old age. Guatemala, being as yet
under the sway of Spain, was open to attack from the enemies of that
government, or at least, to such action as they might adopt in aid
of the disaffected portion of the people to secure their country's
independence. The latter was the plan of the Colombian insurgents in
fitting out a combined sea and land expedition to operate against the
ports of Omoa and Trujillo in 1820.[II-3]

[Sidenote: ATTACK ON TRUJILLO.]

On the 21st of April the watch-tower at Capiro, in Trujillo,
announced the approach of a Colombian flotilla of small vessels from
the windward. The garrison, commanded by José M. Palomar, at once
made preparations for emergencies. The flotilla, consisting of two
brigantines, four large and as many small schooners, one felucca, and
one sloop, under Commodore Aury, sailed in at two o'clock,[II-4] and
despatched a boat to shore to demand the surrender of the place within
one hour. Nothing further was done on that day, however; but early the
next morning the flotilla moved toward the mouth of the Guaimoreto,
and after reconnoitering the defences, opened a bombardment with ball
and grape-shot on the intrenchment and demolished it, which compelled
the defenders to fall back. The assailants landed 400 men and 15
horses, and advanced against the garrison, meeting with a repulse at
the fourth parapet. The garrison retreated to the fifth line, at which
the enemy was a second time driven back. The vessels fired broadside
upon broadside on the shore batteries, which were warmly returned.
The bombardment was kept up from nine A. M. till two P. M., when the
flotilla retired out of reach of the batteries. A portion of the land
force then attempted to enter the town by the rear of it, but was
detected and compelled to retire. Early in the morning of the 23d,
the invading troops returned to the vessels, leaving their horses; and
soon afterward the flotilla put to sea, each vessel firing a broadside,
on passing Point Castilla, against the watch-tower. During the night
of the 24th the Colombian vessels dropped out of sight.[II-5] On the
25th the flotilla appeared off Omoa, and for several days was making
attempts to effect a landing, which being unsuccessful, it retired on
the 6th of May, after setting fire to the larger brig, which had been
damaged by the fire from the town.

* * * * *

Fernando VII., under compulsion, restored the constitution of 1812
throughout his dominions. On the 9th of March, 1820, he swore to
support it, and the next day issued a manifesto conveying an apology
for having set it aside in 1814, and giving plausible reasons for
his present change of mind. On the 11th of April he issued another
manifesto, addressed to the people of America, expressing sorrow at
not having sooner reinstated the constitutional government. In another
decree of April 15th he restores to full force and vigor all decrees
of the córtes, both the extraordinary and ordinary, for the better
government and progress of the provinces in America.

It seems that Brigadier Gavino Gainza, appointed sub-inspector-general
of the forces in Central America, was commissioned to bring out
the royal proclamations and decrees for the reinstatement of the
constitution, and of the laws which were passed under it by the córtes.
There is nothing to show the precise time of his arrival in Guatemala,
but it will suffice to state that the diputacion provincial was
installed at the capital on the 13th of July.

At a preparatory sitting of the córtes, on the 26th of June, 1820,
Juan N. San Juan and José Sacasa were present as representatives from
Guatemala, and on the 2d of August Juan N. Tuero, or Fuero, presented
his credentials as a deputy elected from Chiapas for the córtes of
1815-16, which body he found closed on arriving in Spain at the end of
1814.[II-6] The necessity of such a diputacion was ably discussed in
the córtes on the 30th of April, 1821, by Deputy Hermosilla, seconded
by Deputy Milla, both supporting the report of the committee on the
subject. On the 17th of June the chamber was officially informed
of the installation of the diputacion, and commended its patriotic
labors.[II-7]

The 'junta suprema de censura,' created to adjudicate upon alleged
offences against the law regulating the press, had, on the 9th of
August, 1820, nominated, and the córtes confirmed, the members of the
junta de censura for Guatemala.[II-8]

[Sidenote: BACOS AND CACOS.]

The reëstablishment of the constitutional régime under such favorable
circumstances soon brought into life two great parties that for a
long time bore the respective names of Gazista, or Baco, and Caco.
The gazista, with José del Valle as its leader,[II-9] was made up
of Spaniards and artisans. The cacos recognized as their chieftain
José María Delgado.[II-10] Their party was composed of members of
the nobility, and of the men calling themselves independents. This
party from the first aspired to independence, and its candidates were
taken from the independent wing at the election of deputies and other
officials.

The gazistas, or bacos, were numerous and strong, for they had in
their ranks the rulers, many wealthy merchants, and the artisans, and
abundant funds at command, which were scattered without stint among the
needy and ignorant, who were ready enough to sell their votes.[II-11]
They likewise strengthened their influence with the lower class by
means of a pretended hostility to the aristocracy, or to what from that
time went by the name of 'espíritu de familia.' They won the elections,
but their triumph proved to be far from a solid one.

The cacos now resolved to use every endeavor to accomplish
independence. The connection with the aristocratic element was a
drawback; and the absolute necessity of winning over the mechanics
being recognized, a middle party was at once organized, which attached
itself to the independents, and would have no connection with the
nobles. This arrangement facilitated the accomplishment of the object
in view.

The political struggle was now fairly inaugurated. Pedro Molina[II-12]
began the publication of _El Editor Constitucional_, to defend
American rights. The _Amigo de la Patria_ appeared at the same time,
and often opposed Molina's radical doctrines. Urrutia, now styling
himself jefe político y capitan general, made an address to the
people, congratulating them and himself on the happy termination of
the election in the several parishes, and giving assurances that every
voter should have full liberty to cast his vote for representative in
the general congress, the diputacion, and the ayuntamiento.[II-13] A
portion of his address was specially devoted to artisans and laboring
men, whom he warned not to allow themselves to be tampered with to the
discredit of the government on the question of trade in cotton goods;
for, he told them, it was a positive misconception that the government
had it in view to decree freedom of foreign trade; on the contrary, it
had endeavored to check illegal traffic, which had been carried on to
the detriment of national interests and the royal treasury.

The measures adopted by him had to some extent corrected that evil. By
making the traders pay import dues, the treasury had profited, and the
people had been saved from new taxes. Formerly, English goods were paid
for wholly in coin; now, only one sixth of their cost was covered with
money, and the remainder with the produce of the country.[II-14]

* * * * *

The gobierno político de Guatemala had jurisdiction over the same
extent of country as the metropolitan,[II-15] namely, 214 leagues from
the ejidos of Motocinta on the west, and 116 leagues from Golfo Dulce
on the Atlantic, to the Pacific coast.[II-16]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ARCHBISHOPS.]

The first archbishop of Guatemala appointed by the Spanish crown in
the present century was Luis Peñalver y Cárdenas,[II-17] who reached
his see the 3d of June, 1802, and on the 26th took possession.
During his brief incumbency he founded several rectorships, and two
primary schools for girls. His sight becoming seriously affected,
he relinquished the mitre, and returned to his native city, secretly
departing March 1, 1806.[II-18]

Rafael de la Vara de la Madrid, Peñalver's successor, arrived in
Acajutla on the 13th of December, 1807; in Guatemala city on the 4th of
January, 1808; and on the 3d of February took possession of his office.
In April 1809 he visited the province of Vera Paz, where he died on
the 31st of December, much regretted, as he had endeared himself by his
peaceable disposition and affability.[II-19]

Antonio Bergoza y Jordan, bishop of Oajaca, was nominated for the
succession, but declined the position.

The next and eighth archbishop of the diocese was Ramon Casaus y
Torres, nominated by the supreme council of regency on the 30th
of March, 1811; who entered the capital on the 30th of July, and
being a consecrated bishop, at once began to perform episcopal
functions.[II-20] His nomination was ratified by the king on the 27th
of August, 1814; the papal bulls of confirmation were issued on the
15th of March, 1815, and Casaus received the pallium on the 28th of
September of the same year.

* * * * *

At the sitting of the Spanish córtes on the 25th of June, 1821, the
American deputies laid before that body a memorial setting forth the
condition of their provinces, and the measures which, in their opinion,
would lead to a definitive peace. They not only assured their Spanish
colleagues that Americans were fully conscious of their rights as
freemen, but also of their determination and ability to defend them;
nevertheless, if those rights were respected, and justice was done,
existing difficulties might be obliterated. They believed, however,
that a constitutional system would be impracticable in America, unless
new and efficacious measures were adopted to enable the three branches
of government to act freely within their respective bounds, and
likewise to make effective the responsibility of public officials for
their acts. Another point upon which they laid stress was the inutility
of American deputies at the Spanish córtes unless they were effectively
upheld from their respective countries. They found other faults with
the existing government, and declared that the solution of the great
problem would be found in the establishment of autonomic governments in
America.

[Sidenote: RIPE FOR INDEPENDENCE.]

Commerce between Spanish America and the mother country should be
treated as internal trade, the Americans having equal rights and
privileges with their brethren of Europe. The same equality in respect
to civil rights and appointment to office was likewise to exist between
the natives of America and Spain. If such demands were conceded, Mexico
and Central America would pay to Spain ten million dollars within six
years, in yearly installments from January 1, 1823, to be applied to
the cancelling of the national debt. They would also allow Spain two
million dollars yearly for the support of the royal navy.[II-21]

It was now too late, however, for conciliatory efforts to be
successful. Events crowded upon each other, and were beyond the control
even of the men who made them. Central America was at peace, but the
constitutional system recently established, with its popular elections
and a free press, after the spirit of nationality had gained so much
ground, naturally tended to excite the public mind, emboldening the
timid, and increasing the number of the friends of independence. Party
spirit controlled everything; it was felt even in the domestic circle.
The people were prepared and anxious for a change, when vague rumors
were set afloat of renewed revolutionary efforts in Mexico.[II-22]
Party leaders were of one mind on the desirability of separation. It
was generally admitted that the subjection of the country to Spain
could no longer be maintained. Only a few high officials and Spaniards
dissented. Now was the time, if ever, for a sound head and strong
hand to helm the ship of state. Urrutia, owing to age and physical
ailings, was not the man for the occasion; nor was he, though opposed
to the scheme of secession, able to retard it. Under the circumstances,
the diputacion provincial prevailed on the jefe superior político
to delegate his powers to the sub-inspector of the troops, Gavino
Gainza.[II-23] This officer at first tried to stem the torrent of
revolution, to act as the agent of Spain, disapproving the plan of
separation, but at the same time maintained intimate relations with the
independents and aided their efforts. This party publicly circulated a
paper for signatures to ask Gainza to proclaim independence himself.
He pretended to be indignant; and upon the receipt of the plan of
Iguala, formed in Mexico by Iturbide and Guerrero,[II-24] he issued a
manifesto depicting it in the blackest colors, and ordered that all who
had called on him to declare independence should be prosecuted.[II-25]
The independents became disgusted, but had to make the best of the
situation. They then resolved to play upon his personal ambition,
assuring him that for his coöperation in their plans he would be
retained in command, and afterward chosen the first chief magistrate of
the young nation. While he still hesitated, they despatched Cayetano
Bedoya to Oajaca for military aid from General Bravo. But on the
messenger's arrival at Ciudad Real de Chiapas, he found that the place
had followed the example of Oajaca and Tehuantepec, accepting the plan
of Iguala. This step hastened events in Guatemala, and Bedoya had no
need of going farther.

The act of Ciudad Real, received September 13th, caused the greatest
excitement in the city of Guatemala, and the government had to give
way. Urged by the diputacion, Gainza summoned, on the 14th, the high
officials and other notables to a meeting next day to resolve on some
action responsive to the demands of the people.[II-26]

[Sidenote: GAINZA'S MEETING.]

During the night of the 14th Molina and the cacos scattered their
agents throughout the wards to stir up the masses, and at the same time
to awe the españolistas, or royal partisans. At 8 A. M. on the 15th
a throng of independents filled the porticos, court-yard, halls, and
ante-chambers of the government house. Among them and instructing the
crowds were Molina, Barrundia, Basilio Porras, and other leaders. Soon
after began to arrive at the government house the officials called to
take part in the deliberations of the meeting, namely, two members of
each corporation deputized therefor; the archbishop and prelates of the
religious orders; the chief officers of the army and treasury; who,
together with the diputacion provincial, and under the presidency of
the acting jefe superior político, Gainza,[II-27] at once proceeded to
business. After reading the declarations in Chiapas, several members
briefly expressed their views. The first speaker was Valle, leader
of the gazistas, who eloquently advocated independence as necessary
and just, but ended advising that it should not be proclaimed till
the other sections had formally declared in its favor. The motion was
seconded. The anti-independents[II-28] opposed all action until final
results in Mexico should be received. Every attempt at a vacillating
policy was defeated by the energetic efforts of the independents,
who voted for an immediate declaration of independence.[II-29] Every
vote favorable to independence was received by the people with loud
applause, and every one against it with groans. The popular preference
became so marked and boisterous that the anti-independents, fearing for
their lives, retired from the palace.

[Sidenote: PROCLAMATION OF INDEPENDENCE.]

The diputacion and ayuntamiento then, as the legitimate organs to
express the public will, drew up the Acta de Independencia, which was
adopted, signed, and sworn to by all the members present.[II-30] This
instrument, after declaring the aspiration of Guatemalans to be a free
and independent people,[II-31] invited all citizens of the provinces
to choose without delay representatives, on the basis of one for every
15,000 inhabitants, to a national congress that was to meet March 1,
1822. In the mean time the Spanish laws, courts of justice, and public
functionaries were to continue as heretofore. The representatives were
to be chosen by the same juntas electorales that had lately, since
the restoration of the constitution, elected deputies to the córtes,
without excluding, as the constitution did, men of African descent
from the rights of full citizenship.[II-32] The clause giving the last
electoral college, with its majority of Valle's partisans, the power
to choose the members of the constituent congress, is said to have been
inserted in the acta by himself.[II-33]

On the 17th Gainza issued a proclamation formally placing before the
people the resolutions adopted on the 15th, and enjoining on all the
duty of abiding by them, and of respecting the laws and authorities
recognized by them. Any attempt, by word or deed, to restore Spanish
domination was declared high treason, punishable with death.[II-34]
The powers of the congress would be constituent to adopt a form of
government and frame the national constitution. Meantime Gainza held
civil and military authority, acting with the advice of a provisional
junta consultiva, formed with the diputacion provincial and seven
additional members, representing respectively Leon, Comayagua, Costa
Rica, Quezaltenango, Sololá, Chimaltenango, Sonsonate, and Ciudad
Real.[II-35] Neither the people at large nor the meeting of the 15th
created such a body. It was the creation of the men who remained behind
in the hall, including Valle, who drew up the acta.[II-36] Continuing
his double dealing, Gainza had issued his proclamation, on the 16th,
for the election of representatives to congress. He spoke therein
of the longing for independence since 1810, of the popular love for
the cause which had been so forcibly sustained at the meeting of the
preceding day, and concluded by inviting the whole people to approve
the plan, and to appoint their deputies to complete the work.

* * * * *

Before proceeding further with the political situation at the
capital of Guatemala, I will devote a little space to laying before
the reader some information on one of its most important sections,
namely, Chiapas. The population was computed in 1813 at over 100,000
inhabitants, of whom 70,000 were Indians; the remainder were Spaniards
and mixed breeds, with a few negroes.[II-37]

As a reward for good services and generous pecuniary contributions
to the nation, the Spanish córtes passed, October 29, 1813, a decree
bestowing the title of city on the town of Comitan, and that of villa
on those of Tusta, Tonalá, Tapachula, and Palenque.[II-38]

[Sidenote: THE SUBDELEGADOS.]

In contravention of law, the first name of the three proposed by
the intendente to the president of Guatemala, for chief of each
of the eleven subdelegaciones, was that of some creature of the
intendente. Unfitness for the place or immorality counted for nothing
if the nomination suited the proposer or the confirming power. These
subdelegados, by means of their comisarios, collected the tribute and
speculated with it; each being a tyrant who oppressed the Indians at
his will.

Education was neglected; ignorance prevailed to such an extent that a
large portion of the inhabitants did not know even the first rudiments
of their religion. The poorer Spaniards and the mixed breeds were
entirely without education. Indeed, in nearly three centuries, not
only had the Indians not learned to speak Spanish, but the native
Spaniards spoke the six Indian tongues of the province better than
their own.[II-39]

Chiapas, it is well known, had been an episcopal see, with its
cathedral at Ciudad Real, since the first years of the conquest.[II-40]
The country is fertile and well watered. Its agricultural products
were wheat—of which there was a surplus for exportation—maize, beans,
rice, coffee, and cacao.[II-41] A variety of vegetables in abundance,
and the fruits of all climes, could also be obtained. The maguey was
extensively cultivated for pulque and aguardiente. A great deal of
sugar-cane and good tobacco were grown. Indigo and cochineal were
cultivated to some extent. The country had likewise excellent grazing.
Cattle, sheep, goats, horses, and mules abounded. The mines of gold,
silver, lead, copper, and iron were not worked, owing to the poverty
of the inhabitants. The governor-intendente of Chiapas in 1817, Cárlos
Castañon, as appears in the records, was a confirmed royalist.[II-42]

From the time that Iturbide proclaimed the independence of Mexico, the
canons of the chapter in the diocese of Ciudad Real—bitterly hostile,
like the majority of the Mexican and Central American clergy, to the
reforms of the Spanish córtes respecting the church[II-43]—had been
in communication with that chieftain's auditor de guerra, Fernandez
Almansa, who kept them informed on the progress of the revolution. The
clericals looked upon the Mexican chief as the savior of their ancient
prerogatives and monopolies, and with this end in view, prepared
public opinion for setting aside the authority of Fernando VII. and his
córtes.[II-44]

[Illustration: CHIAPAS.]

[Sidenote: CHIAPAS ACCEPTS ITURBIDE.]

The governor-intendente, Juan N. Batres, together with the ayuntamiento
of Ciudad Real, proclaimed, on the 3d of September, 1821, the
separation of Chiapas from Spain, and her acceptance of Iturbide's
plan of Iguala. On the 8th all the authorities and officers, civil and
military, took the oath to support that act, which was administered
by the governor of the diocese; after which they had high mass and a
sermon in the cathedral, where the secular clergy and the people took
the same oath[II-45] before the aforesaid ecclesiastic authority.
The obligations assumed were to support the Roman catholic apostolic
religion; to secure the independence of the empire, preserving to
that end peace and union between Europeans and Americans; and to obey
Fernando VII., should he adopt and swear to support the constitution
to be enacted by the córtes of the Mexican empire. Chiapas was,
therefore, the first province of the captain-generalcy of Guatemala
to throw off the Spanish yoke; she at the same time separated
herself from Guatemala, and manifested her determination to link her
future with Mexico. All this was made known September 21st by the
comandante-general of Oajaca to Iturbide. The example of Ciudad Real
was unhesitatingly followed by the other towns in the province.

We have seen that Guatemala, at her declaration of independence, did
not at once accept annexation to the Mexican empire. This course
did not suit the rulers and notables of Ciudad Real, who hastened
to manifest their displeasure at a meeting held September 20th, and
attended by the intendente, ayuntamiento, and other official bodies,
prelates, and a large number of citizens.

[Sidenote: CHIAPAS A PART OF MEXICO.]

As a matter of fact, the desire of Chiapas to be detached from
Guatemala and annexed to Mexico existed with some strength even before
the declaration of independence;[II-46] and Guatemala having failed
to return an answer to the letter from the authorities of Chiapas,
announcing her action of the 3d, this neglect had strengthened the
notables of the latter in their resolution to recognize no other
government than that of the Mexican empire under the treaties of
Córdoba. It was also resolved at the meeting not to circulate the
declaration of independence which the jefe político of Guatemala had
sent. These sentiments were duly seconded by the other cities and
towns.

In order to guard against any action Guatemala might take because
of the course of Chiapas, at a formal session of the diputacion,
presided over by the jefe político, and held on the 22d of October, it
was resolved to send to Mexico a commissioner to take the necessary
steps, and procure his province's separation from Guatemala, even
if the latter should come to be thereafter a part of the Mexican
empire.[II-47]

CHAPTER III.

UNION WITH MEXICO.

1821-1822.

FIRST ACTS OF GUATEMALAN RULERS—INTRIGUES OF PARTIES—THEIR
EVIL CONSEQUENCES—GAINZA'S INTRIGUES—INDEPENDENCE
IN THE OTHER PROVINCES—REWARDS TO GAINZA—TROUBLES
IN SALVADOR—DISSENSIONS IN HONDURAS—LOCAL SQUABBLES
IN NICARAGUA—PREDILECTION FOR IMPERIALISM—COSTA RICA
NEUTRAL—CONDITION OF VARIOUS SECTIONS—SECEDING DISTRICTS OF
GUATEMALA—PERPLEXITIES OF THE JUNTA CONSULTIVA—ITURBIDE'S
DEVICES—MILITARY PRESSURE—HIS PROPOSALS ACCEPTED—ILLEGAL
ANNEXATION—PROTESTS AND RESISTANCE—WAR BEGINS.

Among the first acts of the junta at Guatemala was the promotion of
two officers who were supposed to be reliable supporters of the late
movement.[III-1] Both proved themselves afterward recreant to their
pledges, by their hostility to the republican cause.

[Sidenote: PARTY STRIFE.]

The cacos were republicans. They strove to rid the country of
the antiquated errors and practices, including in their plans the
abolishment of the privileges of the clergy, and the restriction of
their power, which had been a constant source of injury to the people
at large. They wanted the adoption of democratic institutions, in order
to place the masses on the level heretofore occupied only by the ruling
class. They succeeded in prevailing on the people to take an interest
and a direct intervention in public affairs. Barrundia, Molina, and
Córdoba led them to the galleries of the junta chamber to witness its
acts, and even take part in its deliberations.[III-2] They attacked
Valle for the clause he inserted in the acta of the 15th, to which I
have alluded in the preceding chapter. On that point they certainly had
a well-founded grievance, but their manner of presenting it resulted
in a loss of confidence in the junta, the organization of new parties,
and general distraction. The point taken by them, however, was decided
in their favor by the junta. But the latter held secret sessions after
the 29th of September, significant of sinister purposes.

The other party—formerly constituting the ruling class—scouted the idea
of equality. Most of the churchmen had the same feeling; for in joining
the movement for separation from Spain their motive had been to shield
their menaced prerogatives, rather than love for America or freedom.

On the 18th of September Gainza wrote Iturbide, generalissimo of the
so-called empire of Mexico, that his course had been hailed with joy,
and that political parties had consolidated on the proposition of
independence from Spain; hence he had proclaimed it. And that, since
then, amid the transition from one system to another, the minds of the
people of Guatemala had been fixed on Iturbide, and they had desired to
tender him their congratulations as the liberator of New Spain.[III-3]

The junta consultiva passed a number of decrees, which were sanctioned
by Gainza. Urrutia, the ex-captain-general, was tendered his salary
and the considerations due his rank and former office if he would
formally recognize the independence.[III-4] He declined with thanks,
departing for Habana soon after. At the time of the adoption of the
acta, peaceable persons were assured of protection to their persons
and property, which pledge was faithfully fulfilled. No opponent of
independence was molested. Officials desirous of returning to their
country were allowed to do so.[III-5]

The junta, which bore the compellation of excelentísima, unanimously
appointed Gainza captain-general, with the salary of $10,000 a year,
decorating him also with a three-colored scarf, commemorative of
the three guarantees. A gold medal was voted to the members of the
ayuntamiento, who made the solemn declaration of independence on
the 23d of September.[III-6] Committees were next appointed to study
and report to the junta on public instruction, safety and defences,
statistics, industry, and finances. José del Valle was instructed to
form a plan of government.[III-7]

Several financial measures engaged the attention of the junta. One
of them proposed to levy a duty of ten per centum on gold and silver
exported to Spain. This was never strictly enforced. Restrictions to
foreign commerce, and monopolies existing under the Spanish government,
were abolished. Liberal principles were introduced, including freedom
of the press, which had been guaranteed by the Spanish constitution,
and was now continued in force.[III-8]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: SALVADOR INDEPENDENT.]

In Salvador absolute independence had been declared by the ayuntamiento
on the 21st of September, and proclaimed eight days after. Pedro
Barriere, who as teniente letrado was temporarily acting as chief
civil authority, together with the ayuntamiento of San Salvador,
decreed the election of seven persons to form a "junta subalterna
económica y consultiva." There was great commotion stirred on the one
hand by the vicar Ignacio Saldaña, and on the other by the liberals,
Arce, Ramirez, and others. The next day, the people being assembled
to effect the election, Barriere, pretending that his friends, the
so-called serviles, were in peril, retracted his former action. His
words enraged the populace. Then he called out the troops to disperse
the crowds, and arrested the republican leaders Arce, Rodriguez, and
Domingo Lara.[III-9] But on the news of his course reaching Guatemala,
Delgado was despatched to Salvador as a peace-maker, clothed with ample
powers. On his way to the capital he liberated prisoners, all of whom
joined his following and entered the city with him. Barriere was sent
out of the province; the troops were disarmed; peace was restored; a
subordinate junta consultiva was installed, and Delgado continued at
the head of the government.[III-10]

In Honduras, on the receipt at Comayagua of the news that Guatemala
had seceded from the Spanish crown, the governor-intendente, Brigadier
José Tinoco de Contreras, and the diputacion[III-11] refused to
recognize the government constituted in that city, and took an oath to
support the plan of Iguala. This was a virtual annexation of Honduras
to the Mexican empire. The partidos of Tegucigalpa and Gracias, and
the ports of Omoa and Trujillo, would not accept as valid the act of
the authorities at Comayagua, and maintained relations with those in
Guatemala. The independence from Spain had been declared on the 16th of
October.

Tinoco took the two ports above named, which were treacherously
surrendered to him.[III-12] He also fitted out a force to march on
Tegucigalpa. A counter-revolution, however, on the 1st of December,
supported by an approaching Guatemalan liberal force, set aside
Tinoco's control and restored that of the junta consultiva.[III-13]

[Sidenote: LIBERTY IN NICARAGUA.]

Nicaragua had, since 1813, a diputacion provincial, under the decree of
the Spanish córtes of May 24, 1812. Its jurisdiction extended over the
districts of Leon, Granada, Segovia, Nicaragua, and Matagalpa. Under
the new system, established in 1821, and since Urrutia's retirement,
constant questions of jurisdiction arose between the intendente and the
superior jefe político.[III-14]

On the 3d of October Colonel Crisanto Sacasa, commandant at Granada,
issued a general order to the officers to report with their troops
next morning, and take the oath to support national independence,
pursuant to the instructions he had received from Captain-general
Gainza. Intendente Saravia had been at enmity with Gainza, and when
the first steps were taken in Guatemala for independence, he threw
off his authority. In this he had the aid of Bishop Jerez and Colonel
Joaquin Arechavala, commander of the militia, all three being natives
of old Spain. They induced the diputacion and the ayuntamiento, by
an act of the 11th of October, to declare Nicaragua seceded from
Guatemala.[III-15] This action occurred in Leon. But Granada refused
to concur, and sent its representatives to the congress called to meet
in Guatemala. Later, October 21st, the authorities in Leon formally
accepted the Iguala plan, thereby annexing the whole province to
the Mexican empire. The country was accordingly divided into two
antagonistic parties, the imperialist and the republican.[III-16]

Gainza said to the diputacion at Leon, on the 22d of October, that
neither they nor the junta consultiva, nor any other body of men
then existing, could decide upon the future of the country; none had
a legal right to declare for or against annexation to Mexico. This
could be arrived at only by the representatives of the people in
the general congress.[III-17] He appointed Colonel Sacasa comandante
general of the forces in Nicaragua, and directed him to install in
Granada a subordinate junta gubernativa of five members, clothed with
the functions of a jefe político, and which was to continue in power
till the status of the country should be fixed.[III-18] Sacasa frankly
notified the rulers in Leon of what he was to do, and took steps to
carry his orders into execution. But Saravia, with the bishop and
the diputacion, determined that no such junta should be installed.
The diputacion, on the 1st of December, by a special act, forbade its
organization, declaring all attempts toward it subversive of good order
and hostile to the Mexican empire, to which they owed allegiance; and
warning all citizens to abstain from such efforts.

[Sidenote: COSTA RICA NEUTRAL.]

Sacasa had every right to expect that Gainza would support him against
attacks from Leon, but he was disappointed. The captain-general wrote
him, on the 22d of December, that it was doubtful if Central America
could maintain a government separate from Mexico, many towns having
already attached themselves to the empire; and that he had expressed
the same opinion to Saravia. Whereupon Sacasa, though a republican,
made no further opposition to the powers at Leon.

* * * * *

Costa Rica was privileged by distance to keep aloof from political
troubles threatening the other provinces. She had seceded from Spain
on the 27th of October, and set aside the governor, Juan Cañas; but
when called upon to adopt the plan of the capital or that of Leon,
she declined both, preferring a neutral attitude.[III-19] A meeting
of notables confirmed the act of secession, and set up a provisional
government entirely detached from that at Leon, which was to reside
alternately in Cartago, San José, Heredia, and Alajuela. But this was
found inconvenient, owing to rivalries between the two first-named
towns; and finally it was decided, on the 27th of November, to place
public affairs in the hands of Manuel Peralta, Rafael Osejo, and
Hermenegildo Bonilla, who were to reside at the provincial capital,
Cartago. Under this arrangement peace was preserved, and the province
never was really under the imperial rule.[III-20]

Dissensions had now brought the country to the brink of civil war,
and no time was to be lost in averting it. Measures were adopted
to hasten the meeting of congress. With the view of restoring peace
between the sections, and of rendering harmless disturbing elements
without resort to arms, the junta at Guatemala concluded to despatch
trusty commissioners to the provinces where secession was rife, who
were to prevail on them to send deputies to the general congress.
Other agents were to be despatched to Mexico to watch the turn of
events at the capital.[III-21] What good results those agents might
have accomplished, it is impossible now to say. They had no occasion
to try their efforts. Events in Mexico succeeded one another with such
rapidity, and their influence on Central America was so powerful, that,
even among the best patriots, many made up their minds to coöperate
toward the union, carried away by the idea that only under the ægis of
the northern empire could peace, safety, and stability be secured.

Costa Rica, we have seen, was in fact out of the field; at any rate,
it had no share in the political strife. The provinces of Guatemala
proper and Salvador were the only ones, at present, which together
with Granada, in Nicaragua, and some portions of Honduras, attempted to
preserve an independence from Mexico under whatever form of government
might be adopted in that country. The idea of annexation to Mexico
had been, however, growing popular from day to day in Guatemala. The
important section of Quezaltenango adhered to the scheme, on the 13th
of November, inviting Suchitepequez, Sololá, and Antigua Guatemala to
follow the example, which they did soon after. And Cirilo Flores and
Antonio Corzo, who in later years figured as most prominent champions
of democracy and suffered martyrdom for their cause, then supported the
action of Quezaltenango.

It was contended that Central America, after throwing off the
Spanish yoke, acquired, with independence, the right of forming such
associations as might be mutually beneficial. This doctrine was warmly
advocated by a large portion of the reflecting class. Under such
circumstances, Guatemala and Salvador, hemmed in as they were between
provinces that had already become annexed to Mexico, could not maintain
an absolute independence.

[Sidenote: ITURBIDE'S EFFORTS.]

Iturbide had large ideas of imperial sway, and was bent on the
acquisition of entire Central America, aided efficiently, as he was
on this side, by the aristocrats and other dissentient elements, who,
perceiving the insignificance they would come to if the nation finally
became constituted under a democratic government, which their opponents
were aiming at, labored with might and main to defeat the plan.[III-22]
They won over with money and fair promises a part of the people, and
with Gainza, who expected high rank and offices from the new empire,
bound Central America hand and foot, as will hereafter be seen.

The junta consultiva was much perplexed in view of the situation. The
imperialists daily became more insolent and exacting. At this critical
time—November 28th—Gainza laid before it a letter[III-23] from the
generalissimo, making allusion to the much abused second article
of the acta de independencia, and declaring that Guatemala was not
able to occupy as yet a place in the family of nations, and should
therefore link her fate with Mexico.[III-24] Whereupon the junta,
at the suggestion of the marqués de Aycinena, hastily answered that
the popular wishes must be ascertained before adopting any action;
promising to send the proposal at once to the ayuntamientos and local
authorities, with instructions to call on the people to give a formal
expression of their will on the subject. This promise was kept in a
measure—the ayuntamientos, not the people, were given one month's time
to manifest their preference.[III-25]

Soon after the arrival of Iturbide's messenger, the persecution of
republicans was begun. The rough element of the population, instigated
by their adversaries, during the night insulted them at their
homes.[III-26] Any one who either by word or writing opposed the plan
of annexation was treated as seditious. At last the opposing parties
had a scuffle in the streets, on the night of November 30th, which
ended in the discomfiture of the republicans engaged in it.[III-27]
Barrundia and Molina were present and exhibited much energy. The latter
was in great peril of losing his life.

[Sidenote: VOTE OF THE AYUNTAMIENTOS.]

On the day appointed for the receipt of the returns from the several
ayuntamientos—namely, the 31st of December—the junta provisional
consultiva proceeded to the count. The result was as follows: 21
ayuntamientos declared that none but the general congress had authority
to decide for or against the union with Mexico; 104 favored the
annexation at once and unconditionally; 11 approved of the union,
provided certain terms, which they appended, were stipulated in the
act of incorporation; 32 left the matter wholly to the provisional
government; and two declined the connection in toto.[III-28] Many
others had not, for some reason, returned any answers; or if they had,
the government in Guatemala failed to receive them on the appointed
day. The result was made known to the regency in Mexico on the 3d of
January, 1822, and on the 5th the subject was discussed in all its
bearings. Valle moved that the decision should be postponed until the
receipt of the returns of the 67 ayuntamientos not yet heard from.
Rivera, Calderon, and Alvarado objected to any action. Gainza advocated
the acceptance of the aid and protection tendered by Mexico.[III-29]
The junta, disregarding all objections adduced, and the marked
differences in the opinions of the ayuntamientos, decreed on the same
day, January 5, 1822, that the whole of Central America should be
annexed to the empire of Mexico, without other conditions than the
fulfilment of the plan of Iguala and the treaties of Córdoba.[III-30]
In a manifesto of that date, it assured the people that, after
obtaining the votes of all the authorities, corporations, and prominent
persons, and in view of the census of population formed in September
1821, it was evident that the vote for the union with Mexico had
reached a majority in Guatemala proper; and including the votes of
Nicaragua, Comayagua, Ciudad Real de Chiapas, Quezaltenango, Sololá,
and other towns which had a few days previously declared themselves
for annexation, it would be found that almost the whole population had
expressed itself in favor of connection.[III-31] No member failed to
record his name in favor of the loss of nationality, though some had,
as before stated, suggested that certain guarantees should be required
previous to the completion of the surrender.

[Sidenote: GAINZA'S EDICT.]

Gainza issued a manifesto full of generalities, declared there was no
further need of electing deputies to congress, and assured the people
of a liberal government, and future peace and prosperity.[III-32]
Erelong events came to show how delusive were the promises thus held
out by the incoming régime. It was preposterous on the part of an
unconstituted country, as Mexico then was, with a government whose
existence was precarious, to undertake the task of affording protection
to the people of Central America—to a people that had been brought
under the yoke of the so-called empire in such an unprecedented manner.

Forgetting, after a few days, the honeyed words of his manifesto,
Gainza,[III-33] on January 9th, issued a stringent edict, countersigned
by José María Celaya as secretary, giving renewed force to his former
edicts of September 17th and December 1st, and forbidding, under the
penalties provided by the laws against sedition, that any one should,
either by tongue or pen, censure or refute the action adopted as the
will of the majority. Conversations on the subject in the streets or
public places were prohibited, and citizens were enjoined to report
at once to the authorities any attempted conspiracy against the new
government which might come to their knowledge. Constitutional alcaldes
and other local authorities were charged with the execution of this
decree.

Gainza and his junta thus gave way to the wishes of the would-be
oligarchs and the clergy, ignoring the fact, formerly recognized
by them, that to the representatives of the people in congress
exclusively belonged the decision of the question on the future status
of the country.[III-34] The aristocrats and clericals brought about
difficulties to prevent the election of representatives, and took
advantage of them to carry out their designs. The truth is, that the
device resorted to, of acting upon the opinions of ayuntamientos which
they well knew had no authority in the premises, was illegal. And,
indeed, could a population of upwards of one million, scattered over
75,000 square miles of territory, have duly considered so vital a
matter as the abdication of their national autonomy within the short
period of thirty days? The whole secret of the aristocratic success lay
in the pressure brought to bear on the country with a military force
sent by Iturbide to support his pretensions.[III-35] The following
facts appeared in the imperial gazette of Mexico: The regency announced
on the 12th of November to the junta soberana that Chiapas, as well as
the towns of Guatemala, had signified a wish to be received as a part
of the Mexican empire, asking for military aid to uphold its acts. The
regency added, that the military aid must then be quite near Chiapas,
under the orders issued beforehand by the generalissimo, 5,000 men
having already, under the conde de la Cadena, crossed the Tehuantepec
River. The junta graciously assented to the so-called wishes of the
people of Chiapas and Guatemala, giving them the rights of Mexican
citizens.[III-36]

A division under Brigadier Vicente Filisola, with Colonel Felipe
Codallos as his second in command,[III-37] began its march in November
1821; but a large portion of the men deserted on the way, and the ranks
had to be recruited in Chiapas; and yet Filisola finally arrived in
Guatemala with only 600 men.[III-38]

[Sidenote: TROUBLES IN SALVADOR.]

The junta provisional, after its action of January 5th, had no
further reason for continuing, and so dissolved itself on the 21st of
February. Gainza, retaining the offices of jefe superior político and
captain-general, called into life a diputacion provincial.[III-39] His
authority, however, was not regarded in Chiapas, Honduras, Nicaragua,
nor a great part of Salvador. Costa Rica still remained aloof and was
unmolested.

During Iturbide's occupation of his rickety throne, Central America
had deputies in the imperial congress,[III-40] and the orders of the
emperor's government were generally obeyed. Nevertheless, plucky little
Salvador kept up the struggle against foreign domination. Nearly a
majority of its ayuntamientos, together with the priest Delgado, the
acting political chief, had signified their wish to await the action of
congress; and on hearing of the surrender to Mexico by Gainza and his
junta, entered a protest and seceded, resolving to remain independent
till the representatives of the whole people of Central America should
decide the question of nationality.[III-41]

But even here dissensions fostered from Guatemala had their pernicious
effects. Santa Ana and San Miguel had voted for annexation to Mexico,
and to uphold this action, seceded from their own province, which in
that year led to a war between Salvador and Guatemala. The government
at San Salvador gave the chief command of its forces to Manuel José
Arce, with orders to bring the people of Santa Ana to reason, peaceably
if he could, forcibly if he must.[III-42]

Arce marched on Santa Ana, when Padilla, commanding a portion of the
Sonsonate force which had been stationed in that city, retreated within
its own territory. After compelling the town to revoke its act of
secession, Arce went in pursuit of Padilla, occupied Ahuachapam, then
an annex of Sonsonate, and finally routed that officer in the hacienda
El Espinal.[III-43] This was the first act of a bloody war, which will
be treated in another chapter.

[Illustration: DEFEAT OF PADILLA.]

In Honduras, the districts of Tegucigalpa and Gracias, together
with the ports of Omoa and Trujillo, repudiated the union with
Mexico.[III-44] Brigadier Tinoco, on hearing that a Salvadoran force
had entered Honduras, resigned his office of governor. Comayagua,
however, continued recognizing the authority of Mexico, but not that of
Guatemala.[III-45]

[Sidenote: NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.]

In Nicaragua, the city of Granada disregarded the authority at Leon,
and held relations with Gainza, even after Colonel Sacasa had placed
himself under the orders of the former.[III-46] Sacasa had surrendered
his charge in Granada to Cleto Ordoñez,[III-47] who thus became the
leader of the liberal party in Nicaragua. After the act of annexation
to Mexico, and Salvador's act of secession, both Sacasa and Ordoñez
supported the independents.

Ordoñez, finding himself in possession of irresponsible power, soon
gave a loose rein to his bad instincts. He began to seize private
property, not excepting even that of foreigners. Sacasa's person and
property did not escape.[III-48]

Costa Rica did not fail, though maintaining a neutral attitude, to
manifest her discontent with the course of Guatemala.

CHAPTER IV.

CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION.

1822-1825.

SECESSION FROM MEXICO—ARZÚ'S CAMPAIGN—PREVARICATION OF
SALVADOR—FILISOLA'S VICTORY—HIS SUBSEQUENT COURSE—LIBERAL
TRIUMPH IN COSTA RICA—HONDURAS FAVORS UNION—NATIONAL
INDEPENDENCE SECURED—LABORS TO ORGANIZE A NATION—THE
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY—PROVINCIAS UNIDAS DEL CENTRO
DE AMÉRICA—ABOLITION OF AFRICAN SLAVERY—PROVISIONAL
GOVERNMENT—MODERADOS OR SERVILES—LIBERALES OR
FIEBRES—PRINCIPLES AND AIMS OF PARTIES—MEXICAN
FORCES RETIRE—SEDITIONS BEGIN—SALVADORAN FORCE IN
GUATEMALA—CONFEDERACION DE CENTRO AMÉRICA—FUNDAMENTAL
LAW—FINANCES—ADJOURNMENT OF THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY.

[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF ARZÚ.]

Arce's invasion of territory occupied by Guatemala afforded the latter
a sufficient pretext, if any were needed, to declare war against her
high-spirited and troublesome neighbor. Colonel Arzú was thereupon
despatched on the 19th of March, 1822, at the head of a force, which
in a few days had been increased to 1,000 men, to bring Salvador under
subjection. Arzú's dilatory movements, however, defeated the object
of the expedition.[IV-1] He lost two months and more waiting for
reënforcements and artillery, and by indecision as to whether or not
he should heed the protestations of the Salvadorans.[IV-2] The latter
employed the time thus gained in fortifying their city, though short
of arms to equip a sufficient garrison. Aroused at last by Gainza's
positive commands, Arzú continued his march,[IV-3] and avoiding the
fortifications of San Salvador, entered the city on the 3d of June,
taking its defenders by surprise.[IV-4] Having now every advantage,
Arzú might have made himself master of the place had he not carelessly
permitted his troops to disband for purposes of plunder. The result
was, that the Salvadorans had time to rally, and a street fight
ensued, ending with the total discomfiture of Arzú and his force, who
with the loss of their arms were driven from the city.[IV-5] Had the
victors made the most of their success, they might have annihilated
the invading force; but they failed to conduct the pursuit with any
skill.[IV-6]

Arzú's defeat produced a deep impression in Guatemala, where such a
result had been unexpected, the expedition having been fitted out with
the utmost care. Fears began to be entertained that the Salvadorans
might become aggressors and invade Guatemala. The friends of Mexico
were therefore much pleased on hearing that the Mexican commander,
Filisola, had been ordered to supersede Gainza, who was summoned to
Mexico.[IV-7] With about 600 men Filisola arrived in Guatemala on
the 12th of June, 1822, and ten days later took possession of the
government. He inaugurated a comparatively good state of affairs;
for though as a supporter of the Mexican cause, and specially of the
empire, he aimed at consolidation, yet his policy was a conciliatory
one.[IV-8] He endeavored to obtain the assent of Salvador to union
with Mexico without resorting to force. At first his course presented
a promising aspect, inasmuch as the representatives of the former
apparently made little objection; and on the news of Iturbide's call to
the Mexican throne, among the many congratulations received by Filisola
were those of Salvador, delivered by a special deputation. But the
object, as it turned out, was merely to gain time. The negotiations
were continued several months, hostilities having been suspended
by both belligerents, till early in September it was agreed that
further negotiations should be carried on directly with the executive
and congress of Mexico.[IV-9] This agreement was not carried out,
however, owing to new difficulties raised by San Salvador. Filisola,
who evidently would not assume the responsibility of war, referred
the whole matter to Mexico for instructions. Iturbide, who had just
dissolved the Mexican congress for its opposition to his plans,[IV-10]
felt no inclination to permit little San Salvador to dictate the terms
of union, and disallowing the armistice concluded by Filisola, ordered
him to begin hostilities forthwith if unconditional submission were
refused.[IV-11]

[Sidenote: FILISOLA'S CAMPAIGN.]

Leaving his second officer, Colonel Codallos, in charge of the
government at Guatemala, Filisola began the military operations toward
the end of November, taking possession of Santa Ana and marching[IV-12]
upon the city of San Salvador, after having routed several small
hostile detachments which attempted to check his progress. At the same
time he published the decree of the Mexican government of November
4th, making of Central America, or the former captain-generalcy of
Guatemala, three comandancias generales, namely, those of Chiapas,
Sacatepequez, and Costa Rica, the capitals being respectively Ciudad
Real, Nueva Guatemala, and Leon in Nicaragua.[IV-13] The government
of San Salvador was in a precarious situation; although disposing
of an army whose numerical force and equipment were not inferior to
Filisola's, yet it had neither discipline nor experienced officers.
The few encounters which had already taken place between the two
forces had made it evident that the Salvadorans could not cope with
Filisola's military skill. Under the circumstances, the authorities
of San Salvador resolved upon incorporation with Mexico, and demanded
that Filisola should proceed no farther. They declined to inform him of
the terms under which they would submit to annexation, though offering
to lay them before the congress in Mexico. They based this action on
the ground that if their purpose became known in Salvador a revolution
would certainly follow.[IV-14]

The Mexican commander paid no heed to these ambiguous statements, which
he considered devices to gain time, and continued his march.[IV-15]

[Sidenote: FALL OF ITURBIDE.]

It was at this critical moment that the congress of San Salvador,
carried away by hatred to Guatemala and Mexico, resolved upon a
singular step. On the 2d of December, 1822, the act of incorporation
with Mexico was repealed, and the state was placed under the
protectorate of the Anglo-American states, as an integral portion
thereof. Solemn protests were made in the name of that republic
against Filisola's hostile acts. A member of the congress, Juan Manuel
Rodriguez, was commissioned to make known the incorporation to the
government of the United States.[IV-16] For a short time it seems
that hopes were entertained of an armed protection on the part of
the northern republic in favor of the new acquisition; but soon the
folly of such expectations became apparent. Filisola disregarded the
protests,[IV-17] and after several victorious encounters, routed the
Salvadorans under Arce at Mejicanos,[IV-18] and entered the city of
San Salvador without further opposition on the 9th of February, 1823.
Filisola fulfilled the promise he had made the preceding day to the
ayuntamiento, that he would respect all rights, and not treat the
town as a conquered country. The only Salvadoran force remaining was
compelled, on the 21st of February, to surrender at Gualcince, a town
on the other side of the Lempa River.[IV-19] This was the end of the
war.[IV-20] Arce, who departed for the United States, wrote Filisola
from Belize a letter full of firmness and dignity, meanwhile thanking
him for his humane conduct. Delgado remained at his hacienda. The
local authorities swore allegiance to the Mexican empire. Filisola now
returned to Guatemala,[IV-21] where he arrived about the 6th or 7th
of March. He had already received the news of the movement in Mexico
resulting in the overthrow of Iturbide. It was this that hastened his
return to Guatemala, and induced him to adopt a course opposed to his
last instructions from Mexico. Granada, in Nicaragua, had not been
reduced to obedience. Governor Gonzalez Saravia had asked for troops
to accomplish it, but Filisola declined to employ coercion; and after
informing him and Juan Fernandez Lindo, governor of Honduras,[IV-22]
as well as other officials in the provinces, of the state of affairs in
Mexico, assured them that he would take no important step without first
obtaining their assent. Indeed, after he convinced himself that the
imperial government had fallen never to rise again, he arrived at the
conclusion that he had no right to keep annexed to Mexico the Central
American provinces; as the annexation had been made solely, as claimed
by Mexico and her supporters, for the sake of securing stability to
their government, and the respect which would be afforded it from a
long distance by a great and wealthy country. All this prestige had
disappeared, owing to the revolution at Casa Mata in Mexico,[IV-23] the
paper money, and other arrangements made by Iturbide with reference to
these provinces.

Being asked to summon a congress of all the provinces of Central
America, he complied, issuing a decree on the 29th of March, 1823,
with the view of carrying out the acta of September 15, 1821, which
had been annulled by the incorporation of the country with Mexico.
This was tantamount to a recognition of the independence of Central
America from Mexico.[IV-24] His decree was hailed with joy by the party
friendly to absolute independence. The Mexican or imperialist party
was vanquished, and the people were ready to take an active part in the
coming elections. Peace was not only temporarily restored in Guatemala
and Salvador, but in Nicaragua and Costa Rica party struggles were
brought to a close.

In Granada, Ordoñez had continued committing many outrages.[IV-25]
He had successfully repulsed Saravia, who had come against him from
Leon. The latter was in the act of preparing another expedition, when
Filisola's decree was promulgated, and he was summoned to Guatemala.
Nicaragua subsequently constituted a junta gubernativa of its
own.[IV-26]

In Costa Rica, Saravia, with the aid of Bishop Jerez, attempted to
force the province into the union with Mexico, and with that view
endeavored to overthrow the provincial government established at
Cartago. A conspiracy was planned there, and its authors, seconded
in Ciudad Vieja, openly espoused the cause of Iturbide on the 29th
of March. The men of the liberal party fled to San José, and after
strengthening their ranks there and at Alajuela, attacked the
imperialists on the field of Las Lagunas, near Cartago, and defeated
them.[IV-27] The town had to surrender, and was occupied by the
victorious independents, but the seat of government remained in San
José.[IV-28]

In Honduras, the provincial assembly resolved on the 10th of May to
enter into the union with the other provinces of Central America, with
the view of constituting an independent nation.[IV-29]

[Sidenote: SEPARATION FROM MEXICO.]

Central America then, after a fifteen months' connection with
Mexico, was again in the same position it had occupied at the time
of separation from Spain. No advantages had been derived from that
union; but, on the contrary, numerous heavy taxes had exhausted the
country, though the treasury was invariably empty. The whole country
was suffering from other consequences of the internal wars, in the
form of abuses on the part of unscrupulous political parties and
military chiefs; none worse, however, than the military sway imposed
by Mexico.[IV-30] There have not been wanting those who believe the
separation from the northern republic was a false step.[IV-31] The
people had for centuries lived under the same superior government,
subject only to the Spanish crown. Then followed a period when they
often faced one another as foes. Now they were invited to sit side by
side and discuss measures for the benefit of the great family to which
they all belonged. The elections were conducted with enthusiasm on
the part of the republicans, the field having been left to them by the
imperialists.[IV-32]

Congress assembled on the 24th of June, 1823,[IV-33] under the
presidency of José Matías Delgado,[IV-34] the installation being
graced by the presence of Filisola and the municipal council of the
city.[IV-35]

On the 2d of July following it assumed the name of Asamblea Nacional
Constituyente. The body was in session nineteen months, closing its
labors on the 23d of January, 1825. Its work was momentous, having to
organize a government imbued with the prevailing liberal spirit; to
improve the imperilled finances; to establish relations with foreign
powers; and, what was of the highest importance, to bring unity out
of chaos. The first step toward the accomplishment of these purposes
was taken on the 1st of July, 1823, with the adoption of the ordinance
which declared the provinces of the former captain-generalcy of
Guatemala to be free and independent states, confederated into a nation
under the name of Provincias Unidas del Centro de América.[IV-36]
Inasmuch as a considerable number of representatives had not arrived
on that date, the ordinance was subsequently ratified on the 1st of
October.[IV-37] The new confederation was recognized by Mexico only a
little more than a year after.[IV-38]

[Sidenote: ORGANIZATION.]

Shortly after independence was proclaimed, a division of the powers
of government into three branches was resolved on; namely, the
legislative, to be vested in the asamblea; the executive, composed
of three members, to be elected by and to be subject to that body;
and the judicial, to be exercised by the existing courts.[IV-39] The
executive, as then constituted, was to be merely provisional, and until
a fundamental code should give it a permanent organization. The public
debt was recognized; the catholic religion was declared to be that of
the state; and freedom of the press decreed.

From the moment that the choice of the executive occupied the attention
of the assembly a division of parties became manifest. The friends of
absolute independence formed a large majority; those of the former
Mejicanistas were few in number. The larger portion of the deputies
was composed of the best men of the country, whatever their party
affiliations, and their intentions were upright. Those of moderate
views from all sections formed themselves into one party, and went
by the name of moderados; their opponents applying to them the
epithets of servil and aristócrata.[IV-40] The radicals formed another
organization, and were called fiebres and liberales, their enemies also
giving them the appellation of anarquistas.

The liberal party advocated the establishment of a federal republic,
and as a rule was guided by a liberal patriotism, and a desire to
see the abolishment of unjust privileges and antiquated vices in the
government. Its opponents, in favor of a centralized government and
the continuation of the old fueros, struggled against the restrictions
that were being put to the influence of Guatemala. Nevertheless, a
liberal spirit predominated for a time, and three well-known liberals
were chosen to constitute the executive authority, namely, Manuel José
Arce,[IV-41] Doctor Pedro Molina, and Juan Vicente Villacorta.[IV-42]
It must be acknowledged that this government was not a strong one,
the only man of superior talent in it being Molina, and he had little
experience wherewith to found a republic and manage its affairs at such
a critical period.

A constantly increasing coolness between the government and Filisola
became intensified when the deputies from Costa Rica and Nicaragua
refused to occupy their seats in the assembly while a Mexican army
had virtual sway over the capital. Complaints also came from various
quarters, of abuses committed by the Mexican soldiers,[IV-43] and
demands were made for their departure. Some time elapsed in discussions
and negotiations, partly because of difficulty in raising the needed
funds. But finally, all obstacles being removed, Filisola departed with
his force on the 3d of August, 1823, leaving behind him a good name,
which was little affected by charges preferred against him at a later
date.[IV-44]

The liberals now were at greater liberty to carry out their plans,
which involved, among other things, the disappearance of old practices,
including titles and compellations,[IV-45] not even the hackneyed 'don'
escaping the general reformatory tendency.[IV-46] A coat of arms was
likewise decreed, showing the national name in golden letters,[IV-47]
as also a flag, the latter consisting of three horizontal stripes, the
middle one being white, with the national coat of arms about half-way
from the mast, and the other two blue.

[Illustration: SEAL OF CENTRAL AMERICA.]

[Sidenote: DECREES OF THE GOVERNMENT.]

Among other decrees enacted by the assembly in 1823, the following are
worthy of mention: One of August 21st, to annul all acts of the late
imperial government affecting Central America; one of August 26th,
declaring the 15th of September to be the national anniversary, and
how it was to be observed—this decree was reiterated by the legislative
assembly on the 15th of October, 1834; one of October 27th, directing
the Central American deputies—those of Chiapas excepted—to withdraw
from the Mexican congress; and one of November 15th, to form a general
census.[IV-48]

[Sidenote: ARIZA'S REVOLT.]

Another measure adopted was that which authorized the executive to
dismiss without formality all officials having their appointments
from the Spanish or Mexican governments. Little discretion was shown
in this, and discontent resulted, which was made manifest in the
opposition met with by every measure of the government, even such
as were generally recognized to be of public utility. Financial and
military affairs were in the worst possible condition. To improve the
former was a difficult task, the expenses being greater than during
the colonial period, and several branches of revenue, which formerly
yielded considerable resources, having disappeared with the old
dependence.[IV-49] As to the army, the greater part of it had been
disbanded, and only one battalion of the regular force and a few bodies
of militia formed the entire defensive power of the republic. The
government was almost at the mercy of a handful of men, and it was not
long before they exhibited their lack of discipline and loyalty. The
soldiers had for some time past shown dissatisfaction at the neglect of
the government to pay them their dues. Under the circumstances, it was
rather easy to prevail on them to revolt, and it was done, the leader
being Captain Rafael Ariza y Torres.[IV-50] The authorities, though
aware of his machinations, had taken no decisive measures to defeat
them,[IV-51] other than commissioning Ignacio Larrazábal to make an
investigation. Ariza, fearing that delay might cause the failure of
his plan, in the evening of the 13th of September assumed the title of
commander-in-chief of the forces; and the next morning[IV-52] volleys
of musketry and other manifestations apprised the alarmed inhabitants
of the insurrection. A scene of excitement ensued. The assembly hastily
met, and amidst the confusion a messenger came from Ariza to assure the
chamber of his loyal disposition toward the government, and to add in
explanation that the position of commander had been forced upon him by
the troops. The messenger was peremptorily ordered to retire without
receiving any answer. A number of enthusiastic citizens assailed
a portion of Ariza's men, only to be driven back to the university
building, where the assembly held its sittings. A show of defence
was made there,[IV-53] to enable the assemblymen to seek safety in
flight. Few of their number remained. Negotiations were then begun to
prevent the commission of outrages by the mutinous soldiers,[IV-54] and
the government finally gave way, and conferred on Ariza the title of
commander-in-chief; he thereupon took the official oath on that day.
The concession was made only to gain time, hopes being entertained that
the auxiliaries summoned from the surrounding country and other states
would soon arrive.

The rebellious captain had in the mean time begun to realize his
awkward position. Assuming a submissive tone, he protested his
readiness to obey the government; whereupon he was commanded to leave
the city and retire to Antigua, where his force dispersed before any
coercive action on the part of the government and its allies became
necessary. Ariza himself escaped by flight the punishment which his
reckless behavior deserved.[IV-55]

But the difficulties were not yet over. The feeble conduct of the
government, and the humiliating concessions it had made to the rebel,
reflected so much discredit that the labors of the moderado party
for the election of a new executive now gave promise of fruitful
results.[IV-56] On the 4th of October congress reassembled, and the
same day Villacorta, Molina, and Rivera tendered their resignations,
which were accepted; and in their stead, on the 4th of October, Manuel
José Arce was again elected, together with José del Valle and Tomás
O'Horan,[IV-57] and as substitutes for the two first, then absent, José
Santiago Milla and Villacorta, the same person who had resigned.[IV-58]
The new government found at once its attention engrossed by the
troublesome situation, which had arisen from the coming of a Salvadoran
force, called to help against the revolting soldiers. Although
forbidden to approach the city, and ordered to return home, it refused
to comply,[IV-59] and on the 12th of October entered the city of
Guatemala, all remonstrances to the contrary having proved unavailing.
The Salvadorans occupied the capital three weeks, during which rumors
were rife of their plans to pillage the place in retaliation of
Guatemalan troops having occupied San Salvador the previous year.
Brawls and fights between them and soldiers from other provinces were
of daily occurrence.

The regular garrison and all the inhabitants breathed more freely when
at last, on the 3d of November, the unwelcome guests departed.[IV-60]
The same day the auxiliary troops from Quezaltenango, who had been of
good use in keeping others somewhat in check, also returned home.

[Sidenote: A CONSTITUTION.]

The labors of the assembly had been continued in the mean time, and
on the 17th of December, 1823, were decreed and published the bases
of the constitution for the republic,[IV-61] adopting a popular,
representative, federal form of government. Each one of the five
states, Guatemala, Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, which
were to form the confederation of Central America, was to have the
same division of powers, and with the same functions, in its internal
administration, as the general government with respect to the whole
republic.[IV-62]

The labors of framing the constitution lasted a year longer, and were
terminated only on the 22d of November, 1824, when the fundamental law
of the Central American republic was promulgated, strict obedience
thereto being solemnly sworn on the 15th of April, 1825,[IV-63] and
ratified by the national congress five months later, namely, on the
1st of September. While discussing the constitution, both the liberal
and moderado parties used their best efforts for the adoption of
their respective principles. The former triumphed, being especially
strong in the provinces, whereas its antagonists resided chiefly in
the capital. Although a number of good and able men were among the
members of the congress, their good purposes were repeatedly balked
by party spirit; and thus only an imperfect result was obtained in
the constitution adopted November 22, 1824.[IV-64] It was the first
effort to define the rules for the government of a country which
at that time was beginning the life of an independent nation. The
constitution of the United States had been taken as a model; but it had
not been borne in mind that a difference existed between the people
of the northern and Central American republics at the time when they
respectively gained their independence. However good the intentions of
the framers of the Central American constitution, they fell short of
their object; for in adopting certain forms, altogether inappropriate,
they also introduced contradictory clauses. No provision was made for
a federal district to hold the national capital. Thus Guatemala, where
the federal authorities then and afterward resided, became also the
seat of the state government, and in the course of time collisions
were unavoidable.[IV-65] The constitution further defined the rights
of property and liberty of thought, as well as freedom of the press,
and placed the chief authority of the republic in the hands of
congress,[IV-66] in addition to the legislative power with which it was
vested. Laws were to be enacted by the two houses forming the congress,
one of which was the senate, whose members were also elected by the
people, two for every state. This body acted as an executive council,
with a general supervision to see that the different high officials
and magistrates faithfully discharged their duties. Its president was
ex officio vice-president of the republic.[IV-67] A supreme court of
justice was also created, the members being, like those of congress and
senate, chosen by popular vote.[IV-68]

[Sidenote: SLAVERY ABOLISHED.]

Among the most important laws enacted were those of December 31, 1823,
and April 17 and 24, 1824, which emancipated all slaves, and made
free slaves of other countries coming to Central America.[IV-69] The
slave-trade was prohibited, under the penalty of forfeiture of the
rights of citizenship.[IV-70] Of all the nations of North America,
to the Central American republic belongs the honor of having first
practically abolished slavery.[IV-71]

The new republic also took a deep interest in a project for the union
of all the American states.[IV-72] The project failed, because of its
impracticability. The particulars of this subject are given in treating
of the famous Panamá congress of American nations.

The exhausted condition of the treasury appearing to be the chief
impediment to all projected improvements, the remedy was looked for in
a foreign loan, about $7,000,000 being borrowed on rather favorable
terms from a London firm.[IV-73] The tobacco and customs revenues
were pledged toward its repayment.[IV-74] It is understood that a
portion of the money was applied to strengthening the fortifications,
and the remainder was distributed among the states for their local
requirements.

The initiation and execution of the different measures I have made
mention of, and others of less magnitude, were the work of the
constituent assembly, which closed its session on the 23d of January,
1825. If all its resolutions were not wise ones, allowance must be made
for the many difficulties that were in the way, and a full recognition
given its members of the good faith and assiduity with which they
performed their work.[IV-75]

CHAPTER V.

CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT.

1825-1830.

GENERAL ELECTIONS—MEETING OF THE FIRST CONGRESS—MANUEL
JOSÉ ARCE, FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC—FOREIGN
RELATIONS—ARCE'S PREVARICATIONS—CONFLICT WITH GUATEMALA—PARTY
BICKERINGS—LIBERALS QUARREL WITH ARCE—HE JOINS THEIR
OPPONENTS—BITTERNESS ENGENDERED—PRESIDENT VERSUS
GUATEMALAN RULERS—ARREST OF JEFE JUAN BARRUNDIA—RIOTS AT
QUEZALTENANGO—MURDER OF VICE-JEFE CIRILO FLORES—ARCE AS
DICTATOR IN GUATEMALA—WAR AGAINST SALVADOR—ARCE DEFEATED—HE
GIVES UP THE PRESIDENCY, AND CANNOT RECOVER IT—BLOODY WAR OF
1826-9—MORAZAN THE VICTOR—JOSÉ FRANCISCO BARRUNDIA, ACTING
PRESIDENT—LIBERAL MEASURES—PEACE RESTORED—SPANISH SCHEMES.

The first constitutional congress of the Estados Federados de Centro
América was installed on the 6th of February, 1825, Mariano Galvez
being chosen president,[V-1] as well as the leader of the liberal
party. A number of the old delegates had been reëlected for the new
body,[V-2] whose principal duties were the election of a president,
and the ratification of the constitution. The latter, as we have
already seen, was on the 1st of September; the former proved a more
difficult task, and was achieved amidst contradictions and stormy
discussions. The provisional executive power elected in 1823 had not
been harmonious. Arce and Valle assumed their duties soon after their
election, and before many days had serious differences, which ended in
Arce's resignation of the presidency of the triumvirate. Being replaced
by José Manuel de la Cerda, he departed for Salvador and Nicaragua,
exerting himself in the pacification of the latter. His services in
this direction won him much good-will, and it was proposed to make
him the first constitutional president of the republic, a proposition
that met with popular favor. Meanwhile his opponent, Valle, was also
working.[V-3] Since May 1824 the congress had been convoked. Both
liberals and moderados had untiringly worked for their respective
candidates. The latter seemed to have every prospect of victory; of
the 79 votes cast, 41 being for Valle, their candidate.[V-4] As 42
votes were necessary for a choice under the constitution, congress
assumed the right of selecting one of the two candidates. A compromise
between the contending parties was effected, Arce pledging himself
to remain neutral on certain questions upon which the other party was
much disturbed.[V-5] The moderados then voted for Arce, and congress,
on the 21st of April, 1825, declared him to have been duly elected by
a majority of twenty-two votes against five for Valle. The latter was
recognized as the vice-president, and having declined the position,
Mariano Beltranena was chosen in his place.[V-6] The justices of
the supreme court were elected at the same time, and on the 29th of
April[V-7] took possession of their offices.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: RECOGNITION BY THE UNITED STATES.]

The recognition of the Central American republic as an independent
nation had engaged the attention of the supreme authorities at the same
time that the internal organization was proceeding. The first treaty
concluded by the new republic was on the 15th of March, 1825, with
Colombia, Pedro Molina acting as its plenipotentiary at Bogotá.[V-8] A
few months later, at Washington, on the 5th of December, 1825, a treaty
was entered into with the United States of America, with which power
there had been formal relations since the beginning of the year.[V-9]
Antonio José Cañas represented Central America as her plenipotentiary.
The United States soon after accredited William Miller as chargé
d'affaires near the new republic. Diplomatic relations with Great
Britain and the Netherlands were opened early in 1825. Spain continued
refusing to recognize the independence of Central America, and the pope
followed in her footsteps, as he had done in regard to Mexico.[V-10]

The republic being now fairly launched, had Arce possessed the
ability all might have gone well. But he either overestimated his
administrative powers, or underrated the magnitude of his task; and
after decreeing some wise measures upon the military defences, he
began to sow dissatisfaction by his vacillating policy. A member
of the liberal party from the first day that he took part in the
political affairs of the country, he now committed the serious error
of abandoning the ground upon which he might have trod with safety.
In his endeavors to please both parties, he succeeded in offending
the liberals without securing the confidence of their opponents, who,
though willing enough to admit him to their ranks, declined rendering
implicit obedience. His former friends now openly assailed him.[V-11]

A conflict sprang up, also, between the federal government and the
local authorities of Guatemala City, because the latter refused to take
part in celebrating the anniversary of the installation of the first
assembly on the 24th of June, and force was at last brought to bear
upon them.[V-12]

[Sidenote: ARCE, RAOUL, AND VALLE.]

The ill-feeling against Arce became intensified when the state
government soon after decreed a transfer of its seat to Guatemala,
and for want of accommodations in public buildings, took possession
of the property of private citizens without their consent. The owners
claimed protection from the federal congress, and serious disturbances
were averted only by a compromise. During this episode the moderados
or serviles kept fanning the flame of discord between Arce and the
liberals, extolling his measures. When the first congress closed its
session, on the 25th of December, 1825,[V-13] the political features
of the country had notably changed. But fortunately the danger to the
republic from the action of the serviles was avoided, because, upon
lots being cast on the 1st of October for the renewals of members
of congress,[V-14] the retiring members happened to be chiefly of
districts where the servile party had majorities before, and were
now replaced by liberals, the preponderance of the latter being thus
increased. The second constitutional congress assembled on the 1st of
March, 1826. Among its members was Valle, who, bent on revenge, erelong
made common cause with the liberals,[V-15] though he was not allowed to
exercise a predominant influence in their counsels.

On the day congress opened, the president delivered his message
detailing the condition of the country, but most of it had reference
to the relations with foreign powers.[V-16] The impending rupture was
finally hastened by the president's course toward Colonel Nicolás
Raoul, a French officer who had recently arrived from Colombia,
and had been made commander of the artillery and a member of the
council of war.[V-17] Notwithstanding the considerations and favors
conferred on him by Arce, no sooner had he received his appointment
than he openly sided with the liberals and gave utterances against
the government. Therefore, when Raoul was summoned by congress to
aid in the organization of the federal troops, the president, to get
rid of him, sent him to explore the northern coasts.[V-18] Arce then
undertook to increase the federal army to 4,000 men, under the pretext
that such a force was needed for the pacification of Nicaragua, and
the defence of the country against a Spanish invasion, rumors of which
were circulating. In order to facilitate the operation, he proposed
that the members of congress should stir up public enthusiasm in their
respective states; but instead of acceding to his recommendation,
several persons known to be hostile to the government, among them
Raoul, were selected by that body. All remonstrances to the contrary
on the part of Arce[V-19] had no other effect than to imbitter the
liberals against him. Charges were accordingly brought forth, such as
his neglecting to lay before congress an account of expenditures during
his administration, and his having squandered a considerable portion of
the money raised by loan in London. The outcry against his conduct was
growing louder from day to day.

This unsatisfactory state of affairs determined Arce to dissolve
congress. Still he was loath to use violent means, and in fact, there
was no need of it. One of the clauses of the constitution allowed
the admission of substitutes for the deputies to congress in certain
cases, and both parties had taken advantage of it without opposition.
However, when the question of calling the president to account arose,
the serviles protested against the presence of the liberal substitutes
which gave to that party the majority.[V-20] On the 2d of June the
deputies from Salvador, under instructions from their government,
which was friendly to Arce, abandoned their seats, their example
being followed by those from Costa Rica and most of the serviles, thus
leaving the chamber without a quorum.[V-21] The session was reopened,
however, ten days later, upon the liberals pledging themselves not
to introduce any motion against the president or the serviles, and
thenceforth the discussions were confined to matters of a general
character till the 30th of June, when the session was closed; but the
deputies of Salvador and Costa Rica had not resumed their seats.

[Sidenote: STATE AND NATION.]

It was now evident that a collision was unavoidable. The state
government, controlled by the liberals, became fearful that the
serviles, in their endeavor to support the president, might also attack
the authorities of Guatemala, and under the pretext of an invasion
threatening from Chiapas, secretly began to make military preparations.
Salvador and Costa Rica, on the other hand, offered aid of troops
to the federal government. Both parties precipitated the crisis: the
liberals by their heedless attacks on the clergy,[V-22] and specially
by ridiculing its members; the serviles by fanning, jointly with the
clericals, ill feeling among the low, ignorant classes, whom it was
easy to persuade that the liberal party aimed at the destruction of
their religion. This had now become a matter of greater ease, owing
to the irritation already existing, caused by the forced loans and
recruiting for the army decreed by the state government. Strange
though it may appear, the serviles had no suspicion that the federal
authorities were aware of their intrigues. The clash came in May
1826, when Raoul, without having fulfilled his commission on the
northern coast, tendered his resignation, accompanied with a number of
invectives against the executive, which he subsequently repeated in a
second letter.[V-23] He was arrested on the 17th of July, and subjected
to the action of a court-martial for disrespect and insubordination.
This raised a storm of fury in the local legislature, where Raoul's
arrest was considered as an encroachment on the state's authority.
An order of arrest was issued against Captain Espínola, the officer
who had carried out the commands of the federal executive, and the
jefe, or chief of the state, Juan Barrundia, was authorized to raise
a sufficient force to seize Espínola's person,[V-24] and the pecuniary
contingent of the state for federal expenses was withheld.[V-25]

The troops despatched to arrest Espínola numbered 300 men, and were
commanded by Cayetano de la Cerda, who encountered his man near
Acasaguastlan. To avoid bloodshed, a capitulation was agreed upon
by both parties until they should obtain further orders from their
respective governments.[V-26]

When news of this agreement reached Guatemala, a few days later,
simultaneously rumors came to the ears of Arce that a coup-de-main
was contemplated by Barrundia, with the evident intent of effecting
his removal. To anticipate the blow,[V-27] on the 5th of September
Arce secretly ordered the commander of the federal forces to arrest
Barrundia at an early hour the following morning, and disarm the state
troops, using force if necessary.[V-28] This was done, the officer
meeting with no resistance.[V-29] The liberals had no suspicion of
Arce's resolve till after its execution. The vice-jefe of the state,
Cirilo Flores, then forthwith assumed the government, and being
tendered the aid of federal troops to support his authority, proudly
rejected it.[V-30]

[Sidenote: ARREST OF BARRUNDIA.]

On the following day the chiefs of the other states were apprised of
Barrundia's arrest, in a circular from Arce defending his course, which
he declared to have been pursuant to duty under the constitution.[V-31]
Such was the position assumed by his friends and by the serviles in
general; while the radical liberals, taking a different view, denounced
him as a violator of the constitution.[V-32] However, the energy
thus displayed by Arce was rather favorably looked upon, perhaps
from a feeling of relief arising from the supposition that party
bickerings had been brought to an end, more than from any sympathy
for Arce. The president might now have strengthened his party, but
did not, and went on committing serious mistakes. Instead of turning
the imprisoned Barrundia over to the state assembly, as prescribed
by the constitution, to be tried upon the several charges that had
been ostentatiously preferred against him, he allowed the legal
time for prosecution to elapse, and then released the prisoner under
bonds.[V-33]

The second constitutional congress was to meet on the 1st of October,
1826, and the liberal party had, since September, industriously worked
to secure a majority. But on the appointed day there was no quorum, the
members of the opposition having refused to take their seats, evidently
to prevent the adoption of any measures against the president.[V-34]
It was rather suspicious that the government at San Salvador, always
friendly to Arce, had forbidden its delegates to occupy their seats in
congress unless it were to discuss the expediency of transferring the
federal authorities to some place distant from Guatemala.[V-35] It soon
became apparent that the president's aim was to have his own assembly,
for on the 10th of October he convoked an extraordinary congress.[V-36]
This was open violation of the constitution, which vested in the senate
the authority for convoking, and moreover limited representation to
only one delegate for every 30,000 inhabitants. Much indignation was
felt by the members of congress, who had constituted themselves into an
organizing commission, but dispersed on the same day that Arce's decree
was published.[V-37]

[Sidenote: MURDER OF FLORES.]

Exciting events now followed in quick succession. The vice-jefe Cirilo
Flores and the state authorities had retired on the 8th of October
to Quezaltenango, where he was murdered a few days afterward—on the
13th—by a mob of fanatical Indians.[V-38] The act was attributed
to Arce and his immediate friends, but apparently without much
reason,[V-39] though it must be admitted that intrigues of the servile
party and the preaching of hostile priests aroused the fanaticism of
the populace to such a degree that the slightest cause would bring
about the commission of outrages. The trouble did not end with Flores'
death, for many members of the assembly and representative council were
compelled to flee for their lives.

The state was now powerless, for even its military forces disappeared
before the federal troops. The liberals in the state and republic saw
their hopes dashed, and many emigrated.[V-40] Arce held the executive
authority of both the federation and the state of Guatemala; and acting
upon the advice of Salvador, he began reorganization, decreeing on the
31st of October the election of a new executive and legislature for
Guatemala, from which the inhabitants entertained hopes of a final
restoration of peace throughout the republic. But those hopes were
frustrated by a sudden change of policy on the part of the Salvador
government, which surprised everybody, all the more from the fact that
it had heretofore firmly supported the president.

[Sidenote: ARCE'S VICTORY AND DEFEAT.]

Pedro Molina arrived at San Salvador from Panamá when Arce had in his
charge the affairs of Guatemala, and had decreed the new elections
for the state. Being a political opponent of the president, Molina
refused to go to Guatemala to report the action of the Panamá congress.
It was not a difficult matter for him to find congenial spirits
for an intrigue against the federal executive. An estrangement had
occurred between Arce and Delgado, who aspired to be bishop of San
Salvador,[V-41] and was a man of great political power. Moreover, it
so happened that the jefe of Salvador, owing to ill health, had to
turn over his office to the vice-jefe, Mariano Prado, who was under
the influence of the discontented party. His first act was to repeal
Arce's decree of October 10th convoking an extraordinary congress at
Cojutepeque.[V-42] Then simultaneously forces were levied in Salvador,
ostensibly to protect congress when assembled at Ahuachapan. Internal
difficulties in Honduras led the federal government to interfere;[V-43]
and thus, at the end of 1826, there were a number of forces at work to
drive Arce from the presidential seat. This state of affairs continued
till February 1827, when rumors of an invasion began to circulate in
Guatemala. The next month Salvadoran forces, under Trigueros, started
on their march toward the capital. All doubts about the plans of the
invading army having ceased, Arce displayed unusual activity in his
preparations to meet the enemy. With the aid of the newly chosen jefe
of Guatemala, Aycinena, he increased the garrison to 2,000 men, and
leaving the executive authority in charge of Vice-president Beltranena,
took personal command of the troops. He made an effort, however, to
avert an encounter, but without avail;[V-44] and they fought, a few
days later, at Guadalupe, a short distance from Guatemala, the invaders
being repulsed, and the following day, March 23d, utterly routed at
Arrazola.[V-45] This victory caused great exultation in Guatemala, and
Arce's prestige grew rapidly. Money and reënforcements were cheerfully
placed at his command, and he allowed himself to be carried away by
evil counsels to pursue an aggressive policy and punish Salvador.[V-46]

[Sidenote: CÁSCARAS IN SALVADOR.]

The federal army marched in April into the state of Salvador, and
reënforced from Sonsonate and Santa Ana,[V-47] reached Nejapa without
opposition, that place being about twelve miles from the city of
San Salvador. After certain negotiations for peace, which had no
satisfactory result, Arce attacked the city on the 18th of May, at
the head of 2,000 men, and was repulsed with heavy loss. His slow
movements had given the Salvadorans time to act.[V-48] His retreat
was in good order to Santa Ana; but from this place, desertions
having greatly diminished the force, it degenerated into flight, of
which the pursuing Salvadorans failed to take advantage. Arce reached
Cuajiniquilapa toward the end of May, with only 300 men. This early
failure of a war from which were to flow such great results brought
odium on Arce; but by the efforts of friends, confidence in him was
restored, and about 700 men were obtained to resume operations by
taking Santa Ana.[V-49] For several months no events of importance
occurred. The time was employed by Arce in strengthening his force,
with which he made a fruitless attempt to intercept a Salvador
division that assailed Sonsonate. Overtures for peace were again made
by Salvador, but though not absolutely rejected, no understanding was
arrived at. They gave rise, however, to a discussion as to whether the
federal president was, as he thought himself, authorized to decide upon
the question of peace or war without consulting the state government
of Guatemala.[V-50] Piqued at the opposition he had met, which he
supposed to arise from want of confidence, Arce received with pleasure
a request from Vice-president Beltranena to give up the army and
return to Guatemala and take charge of the government.[V-51] Brigadier
Francisco Cáscaras was thereupon made commander of the army on the
12th of October, 1827. Soon after Arce's return to Guatemala he took
steps to restore peace, and issued, on the 5th of December, a decree to
convoke a new congress,[V-52] and at the same time ordered a suspension
of hostilities. But his commissioner, Juan de Dios Mayorga, who was
to notify the authorities at San Salvador of his measures, was not
allowed to proceed to that city, the Salvadorans, now reënforced with
officers exiled from Colombia,[V-53] being more than ever opposed to
conciliation. Hostilities were resumed and conducted with alternating
success;[V-54] but on the whole, disadvantageously for the federal
force, owing to Cáscaras' lack of strategy, and the temporizing policy
of the enemy; for the latter, whenever pressed, would make overtures of
peace, protesting a willingness to terminate the war, though breaking
their promises as fast as they were made.[V-55] Cáscaras' situation
was daily becoming perilous, on account of the numerous desertions of
his troops. At last, on the 17th of December, a bloody encounter took
place in the streets of Santa Ana, which terminated in a capitulation,
under which both forces were to leave the place the next day. Cáscaras
left it as stipulated, but Colonel Merino with the Salvadorans
remained.[V-56] Cáscaras returned to Guatemala toward the end of
December, the Salvadorans having regained possession of Santa Ana, and
of all the other places formerly occupied by the federal army.

Shortly after, with Aycinena's assistance, another federal army
was organized, but Arce took good care to give positions in it
only to trusted friends.[V-57] As soon as the organization was
nearly completed, detachments were sent to check the enemy's raids
in Chiquimula, and then, under the command of a foreigner named
William Perks, the army marched against the Salvadoran headquarters
at Ahuachapan. Once more stratagem was resorted to by the wily
Salvadorans, who made proffers of peace, the farce ending as
usual.[V-58] In the mean time troubles broke out in the federal army,
and Perks, the commander, was deposed by the field-officers and sent to
Guatemala as a prisoner.[V-59] The command then devolved upon Colonel
Antonio José Irisarri. Arce tried in vain to have Perks reinstalled,
and his efforts in that direction only served to increase the ill
feeling, which grew so strong that on the 14th of February, 1828, he
turned over the executive office, though without a formal resignation,
to Beltranena,[V-60] who conferred the command of the federal army
on Brigadier Manuel Arzú. This officer marched at once against the
Salvadorans, refusing to listen to any overtures for negotiations
from their chief, Merino. The armies met at Chalchuapa on the 1st of
March, and the federal troops obtained a victory, which drove the foe
back to San Salvador.[V-61] Arzú followed and made an assault on that
city, in which both sides gave proofs of extraordinary bravery. The
assault failed; at the end of six hours' fighting the assailants had to
retreat behind their intrenchments.[V-62] From this time San Salvador
and San Miguel became the theatres of war. A series of encounters,
none of sufficient importance to be lengthily described, followed, with
varying success for either side.[V-63] The Salvadorans having besieged
the remnants of the federal army under Colonel Manuel Montúfar, at
Mejicanos, after eight months compelled them to surrender, on the 20th
of September. Their commander and general staff were held as prisoners
of war.[V-64]

[Sidenote: GUATEMALA AND SALVADOR.]

The division of the federal army that occupied the department of San
Miguel, which had been defeated by General Morazan at Gualcho on the
6th of July, being intercepted on its retreat toward the Lempa, laid
down its arms, under honorable terms, at San Antonio, on the 9th of
October.[V-65]

The condition of federal affairs was now far from encouraging. It
may be that Arce, had he been replaced, might have turned disaster;
but his application had met with a refusal, and he took no further
part in the political events of the republic.[V-66] After all hostile
forces had been either captured or expelled from Salvador, Morazan
made a triumphant entry into the state capital on the 23d of October,
1828.[V-67] Shortly before this a commission had come from Costa Rica
to mediate between Guatemala and Salvador, but the latter demanded too
much.[V-68] Morazan's presence in San Salvador greatly strengthened the
warlike party, and the idea of invading Guatemala gained favor from
day to day, till it was finally carried out. After peace overtures
had been rejected by the federal authorities, Morazan began his march
toward Guatemala in the latter end of November 1828.[V-69] The news
struck terror into the hearts of the now defenceless Guatemalans,
and no steps to meet the emergency could be taken, owing to lack of
order, official rivalries, and party intrigues. It was, as a saving
measure, finally decided in the assembly to detach the state from the
federation, though it was never sanctioned or carried out. To increase
difficulties, a revolution broke out in the department of La Antigua,
placing it under the protection of Morazan,[V-70] who, at the head of
about 2,000 men, assuming the title of 'ejército aliado protector de
la ley,' laid siege to the city of Guatemala, assailing it from the
side of the Garita del Golfo, on the 5th of February. He was repulsed
after a brisk fire.[V-71] This was followed on the 15th by a sally of
the garrison, which annihilated at Mixco a considerable portion of the
invading army.[V-72]

[Sidenote: SUCCESS OF MORAZAN.]

In consequence of this reverse, Morazan raised the siege of Guatemala,
and concentrated his forces at La Antigua. The success of Mixco was the
last experienced by the federal army; for with the same neglect which
had characterized its operations almost throughout the whole campaign,
no advantage was taken of the victory, nor of several military errors
of Morazan.[V-73] A strong division under Pacheco sallied out of
Guatemala toward the towns of Zumpango and El Tejar, as if to confine
Morazan in La Antigua; but Pacheco disseminated his force, and was
beaten.[V-74] Early in March Morazan's troops reoccupied Mixco, and
when attacked, shortly afterward,[V-75] by the federal forces at Las
Charcas, signally defeated them, and the fate of the servile party in
Guatemala was thus sealed.[V-76]

Through the mediation of General Verveer, minister from the
Netherlands, an attempt was made to bring peace to the distracted
country. Commissioners representing the several belligerents assembled,
on the 27th of March, at the house of Ballesteros, and discussed the
propositions laid before them, which were rejected, and they then
retired. Morazan, who was anxious for a compromise, specially as
he had good reasons to apprehend the dissolution of his army by the
small-pox epidemic which had broken out, urged Verveer to invite the
commissioners to hold another conference. It took place; and those of
Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua presented four propositions, which
were likewise rejected by the federal and Guatemalan negotiators.[V-77]
Morazan had felt certain that those proposals would be accepted, and
believed them to be exceedingly generous in view of the fact that the
city could no longer hold out. However, hostilities were resumed, and
on the 9th of April the forces under Morazan attacked the city, and a
part of it was taken and plundered.[V-78]

[Sidenote: FALL OF GUATEMALA CITY.]

Aycinena applied on the 11th to Morazan, as commander-in-chief of the
allied army of Honduras and Salvador, for a suspension of hostilities,
in order to negotiate a capitulation which he was disposed to enter
into. Morazan replied at once that he could agree to nothing but the
unconditional surrender of the city, though offering to guarantee the
lives and property of all persons existing therein.[V-79] The fighting
continued, and on the 12th the place capitulated. The occupation was
effected on the following day,[V-80] and immediately Vice-president
Beltranena and his ministers of relations and treasury, Aycinena and
his secretary Piélago, and Ex-president Arce[V-81] were placed under
arrest.[V-82] Morazan, assuming then all the powers of state, restored
Juan Barrundia to the position of jefe of Guatemala,[V-83] whereof he
had been deprived by Arce. The capitulation of April 12th was on the
20th declared void, on the ground that the federal commander had failed
to comply with its terms in not giving up all the arms his forces held
at the time of the surrender.[V-84] Morazan treated the functionaries,
both federal and of the state of Guatemala, who had taken part in the
revolution of 1826 to 1829, with much rigor.[V-85]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: MORAZAN'S MEASURES.]

A period of reaction, or restoration as it was properly called, was now
inaugurated. During several years the servile party had held undisputed
control of public affairs in Guatemala, crushing out all opposition
to the best of its ability. Its policy had been one of intolerance,
and its downfall was hailed with joy. Morazan seemed to have been
chosen by providence to inflict condign punishment on those who had
so cruelly exercised a usurped power. Surrounded as he was by so many
diverse elements, the severity of the blows he dealt must not be all
laid to his account. The state assembly, which had been dissolved in
1826, having again met on the 21st of April, 1829,[V-86] with its old
president, Nicolás Espinosa, was practically a tool in the hands of
the victorious general, and enacted several vigorous laws against the
vanquished party.[V-87] On the 4th of June the assembly passed an act,
which was sanctioned by the consejo representativo on the 12th, and by
Jefe Barrundia on the 13th, declaring null all elections made pursuant
to the unconstitutional decree of the president of the republic
dated October 31, 1826, and the subsequent ones of 1827 and 1828. It
furthermore stamped as revolutionists and usurpers all persons who by
virtue of those decrees had obtained and held office of the federation
or the state of Guatemala, and as such guilty of high treason, and
amenable to the death penalty.[V-88] On the same day was issued a
so-called amnesty law; but the number of exemptions from its benefits
made its name a piece of irony.[V-89] The position of the prisoners
taken in Guatemala at the time of the capture of said city, and others,
became a more complicated one, in consequence of a decree passed by the
assembly of Salvador on the 9th of June, declaring that it would not
recognize in the assembly of Guatemala any authority to grant, without
the assent of the other states, amnesty to the factious disturbers of
public order; and that the capitulation entered into between Morazan
and Aycinena having been annulled, the captives were really prisoners
of war of the allied states.[V-90] A number of the prisoners were,
however, permitted to go into exile within fifteen days, paying
first the expenses of their support while in prison, and one third
of the value of their estates[V-91] into the federal treasury, as
indemnification for the damages they had inflicted on the country. That
privilege was not granted to the president and vice-president and their
ministers, the former chief of Guatemala, and others. In fact, it was
a proscription of all the principal men who had sided with the servile
party.[V-92] It was also decreed that all salaries paid from October
1826 to April 1829 should be refunded. Harsh measures were used to
force a compliance.

The federal congress that was dismissed in October 1826 assembled on
the 22d of June,[V-93] under the presidency of Doroteo Vasconcelos,
and on the 25th José Francisco Barrundia[V-94] assumed the office of
president of the republic, he being the senior senator, and having been
specially called thereto by the congress, though the real power in the
country was Morazan.

[Sidenote: EXPULSION OF FRIARS.]

The chief point of discussion in congress[V-95] was, what to do with
the prisoners. Some members favored their execution, and though others
disapproved of such a disposal of them, none had sufficient courage
to openly condemn such vindictiveness. The discussions continued till
July 9th, when a number of the prisoners were sent under an escort
to Sonsonate, to be embarked at Acajutla and expatriated.[V-96] Two
days later a similar blow was struck at the church, evidently because
of the sympathy of its head men with the servile party.[V-97] During
the night between the 10th and 11th of July, an armed force, acting
under orders of Morazan, who issued them in accordance with the
views of the acting president and the jefe of Guatemala, seized the
archbishop and the friars of several orders, and despatched them to
the Atlantic coast, where they were embarked for Habana. Several of
the friars are represented to have died on the voyage.[V-98] Whether
there was sufficient cause for so violent a proceeding is doubtful.
However, the federal congress thanked the executive for his zeal. The
sentence of expatriation against the archbishop was not formally issued
till about a year after.[V-99] On the 28th of July the assembly of
Guatemala decreed the suppression of all monastic establishments of
men, excepting only the Bethlehemite hospitallers, who were allowed
to remain as secular priests, and prohibited in the nunneries vows
and professions in the future. All the temporalities of the suppressed
convents were declared confiscated to the state. The federal congress
approved this act on the 7th of September, declaring that the nation
would no longer receive or recognize within its territory any religious
orders.[V-100]

Peace being finally restored, the large army of Morazan was gradually
dissolved, and the leader became a candidate for the presidency. The
necessity of an energetic man, such as Morazan was, at the head of
affairs, was quite apparent, for new difficulties were threatening from
different quarters. Costa Rica, disapproving the course of Salvador,
declared her secession from the union, and it was only after much
persuasion that she retracted it. The federal government, and that
of the state of Guatemala, now in charge of Pedro Molina,[V-101]
clashed on several occasions, and specially when, in 1830, the
question of constituting Guatemala city as a federal district again
came upon the tapis. The state rejected the plan, as on every previous
occasion.[V-102] A project of Molina to reform the confederation met
with the same fate. He favored the model of the Swiss republic at that
time, abolishing the expensive machinery of a federal government, which
was almost continually at variance with the different states.[V-103]
The failure of this scheme brought with it the downfall of Molina, who
was afterward suspended on fictitious charges and tried, and though
acquitted, was not reinstated.[V-104]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: SPANISH EFFORTS.]

The plan of King Fernando VII. of Spain for the reconquest of his
former American dominions, and the steps he was taking to accomplish
it, naturally caused a sensation in Central America, where that monarch
would be sure to find elements favorable to his views. The so-called
nobles, who had endeavored, after the downfall of Iturbide and the
separation from Mexico, to establish in Central America an aristocratic
republic, such as that of Genoa or Venice, had been again balked in
their aims by the successes of Morazan. In their disappointment they
turned their eyes to Fernando, and through special agents, as well as
through Archbishop Casaus, made known to the captain-general of Cuba
that the circumstances Central America was then in were most propitious
for the restoration of the royal sway; for, as they asserted, all
honest, right-thinking men and women in the country yearned for it, and
the Indians were likewise anxious for the change. Therefore, the only
opposition thereto lay in the comparatively small number of aspirants
to public offices, who made revolution in order to control the public
funds for their own benefit. Such reports were full of encouragement
for the Spaniards who were intriguing in behalf of Fernando's
interests, which were probably also their own.

Positive information was at last received from a reliable source
that Spain was preparing, in Habana, an expedition to land at Omoa
and march on Guatemala, where it expected to find the requisite
coöperation.[V-105] This report coincided with the departure of
the Spanish expedition under Brigadier Barradas to Tampico.[V-106]
President Barrundia, on the 3d of September, 1829, issued a stirring
address; and the congress, in October and November, with the sanction
of the executive, passed an act forbidding Spaniards to enter or land
in Central American territory under any pretext. The ports of the
republic were closed to the Spanish flag, and to the products and
manufactures of Spain, her colonies, and dependencies.

There were not a few Spaniards who, together with the self-styled
nobles of native birth, desired to see the flag of the old country
waving again over Central America. That anxiously wished for day
had become almost the only subject of conversation in their circles,
of which the assembly of Guatemala took due warning. In November it
declared the sequestration of all property belonging to Spaniards who
dwelt in the republic, coupled with the assurance that none should be
restored till Spain had formally recognized the independence of Central
America.[V-107]

CHAPTER VI.

CIVIL WAR.

1829-1838.

REVOLUTION IN HONDURAS—CONSERVATIVES INVADE THE STATE—SECOND
GENERAL ELECTIONS—FRANCISCO MORAZAN CHOSEN PRESIDENT—PLOTS
OF THE SERVILES—ARCE'S INVASION FROM MEXICO—OCCUPATION OF
HONDURAS PORTS BY EXILED REBELS—SPANISH FLAG HOISTED IN OMOA,
AND AID FROM CUBA—SALVADORAN AUTHORITIES IN REBELLION—THIRD
GENERAL ELECTIONS—MORAZAN REËLECTED—FAILURE OF COLONIZATION
PLANS—RAVAGES OF CHOLERA—INDIAN REVOLT UNDER CARRERA—HIS
EARLY LIFE.

It is difficult for us to realize how long it takes and how hard it is
for progressive man to throw away the fetters, temporal and spiritual,
which in times past he stupidly forged for himself. Intellectual light
breaking in on our old savagism finally tells us that the hurtful
manifestations of nature are not the chastisements of offended deity;
and then we wonder how we could have been so stupid so long, with our
pope-worship and king-worship, and our servility to their satellites.
Then when we first gain our liberty we know not what to do with it.
We feel lost without the harness, the reins, the whip and spur. The
people of Central America, high or low, knew little at this juncture
of self-government. In times past they had observed that rulership
consisted largely of personal wranglings for place, from king and pope
down to the lowest aspirant; of wars, political and ecclesiastical,
brother against brother, priests and people butchering and burning as
if the great object of religion and civilization was to preserve upon
this earth as long as possible the hell which we all hope in one way or
another to escape hereafter.

Note further in regard to Central America the strange union of widely
distinct classes in their efforts to sacrifice the country for self.
Though from somewhat different motives, we see join hands the highest
and the lowest, a self-styled aristocracy and the ignorant rabble,
aided by the priests who would not see their power slip from them in
the general overturnings, all spending their energies and blood in the
direction of utter destruction for themselves, their families, and
their country. Fortunately there were others at hand whose ideas of
self-government were different; who earnestly desired that this new
plant of liberty—a boon which had so unexpectedly dropped down to them
from heaven—should have in their midst a healthy growth, in spite of
ignorance, ambition, or superstition.

[Illustration: HONDURAS.]

[Sidenote: TROUBLES IN HONDURAS.]

The legislative assembly of Honduras, pursuant to the proscriptive
law enacted by the federal congress in August 1829, issued a decree of
expulsion, and the government of the state transmitted to Guatemala a
list of those who had come within its provisions.[VI-1] Some exiles
from Honduras and other states of Central America went to Belize to
carry on their plots from that quarter, and soon caused a sedition
in the department of Olancho. The vice-jefe, Vijil, used his best
endeavors to bring the seditious to terms peaceably, but failed.[VI-2]
It became necessary then to resort to force, and Lieutenant-colonel
Terrelonge was authorized to move his troops from Trujillo against
Olancho. The state of Guatemala was also requested to send its force
stationed in Chiquimula to Gracias, for the purpose of aiding in
the preservation of order. The assembly of Guatemala, on the 24th
of November, 1829, directed that 500 men, subject to the orders of
the chief of the state, should repair at once to Honduras and quell
the insurrection. The wording of the decree caused a disagreement
between the president of the republic and Jefe Molina. The latter
insisted that the 500 men to be sent to Honduras should be under
his orders. President Barrundia could not accede to it, because the
command of a military force operating out of the state belonged by
law to the federal government,[VI-3] and through his minister of
war, Nicolás Espinosa, applied to the Guatemalan legislature for a
change in the decree. Espinosa's communication caused much sensation,
and the assembly repealed the act of November 24th, and in its stead
provided that the money needed to muster in and equip 500 men should be
furnished the general government out of the state treasury.

Morazan, jefe of Honduras, and general-in-chief of the Central American
forces, had marched with a division upon the departments of Olancho
and Opoteca, and to him were despatched the troops newly raised in
Guatemala. Colonel Vicente Dominguez was one of the chief promoters
of the revolution of Honduras.[VI-4] Morazan's military reputation
made easy his road to victory. He encountered no great difficulties.
The year 1830 was inaugurated with new triumphs. The Olancho rebels
surrendered to him at Las Vueltas del Ocote, and on the 21st of January
solemnly bound themselves to recognize and obey the government.[VI-5]
Morazan next, on the 19th of February, routed the insurrectionists of
Opoteca.[VI-6] Morazan, after pacifying Honduras, intended marching
into Nicaragua, if political measures should prove insufficient to
establish regularity there. He first despatched Dionisio Herrera to
the seat of Nicaraguan differences, who fulfilled his trust with zeal,
and Morazan had no need of going to the state. Herrera had been chosen
jefe, and was duly inducted in his office on the 12th of May.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: REVOLT AND ELECTION.]

The time for renewing the supreme federal authority having arrived,
elections were held throughout the republic. Congress opened its
session with due solemnity on the 27th of March, 1830. The supreme
court of justice was likewise installed.[VI-7] The election of
president of the republic had been also made. Morazan, José Francisco
Barrundia, José del Valle, Antonio Rivera Cabezas, and Pedro Molina
obtained votes; but by far the largest number of them had been polled
for Morazan and Valle.[VI-8]

The votes were counted in June. Morazan had the largest number; but
in order to ascertain if the election had been legal, it was necessary
first to declare if the basis was to be the number of votes which the
citizens of the republic had the right to poll, or that of the votes
actually given and counted. If the former, there had been no popular
election, and congress had to decide the point between Morazan and
Valle; in the latter case, Morazan had been popularly elected.[VI-9]

[Sidenote: MORAZAN PRESIDENT.]

The congress consisted for the most part of friends of Morazan, and he
was declared president. He made a triumphal entry into Guatemala on the
14th of September, and should have been inaugurated on the 15th; but it
was decided that Barrundia should turn over to him the executive office
on the 16th, in the midst of the festivities of national independence.
This was done by Barrundia with that republican simplicity which had
ever characterized the man. All the states sent their congratulations
to Morazan, and to Barrundia for the good judgment and success of his
administration.[VI-10] Mariano Prado, the distinguished citizen of
Salvador, who did such good service to the liberal cause as vice-jefe
of that state during the campaign that ended in April 1829, was elected
vice-president.

One of Barrundia's measures that did him honor was his saving the
island of Roatan to Central America. The British had driven away
the few inhabitants and small garrison and taken possession.[VI-11]
Barrundia made energetic though courteous remonstrances, and the island
was restored after Morazan had become president.

The country now required peace. Morazan exerted himself to foster
education and national industry. Agriculture and trade began to revive;
but it was not to be continued long, for the demon of political strife
was let loose again. The servile party, though defeated, had not
remained inactive. In 1831 it prepared a plot for the destruction of
the liberals, which had ramifications everywhere. Arce was to invade
the republic from Mexico through Soconusco. Dominguez was to occupy
Honduras with elements gathered for the purpose at Belize. Meantime,
Ramon Guzman seized the fort at Omoa with 200 negroes.[VI-12] Arce
effected his invasion with about 100 men, exiled and discontented
Central Americans,[VI-13] and was defeated at Escuintla de Soconusco,
on the 24th of February, 1832, by the forces under General Raoul.
He succeeded in escaping with a few men into Mexico again.[VI-14]
Guzman, being hard pressed at Omoa by the government troops under
Colonel Terrelonge, hoisted the Spanish flag over the fort, and
despatched, on the 10th of August, the schooner _Ejecutivo_, whose
name had been now changed to _General Dominguez_, to ask assistance
from the captain-general of Cuba, offering himself and those with him
as subjects of the Spanish king. But the vessel was captured on her
return with supplies, and the rebel garrison surrendered on the 12th of
September, after a siege of five months.[VI-15] Almost at the same time
that Omoa was seized by the rebels, the port of Trujillo was occupied
by Vicente Dominguez, who had in his company Pedro Gonzalez.[VI-16]
The Central Americans had two armed schooners at Izabal, besides two
national vessels under Terrelonge, and an armed schooner at Belize.
Duplessis, a Frenchman, commanding the national vessel _Fénix_, was
captured by Dominguez, taken to Omoa, and shot in the plaza.[VI-17]

Dominguez' vanguard reached Yoro on the 7th of March, 1832, and was
defeated at Tercales on the 9th, and again at Olanchito. He fled to
Trujillo, leaving behind 200 muskets, other arms, some money, and other
things.[VI-18] He then transferred himself to Omoa, and with 600 men,
on the 26th of March, attacked the government troops at Jaitique, being
defeated. He was again routed at Opoteca, pursued in all directions,
captured, and taken to Comayagua, where he was put to death on the
14th of September.[VI-19] The rebel plot thus defeated was a formidable
one. Archbishop Casaus from Habana moved his clergy. Bishop Fray Luis
García of Chiapas favored Ex-president Arce, whose friends confidently
asserted that he also had the support of the Mexican government.[VI-20]
Arce's plans were also in combination with the jefe of Salvador, José
María Cornejo.[VI-21] The fallen party would not admit that they had
been vanquished, that their principles were antiquated and repugnant to
the people; they still believed that a reaction was not only possible,
but right and natural.

[Sidenote: HONDURAS AND SALVADOR.]

Cornejo's intrigues led to a disturbance of the peace in Salvador. The
state assembly had been installed in February 1831, and the tendencies
of its members elect, together with Cornejo's workings, had awakened
mistrust among the liberals of Guatemala. The assembly of the latter
state directed the executive, in congratulating the Salvador assembly
upon its installation, to remind it of the necessity of harmony and of
upholding liberal principles.[VI-22]

On the news of the invasion of Honduras, already described,
reaching Guatemala, Morazan decided to establish his headquarters
in San Salvador as a more convenient centre for future operations.
His relations with the authorities of Salvador were anything but
harmonious; neither could they be harmonious under the circumstances.
Mariano Galvez, jefe of Guatemala,[VI-23] desiring to avoid conflicts,
despatched Colonel Nicolás Espinosa with letters to Cornejo, advising
him that his agent was instructed to use his best offices to settle the
differences between him and Morazan. Espinosa, when near Atiquizaya,
heard that orders for his arrest had been issued, and therefore went
back. Galvez became justly indignant at the conduct of Cornejo's
agents.

[Sidenote: SALVADOR SECEDES.]

The president of the republic started from Guatemala on the 29th of
December, 1831, accompanied by his ministers, and journeyed toward
San Salvador without any military force other than his body-guard;
consequently Cornejo had no cause to apprehend any sudden blow at his
authority.[VI-24] Nevertheless, on the 6th of January, 1832, Cornejo
broke out in open rebellion, commanding the national executive, then
at Santa Ana, to quit the state forthwith or he would be driven away.
Morazan, having no means of resistance, obeyed. This insult to the
republic was followed next day, January 7, 1832, by an act declaring
the suspension of the federal compact and the secession of the state
of Salvador. Congress then empowered the executive to repel invasions.
The jefe of Guatemala admitted the obligation of his state to aid
the general government with all its means.[VI-25] The assembly of
Nicaragua, backed by the jefe Dionisio Herrera, who was a stanch friend
and supporter of Morazan, passed an act disallowing the legitimacy of
the Salvador authorities and their acts, and providing means to support
the federal government.[VI-26]

Costa Rica, through her minister of state, Joaquin Bernardo Calvo, in
a note from San José of March 3, 1832, to the government of Guatemala,
signified her readiness to support the laws, and with that end to
place at the disposal of the federal executive all the aid in her
power. A Guatemalan force was stationed on the frontier of Salvador,
first under Colonel Cárlos Salazar, and afterward under Colonel Juan
Prem, a distinguished officer of the campaign of 1829. Even now Galvez
hoped to avert war, sending commissioners to confer with Cornejo at
Ahuachapan. The latter received them, and appointed his own to continue
the conferences; but they were suddenly brought to an end without
results.[VI-27] Further efforts on behalf of peace were useless; the
contest had to be decided by war.[VI-28]

Morazan with a force of Salvador and Honduras men marched from
the river Lempa to Portillo. Cornejo had 600 men in Jocoro of the
department of San Miguel. The latter were signally defeated on the 14th
of March, losing 500 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners.[VI-29] This
was soon followed by pronunciamientos in several departments against
Cornejo and in favor of Morazan. The latter lost no time in marching
upon San Salvador, which he took by assault on the 28th of March,
notwithstanding the obstinate resistance of Cornejo and the garrison,
the assailing force being made up of Nicaraguans and Hondurans.[VI-30]
The state authorities were deposed, sent to Guatemala under a guard,
and subsequently tried by a special court created ex post facto, with
the name of jurado nacional.[VI-31] Morazan then assumed control of
Salvador until constitutional authorities should be reorganized.[VI-32]
This step, illegal as it was, gave dissatisfaction, not in Salvador
alone, but in the other states, which subsequently seceded from the
union; and though later retractions took place, it may be said that the
confederation was dissolved at this period.[VI-33]

Meantime, the federal congress had continued its sessions, striving
to promote the welfare of the country by a liberal policy. Among the
acts adopted at this time, and deserving special mention, was that
of May 2, 1832, abolishing the exclusiveness of the Roman religion,
and recognizing freedom of conscience and of worship.[VI-34] This
law, though practically of little effect, inasmuch as there were but
few foreigners in the country, showed that a spirit of toleration
was gaining ground. Another important measure was the adoption of
Livingston's Louisiana code, and trial by jury. This form of trial was
not understood by the people, and fortunately fell into disuse.

[Sidenote: ELEMENTS OF DISUNION.]

Notwithstanding the acts of disunion passed by the several states,
there was no serious disturbance during the remainder of 1832 or in
1833. In the middle of the latter year[VI-35] congress adjourned,
and there were fair prospects of peace. Indeed, the liberals had
been made to see the folly of disunion. The states, relinquishing
their antagonisms, quietly returned to the confederacy. The federal
government, on the 20th of April, 1833, convoked a new congress to
adjust differences. But now a new element of discord appeared. This
was the jealousy felt by the smaller states toward Guatemala, which
being larger in extent and population, naturally had a corresponding
influence in the national congress.[VI-36] These states demanded
an equal voice in that body, and insisted that this right should
be recognized before proceeding to the elections.[VI-37] Guatemala,
heeding the anxiety of the liberal leaders, assented to the demand.
Some of the states proceeded with their elections, but it soon became
obvious that the plan of compromise could not be satisfactory or
permanent, and it was dropped. The proposed congress accordingly did
not meet.[VI-38]

Rumors were current for some time in 1833 of an intended invasion of
Salvador by Arce, by sea from Acapulco,[VI-39] but they proved to be
unfounded. The federal government transferred its seat on the 5th of
February, 1834,[VI-40] first to Sonsonate, and later to San Salvador,
which for the time being quieted the jealous feeling of the several
states against Guatemala. But after a few weeks the dissensions between
the federal and state governments, of so frequent occurrence when the
former was in Guatemala, were renewed in San Salvador. On the 23d of
June, 1834, a fight took place between troops of the two parties, and
the affair ended in another overthrow of the local authorities,[VI-41]
who were proscribed under ex post facto laws.[VI-42] The state
government went first into the hands of General Salazar, who called
himself jefe provisorio, and afterward into those of the vice-president
of the republic. Neither had any legal authority in the premises.
This state of affairs caused dissatisfaction in Salvador. Political
disturbances were also experienced in other states. The flame of
discord was fanned everywhere by the oligarchs, who found their task
made easier by the extreme religious liberalism of the ruling party.
Their influence was felt when, on the 7th of February, 1835, after
San Salvador, together with a few surrounding towns, was constituted a
federal district,[VI-43] a new constitution, based on the former one of
1824, was generally rejected.[VI-44]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ELECTION AND DEATH OF VALLE.]

Elections for supreme authorities of the republic were decreed on
the 2d of June, 1838. The end of Morazan's term was approaching, and
his popularity was to be again put to the test. There was really but
one man that could compete with him, José del Valle, who was leading
a retired life devoted to scientific and political studies; but his
reputation was a national one, eminently Central American, and a large
portion of the people summoned him to rulership. He was elected, but
died before the certificates of election were opened.

* * * * *

The death of Valle occurred on the 2d of March, 1834. The highest
honors were paid to his memory.[VI-45] This untoward event necessitated
another election to carry out the decree of June 1833, and José
Francisco Barrundia having declined to be a candidate, Morazan
encountered no opposition and was reëlected.[VI-46] For the office of
vice-president, no one having obtained the constitutional number of
votes, congress, on the 2d of June, 1834, chose from among candidates
having forty votes and upward José Gregorio Salazar, to be inducted
in office on the 16th. Mariano Prado, the former vice-president, had
been as such at the head of the federal executive authority in 1831;
but he was chosen jefe of the state of Salvador, and took charge of
that office on the 25th of July following. The vice-presidency and the
office of a state jefe were incompatible. He chose the latter, and was
most unfortunate in the discharge of its duties. There being then no
vice-president, José Gregorio Salazar had charge of the executive in
1834 as the senior senator, Morazan having for a time, and with the
permission of the senate, absented himself. Upon being elected on the
2d of June, Salazar continued in charge, and it was by his order that
the federal authorities transferred themselves to the city of Santa Ana
during San Martin's insurrection against the national government. The
day after the inauguration of Morazan for the second presidential term,
congress closed its session.[VI-47]

No important event affecting the confederation occurred during the
remainder of 1835, but the atmosphere was filled with folly and
misrule, foreboding the storm which was to make of Central America for
many a day the theatre of the bloodiest of civil wars.

* * * * *

It has been shown that the party in power pursued in general a liberal
policy—too liberal, in fact, as later events proved. In view of the
tardy development of the country in the old way, inducements were
offered for foreign immigration, and an English company was organized
for the purpose of fostering colonization in the department of Vera
Paz.[VI-48] Settlers were sent out, and several hundred thousand
dollars expended, but the scheme failed because of unskilful and
dishonest management.[VI-49] Nevertheless, the servile party turned
this incident to account, filling the minds of the lower classes,
especially the Indians, with prejudice against the government, which it
accused of an intent to exterminate the native population by throwing
open the country to foreign influence, religion, and administration of
justice. The innovations in this last respect had, more than anything
else, imbittered the natives, and on the 6th of March led to an
outbreak at Ostuncalco, where the Indians had become irritated at being
compelled to work at the construction of prisons.[VI-50] An armed force
was sent to quell the disturbance, out of which the judges and some
officials had great difficulty to escape with life.

[Sidenote: REVOLT AND CHOLERA.]

Scarcely was this trouble over when a worse one stole in—the cholera.
The scourge began its ravages in Central America early in 1837,[VI-51]
and soon spread throughout the towns of the republic. The governments
of the different states, and notably that of Guatemala, used the
utmost efforts to relieve suffering. Physicians and medical students,
provided with medicines, were despatched to the several districts.
But their efforts were largely frustrated by the opposition of the
servile party, which never ceased its work even in these days of awful
distress. Determined to bring to an end the influence of the liberals,
the servile party hesitated at nothing. All means to that end were
made available. The priests made the ignorant masses believe that the
waters had been poisoned in order to destroy the natives and make way
for foreigners.[VI-52] Their deviltry was crowned with success. The
low murmurs of hatred soon swelled to loud cries of vengeance against
the government and foreign residents. Several physicians became the
victims of popular fury, being put to death with cruel tortures.[VI-53]
Others barely escaped death. The greatest violence was in the district
of Mita, where it assumed the form of a general insurrection. The
government despatched a body of troops to dissolve a large assemblage
of insurrectionists. The instructions were to use gentle means to allay
the disturbance, resorting to force only in case of necessity. The
magistrate of the district, having imprudently left the strong body
of infantry behind, had no sooner attempted to explain his mission
than the mob fell upon him and his guard of forty dragoons, killing a
number of them and putting the rest to flight. This was on the 9th of
June.[VI-54] The leader of the mob on this occasion was Rafael Carrera,
a mixed-breed, who now for the first time, at the age of twenty-one,
possibly a few years older, appeared on the stage, to become afterward
the bitterest foe of the liberal party, and eventually the dictator of
the country.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: RAFAEL CARRERA.]

Rafael Carrera was a native of Guatemala, of Indian descent, of a
violent, irascible, and uncommunicative disposition, base-born,
ignorant, though gifted with talents, bold, determined, and
persevering. From common servant he became a pig-driver, and while such
obtained much influence among the lower class of Indians—an influence
which was due no less to his blood connections and the force of
circumstances than to his bravery and capabilities.[VI-55]

Carrera was at first a mere tool of the priests, and seemed to have
been a believer of the lies they had circulated. After he became
powerful, they and their allies, the so-called nobles, humored his
idiosyncrasies, and often had to put up with his insults and abuse. He
had upon them the heel of insane revolt.[VI-56]

CHAPTER VII.

DISSOLUTION OF THE REPUBLIC.

1837-1840.

CAMPAIGN AGAINST CARRERA—SEVERAL DEPARTMENTS OF
GUATEMALA IN REBELLION—JEFE GALVEZ DEPOSED—CARRERA TAKES
GUATEMALA—MURDER OF SALAZAR—CARRERA ACCEPTS MONEY TO LEAVE
THE CITY—DICTATORSHIP OFFERED MORAZAN BY THE ARISTOCRATS
AND REFUSED—CARRERA'S SECOND REBELLION—THE REPUBLIC IN
PERIL—MORAZAN'S EFFORTS TO SAVE IT—NICARAGUA AND HONDURAS
FORCES INVADE SALVADOR—MORAZAN DEFEATS THEM—HIS RETREAT
TO SAN SALVADOR—HE EMBARKS—IS REFUSED HOSPITALITY IN COSTA
RICA—GOES TO SOUTH AMERICA—THE REPUBLIC IS DEAD—SALVADOR AT
THE MERCY OF CARRERA.

Only a week after the success of the insurgents on the field
of Ambelis, a numerous armed force was sent against them by the
government, which achieved victory near Mataquescuintla.[VII-1] The
revolution might have ended here but for the excesses of the government
troops, which roused the Indians, and rendered reconciliation
impossible.[VII-2] Henceforth the war was one of races. Carrera, upheld
as he was by the priests, found no difficulty, in his visits from
village to village, to induce the native population to join the revolt,
which, notwithstanding the triumphant language of the military officers
in their reports—calling the rebels cowards and themselves intrepid
and invincible—was fast spreading. Carefully avoiding encounters with
the regular army, Carrera succeeded in getting together a large force,
which, though raw and undisciplined, often surprised and defeated
detachments of the regulars, seeking a refuge when pursued in the
inaccessible mountain fastnesses.[VII-3]

To make matters worse, the departments of Sacatepequez, Chiquimula,
and Salamá, declared themselves independent of the government, and
the rebels of the first district,[VII-4] concentrating at La Antigua,
threatened to attack the capital. In the latter place a division had
occurred in the liberal party,[VII-5] some of whose members from this
time sided with the serviles; which circumstance made it more difficult
to place the city of Guatemala in a proper state of defence. A mutiny
of the federal troops in the city[VII-6] increased the danger, but it
soon was quelled with the execution of the ringleader. On the 27th
of January, 1838,[VII-7] Galvez despatched the vice-president, José
Gregorio Salazar, and the secretary of relations, Miguel Álvarez,
as commissioners, to confer with General Carrascosa, the commander
of the rebel forces, and bring about an amicable arrangement. The
commissioners signed at Guarda Viejo[VII-8] a convention containing
the following stipulations: 1st, resignation of Galvez; 2d, occupation
of the capital by the forces of Sacatepequez; 3d, the forces in the
capital to go out, and place themselves under the orders of General
Morazan; 4th, the forces of Sacatepequez to guarantee the persons and
property of all; 5th, the commissioners would arrange the manner of
evacuating the city; 6th, upon the ratification of these clauses, they
were to be carried out within twenty-four hours. Nothing was done,
however,[VII-9] and after four hours' waiting, Carrascosa continued
his march toward the gate of Buenavista, where he met the government
commissioners, who assured him, with great mortification, that the
convention had not been ratified.[VII-10]

[Sidenote: ATTACK ON GUATEMALA.]

Sacatepequez' force, 800 strong, entered the capital during the night
of the 29th of January, from the Calvario side, reaching the plazuela
de San Francisco, afterward known as plaza de la Concordia. The roar of
artillery apprised the inhabitants at 1 o'clock in the morning that the
struggle had begun. Generals Prem and Gorris, colonels Yañez, Arias,
Mariscal, Cerda, and Córdoba, and the other officers of the garrison,
made a stout defence. Their troops, though inferior in number, were
for their discipline more efficient than their assailants, who were
mostly raw recruits. It was quite evident that Carrascosa and his
colleague Carballo would waste their efforts unless they were strongly
reënforced. But the opponents of Galvez were resolved to depose
him,[VII-11] even if they had to make use of Carrera to accomplish
their purpose. It was a fatal thought.

José F. Barrundia was authorized by President Morazan to enter into
peaceable negotiations with Carrera, and the clergymen José María de
Castilla, Manuel María Zeceña, and José Vicente Orantes. Barrundia,
together with Manuel Arrivillaga, started for the hacienda of La Vega
to confer with Carrera; but at Ojo de Agua they ascertained that he was
at Mataquescuintla, and declined to hold any conferences, and yet an
arrangement with other opponents had been signed at Santa Rosa. This
document, which was shown by Father Duran to Barrundia, stipulated
the immediate coming of a bishop, the abolition of the code and of
other liberal measures decreed by Barrundia, and that Carrera should
become the commander of the reform forces, or in other words, the
arbiter of the country, which was what the clergy wanted. Barrundia was
indignant, but he had to submit and keep calm, else he might lose his
life. He merely said that the arrangement needed some discussion, which
might lead to the adoption of some amendments. Duran had not worked
to promote Barrundia's nor Molina's ideas, but his own interests. He
coolly replied that the matter had been well considered, and admitted
of no changes.

Barrundia wrote Carrera, asking for an interview to explain Morazan's
views, but Carrera appeared angry at the mention of Morazan's name,
and declined the invitation, saying that the time for negotiations had
passed, and that his march against Guatemala was in order.[VII-12] He
became much mollified on receiving from La Antigua a request for his
coöperation,[VII-13] and was now satisfied that the fate of the country
was in his own hands. Three days after Carrascosa's failure, Carrera
joined him with a numerous force of Indians, and after some fruitless
negotiations, marched into the city on the 1st of February,[VII-14]
at the head of about 10,000 men, women, and children, the troops of
the government having retreated in an opposite direction. The result
of this was that Galvez ceased to be the jefe of the state, and was
succeeded by the vice-jefe, Pedro Valenzuela.[VII-15]

[Sidenote: CARRERA TAKES THE CAPITAL.]

The entry of Carrera's hordes into Guatemala might well create
consternation. Outlaws and robbers were among the leaders; the soldiers
were in rags,[VII-16] and equipped with a variety of arms, from the
rusty musket down to clubs, and knives secured at the end of long
poles, while others carried sticks shaped like muskets, with tin-plate
locks. Conspicuous among the mass of followers were thousands of women
having bags to carry away the booty, and who gazed with amazement
on the fine houses.[VII-17] Shouting 'Viva la religion! Mueran los
extranjeros!' the invaders entered the main plaza. After a few hours
the work of rapine began.[VII-18] No regard was paid by Carrera and his
hordes to the wishes of the vice-jefe Valenzuela, who had asked that
only the force from La Antigua should occupy the plaza.

The leader of the opposition urged Carrera to leave the city; but
he manifested much indignation at such a request, and several of
his chiefs refused compliance. Carrera himself wanted to sack the
city,[VII-19] and it was only with great effort that he was prevented.
In lieu of pillage he was given $11,000,[VII-20] $10,000 for his troops
and $1,000 for himself. He was also flattered with the commission of
lieutenant-colonel and the appointment of comandante of Mita. A number
of those who had defended the city having voluntarily joined the
Sacatepequez force, Carrascosa was now better able to meet emergencies.
He at once, by order of the vice-jefe, made known to Carrera that
the interests of the public service demanded that he should repair to
Mita and take charge of the comandancia there. He made no resistance,
and went away with his horde,[VII-21] the inhabitants again breathing
freely for a time.[VII-22] Thus were the serviles balked once more.
Carrera was sent away from Guatemala, Valenzuela remaining in charge
of the state executive. Morazan was at San Salvador recognized as the
chief magistrate of the republic, and Vijil held the executive office
of that gallant little state.

[Sidenote: MORAZAN VERSUS CARRERA.]

Carrera and his supporters continued, however, their menaces, creating
no little alarm, which was quieted on receipt of the tidings that
Morazan was marching toward Guatemala with 1,500 men. On his arrival
he found not only that the serviles had been deriving advantages from
the disturbed political situation, but that the western departments
of Los Altos, namely, Quezaltenango, Totonicapan, and Sololá, had
declared themselves, on the 2d of February, a separate state under
an independent government.[VII-23] Without interfering with those
arrangements, Morazan endeavored to secure by peaceful means the
submission of Carrera, or rather, the disbanding of his force; failing
in which, he opened, on the 30th of March, the campaign against him.
Three months of military operations ensued, the federal arms being
victorious at every encounter, but without obtaining any definitive
result, for the enemy defeated in one place rallied in another,
continually increasing in numbers, and never crushed.[VII-24] Morazan
returned at last to Guatemala, where in the mean time servile influence
had become predominant.[VII-25] The most strenuous efforts, even to
fulsome sycophancy, were used by the serviles to win him to their side,
and to prevail on him to accept the dictatorship.[VII-26]

The president returned in July to San Salvador to quell a revolt. A few
weeks later, on the 20th of July, 1838, the eleventh and last federal
congress of Central America, presided over by Basilio Porras, closed
its session.[VII-27] Subsequent efforts to bring it again into life
proved unavailing, and from this time the dismemberment of the republic
made rapid progress. Two days after the adjournment of congress, on
the 22d, the state government of Guatemala was also dissolved, and
was temporarily intrusted to the federal authorities,[VII-28] though
the executive office finally was assumed by Mariano Rivera Paz, as
president of the council, which satisfied the people, and peace was
unbroken, it being understood that a constituent assembly would be
summoned at once.

[Sidenote: SALAZAR DEFEATS CARRERA.]

As soon as Morazan was at some distance from Guatemala on his way to
San Salvador, Carrera, the supposed beaten rebel leader, for whose
capture a liberal reward had been offered,[VII-29] began to show
signs of rallying. He gathered a numerous force, with which, about the
middle of August, he defeated the federal troops, first at Jalapa and
next at Petapa. He then, unresisted, took possession of La Antigua, a
portion of which was pillaged, and forthwith started on his march for
Guatemala.[VII-30] A general clamor for Morazan was aroused; but it
was impossible for him to reach Guatemala in time, and the danger was
imminent that Carrera would not only take the city, but also carry out
his threats of burning every house in it. In this emergency, General
Cárlos Salazar, with the garrison of 900 men, sallied forth, and aided
by a thick fog, surprised Carrera at Villanueva, where the latter was
concentrating his forces, now about 2,400 strong, with the plunder
secured at La Antigua. A battle ensued, the bloodiest that occurred
in 1837 or 1838, and Carrera was routed,[VII-31] with the loss of 350
killed and 24 prisoners, one of whom was the notorious Father Duran,
the representative and agent of the aristocrats near the person of
Carrera;[VII-32] besides giving up a number of federal prisoners and
losing three pieces of artillery, 305 muskets, and a large number of
other arms, besides ammunition. A portion of the defeated forces fled
to La Antigua, and a smaller one joined the rebel Mangandí, who had
500 men. The latter, being ignorant of Carrera's mishap, approached
Guatemala on the 11th, at 10 o'clock in the morning, causing no little
commotion; but on learning of his leader's defeat, he retired to the
mountains. The war might have ended here had the victors followed up
their success; but petty annoyances prevented Salazar from doing so,
and he threw up his command in disgust,[VII-33] though he was afterward
induced to resume it.

The greater part of the clergy friendly to Carrera never forsook him.
It was not so with the aristocrats, Manuel Pavon, Luis Batres, and
Pedro and Juan Jose Aycinena, who feared at times that they could
not control him. After his defeat at Villanueva they called him an
'antropófago sediento de sangre humana.'[VII-34] At that time they
asked the vicar-general, Larrazábal, to fulminate censures against
Carrera, which he did.[VII-35] Friar Bernardo Piñol also railed
against him from the pulpit in the cathedral.[VII-36] However, not long
afterward Carrera was called from that same pulpit 'hijo predilecto del
Altísimo.'

[Sidenote: CARRERA AGAIN DEFEATED.]

The lack of energy on the part of the authorities after the affair
of Villanueva[VII-37] enabled Carrera to reorganize his forces, with
which he made a successful raid, in the latter part of October, against
Ahuachapan and Santa Ana,[VII-38] returning afterward to Guatemala,
when, on the 4th of November, he was attacked in Chiquimulilla by
Colonel Carballo, defeated, and driven back to the mountain recesses
of Mita.[VII-39] Morazan had in the mean time concentrated forces in
Guatemala, and aided Carballo's operations by marching against the
Indian chieftain from a northern direction. But all efforts to crush
the enemy failed, though the federal troops were everywhere victorious;
many of Carrera's followers were taken and shot, but he always managed
to escape.[VII-40] This warfare, or rather chase, was kept up nearly
two months. At last a capitulation was concluded, on the 23d of
December, at Rinconcito. Carrera and his followers were to surrender
their arms[VII-41] and recognize the government, which in turn was
to confirm the former in his office of comandante of the district of
Mita, and respect the lives and property of its inhabitants.[VII-42]
Thus was Carrera a second time given a legal standing. General Guzman,
who treated with him, seemed to place on the treacherous and barbarous
mountaineer the same faith as if he were a civilized man and a
respecter of treaty stipulations.[VII-43] The agreement was not carried
out by Carrera, for he delivered only a small portion of useless arms,
and kept his force under the pretext that the safety of his district
demanded it. The government not only had the weakness to enter into
this arrangement, but also that of not enforcing its fulfilment to
the letter. This rendered the renewal of hostilities but a question of
time.

I have mentioned the congressional decree of May 30, 1838, granting the
states the privilege of acting as best suited their views. This was
tantamount to a dissolution of the union; and when Morazan's second
presidential term expired, on the 1st of February, 1839,[VII-44] not
even an outward tie remained to hold together the several states.
Morazan, and he alone, did not relinquish all hope of restoring the
republic, and without delivering up an office which had ceased to
exist, the strife was continued under his leadership. His efforts,
supported by force though they were, met with resistance on the part of
Nicaragua and Honduras, united by a treaty of alliance since January
18, 1839, which had been entered into for the purpose of maintaining
the independence and sovereignty of the two states.[VII-45] Similar
agreements were made in the following months between nearly all
the other states, always protesting a willingness to form a federal
convention of the Central American states, but opposing the idea of
confederation.[VII-46]

[Sidenote: FIGHTING IN SALVADOR.]

A conciliatory spirit, to bring to an end the war against Salvador,
and to act as mediator, was effected in these treaties; but it had no
influence for good, and the hostilities continued between Nicaragua and
Honduras on the one part, and Salvador on the other. Troops of the two
former states entered Salvador territory in March 1839, and surprising
a federal party at the crossings of the Lempa River, called Xicaral
and Petacones, took without resistance the town of San Vicente; but
having advanced to the heights of Xiboa, were repulsed and beaten by
Colonel Narciso Benitez.[VII-47] The allies were signally defeated at
Espíritu Santo, near the Lempa, by the Salvadorans, called federals,
under Morazan, on the 6th of April.[VII-48] Equally successful were
Morazan's operations during the rest of the year. His officers invaded
Honduras, took the capital and Tegucigalpa, and routed the allies in
several encounters.[VII-49]

But affairs underwent a change against him early in the following
year. A joint force of Nicaraguans and Hondurans, under Manuel
Quijano,[VII-50] attacked the federals under Cabañas at the hacienda
del Potrero, on the 31st of January, 1840, and forced them to leave the
state of Honduras.[VII-51] A formidable servile coalition was being
formed against Morazan. Nicaragua was resolved to drive this jefe
of Salvador from the executive chair. Honduras, under Jáuregui, was
controlled by Quijano's sword. Los Altos had become again a department
of Guatemala, which was subject to Carrera's will. This chieftain,
in his pronunciamiento of March 24, 1839, had avowed his intention
to champion the sovereignty of the several states as concordant with
his own ideas.[VII-52] Morazan thought the situation might be saved
with an extraordinarily bold move, attacking the serviles in their
headquarters, and made preparation to bring matters to a final issue
in the city of Guatemala. The serviles, on their part, pursuing their
aim of overthrowing Morazan, entered into a league with Carrera, and
invited him to take possession of Guatemala.

[Sidenote: TRIUMPH AND DEFEAT OF MORAZAN.]

Morazan convoked the assembly of Salvador, and caused the vice-jefe,
Silva, to assume the executive office of the state, in order to enable
himself to take command of the forces for the campaign in Guatemala,
which at first amounted to 900 men. He was afterward joined by many
who had been persecuted by the aristocrats, who pledged themselves
to conquer or perish at his side, and faithfully carried out the
promise.[VII-53] Morazan marched upon the city of Guatemala, and his
movement created the greatest alarm when he neared Corral de Piedra.
Consternation then seized the serviles.[VII-54] Preparations were made,
however, for defence. All men capable of bearing arms were called
to the service,[VII-55] and Carrera established his headquarters
at Aceituno, his plan being to catch the men of Salvador between
the fortifications of the city and his own force.[VII-56] The plan
failed. Morazan entered the city on the 18th of March at sunrise, by
the Buenavista gate, and after some fighting, made himself master of
it, and of all the defences.[VII-57] Liberals who were in the prisons
were set free. Among them was General Agustin Guzman, whom Carrera
had outrageously treated, confining him shackled in a dungeon. Guzman
hailed the victor who returned him to freedom, but was unable to
afford any aid; the shackles had made him a cripple. The numerous
prisoners taken were all treated with every kindness. Such had always
been his practice. However, it was not destined that he should enjoy
his victory. Carrera attacked him on the next day—the 19th—and after a
fight of twenty-two hours, compelled Morazan to retreat.[VII-58] His
forces had been shattered at the Calvario. The number of assailants,
known as cachurecos, was overwhelming.[VII-59] At 4 o'clock in the
morning he left the city by the plaza de Guadalupe with upwards of 400
men, and was far away before the escape became known. No pursuit of the
fugitives was attempted.[VII-60]

[Sidenote: FALL OF MORAZAN.]

On arriving at San Salvador, Morazan found the tables turned against
him. He was openly insulted in the streets; and becoming convinced that
it would be impossible to raise a new army and continue the war, he
concluded to cease the struggle and leave the country. He accordingly
called a meeting and made known the necessity of such a course in order
to save the state from anarchy. On the 5th of April he embarked at
La Libertad upon the schooner _Izalco_, together with Vice-president
Vijil and thirty-five of his supporters.[VII-61] The vessel reached
Puntarenas, where the chief of Costa Rica, Braulio Carrillo, who had
congratulated Guatemala on the defeat of Morazan, refused him residence
in the state, though it was granted to some of his companions.[VII-62]
Morazan and his remaining companions continued their voyage to South
America, where he remained about two years. After a time, touching
at David, in Colombia, he issued a stirring manifesto to the Central
American people.[VII-63] He was the last champion of the 'Confederacion
de Centro América,' whose establishment had been greeted with so much
joy on the 1st of July, 1823.

The governments of Nicaragua and Honduras, which had promised Guatemala
aid to resist Morazan, on hearing of his downfall congratulated the
victor on the defeat of the 'common enemy of all the states.' They
thought that with the fall of Morazan, Central American nationality
would be revived. They could not yet see that they had been the dupes
of the aristocrats and their clerical allies in Guatemala, who, while
holding out the promise of reuniting Central America, had been all
along working for the destruction of federal nationality.

After the departure of Morazan and Vijil, Antonio José Cañas, by
virtue of his position as a councillor of state, assumed the rulership
of Salvador, and called the assembly to hold a special session. It
was expected that, Morazan being out of the way,[VII-64] with so
honorable and upright a man as Cañas at the head, concord would be
restored. But Salvador was still the subject of abuses, and on the
remonstrances of Cañas, the government of Guatemala despatched a
diplomatic mission to San Salvador. It was composed of the former
pig-driver Rafael Carrera, and Joaquin Duran, and had for an attaché
Francisco Malespin, a military officer whose sword had been dyed in
the best blood of Quezaltenango.[VII-65] A convention was concluded
on the 13th of May, 1840, placing Salvador at the mercy of Guatemala,
Cañas having to submit to the conditions imposed.[VII-66] The most
humiliating condition of the understanding was not mentioned in the
convention, namely, that the attaché Francisco Malespin should remain
in San Salvador, with the office of comandante de armas. This treaty
convinced the people of Salvador that they could expect no favor from
the aristocracy of Guatemala, their implacable foe.

CHAPTER VIII.

GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS.

1824-1840.

STATE GOVERNMENT OF GUATEMALA—BARRUNDIA'S
RADICALISM—HIS OVERTHROW—VICE-JEFE FLORES ASSASSINATED
IN QUEZALTENANGO—DOWNFALL OF THE LIBERALS IN
GUATEMALA—ARISTOCRATIC LEADERS EXILED—JEFE MOLINA—HIS
DIFFERENCES, IMPEACHMENT, AND ACQUITTALS—RIVERA CABEZAS'
REFORMS—EARTHQUAKES—GALVEZ' RULE AND ITS BENEFITS—PARTY
OPPOSITION TO HIM—INDIAN OUTBREAKS—CARRERA CAPTURES
GUATEMALA—GALVEZ RESIGNS—SUBSEQUENT RULE OF THE
ARISTOCRATS—GUATEMALA AGAIN INDEPENDENT—HONDURAS' STATE
GOVERNMENT—JEFE DIONISIO HERRERA—EARLY DISSENSIONS—COMAYAGUA
ASSAULTED BY REBELS—MORAZAN IN THE FIELD—HONDURAS SECEDES
FROM THE CENTRAL AMERICAN CONFEDERATION—FEDERALISM ROOTED OUT
OF HER TERRITORY.

Having sketched the life of Central America, first as an appendage of
the Spanish crown, next as a portion of the short-lived Mexican empire,
and lastly as a confederation of states, embracing the period from 1801
to 1840, it is well now to glance over the internal affairs of each
state separately, for the period after its accession to the federal
union down to 1840, beginning with Guatemala as the most important.

I have said elsewhere that the states were organized on the same
principle as the confederation, namely, under a popular, democratic,
representative government. The first constituent congress or assembly
of the Estado de Guatemala was installed at La Antigua on the 16th of
September, 1824,[VIII-1] under the presidency of the clergyman José
María Chacon, and its first act was to call Alejandro Diaz Cabeza de
Vaca to be the provisional chief of the state.[VIII-2] On the 30th,
the votes for jefe and vice-jefe having been counted, and neither of
the candidates having the requisite majority, the congress named Juan
Barrundia to be jefe and Cirilo Flores to be vice-jefe, the former
assuming the reins of government on the 12th of October, and at once
inaugurating a radical policy, which tended to widen the breach between
liberals and serviles.[VIII-3] No person opposed to him in politics was
allowed to have a voice in public affairs. However, no open rupture
occurred, even during a tumult in February 1825, when the Franciscan
friars of the college de propaganda fide refused to take the oath
recognizing the constitution of the republic. The rabble supported
the friars,[VIII-4] but owing to the energetic attitude of the state
government, the priests had to submit.

The assembly continued its labors. A coat of arms was decreed January
20, 1825, and on the 2d of May took place the installation of the
executive council, whose prerogatives and duties were similar in state
matters to those of the federal senate in national affairs. On the same
date was also installed the superior court of justice. The framing
of a state constitution was not completed till the 11th of October,
on which date it was decreed.[VIII-5] After passing a law for the
political division of the state into departments,[VIII-6] the assembly
adjourned sine die one month later. Clouds had already appeared in the
political horizon, the state authorities having transferred the seat of
government from La Antigua to Guatemala, against the opposition of the
national executive.

[Illustration: ARMS OF GUATEMALA.]

[Sidenote: BARRUNDIA AS JEFE.]

The liberal party has been accused of having, with the connivance
of the jefe Barrundia, committed frauds at the elections held in
January 1826 for a partial renewal of the representative council. In
the first ordinary legislature, which met on the 1st of February,
a law was passed for new elections to fill the council. But these
and other arbitrary measures of the liberal party gave rise to such
warm discussions in the assembly, that Barrundia at last ignored the
authority of the council as then existing.[VIII-7] The latter then
denounced him, and called the vice-jefe to assume the government. But
through the mediation of commissioners of the federal government,
harmony was restored. This harmony was not to last long, new
complications arising from another quarter. I have, in detailing
federal affairs at this period, spoken of the plans attributed to
president Arce to overthrow the liberal party, and the events which
culminated with the deposal of Barrundia from his position as jefe
of the state. The first resolution taken by the legislature and
representative council was to remove the capital to Quezaltenango.
The new jefe, Flores, was at the same time empowered to organize
a military force, raise funds, and adopt other proper measures to
uphold the state's sovereignty.[VIII-8] Flores had advocated the
removal of the state capital, but strenuously opposed the selection of
Quezaltenango as an unfit place for the seat of government of a liberal
state.[VIII-9] The assembly paid some heed to his remonstrances, and
tarried a while at San Martin Jilotepec, where it was resolved that
Barrundia should resume the reins of government; but he declined,
pleading ill health.[VIII-10] The assembly remained at that place till
the 29th of September, and then concluded to repair to Quezaltenango,
considering Jilotepec not quite safe.

[Sidenote: PIERZON'S CAMPAIGN.]

Flores, accompanied by a few deputies, arrived at Quezaltenango on the
8th of October, and was received with a shower of flowers. He at once
set himself to complete the defence of the district, which had been
already begun by Colonel José Pierzon,[VIII-11] who had mustered into
the service of the state several hundred men.[VIII-12] Having reason to
apprehend an attack from the federal authority, Pierzon was ordered to
Patsun to watch the enemy. It was during his absence that the events
occurred leading to the murder of Jefe Flores by an ungovernable
fanatical mob, of which a description is given elsewhere. Upon hearing
of those occurrences, and of the friars at Quezaltenango having called
the Indians of the neighborhood to take up arms for the common defence,
Pierzon retreated to Totonicapan,[VIII-13] encountering the Quezaltec
rebels on the 18th of October near Salcajá, and easily defeated them.
He gave no quarter. He demanded the immediate surrender of all arms in
Quezaltenango, guaranteeing the lives of the inhabitants, otherwise he
would destroy the place.[VIII-14] The rebel authorities had to submit,
and on the following day Pierzon recovered possession of the place.
Several draconic ordinances were issued to keep in check the spirit of
rebellion.[VIII-15] The leaders of the riots had, however, fled, thus
escaping the punishment they so richly deserved.

Juan Barrundia now made another effort, from Sololá, to resume his
former authority, but his prestige was lost, and most of his friends
had forsaken his cause.[VIII-16] Pierzon abandoned Quezaltenango on
the 25th of October, and was pursued, overtaken, and defeated by the
federals, under Brigadier Cáscaras, at Malacatan.[VIII-17] Pierzon,
together with his friends Saget and Fauconnier, escaped, and were
proscribed, but they managed to cross into Chiapas.[VIII-18] But it
seemed that it had been preordained that he should perish at the hands
of his foes. On his way to San Salvador to take part in the war against
the federal government, he was taken prisoner, brought to Guatemala,
and shot, on the 11th of May, 1827, without a trial.[VIII-19]

Another body of liberal troops, under Cayetano de la Cerda, not
being aware of Pierzon's defeat at Malacatan, prepared to march
from Los Altos to Guatemala, but the soldiers were induced to rebel,
and thus the last armed force of the state disappeared. The members
of the assembly and council who were not in prison either secreted
themselves or emigrated, and the state was left without authorities.
The federal president assumed power, and replaced the jefes políticos
and military commanders with his own creatures. He published, on the
31st of October, a decree for new elections of state authorities.
The new assembly met on the last day of the year, and on the 1st of
March, 1827, Mariano Aycinena was chosen by popular vote chief of the
state.[VIII-20] It is hardly necessary to state that the elections were
wholly controlled by the servile party, whose views were reflected in
the new jefe's policy. Lest the existing courts should not deal to the
liberals subjected to criminal prosecution such punishments as their
enemies desired, a military court, with three voting members, was
created, to adjudicate verbally upon all causes for treason.[VIII-21]
During the seven months of its existence—to the 29th of October,
1827—it sentenced to the death-penalty upwards of ten persons, but the
sentence was carried out in one case only.[VIII-22]

[Illustration: GUATEMALA MEDAL OF ABOUT THIS DATE.]

[Sidenote: RULE OF AYCINENA.]

The history of Guatemala during Aycinena's rule was identical with that
of the federal government, this jefe being a supporter of President
Arce, and affording him all possible aid in his warfare against
Salvador, all of which has been narrated. Toward the end of 1828,
however, the successes of the arms of Salvador, together with certain
alleged false steps of Aycinena,[VIII-23] aroused such a spirit of
discontent against him and his administration, that on the 20th of
October the assembly passed an act for the renewal of all the chief
authorities of the state.[VIII-24] Soon afterward the project was
entertained of detaching Guatemala from the federation. Neither of the
plans led to the proposed results. The latter was disapproved by the
representative council, and the former was useless, as the incumbents
were continued in office.[VIII-25] This caused the breaking-out of a
revolution at La Antigua in January 1829,[VIII-26] which, though easily
quelled, hastened the march of the liberal forces under Morazan from
San Salvador upon Guatemala.[VIII-27] After this leader took the city,
on the 13th of April, 1829, Aycinena and the other chief men of his
administration being thrown into prison, Juan Barrundia was placed at
the head of the government,[VIII-28] and the authorities of La Antigua
were transferred to Guatemala.[VIII-29] The deposed congress[VIII-30]
of 1826 also reassembled on the 21st of April.[VIII-31] It must be
remarked, in connection with the state's affairs at this time, that,
though nominally in the hands of Barrundia and the assembly, they
were virtually under Morazan's control. To meet his constant demands
for money to support his forces, a number of financial schemes were
devised, the property of the serviles being almost exclusively affected
by them. Their property, as well as that under control of the church,
was taxed severely.[VIII-32] Not satisfied with depleting the resources
of the enemy, under the decrees of June 4th and August 22d, the late
officials were made amenable to prosecution in a summary manner,
though finally a sort of ironical amnesty was granted them, involving
expatriation, which was enforced on the 28th of August.[VIII-33]

[Sidenote: RULE OF MOLINA AND RIVERA CABEZAS.]

New elections for state authorities resulted in the choice of Pedro
Molina as jefe,[VIII-34] and he was inducted in August 1829. His
subsequent disagreement with the temporary president, José Francisco
Barrundia, the novel ideas he suggested for remodelling the federation,
and the intrigues of his opponents, among whom has been named the
vice-jefe Rivera Cabezas, brought on his overthrow, when he was
superseded on the 9th of March, 1830, by said vice-jefe.[VIII-35]

During the administration of Rivera Cabezas the state of Guatemala
enjoyed the blessings of peace. There was only an encounter between the
people of Ilotenango, now Quiché, in Sololá, and those of Chiquimula
in Totonicapan, upon land questions. There were a few wounded. Rivera
Cabezas arranged the matter to the satisfaction of both towns. He also
accomplished many reforms, ascertained the amount of the state debt,
and introduced a proper economy in the expenditures.[VIII-36]

While internal dissensions were exciting the people of Guatemala, they
were forced to undergo, on the 23d of April, 1830, the tribulations
resulting from one of the severest shocks of earthquake experienced
in the country.[VIII-37] Nearly all the inhabitants passed the night
in the streets, public squares, or in the open fields. The assembly
adjourned the following day, and the state authorities removed to
Jocotenango. Fortunately, no more shocks occurred, and the public
alarm gradually subsided, the damage done being less than had been
supposed.[VIII-38] The clergy made use of the earthquakes to arouse the
rabble against the liberals.[VIII-39]

* * * * *

After the removal of the national seat of government to San Salvador,
Guatemala found itself in a great measure freed from the constant
bickerings between the federal and state authorities. The servile
party gained by it; but for all that, the liberal spirit of the
federal administration was still felt. Pursuant to a decree of the
assembly at Jocotenango, elections for state authorities were made,
and José F. Barrundia was the popular choice for jefe, and Gregorio
Marquez for vice-jefe. Barrundia declined the office, pleading a
previous election as senator. The assembly refused his resignation,
and Barrundia reiterated it, till his wishes were granted.[VIII-40]
The vice-jefe Marquez then assumed pro tempore the executive office,
and retained as his secretary-general the clergyman of talent,
Antonio Colom. New elections were called for, to be made by the same
electoral bodies which had effected the last, and Mariano Galvez was
chosen jefe, assuming office in August 1831.[VIII-41] This chief of
the state endeavored to steer a middle course in the management of
public affairs, but he was only partially successful.[VIII-42] Several
important measures were adopted to relieve the burdens of the people,
and to advance their intellectual development.[VIII-43]

[Sidenote: RULE OF GALVEZ.]

Galvez was not content with encouraging science and literature; he
also directed his efforts to the advancement of arts and industries,
and the improvement of towns, public health, etc. Friars who had
become secularized were granted the rights enjoyed by other citizens,
and could, therefore, bequeath and accept inheritances.[VIII-44] At
Galvez' suggestion, the assembly passed the act of February 27, 1834,
to enable nuns to abandon their convents, if they so desired, taking
the dowries they brought with them. Later, marriage was declared to
be a civil contract that could be dissolved.[VIII-45] The measures
affecting the clergy in their privileges and revenues, the introduction
of the Livingston code with trial by jury, and the colonization by
an English company at Vera Paz, gave rise to displeasure among the
ignorant, which the clergy and the serviles did not fail to fan into a
flame that erelong became a conflagration.[VIII-46] Added to this was
the jealousy engendered by San Salvador having been made the national
capital.[VIII-47]

The first outbreak occurred in March 1837, when the Indians of San
Juan Ostuncalco rebelled. It was at once quelled, but the ravages of
cholera caused in June the uprising at Mita. It has been shown in
another place that here, at this juncture, Rafael Carrera made his
first appearance in the political field, inaugurating the war that
eventually dissolved the republic, and through its consequences brought
Guatemala to the verge of ruin. On the 16th of June, 1837, the assembly
met in extra session, but was unable to effect any favorable change
in the situation. There were two bitterly opposing parties striving
for control. To make matters worse, insurrections broke out in several
parts,[VIII-48] ending with the capture of the capital by Carrera on
the 31st of January, 1838, and the replacing of Galvez by Valenzuela on
the 2d of February. That same day the departments of Los Altos, namely,
Sololá, Totonicapan, and Quezaltenango, declared themselves detached
from Guatemala to constitute the sixth state of the federation, under
the name of Los Altos.[VIII-49] A constituent assembly was installed at
Quezaltenango on the 25th of December, and Marcelo Molina elected first
jefe of the state. He was inducted in office on the 28th.[VIII-50]

[Illustration: LOS ALTOS.]

[Sidenote: STATE OF LOS ALTOS.]

The constituent assembly adopted, May 26, 1839, a constitution which
was democratic and representative, with the Roman catholic as the
religion of the state.[VIII-51] Later, it passed instructions to guide
the executive in his relations with the other states. They were based
on equity and justice, and prompted by a spirit of fraternity.[VIII-52]
The state concluded with Salvador, on the 10th of August, a treaty
defensive and offensive, but it came to naught, for reasons that will
be explained.

The jefe, Molina, was an honest man and an able jurist. He loved Los
Altos, and considered it a necessary organization for the greater
lustre of the Central American republic; but he had little knowledge
of human nature, and was easily deceived. The government of Guatemala
pursued toward him, since April 13, 1839, a machiavelian policy, and
led him into the fatal belief that it really desired the prosperity
and happiness of the new state, which had become the residence of
the liberals who had left Guatemala, fleeing from Carrera,[VIII-53]
and constantly published severe strictures against Carrera and the
aristocratic clique which surrounded him. Molina had been persuaded
that the Guatemalan authorities were friendly toward the state of
Los Altos, though requiring that it should discourage the attacks of
the exiled liberals. However, Molina, abiding by the constitutional
clauses declaring freedom of the press to be inviolable, answered that
the government of Guatemala had the right of prosecuting the writers
before the courts of Los Altos for libel. This ill feeling was all
that Pavon, the Guatemalan machiavelian minister, desired for future
hostile proceedings. The opportunity was not wanting, and the state of
Los Altos was destroyed by Carrera on the 29th of January, 1840, and
reincorporated with Guatemala.[VIII-54] Molina, though credulous and
vacillating, at the last moment showed himself to be possessed of a
brave heart. He well knew that his administration had been a just one,
that all charges against his government, on the part of Guatemala,
by Pavon and his fellow-aristocrats, were false. He did not forsake
his post. Carrera grossly insulted him, and sent him as a prisoner to
Guatemala. General Guzman was reviled, forced to wear rags, beaten, and
his hair and beard pulled out. Other citizens were shamefully treated,
and their homes plundered.[VIII-55]

[Sidenote: RIVERA PAZ AS JEFE.]

Affairs in Guatemala had undergone a great change since the removal
of Galvez from the position of jefe. His successor, Valenzuela, was
deposed July 22, 1838, by a popular movement, and Mariano Rivera Paz
placed at the head of affairs.[VIII-56] His first official act was
one deserving of special commendation, as it exhibited a conciliatory
spirit which, unfortunately, had been a stranger in the country during
many years past. Three days after being installed, at his special
suggestion the state assembly nullified all acts of proscription,
and decreed a general amnesty for all persons implicated in political
offences since September 1821.[VIII-57]

From the moment Rivera Paz was made the provisional head of the state
government, reaction set in and went on with flying colors. Measures
in consonance with the wishes of the retrogressionists were adopted
one after another as fast as they could be drawn up.[VIII-58] These
decrees should have satisfied Carrera and his supporters; but it seems
that they did not; his faction became more and more recalcitrant. He
found himself closely pressed; but, unfortunately, General Guzman was
persuaded to enter into arrangements with him at El Rinconcito. This,
however, did not bring peace to the state for any length of time.

In the latter part of January 1839 Rivera Paz was deposed by Cárlos
Salazar, military commander of Guatemala,[VIII-59] but reinstalled by
Carrera on the 13th of April.[VIII-60] This disturbed condition lasted
some time longer. The state declared itself independent on the 17th of
April of the same year, and the only form of union maintained with the
other states was by special treaties of allowance,[VIII-61] in which
the states mutually acknowledged their independence and sovereignty,
and pledged themselves to reconstruct Central America. All efforts,
however, to reëstablish order were in vain, owing to the political
complications caused by Carrera's rebellion in March 1839. His capture
of Guatemala on the 19th of March, 1840, and the end of the struggle
between him and Morazan, which has been narrated, did not materially
change the state of affairs; at all events, resolutions subsequently
adopted by the assembly had little weight.[VIII-62] The only important
ones were the restoration of the fuero eclesiástico,[VIII-63] and the
creation of a medical faculty in the university. Thus, after sixteen
years of continual strife, Guatemala found herself again an independent
and impoverished state. Neither of the parties which had striven for
supremacy had gained anything. The commonwealth was practically under
the dictatorship of an Indian chieftain, whose will even those who had
helped him to attain his position dared not dispute.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CARRERA'S TRIUMPH.]

From the moment that the plan of a Central American confederation was
contemplated, Honduras manifested her willingness to be one of its
members; and upon the federal constituent assembly fixing, on the 5th
of May, 1824, the basis of organization for each separate state, a
local assembly of eleven deputies was assigned to Honduras. The state
constituent assembly met at the Mineral de Cedros,[VIII-64] and on the
16th of September Dionisio Herrera was chosen jefe del estado, and
José Justo Milla vice-jefe. In July 1825, the territory was divided
into seven departments,[VIII-65] and on the 11th of December the state
constitution was promulgated. This ended the labors of the constituent
body, which four months later was replaced by the ordinary legislature,
the installation of which at Tegucigalpa was followed by that of the
representative council at Comayagua.

Honduras was not allowed to enjoy a long term of peace. The assembly
ordered new elections for chief of state, on the ground that Herrera's
tenure of office had been intended to be merely provisional;
but he held to a different opinion, and refused to surrender his
authority. Matters were made worse by the enmity existing between
Herrera and Irias, the governor of the diocese.[VIII-66] Anarchy
now prevailed, some of the departments, especially Gracias, refusing
Herrera recognition. This state of things was mainly instigated by
the president of the republic, Arce, who strove to overthrow the
liberal party in Honduras. Under the pretence that Santa Rosa, in
the department of Gracias, out of which the federal government drew
a revenue from tobacco, needed protection, Arce despatched there 200
men under Milla, the vice-jefe,[VIII-67] who, after a short encounter
with Herrera's force, marched upon Comayagua,[VIII-68] arriving
there early in April 1827. The town had been hastily fortified, and
energetically resisted thirty-six days; but not receiving timely
reënforcements, succumbed on the 9th of May, 1827.[VIII-69] Herrera
was sent as a prisoner to Guatemala, and new elections were ordered in
Honduras.[VIII-70] A new legislature on the 13th of September chose
Gerónimo Zelaya jefe, but he was recognized as such only in Santa
Bárbara. All liberals were dismissed from office. Francisco Morazan,
who had been imprisoned, notwithstanding the safe-conduct given him
after the fall of Comayagua, managed to escape, and subsequently
rendered efficient aid to defeat the federals at Trinidad.[VIII-71]
The government installed by Milla disappeared, Morazan temporarily
assuming the reins in November. The further interference of the federal
government in the internal affairs of Honduras has been fully narrated
elsewhere. The country was not exempt from internal troubles from
the close of 1829[VIII-72] to the beginning of 1833, requiring nearly
always the final intervention of the federal government to bring them
to an end.[VIII-73]

[Sidenote: LIBERAL IDEAS IN HONDURAS.]

Morazan's ascendency awakened in Honduras more liberal ideas than
had ever prevailed in the country, as was evidenced in the laws then
enacted.[VIII-74] During the following years Honduras was comparatively
tranquil, the political agitations of the republic scarcely affecting
her. There was a local sedition in December 1836, and the early part
of 1837, contributing to render much worse the financial condition of
the state, which had been bad enough before.[VIII-75] The friends of
the federation decreased from day to day. Honduras accepted the act of
the federal congress authorizing the states to constitute themselves as
they liked; and in June 1838 the legislature and executive called for
a constituent assembly to do so, which met at Comayagua on the 7th of
October.[VIII-76]

The declaration of independence was solemnly promulgated in a single
sentence on the 26th of October, 1838.[VIII-77] All further efforts on
the part of Morazan and his fellow-federalists to restore the disrupted
republic proved unavailing, as we have seen.[VIII-78] At the end of
January 1840, the secessionists were victorious, and federalism was
rooted out.

I append a list of Honduras rulers after Morazan's short provisional
administration in 1827-28.[VIII-79]

CHAPTER IX.

SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.

1824-1840.

SALVADOR STATE GOVERNMENT—LIBERALS OVERTHROWN—SECESSION
FROM THE UNION—SAN SALVADOR AS THE FEDERAL SEAT OF
GOVERNMENT—GUATEMALA IMPOSES HER WILL—JEFE CAÑAS AND
COMANDANTE MALESPIN—NICARAGUA'S EARLY TROUBLES—SIEGE
AND BOMBARDMENT OF LEON—ORGANIZATION OF STATE
GOVERNMENT—DISSENSIONS AND WARFARE—ERUPTION OF
COSIGÜINA—SECESSION FROM THE CONFEDERATION—COSTA RICA AS
A CONFEDERATED STATE—JUAN MORA'S ADMINISTRATION—TOWNS'
BICKERINGS SETTLED—BRAULIO CARRILLO'S RULE—FINAL SECESSION
FROM THE CENTRAL AMERICAN REPUBLIC—PROSPERITY OF THE STATE.

Salvador, from the earliest days that utterance was given to the
idea of liberty and independence from Spain, was ready to echo
and champion it, and was the first to effect an organization for
self-government.[IX-1] The state was divided into four departments,
San Salvador, San Vicente, San Miguel, and Sonsonate.[IX-2] Under the
direction of the constituent assembly a state government was organized,
with Juan Vicente Villacorta as jefe,[IX-3] and Mariano Prado as
vice-jefe. After installing a superior court, the constituent assembly
adjourned sine die on the 23d of November, 1824.

For a long time past there had been differences between Guatemala
and Salvador upon ecclesiastical matters. The latter not only claimed
an authoritative voice in the political affairs of Central America,
but also to be placed upon an independent footing as regarded the
ecclesiastical. Hence the anxiety to have a bishopric erected at San
Salvador. This matter assumed a threatening aspect, and engaged the
attention of ecclesiastics and statesmen, as well as the public at
large in both sections of the country. The details will be given in
a separate chapter treating of the church in Central America. It is
in order to state here, however, that the disputes about the diocese
of San Salvador had a deep influence in the country's politics. The
contending parties had taken up the question. The liberals in both
states sided with José Matías Delgado, who had been appointed by the
Salvador legislature the first bishop. The servile element, on the
other hand, supported the archbishop of Guatemala. But after a time
Delgado, who was not unmindful of his purposes, supported President
Arce, thus forsaking his former friends, and joining the servile party.
A marked change occurred soon after, however, the relations between
Arce and Delgado becoming cold because the latter suspected that Arce
really sympathized with the archbishop. The liberals failed not to
strengthen that suspicion, nor to fan the flame.[IX-4]

Jefe Villacorta, owing to impaired health, surrendered the government
to the vice-jefe, Mariano Prado,[IX-5] whose first act was one of
opposition to the national government, by repealing Arce's convocation
of October 10th for a new congress, and issuing one of his own, on
December 6, 1826, appointing Ahuachapan, in Salvador, as the place
of assemblage. Prado now began the military preparations which were
followed by a war between Salvador and the federal government, and
which terminated with the overthrow of the servile party by Morazan.

[Sidenote: RULE OF CORNEJO AND PRADO.]

A liberal policy was for a short time pursued in Salvador under the
rule of José M. Cornejo, who had become the jefe in January 1829,[IX-6]
and peace reigned during the next three years. But in 1832 it was
again disturbed. The government of the state, becoming dissatisfied
with its former hero, Morazan, attempted to secede from the union, but
was brought under subjection.[IX-7] Cornejo was deposed, and, together
with those who aided him in the rebellion, was sent to Guatemala as
a prisoner, to be dealt with according to law.[IX-8] Elections for
authorities were then held, and Mariano Prado was chosen jefe,[IX-9]
and Joaquin San Martin y Ulloa vice-jefe. A period of liberalism now
commenced, like that of Guatemala in 1829. Several liberal measures
were adopted, one of which was the establishment—decreed August 21,
1832—of a single, very moderate, direct tax.[IX-10] This enactment,
intended to relieve the exhausted treasury, met with violent opposition
in San Salvador, and sedition broke out on the 24th in several wards;
but the rioters were dispersed. Prado issued a proclamation expressing
his resolution to uphold the law and maintain order; but as the
excitement continued, he ordered that the supreme authorities should
transfer themselves to the villa de Cojetepeque on the 31st.[IX-11] On
the 14th of November there was also a seditious movement in San Miguel,
which was quelled by Colonel Benitez.

The vice-jefe, San Martin, was in accord with the revolutionists, and
kept up a correspondence with Galvez in Guatemala, who wanted Prado
overthrown. This was known in San Salvador, and gave encouragement to
the remnants of Cornejo's party. The removal of the capital was not
sufficient. Another revolt broke out at San Salvador early in 1833,
and Prado, together with the members of the co-legislative bodies
and of the superior court, had to abandon their places. On the 13th
of February the state followed the example of Nicaragua and seceded
from the union. The vice-jefe, San Martin, who had gone into hiding
on the 9th of February to save himself from harm, was called by the
revolutionists to assume the executive authority.[IX-12] In July a
revolt broke out among the Indians of Santiago Nonualco. Headed by
Anastasio Aquino, they formed the plan of exterminating the white and
colored population, and installing a government of natives.[IX-13] The
utmost cruelties characterized this war of races, which was fortunately
soon suppressed. Most of the ringleaders, among them Aquino, were
captured. The chief was executed on the 24th of July, 1833, at San
Vicente.[IX-14] But peace did not follow the suppression of this
rebellion. Salvador, always jealous of Guatemala, insisted on having
the federal government removed from her rival's territory. At last,
in February 1834, the federal authorities came to reside in Sonsonate,
and later, in June, at San Salvador. It was a great mistake to expect
harmony. Before the month was out there was a street fight of several
hours between troops of the two powers. The federals were victorious,
and the state's jefe, San Martin, was deposed.[IX-15] The executive
authority was assumed first by Cárlos Salazar, commander of the federal
forces, and afterward by Gregorio Salazar, the vice-president of the
republic. Neither of them had a legal title.[IX-16] From this time the
state remained wholly under the control of the federal government and
the liberal party, which became still more cemented when in 1835 the
capital was made the federal district. In the great struggle between
Morazan and Carrera, of which a detailed account has been given in a
former chapter, Salvador had to rely entirely on her own resources when
her territory was invaded in 1838 and 1839.

[Sidenote: MORE TROUBLE AT SAN SALVADOR.]

After Morazan's signal defeat at Guatemala, Salvador no longer was
disposed to make sacrifices; indeed, she was too exhausted to raise a
new army. However, she was by no means willing to uphold the victorious
Carrera; but being unable to resist, had for a while to submit to
the force of circumstances, and to recognize the government placed
over her.[IX-17] But as soon as Carrera went back to Guatemala, that
government was overthrown by the people, and the jefe, José Antonio
Cañas, had to resign,[IX-18] Norberto Ramirez becoming the jefe
provisional.[IX-19] More than any other of the Central American states,
Salvador needed a period of peace to recover from the wounds inflicted
in nearly twenty years of warfare. She had upheld the principles of
liberty and union long after the others had given them up, and now
required a prudent and wise government to restore her almost extinct
life and strength.

* * * * *

While the other provinces experienced but few difficulties in
organizing themselves after the separation from Spain and Mexico,
Nicaragua suffered for years from intestine strife. This was not
exactly a contest between two political parties, but rather between
towns, and between the partisans of one leader and another; in
other words, the results partly of sectional hatred, and partly
of personal ambition. Persecutions for political causes were of
daily occurrence.[IX-20] A junta gubernativa, recognized by the
general government, had been installed at Leon,[IX-21] where Basilio
Carrillo was the commander of the forces, and claimed the right to
rule the province; but there was another junta at Granada, where the
notorious Cleto Ordoñez held sway in accord with the jefe político,
Juan Argüello, which, of course, ignored the pretensions of the
Leonese authorities. Managua, though siding with Leon, had become the
headquarters of the anti-republicans, with Bishop García at their head,
who strove to rid the place from Leonese influence. Most of the other
towns were in a similar condition; so that it may be asserted that
the whole province was in a state of anarchy. The junta gubernativa
of Leon accepted, on the 2d of July, 1823, the decree of the national
government of March 29th, calling for a national congress, and declared
Nicaragua united with the other provinces that had formerly been the
reino de Guatemala.

[Sidenote: NICARAGUAN COMPLICATIONS.]

On the 13th of January, 1824, a popular uprising in Leon caused
the junta gubernativa to remove Basilio Carrillo from his command,
replacing him with the jefe político, Cármen Salazar.[IX-22] Early in
the same year Justo Milla came with the appointment of intendente from
the general government, and with instructions to pacify the country;
but his mission failed.[IX-23] On the 22d of July Ordoñez had himself
proclaimed comandante general by the garrison and populace. Some of the
wards of Leon attempted, on the 6th of August, to overthrow Ordoñez and
restore Melendez, the successor of Milla; but they were overpowered,
and the city was sacked.[IX-24] On the 14th the forces of Managua,
under Colonel Crisanto Sacasa, captured portions of the city of
Granada. After twenty days of incessant fighting the besiegers retired
in good order. On the other hand, a division of Leonese and Granadans
attacked Managua on the 24th of August, with the same result.

A junta gubernativa had been installed on the 9th of the month at El
Viejo, in opposition to that of the capital,[IX-25] and organized a
force of 2,000 men, intended to lay siege to Leon. The united forces
of El Viejo and Managua, commanded by Sacasa and the Colombian Juan
José Salas, assaulted Leon, captured the suburbs, and penetrated to
the plazuela de San Juan. The garrison, composed of Leonese and some
Granadans, now found itself confined to the chief plaza and contiguous
blocks. During the siege, which lasted 114 days, there was incessant
fighting, both besiegers and besieged exhibiting bitter animosity.
Sacasa was mortally wounded, and died twelve days after. The fighting
often took place inside of the houses, and even of the churches.
Upwards of 900 houses were either demolished or burned, and the number
of dead and wounded on both sides was large, probably over 900 killed.
The contest ceased only on the 4th of January, 1825, when the besieging
forces retired.[IX-26]

The villa de Managua laid down its arms on the 22d of January, 1825,
peaceably receiving Manuel José Arce, who had entered Nicaragua with
an auxiliary force from Salvador, and with instructions to pacify the
state. In consequence of his arrival, the dissensions were quieted for
a time.[IX-27] Arce, without bloodshed, also disarmed the troops of
Ordoñez at Granada, and despatched him, together with Bishop García,
to Guatemala. After having made arrangements for elections, the
peace-maker returned to Salvador, leaving, however, a portion of the
force at Leon.

[Sidenote: RULE OF ARGÜELLO.]

On the 10th of April, 1825, preliminary arrangements being completed,
the first constituent assembly of Nicaragua met under the presidency of
Juan Manuel Zamora, and ten days later Manuel Antonio de la Cerda was
installed as jefe of the state,[IX-28] and Juan Argüello as vice-jefe.
Unfortunately there were disagreements on the part of Cerda with both
the constituent assembly and Argüello, which delayed the labors on the
state constitution, so that it was not decreed till the 8th of April,
1826.[IX-29]

The convention then adjourned sine die, and the regular or ordinary
assembly met on the 13th of August, at Leon, but in the middle of the
following month removed to Granada.[IX-30] Meantime the dissatisfaction
with Jefe Cerda had assumed such proportions that the legislative
body resolved to impeach him. He was, accordingly, suspended, and
Argüello placed temporarily in charge of the executive authority. New
elections were also decreed.[IX-31] But Argüello had not fostered all
these troubles merely to surrender the government to a new man, and by
intrigues contrived to bring about, in February 1827, the dissolution
of the assembly.[IX-32]

The indefatigable Colonel Cleto Ordoñez made, with the aid of troops
of Leon and Senator Hernandez, an unsuccessful attempt[IX-33] to seize
the government, declaring Argüello suspended. An effort was also made
by the president on behalf of Cerda, but it was defeated by Herrera,
the jefe of Honduras. The state of war continued; Arce reluctantly had
removed, at Argüello's request, the few men of Salvador that had been
stationed in Nicaragua since 1825,[IX-34] and thus the only adversary
of importance Argüello had was Cerda. The contest remained for a long
time undecided. Argüello took Granada, while Cerda's headquarters were
first at Managua, and, when that place seceded, at Rivas, the ancient
town of Nicaragua.

In September 1828, Cerda's party had made so much headway that Argüello
and his followers had vessels in readiness to effect their escape
should the jefe gain another victory. But the priests, who worked
against the latter, inspired the disheartened Argüellistas with renewed
courage, and in another encounter they were victorious. Cerda's star
now waned. A revolt planned by two of his officers was quelled, and the
leaders were shot.[IX-35] This severity, and the heavy taxes he levied,
increased his foes.[IX-36] At last, on the 8th of November, 1828,
when Rivas was almost without troops, one of his officers, who was a
relative, named Francisco Argüello, made him a prisoner, and before
his troops could come from Jinotepe to his rescue, a force of the
vice-jefe entered Rivas. A military court was at once organized, and
Cerda, being subjected to its action,[IX-37] was sentenced to death,
and executed.[IX-38]

[Sidenote: HERRERA'S RULE.]

Argüello was now free from his strongest adversary; but the struggle
went on as new pretenders sprang up, and its effects in the course
of time were most disastrous. It brought the state to a condition of
desolation unequalled in Central America. Dionisio Herrera, chief of
Honduras, undertook, under instructions of the federal government, in
1829, the task of pacifying Nicaragua. He visited Leon, and succeeded
in conciliating parties and restoring order; and when new elections
took place in May 1830 he was himself chosen its jefe.[IX-39] Managua,
the last place to hold out, was finally, without the use of force,
prevailed upon to recognize the newly constituted authorities, and
in June was already enjoying the benefits of peace. In order to
consolidate the peace throughout the state, Herrera made the leaders of
parties leave its territory. His rule was a quiet one for the next two
years, and until Nicaragua was called upon by the national government
to furnish her contingent of troops to suppress revolutionary movements
beyond her boundary.[IX-40]

The revolutionary spirit showed itself again in 1832. On December 3,
1832, the state assembly attached the federal revenue, and refused
further recognition of the general government. A few months later a
revolt broke out against Herrera. The movement originated in Managua,
and was seconded in Masaya and Matagalpa. Granada and Leon opposed it.
Jefe Herrera at first was loath to resist it, and laid his resignation
before the legislature, and it was accepted on the 1st of March,
1833. But that body, under popular pressure, four days after revoked
the resolution, and recalled Herrera to hold the executive authority,
with the extraordinary powers that had been decreed him on the 8th of
February previous.[IX-41]

The insurrection had spread also in Metapa, Chocoyos, Nandaime, San
Jorge, and throughout the department of Nicaragua. At the head of the
movement was an ecclesiastic. Herrera exhausted all peaceful means,
and had to employ force, and Managua was taken on the 29th of June,
1833.[IX-42] Nicaragua and other places accepted the amnesty tendered
them.[IX-43] But it seemed almost impossible to maintain peace for
any length of time. In May 1834 Granada and Metapa rebelled, under one
Cándido Flores. The rebels were successful for several months, and took
possession of Managua. But on the 13th of August they were defeated; a
few days later Granada was recovered, and four of the ringleaders were
shot.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: A GREAT EARTHQUAKE.]

In the morning of the 20th of January, 1835, there was an eruption
of the volcano Cosigüina,[IX-44] attended by one of the most terrific
earthquakes ever experienced in Central America.[IX-45] The event was
a memorable one for the Nicaraguans, and its abatement was attributed
to the efficacious intercession of their saints; and in commemoration
of it they still have a feast of thanksgiving every year on the 23d of
January.[IX-46]

* * * * *

A short period of peace followed. Puny are the efforts of man at
killing each other when heaven fires its artillery! The exhausted state
seemed unable to continue its suicidal course. The tranquillity was
broken, however, though only for a short time, in 1837.[IX-47] The
assembly had, on the 21st of February, 1835, recognized José Zepeda
and José Nuñez as the duly elected jefe and vice-jefe respectively.
Colonel Zepeda was a distinguished patriot, who had rendered important
services to the cause of liberty. His election was hailed with approval
in Nicaragua, and in the other states of the union. He took possession
of office April 23, 1835.[IX-48] The government experienced no serious
difficulty during 1836 in the administration of public affairs. It
was engaged in improving the public roads, and in other matters of
general utility. But 1837 was inaugurated with infamous crimes, with
the murders of the jefe Zepeda, and of the citizens Roman Valladares,
Evaristo Berríos, and Pascual Rivas, which resulted from a revolt of
the garrison at Leon.[IX-49] The movement was promptly suppressed,
and the ringleader, Braulio Mendiola, executed. The vice-jefe, Nuñez,
assumed rulership, and during his administration a second constituent
assembly was convened, and commenced its labors on the 31st of March,
1838.[IX-50] One month later, on the 30th of April, the state seceded
from the federation, an act which may be called a mere formality,
inasmuch as Nicaragua had not taken part, to any notable degree, in the
affairs of the general government. Nominally, however, the idea of a
union of the Central American states was upheld, and still expressed in
the new state constitution framed by the assembly and confirmed on the
12th of November, 1838.[IX-51] All this was pure affectation, however,
for Nicaragua lent her hearty aid to eradicate the last remnants of the
federation. The coveted sovereignty was attained at last. Later events
will show whether or not it brought Nicaragua prosperity. The present
generation had grown up midst the noise of war, hearing the battle-cry
of one or another contending party, and it could hardly be expected
that it could appreciate the blessings of peace.[IX-52]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.]

Costa Rica, owing to her geographical position, was almost isolated,
politically, from the rest of Central America. It would be wrong,
however, to infer that her participation in the general affairs of
the republic had been one of mere formality or policy for her own
convenience or safety. Nowhere had the idea of a union been more
warmly embraced. Four months only had elapsed after the bases for the
organization of the state had been adopted by the national constituent
convention, when Costa Rica's first assembly met,[IX-53] and on the
21st of January, 1825, decreed a state constitution.[IX-54] In the
middle of April the first ordinary legislature began its labors,
and on the 24th of September Juan Mora was installed as chief of the
state.[IX-55] This was a happy choice; for during his rule Costa Rica
escaped the evils which protracted warfare wrought in the other states
of the union. Following the example of Salvador, a decree was passed
in September creating a bishopric independent from Nicaragua, and
appointing Fray Luis García the first bishop; but the decree became a
dead letter.

The first effect of Mora's quiet rule was the enlargement of Costa
Rican territory. Dissatisfied with the jefe, Cerda of Nicaragua, the
district of Guanacaste, or Nicoya, which formerly belonged to that
state, declared its separation, and asked to be incorporated with Costa
Rica.[IX-56] The arrangement was approved by the federal congress on
December 9th, and since then Nicoya formed one of the five departments
of that state.[IX-57] Nicaragua protested; Costa Rica refused to
restore the territory, and the matter remained an open subject of
discussion, but never leading to hostilities.[IX-58]

Early in 1826 an attempt was made[IX-59] by a Spaniard named José
Zamora, at Alajuela, to overthrow the government. He attacked the
quarters of the garrison, but after several hours' fighting was
repulsed, with most of his followers slain, wounded, or made prisoners.
A few days afterward he was captured and shot.[IX-60] During several
years this was the only public disturbance. The struggle between
serviles and liberals in the other states did not affect Costa Rica,
which prudently maintained neutrality. She endeavored, however, to
bring on peace between the belligerents, by accrediting, in 1828,
Manuel Aguilar as special envoy to Guatemala and Salvador; but his
mission proved fruitless, chiefly owing to the success of the Salvador
arms, and the irreconcilable feeling thereby engendered.[IX-61] It
was the unsatisfactory result of this effort, which in a great measure
prompted Costa Rica, after Mora's reëlection in 1829, to secede from
the union till the federal authority should be reorganized. When this
took place, the secession act was revoked in January 1831.

In March 1833 the second term of office of Mora expired; and in
acknowledgment of his beneficent and wise policy, the assembly
decreed that his portrait should be placed in the hall of sessions,
with a highly complimentary inscription.[IX-62] Costa Rica had made
great progress from both the material and intellectual points of
view. A number of clergymen endeavored to introduce a decree of the
ecclesiastical authorities of Guatemala to burn certain so-called
forbidden books. They failed, the result being the importation of
a large number of the denounced works. Jefe Mora treated the pious
proposal with the contempt it deserved.[IX-63]

[Sidenote: RULE OF GALLEGOS AND CARRILLO.]

Mora's successor duly elected was José Rafael Gallegos, who assumed
his duties in April 1833.[IX-64] The state at this time was enjoying
liberty, and perfect freedom of the press.[IX-65] It was the asylum of
the exiles from other Central and South American states. It was not,
however, altogether exempt from the spirit of localism. Cartago had
been the capital, and wanted to recover that position. San José felt
as a loss the absence of the supreme authorities. Heredia and Alajuela
would not be less than the other two places. Guanacaste was the only
one out of the question. Hence the resolution adopted[IX-66] that the
state capital should alternately be at San José, Cartago, Heredia, and
Alajuela. A later law, of June 9th, prescribed that the residence of
the supreme authorities at each of said places should be for the period
of four years. Gallegos' rule was of short duration. He resigned in
March 1834.[IX-67]

Braulio Carrillo was elected jefe, and went into office in April
1835.[IX-68] In his time several liberal innovations were made, in
addition to those introduced some time previously; namely, suppression
of tithes and decrease of holidays;[IX-69] those enactments aroused the
clergy, and prompted them to fan, in retaliation, the flame of discord
existing between San José and Cartago, which culminated in an open
revolt on the 24th of September, 1835.

An alliance was entered into by Cartago with Alajuela and Heredia, to
refuse recognition to the government, and to convoke a new assembly
with equal representative rights for the different towns.[IX-70] The
allied forces marched upon San José, then the seat of government; but
were defeated in several encounters, and they again submitted.[IX-71]
The result of this revolt was the further strengthening of San José, to
which place was conveyed all the armament of the state. The government
was equally successful in the following year, when an armed force
from Nicaragua, led by the Costa Rican Manuel Quijano, formerly in his
country's military service, Pedro Abellan, and Manuel Dengo, entered
the department of Guanacaste, and marched upon its chief town, where
they expected to find support; but they only met with disappointment.
They were first repulsed by the inhabitants, and afterward routed by
the troops.[IX-72]

[Sidenote: REVOLT IN COSTA RICA.]

The peace thus restored was not of long duration. Braulio Carrillo was
succeeded as jefe of the state[IX-73] by Manuel Aguilar, in April 1837.
A plot intended to overthrow the government was soon after detected,
and the authors were sent into exile.[IX-74] But Carrillo had also
been disappointed at Aguilar's election, and being influential with the
soldiery, he had but little difficulty in getting together a party with
which, on the 27th of May, 1838, he deposed this official, sending him,
together with the vice-jefe, Juan Mora, into banishment.[IX-75] This
was the first instance in Costa Rica when the legitimate government
of the state was overthrown by force of arms. It cannot be said that
the change was altogether for the worse. Under Carrillo's active and
energetic rule the country made rapid progress in a material point
of view.[IX-76] He saw at once the hopelessness of reëstablishing the
Central American confederation,[IX-77] or of reorganizing it so as to
render it beneficent to the several states; and therefore, instead
of making fruitless efforts in that direction, strove rather to
isolate Costa Rica. This policy he impressed on the second constituent
convention, which met on the 1st of November, 1838,[IX-78] and on
the 15th the formal separation was declared, the convention still
manifesting a willingness to maintain a sort of union by means of
special treaties.[IX-79]

[Illustration: COSTA RICA.]

He also took effective steps to pay off Costa Rica's share of the
foreign debt, contracted by the Central American republic. The state
was for a long time exempted from the afflictions and consequent
injurious results which visited the other states during the bitter
last struggle in 1840 between Morazan and Carrera for the existence
of the republic. The other states were impoverished and brought to the
verge of ruin, whereas Costa Rica, with comparative tranquillity, was
constantly marching forward.

[Sidenote: COAT OF ARMS AND FLAG.]

The president, on the 21st of April, 1840, decreed a coat of arms and
flag for the state of Costa Rica.[IX-80] This was abrogated by the
provisional government two years later.[IX-81]

CHAPTER X.

DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.

1839-1852.

INTERSTATE DISSENSIONS—PACTO DE CHINANDEGA—CONFEDERACION
CENTRO AMERICANA—SUPREMO DELEGADO CHAMORRO—HOSTILITY OF
GUATEMALA AND BRITISH OFFICIALS—ARCE INVADES SALVADOR—WAR
OF THE CONFEDERACY AGAINST GUATEMALA—HELPLESSNESS OF
CHAMORRO—END OF THE PACTO DE CHINANDEGA—CONDITION OF
THE STATES—FERRERA'S BAD FAITH—SALVADOR AND HONDURAS
AGAINST NICARAGUA—HORRORS OF LEON—VICE-PRESIDENT JOAQUIN
E. GUZMAN—HONDURAS AND SALVADOR AT WAR—GUARDIOLA'S
VANDALISM—MALESPIN OVERTHROWN—RENEWED EFFORTS TO
CONFEDERATE—GUATEMALA AN INDEPENDENT REPUBLIC—COSTA RICA
FOLLOWS—SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND HONDURAS A CONFEDERACY—ITS
SHORT LIFE—FURTHER UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPTS.

[Sidenote: ENGLISH INTERVENTION.]

The government of Nicaragua, on the 13th of September, 1839, following
the advice of Minister Pavon of Guatemala, asked for the mediation of
Frederick Chatfield, the British consul, in an endeavor to bring to
an end the existing dissensions with Salvador. Chatfield declined to
interfere, on the plea that Salvador, in a treaty with the state of
Los Altos, on the 10th of August, had insulted the British crown.[X-1]
However, on the 27th of May, 1840, he sent to the government of
Nicaragua an extract of a despatch of March 2d from the British
foreign office, saying that his sovereign would cordially mediate
between the two states, provided such mediation was asked for by both,
or by all the governments interested, in which event he, Chatfield,
was authorized to use his good offices. But he was at the same time
directed to add that Great Britain was not disposed to enter into any
engagement binding her to employ armed forces in Central America. This
course was not pleasing to Pavon, but fully satisfied the executive of
Nicaragua. Chatfield's mediation was never called for.

* * * * *

Buitrago, director of the state of Nicaragua, was drawn by the
force of public opinion to give his assent to the state taking part
in a convention intended to reorganize the republic of Central
America.[X-2] The Nicaraguan delegates used their best endeavors
for the accomplishment of their mission; but from the beginning they
found their efforts hindered by the machiavelism of the aristocrats
of Guatemala, and in disgust left the convention after filing a
protest.[X-3] They returned to it afterward, however, and on the 11th
of April, 1842, the convention made a declaration in seven articles
establishing a 'gobierno nacional provisorio,' having at its head
a 'supremo delegado,' with a council composed of one representative
chosen by each of the respective state assemblies.[X-4] Antonio José
Cañas was appointed supremo delegado. But this great effort on the
part of the men imbued with a truly patriotic spirit came to naught,
because the assembly of Guatemala indignantly rejected the compact
of Chinandega, and Ferrera of Honduras acted in bad faith. Costa Rica
accepted it with certain restrictions.[X-5]

A second effort was made on the 27th of July at Chinandega by the
delegates of Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, who passed an act to
form a league under the name of Confederacion Centro Americana.[X-6]
Sixteen of the articles in the constitution conformed with the
instructions given by the aristocrats of Guatemala through the state
assembly to the commissioners despatched to the villa de Santa Rosa
on the 28th of September, 1839; and yet, after their adoption by
the convention of Chinandega, these same persons made opposition to
them. The fact was, that they had been all along using deception,
appointing commissioners to several diets, but never intending that
a reorganization of Central American nationality should be arrived
at.[X-7]

[Sidenote: PACTO DE CHINANDEGA.]

Guatemala accredited a legation at Leon, Gerónimo Carcache being the
envoy. He tried to exculpate his government for its opposition to the
compact of Chinandega, asserting at the same time its firm resolve to
uphold the treaty concluded in October 1842, by Pavon, Arriaga, and
Duran, and accepted by Costa Rica in May 1843.[X-8] This opposition,
notwithstanding the organization of the executive and council, under
the compact of Chinandega, was effected at San Vicente, in Salvador, on
the 29th of March, 1844; Fruto Chamorro, delegate from Nicaragua, being
chosen supremo delegado, Juan Lindo, delegate from Honduras, president
of the council, and Justo Herrera, ex-jefe of the same state, secretary
of that body. The installation of the confederate government was at
once communicated to the several states.

Honduras, on the 27th of April, recognized and accepted what had
been done at San Vicente. Salvador and Nicaragua expressed much
satisfaction. The reactionary government of Guatemala kept silent, and
on being pressed for an answer, returned a cold and laconic one, to the
effect that the matter would be laid before the legislative body; that
is to say, the assembly which, on the 17th of April, 1839, had declared
the Central American confederation dissolved.[X-9] It could not be
expected that such an assembly would give its assent. The committee to
which the subject was referred made an unfavorable report, which the
assembly accepted. Costa Rica suggested amendments to the 'pacto de
Chinandega.'[X-10] This document never had any practical value, for the
governments which were parties thereto took no account of the duties
it imposed on them. It will be seen that the executive of Honduras was
its covert enemy, and that the government of Salvador openly infringed
a number of its clauses.

[Sidenote: MALESPIN AND ARCE.]

Malespin, president of Salvador, was arranging affairs for a change in
favor of a theocratic régime to please Viteri, bishop of San Salvador,
when news came that the state had been invaded at Atiquizaya by Manuel
José Arce. The ex-president had with him troops of Guatemala, and
a supply of arms and ammunition to put in the hands of Malespin's
enemies. The question will be asked, Why did the aristocrats of
Guatemala cause the invasion of Salvador, her executive being their
agent Malespin, who was, moreover, under the control of Bishop Viteri?
This is easily explained. Malespin was, in the eyes of the aristocrats,
another Carrera, disposed at times to slip out of their hands. It was,
therefore, important to have him superseded by Arce, when affairs in
the state would go on smoothly and to their satisfaction. In Arce
ruling over Salvador, they would have, besides, a support against
Carrera.[X-11] But the people of Salvador, albeit much dissatisfied
with Malespin and Viteri, were decidedly opposed to Arce with
aristocratic surroundings. His invasion of the state only served to
strengthen Malespin's power for a time. The president set the whole
state in motion to meet the emergency. He did even more: he asked
for the assistance of the supremo delegado of the confederacy, which
was promised him. Each state was to furnish 1,000 men; but meanwhile
Salvador was to place 2,000 men at the disposal of the confederate
executive.[X-12] The general government agreed to use its utmost
endeavors to avert the subjugation of Salvador by Guatemala. Malespin
was enjoined, on his part, to confine his military operations within
the territory of his own state. He easily got together in a few days
at San Salvador 4,000 men, with which force he marched to the front.
One portion of the vanguard, under Lieutenant-colonel Pedro Escalon, on
the 5th of May, reached the Chingo Valley in pursuit of Arce, Aquilino
San Martin, and Guillermo Quintanilla, who fled to their headquarters
at Coatepeque. They were attacked there, and took to flight a second
time, leaving a large quantity of arms and ammunition. Another portion
of the vanguard occupied Chalchuapa, placing a force and the artillery
at Santa Ana.[X-13]

[Illustration: GUATEMALA AND SALVADOR.]

Malespin, in disregard of the command he had received from the supremo
delegado, marched triumphantly to Jutiapa, in Guatemala; in consequence
of which, the government of Rivera Paz assumed that Guatemala was in a
state of war, her territory having been invaded; and Carrera was called
upon to use her forces against the invaders. A forced loan was decreed,
and a change took place in the cabinet, Manuel F. Pavon assuming the
portfolios of relations, government, and war.[X-14] Pavon was certainly
the man for the occasion.[X-15] He returned an answer to a note from
the minister of the supremo delegado, which Milla, his biographer, has
pronounced an able and conclusive one. But it was in reality a mass of
abuse against Salvador and Malespin. He did not attempt to show that
Arce's invasion was not the act of the Guatemalan government, as he
should have done; but claimed that the war against Malespin was not a
consequence of Arce's act, but of the malice of the Salvadoreños.[X-16]

[Sidenote: TREATY BETWEEN HONDURAS AND SALVADOR.]

The bad climate of Jutiapa soon began to decimate the Salvador army,
reducing it to about 3,000 men. Moreover, the government of Salvador,
then in charge of Vice-president Guzman, could not easily procure means
for the support of such a force. It was quite evident that the time
for upsetting Carrera had not yet come; and Malespin's defeat would
only bring greater outrages upon the people. Patience was necessary
under the circumstances. It was consequently decided to abandon
Jutiapa and recross the rio de la Paz, which was effected on the 17th
of June.[X-17] The assembly empowered the government to negotiate for
peace, and a convention was entered into at the hacienda de Quezada
on the 5th of August, 1844,[X-18] under which friendly relations were
restored, and Guatemala promised to accredit a commissioner near the
confederate government.[X-19] This convention was, however, annulled
by the Guatemalan commissioners, because the supremo delegado had
refused to ratify it.[X-20] But the government of Guatemala determined
that it should be held valid by Malespin's accepting it as law for
the Salvadoreños. Bishop Viteri undertook to accomplish this, and
succeeded.[X-21] Malespin gave his assent to the convention being
ratified by the supremo delegado, and made a declaration of peaceful
intentions toward Guatemala.[X-22] He refers to the liberals residing
at Leon, who had been driven from Honduras by Ferrera, and from
Salvador by himself; and he accuses them of being the cause of much
trouble, for which they should be discountenanced by honorable men.
The pacto de Chinandega, as we have seen, had become a dead letter.
Honduras and Salvador entered, on the 10th of July, 1844, at San
Salvador, into a treaty, which was ratified by both governments.[X-23]

Chamorro's government was notified by Ferrera that auxiliary forces
from Nicaragua would no longer be allowed to traverse Honduran
territory.[X-24] Chamorro's minister, M. Aguilar, remonstrated against
a measure which would prevent the arrival of friendly troops to defend
the confederacy, whereof Honduras was a component part.[X-25] Chamorro,
using his lawful authority, ordered J. Trinidad Muñoz, who commanded
the Honduras force of operations, not to obstruct the passage of the
Nicaraguan troops. Muñoz disobeyed the order; and upon the Nicaraguans
arriving at Choluteca, on the 17th of August, he required them to leave
the territory of Honduras forthwith; which not being done, he assailed
and conquered them on the 19th, after a three hours' fight.[X-26] This
action had a great influence on the fate of Central America; for it
satisfied the aristocrats of Guatemala that the supremo delegado had no
means for enforcing his authority or for carrying out his plans. It was
virtually a declaration of war between Honduras and Nicaragua. Malespin
was likewise emboldened by it to assail Nicaragua. The latter must
then move with the utmost activity against Ferrera, before Malespin,
now at peace with Guatemala, could come to his aid. But difficulties
that could not be overcome were in the way; and it was only on the
23d of October that upwards of 1,000 Nicaraguans appeared before
Nacaome, which they assaulted the next day, and after two hours of hard
fighting, were repulsed.[X-27]

[Sidenote: WAR ON NICARAGUA.]

Trinidad Cabañas and Gerardo Barrios, two of Morazan's officers,
made, on the 5th of September, 1844, an attempt at San Miguel to
overthrow Malespin without bloodshed; but having failed, they went off
to Nicaragua by way of La Union. Malespin's minister, José Antonio
Jimenez, then demanded of the Nicaraguan government that Cabañas
and Barrios should be either expelled or surrendered to Salvador
for punishment. The demand was rejected. The two officers were by no
means discouraged. They persevered in their efforts, which, more than
anything else, finally brought about the tyrant's overthrow. By virtue
of a special decree, Malespin took, on the 25th of October, personal
command of the state forces, placing the executive office in charge
of the vice-president, Joaquin Eufracio Guzman, who on the same day
entered upon the discharge of his duties, giving Malespin unlimited
powers for the defence of the state. Such authorization did not justify
Malespin's carrying the war into Nicaragua.[X-28] This state, after
the defeat of its troops at Nacaome, had removed them from Honduran
territory, and sued for peace. And yet Malespin, in violation of
the laws of Salvador, made preparations for an offensive war against
Nicaragua.

It will be well, before relating the events of this campaign, to
cast an eye upon the present lamentable condition of the four states
thus bent upon each other's destruction. Guatemala was ruled by the
aristocrats with a rod of iron. Her financial affairs were completely
disorganized. In Salvador Malespin had no other rule of conduct than
his own will and Bishop Viteri's evil counsels. He believed himself
surrounded by enemies, and indeed he was.[X-29] Honduras was in a
disturbed state, and the victim of Ferrera's despotism. Nicaragua
was in anything but a satisfactory situation. The men who with their
superior talents, statesmanship, and influence might have carried the
ship of state safely through the coming storm, Francisco Castellon and
Máximo Jerez, were in Europe working to undo the evils wrought against
Central America by Pavon and Chatfield. The director of the state,
Manuel Perez,[X-30] lacked the prestige that the occasion required.
Casto Fonseca, the commander of the forces, had been given the rank of
'gran mariscal.'[X-31]

The pacto de Chinandega had ceased to exist. Owing to hostile acts
of Malespin, Chamorro had to seek safety in flight. Ferrera treated
Chamorro with contumely, and shamefully abused him in a report to the
chambers of Honduras, in January 1846.[X-32] Malespin and his army
against Nicaragua entered Honduras, and at Nacaome made an address to
the president and army of Honduras.[X-33] The two allied presidents
had a conference at Sauce on the 7th of November, and agreed that
Malespin should be recognized as the general-in-chief of their forces.
At Choluteca proposals for peace came from Leon; and on the 21st of
the same month the treaty of Zatoca[X-34] was concluded, which was
disgraceful to the Nicaraguan negotiators.[X-35] A secret clause was
also agreed to, binding Nicaragua, among other things, to retire her
troops from Chinandega to Chichigalpa. But the authorities and people
of Leon preferred death with honor to submission to such degrading
demands. The treaty and secret clause were indignantly rejected. Perez,
the director, surrendered the executive office to Senator Emiliano
Madrid.

[Sidenote: ATTACK ON LEON.]

In the night of November 21st the allied forces encamped in the
barranca de San Antonio.[X-36] On the 26th, at 8 in the evening, they
were in front of Leon, and threw bombs into the city. The next morning
at 3 o'clock Malespin, being drunk, ordered an assault, which resulted
disastrously for the invaders; for at sunrise he found his camp strewn
with corpses.[X-37] The attack was, however, continued that day till
4 o'clock in the afternoon, when the allies found themselves short of
ammunition, and with many of their chief officers killed or wounded.
Discord now broke out among them, and the Hondurans wanted to abandon
the campaign; but J. Trinidad Muñoz, acting for Malespin, quieted them,
and the struggle went on. That night Muñoz erected intrenchments,
and at break of day on the 28th the allies were in condition to act
vigorously.[X-38]

Commissioners came out to the allied headquarters, and on the 1st of
December a treaty was negotiated,[X-39] to which no ratification was
given in the city, and the war continued. Meanwhile there was much
agitation in Salvador, with occasional revolutionary attempts, which
becoming known at Leon, emboldened the authorities and citizens to keep
up the fight, notwithstanding the other departments had turned against
them.[X-40]

[Illustration: SOUTH-WESTERN NICARAGUA.]

José Francisco Montenegro and Juan Ruiz were the commissioners of Rivas
and Granada, near Malespin. Their mission brought about the creation of
a new government, which had no recognition in Leon. Senator Silvestre
Selva lent himself to be made by Malespin and his allies director
supremo of Nicaragua, under the stipulation of ratifying the convention
of December 1st, adding the name of Pio Castellon to the list of the
proscribed.[X-41]

[Sidenote: SIEGE OF LEON.]

Several partial actions took place in other parts of the department
of Leon, which turned out favorably for the invaders.[X-42] But
Malespin was furious at his failure thus far to capture Leon. The
firing of his guns was incessant. He made a final effort, throwing
himself at the head of a force upon the works of Sutiaba, which were
in charge of Gerardo Barrios; and after some hours' hard fighting was
repulsed, leaving the field covered with his killed and wounded. But
there was no unity of action in the city at this time. Some officers
believed that Casto Fonseca, though brave, was not competent to make
a proper defence; and one of them, named José M. Valle, alias El
Chelon, suggested that he should turn over the command to Cabañas.
Fonseca looked upon the suggestion as an insult, and in consequence
Valle retired, and Cabañas became an object of suspicion to Fonseca.
The siege with its horrors continued. The fatal spirit of localism
that maintained discord between the several towns, specially between
Granada and Leon, was now as ever, and till the transfer of the capital
from Leon to Managua, a great misfortune for the whole country. The
besiegers made the most of it.[X-43]

A vessel arrived at this time at Realejo with arms for the besieged,
of which Malespin got information from the Englishman Manning, and
through Selva's agent he obtained possession of 1,000 muskets, 200
rifles, 200 barrels of powder, 200 quintals of lead, and 12,000 flints.
With this supply the operations against Leon were pushed with still
greater vigor, and the city succumbed to an assault by Guardiola on
the 24th of January, 1845. Malespin now gave full sway to his bloody
instincts, by shooting a number of prominent citizens and surrendering
the town to the soldiery for plunder.[X-44] The outrages committed defy
description.[X-45]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: INDEPENDENCE OF SALVADOR.]

While Malespin was engaged in the Nicaragua campaign, the state of
Salvador was preparing to throw off the yoke, and his brother Calixto
was issuing arbitrary orders without the knowledge or assent of
Vice-president Guzman. At last, at midnight between the 30th and 31st
of December, 1844, the garrison at San Salvador was surprised by a
party of armed men from the Calvario, and captured, together with the
arms in the barracks.[X-46] After that the revolt went on gaining large
proportions; but the rebels were defeated in the plain of Jucuapa,
Cojutepeque, on the 4th of January, 1845.

The liberal chiefs Cabañas and Barrios, who escaped from Nicaragua,
reached La Union. Barrios,[X-47] with the view of rousing the
Salvadorans, spread the report that Malespin had succumbed at Leon.
Cabañas, a truthful man, disliked the scheme, but finally allowed his
companion to pursue his plan without contradiction. They both entered
San Miguel on the 28th of January, 1845, and loudly congratulated his
friends and acquaintances on Malespin's defeat. The whole department
was soon in commotion, and letters poured upon Guzman to sound the
cry for liberty. Calixto Malespin continued his arbitrary acts, and
Guzman concluded to oust him from his command, without bloodshed if
possible. In this he was successful on the 2d of February;[X-48] the
barracks were soon surrendered to him, the troops following his lead.
The capital seconded the movement, and was soon followed by the other
departments.[X-49] The government sent a circular to the other states
announcing the change effected, and it was recognized by all but
Honduras.[X-50]

The chambers of Salvador assembled on the 15th, before which Guzman
made an energetic speech, and Malespin was not only dethroned, but his
election to the presidency was declared null.[X-51] However, there
was much to do yet to uproot him from Central American politics, as
he had the support of Honduras. In an encounter at Quelepa Cabañas was
defeated, which gave the reactionists courage to approach San Vicente;
but public opinion was now so clearly pronounced against Malespin that
Bishop Viteri turned against him, and began his efforts to win over
to the clerico-oligarchic party the new president, Joaquin Eufracio
Guzman.[X-52] He at once issued a decree of excommunication against
Ex-president Malespin.[X-53] But the government of Honduras being
bent on supporting Malespin at all hazards, Guardiola landed at La
Union with an armed force, and occupied San Miguel; notwithstanding
which act Guzman did not declare war against Honduras. Attributing
it to ignorance of the true state of affairs in Salvador, he sent
a second note, which, like the first, remained unanswered. Malespin
continued—with the assent of Honduras, and without that of Nicaragua,
which had assumed neutrality in the contest—calling himself
general-in-chief of the armies of Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua,
and declared Guzman, the Salvadoran chambers, and the inhabitants of
upwards of 100 towns which had set him aside, guilty of treason.

Guzman was now menaced from several quarters; namely, from Malespin's
partisans in San Salvador, the military at Comayagua, J. Trinidad
Muñoz, who wanted to destroy the liberals that had escaped from Leon,
and lastly, Rafael Carrera, who, though at times inclined to wheedle
the liberals, generally had his claws ready to tear them to pieces.
Guzman found the panther more untractable than the other wild beasts.
It was therefore necessary to place in Guatemala experienced tamers;
but he was unsuccessful in this. His commissioners, though they
managed by fawning to approach Carrera, met with poor success in their
mission.[X-54]

[Sidenote: TREATY OF PEACE.]

Guzman marched against Belloso at San Vicente and defeated him. He
next went to San Miguel, which he entered amidst the plaudits of the
people.[X-55] Malespin entered with him into a convention at Jocoro,
binding himself to surrender all national property of Salvador and
to leave the country. But the authorities of Honduras disapproved the
arrangement, and it fell to the ground;[X-56] the war continued, till
on the 18th of April a treaty of peace and friendship was concluded
at Chinameca, to which the minister of Salvador, Dueñas, added another
clause, requiring that both Salvador and Honduras should disband their
troops immediately after the ratification of the treaty.[X-57] Honduras
failed to ratify it, and proposed that new conferences should be held
at Gualcinse, and at the same time despatched 900 men upon that place
under Malespin. Armed parties from Honduras invaded Salvador; and,
indeed, Ferrera was using all possible means to exasperate the latter
state into committing acts of hostility against the former, so that
Carrera might have an opportunity to take a hand in the game.

The chambers of Salvador assembled at this time, and Minister Dueñas
reported a treaty of peace, amity, and alliance with Guatemala.[X-58]
He seemed to expect aid from that side of the river Paz.[X-59]
Nicaragua had extended a friendly reception to two Salvador
commissioners.[X-60] The chambers gave Guzman ample powers for the
defence of the state. This did not include authority to invade any
other state, unless as a retaliatory measure. A resort to this was
finally resolved upon, and a Salvadoran army under Cabañas marched
the 24th of May upon Comayagua, meeting with defeat there on the 2d of
June, and again at Sensenti on the 10th of the same month.[X-61] The
Hondureños inhumanly put to death all the wounded Salvadoreños left at
Comayagua and Santa Rosa. Ferrera, now flushed with victory, thought
that he could dictate terms to Salvador.[X-62] It was a mistake on his
part, for the people of Salvador rose en masse to repair the disasters
of Comayagua and Sensenti.

[Illustration: SALVADOR AND HONDURAS.]

[Sidenote: GUARDIOLA'S VANDALISM.]

Guardiola committed many acts of vandalism in La Union, in consequence
of which Minister Dueñas, on the 25th of July, addressed a circular to
the agents of foreign nations protesting against the seizure of foreign
goods in the government's warehouse at that port. Cabañas, after the
disasters before related, arrived at San Miguel with scarcely fifty
men, and endeavored to collect his scattered forces; but his efforts
were unavailing, and Guardiola marched into the city—which had been
abandoned by nearly all the inhabitants—and gave it up to be plundered
by his soldiers.[X-63]

All that part of Salvador on the Lempa and the district of Chalatenango
were in the hands of the enemy, who acted as the master of a conquered
country. One of the commanders was the notorious Manuel Quijano.
The Salvadoreños attacked him and were defeated. The Hondurans now
felt certain that they could capture San Salvador. But on the 15th
of August Guardiola with 900 men attacked the Salvadoreños at the
hacienda del Obrajuelo and was routed, losing two thirds of his
force and most of his war material.[X-64] He evacuated San Miguel at
midnight. The authorities of Honduras soon after published a suspension
of hostilities in order to negotiate a peace.[X-65] An armistice was
afterward signed at Sumpul.[X-66] Muñoz of Nicaragua, for motives of
his own, exerted himself to bring about peace between Honduras and
Salvador, to which end he despatched Sebastian Escobar as commissioner
to the two belligerents. Sensenti was finally fixed upon as the place
for holding the conferences, and a treaty of peace, amity, and alliance
was concluded on the 27th of November, 1845, under which Malespin and
Espinosa were forbidden to set foot in Salvador without leave of her
government.[X-67]

[Sidenote: GUATEMALAN INDEPENDENCE.]

The government of Guatemala, with a view of not too openly going
counter to public opinion in the states desiring to see a national
government established, inserted in the treaty concluded with Salvador
on the 4th of April, 1845, a clause apparently intended to promote that
end.[X-68] And yet it was at the same time considering the expediency
of declaring the entire independence of Guatemala, and gathering
material which was made public in a manifesto in March 1847. Indeed,
she had no desire to carry out the stipulations, though she named
Joaquin Duran and Doctor Mariano Padilla her commissioners.[X-69]
Pretexts were not wanting, and new commissioners appointed, namely,
Marure and Rodriguez, both of whom favored Guatemala's absolute
independence. The result was the abandonment of the plan of
reorganization as entirely impracticable.[X-70] The declaration of
independence was made in the decree of March 21, 1847.[X-71] Carrera,
the president, in a manifesto, set forth the causes that had prompted
such a measure, which he called one of regeneration, and asked the
people to greet it with the same enthusiasm that was shown in 1821,
when the cry for separation from Spain was raised.[X-72]

The secessionists pronounced it an able effort; but it caused a
disagreeable impression in the states, and in none more so than in
Salvador. It wounded public sentiment. Carrera had no legal right to
take such a step. The constituent assembly had placed him in charge
of the executive, but had not made him a legislator. For all that,
the separation from the rest of Central America became an accomplished
fact, and Carrera was declared a hero, the founder of the republic, and
coin was struck with his bust on it.[X-73] This act was ratified on the
14th of September, 1848, by the constituent assembly of Guatemala, when
Carrera was no longer in power.

Lindo was ruling in Honduras and Guerrero in Nicaragua, but these two
states were in accord with Salvador, from fear of British pretensions,
on the necessity of a Central American union. They constituted, early
in 1848, the diet of Nacaome, which urgently invited Guatemala and
Costa Rica to join it; but the former peremptorily declined, alleging
that the decree of March 21st precluded her taking any step backward.
Costa Rica sent deputies to Nacaome.[X-74] The celebrated Ecuatorian
general, Juan José Flores, arrived in Costa Rica in July 1848, and was
received with much consideration, which flattered his vanity. He wanted
the aid of Costa Rica for his own plans, and got himself into the good
graces of President Castro. The dissolution of the Colombian republic
had enabled him to become the ruler of Ecuador; and being of the same
way of thinking as Pavon and his fellow-secessionists of Guatemala,
he counselled a complete separation of the states of Central America.
Several influential men of Costa Rica favored the policy of a wholly
independent government for their state.[X-75]

[Sidenote: REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.]

Congress, on the 30th of August, 1848, consummated the work of final
separation, with a decree declaring that the title 'Estado de Costa
Rica' was not in consonance with the 22d article of the constitution,
which established the principle of Costa Rica's sovereignty, freedom,
and independence; that with this understanding, and as a free,
sovereign, and independent nation, other powers had treated with her
on a footing of equality. It was therefore resolved, carrying out
the wishes of the municipal districts, that the term 'república' be
substituted for that of 'estado.'[X-76] President Castro sanctioned its
promulgation on the 31st.

Notwithstanding so many difficulties, the friends of union never
resigned the hope of accomplishing their purpose. In November 1849
commissioners of Honduras, Salvador, and Nicaragua assembled at Leon,
and on the 8th agreed upon a basis of union of the three states,
the terms of which were subsequently promulgated;[X-77] and it was
left optional with Guatemala and Costa Rica to join it or not. The
remnants of the aristocratic element, with the support of British
officials,[X-78] opposed the union, and in order to defeat it, promoted
revolutions in Nicaragua and Honduras. The compact went into effect,
however, on the 9th of January, 1851, when the national representatives
assembled in Chinandega, José F. Barrundia, representative from
Salvador, being chosen their president.[X-79]

The national constituent congress was installed at Tegucigalpa on the
9th of October, 1852, and began its labors on the following day.[X-80]

[Sidenote: A SHORT-LIVED FEDERATION.]

Trinidad Cabañas was on the 13th elected jefe supremo of the
federation, but he declined the honor, being desirous of disarming
opposition to the new organization on the part of his political
opponents. His resignation was accepted on the 26th, and Francisco
Castellon chosen on the 28th.[X-81] An organic law was enacted
on the 13th of October, and communicated to the government of the
federation.[X-82] The supreme executive authority, on the 20th of
November, 1852, was held by Pedro Molina, vice-jefe, four senators,
and two acting ministers of state. The federation thus organized was
not destined to be long lived. Upon the allegation that the congress
had created a dictatorship, and referred the organic statute to the
people instead of the legislatures of the states, the assemblies
of Salvador and Nicaragua set aside the federation, and declared
themselves independent states.[X-83] Nicaragua may have receded from
that act; but whether it was so or not, the union between Honduras and
Nicaragua was dissolved by the war which broke out in February 1863
between Salvador and Guatemala, Honduras joining one of those states,
and Nicaragua the other. Further efforts have been made from time to
time—1871-76, and even as late as 1885—to accomplish the union of the
states under one government; but obstacles have been in the way, the
chief doubtlessly being the personal ambition or jealousy of rulers,
and the project still remains as a possible event to come about in
a few years, as it is believed to be much desired by the majority of
Central Americans.[X-84]

CHAPTER XI.

REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.

1841-1856.

RULE OF CARRILLO CONTINUED—PLOTS FOR ITS OVERTHROW—INVASION
OF MORAZAN—CHANGE OF GOVERNMENT—MORAZAN'S
POLICY—OPPOSITION—REVOLTS—MORAZAN'S DEFEAT AND
DEATH—SATISFACTION OF THE OLIGARCHS—MEASURES
OF THE VICTORS—NEW CONSTITUTION—SUBSEQUENT
AMENDMENTS—SEDITION—CASTRO'S ADMINISTRATION—COSTA RICA
DECLARED A REPUBLIC—RECOGNITION BY SPAIN—RELATIONS
WITH OTHER POWERS—BOUNDARY QUESTIONS WITH NICARAGUA AND
COLOMBIA—PRESIDENT JUAN RAFAEL MORA—HIS REPRESSIVE MEASURES.

Carrillo, believing himself clothed with unlimited authority, on the
8th of March, 1841, issued what he called a 'ley de garantias,' giving
himself a life tenure of office and inviolability.[XI-1] The supreme
government was made to consist of the executive, and two chambers,
named respectively 'consultiva' and 'judicial,' whose members were to
be chosen by electoral colleges.[XI-2] Intending to celebrate with
éclat the inauguration of the cámara consultiva, Carrillo recalled
from exile Juan Mora and four others.[XI-3] The consultiva, following
Carrillo's wishes, elected Manual Antonio Bonilla segundo jefe.[XI-4]
The enemies of the present ruler were numerous, and increasing. They
called Morazan to their aid, through General Bermudez of Peru.

[Sidenote: MORAZAN AND SARAVIA.]

Morazan sailed from Chiriquí in Panamá, and after visiting several
places in Central America landed with about 500 men at Caldera[XI-5]
on the 7th of April, 1842. With him were generals Saget, Cabañas,
Saravia, and Rascon.[XI-6] Carrillo heard of the invasion in the
evening of the 8th, and at once assumed personal command of the troops
to operate against the enemy, turning over the executive office to
Bonilla, the vice-jefe,[XI-7] and providing other measures for an
active campaign. Nearly 1,000 men under Colonel Vicente Villaseñor
composed the expedition, among whose captains and lieutenants were some
of the wealthiest persons in the country.[XI-8] Morazan had issued a
manifesto assuring the Costa Ricans that his policy would be one of
order, union, and progress, to accomplish which Braulio Carrillo must
be ousted from power. As the government forces approached the invaders,
Villaseñor made known its contents to his command, and asked whether
they were for fighting or for a peaceable arrangement. Both officers
and men almost unanimously[XI-9] favored the latter, and a convention
was concluded at Jocote on the 11th of April, by virtue of which the
two forces fraternized, becoming one army. It was further agreed that
a constituent assembly should be called to reorganize the state, the
government meanwhile remaining in charge of Morazan, or in his absence
in that of Vicente Villaseñor.[XI-10] This convention was accepted
on the next day at San José by Carrillo, with a few additions which
did in no wise vitiate it, and Morazan afterward ratified the whole
at Heredia.[XI-11] He was enthusiastically welcomed at Alajuela and
Heredia, and with an augmented force marched on San José, which he
entered without hindrance. As jefe supremo provisorio he made José
Miguel Saravia his sole minister of state, and issued a proclamation
embodying complete forgetfulness of all past political offences, and
tendering an asylum in Costa Rica to all persons, of whatever party,
suffering persecution in the other states.[XI-12] He next appointed
a committee to revise the laws enacted by Carrillo, with the view of
repealing such as were deemed unwise or arbitrary, and a number of
them were accordingly annulled, the preposterous one of March 8, 1841,
not being, of course, excepted. The state constitution of January
21, 1825, was revived, and the people were called upon to elect a
constituent assembly, which was to meet at San José on the 10th of
July.[XI-13] This body, composed of thirteen members, one of whom was
the distinguished ex-jefe Juan Mora, was installed on the appointed
day under the presidency of José F. Peralta, deputy for Cartago, and
on the 15th of July unanimously elected Morazan provisional jefe of the
state.[XI-14]

The great political change thus effected in Costa Rica greatly alarmed
the reactionists; and specially those of Guatemala, who lost no time in
adopting measures to destroy Morazan. This chief, on the other hand,
took steps toward the reorganization of Central America, equipping
troops therefor. Some of his measures were deemed too severe, giving
rise to rebellion in some localities. There were intimate relations
between Carrera of Guatemala and General Antonio Pinto of Costa Rica,
as well as between the serviles of both states, who, together with the
clergy, worked to promote a revolt. An attempt in Guanacaste by Colonel
Manuel A. Molina failed, and caused his arrest, trial, and execution
at Puntarenas.[XI-15] Colonel Molina was a son of Pedro Molina, the
noted champion of free principles, and however legal his execution may
have been, it was certainly impolitic. His sentence might have been
commuted, thus averting the disruption which at once broke out in the
liberal ranks.[XI-16]

[Sidenote: WAR AND REBELLION.]

Saget was at Puntarenas attending to the embarkation of 45 officers,
200 men, 2,000 or 3,000 muskets, and about 1,300 pounds of powder
and lead. At Alajuela were 300 recruits of that department and 100
of Cartago, all commanded by Florentin Alfaro. This officer was won
over by Morazan's enemies, and revolting on the 11th of September
marched upon San José, where the people followed his example. The
revolutionists then called General Pinto to the command.[XI-17]
Morazan's body-guard of forty Salvadorans thrice repulsed the
assailants, but finally had to retreat to the chief barracks.[XI-18]
The jefe, together with Cordero, Cabañas, and Saravia, and 80 men
sustained another terrible onslaught on the 12th. The besiegers were
constantly on the increase till they numbered 5,000, and the besieged
on the decrease by death and desertion.[XI-19] Chaplain José Antonio
Castro came to propose a capitulation based on Morazan's abandonment
of the country, and a pledge of security to his supporters. Believing
that his loyalty and military honor were at stake, Morazan declined
the propositions.[XI-20] Pinto's secretary, Vicente Herrera, was very
virulent, demanding Morazan's blood; and the chaplain reported that
the jefe wanted war, refusing to recognize any authority on the part of
his adversaries to give pledges, which enraged their commander and his
secretary all the more.[XI-21] The fight continued, and blood flowed
freely.[XI-22] Mayorga, comandante at Cartago, rebelled, and Morazan's
situation had become a desperate one on the 13th. No reënforcements
could reach him, and provisions were exhausted. Juan Mora and Chaplain
Castro endeavored to bring about an arrangement, but the terms offered,
being oppressive, were rejected. The firing was resumed between one
and two o'clock in the morning of the 14th. Morazan and his handful
of supporters, worn out by fatigue, hunger, and wounds, made their way
through the besiegers and reached Cartago,[XI-23] Cabañas covering the
retreat with 30 men. Mayorga's wife, who disapproved her husband's
disloyalty, sent them word of their danger. But it came too late.
Morazan and the rest were surrounded and captured. Young Francisco
Morazan and Saravia, arriving a little later, were also secured.
Deception toward Cabañas was used,[XI-24] and treachery toward Morazan,
who was promised his life.

[Sidenote: BLOODY WORK.]

Early the next morning, an officer named Darío Orozco came to inform
Morazan and his companions that they were to be put in irons, by demand
of the troops. Saravia rose and seized a pistol to blow his brains out;
but Morazan prevented the suicide, though only for a few moments. He
then walked a while smoking, and finally submitted to have the shackles
put on his feet, and just as it was being done he had a horrible
convulsion which ended in death. It is said that he had swallowed
poison. The shackles were riveted on a corpse![XI-25] Villaseñor
stabbed himself with a dagger, and fell to the ground covered with
blood, unfortunately for him, not dead. Morazan was shackled. The
prisoners were at once taken to San José. Morazan, though wounded,
rode on horseback, and Villaseñor was carried in a hammock; but on
arriving at the Cuesta de las Moras, Captain Benavides, a Peruvian who
commanded their guard, made them walk to the court-house. Morazan on
the way conversed with Pardo and Vijil, and remembering that it was the
15th of September, remarked to Vijil, "How solemnly we are keeping the
anniversary of independence!" The other prisoners were confined in the
building called Los Almacenes, and Morazan was left with Villaseñor as
his sole companion.

Moderate men strongly urged a strict observance of law, aside from
prejudice or passion;[XI-26] but their voice was drowned in the uproar
of the enemies of Morazan,[XI-27] clamoring for his death without form
of trial, regardless of the requirements of the constitution of 1825,
and of the fact that he was the legitimate chief of the state.[XI-28]
But nothing availed to save his life. Pinto, like his prototype Pontius
Pilate, after a slight hesitation, signed the order of execution of
both Morazan and Villaseñor, to be carried out within three hours.
Morazan then summoned his son Francisco, and dictated to him his last
will and testament; some of its clauses are epitomized below.[XI-29]
After placing in charge of Montealegre a handkerchief and a few other
objects for his wife, so soon to become a widow, he walked with dignity
and a firm step to the place of execution. Villaseñor, who was nearly
dead from his wound, was carried in a chair. On arriving at the fatal
spot Morazan embraced Villaseñor, saying, "My dear friend, posterity
will do us justice." Barrundia thus describes the last moments of
the ex-president: He gave the order to prepare arms, saw that a good
aim was taken, then gave the command to fire, and fell to the ground.
Still raising his bleeding head, he cried out: "I am yet alive;" when
a second volley despatched him. Thus on the 15th of September, the
anniversary of Central American independence, just as the sun was
sinking in the west, the soul of the noble patriot returned to the
region whence it came.[XI-30]

[Sidenote: MORAZAN'S GREATNESS RECOGNIZED.]

Morazan's death caused much satisfaction to the ruling powers of
Guatemala and Honduras.[XI-31] In Guatemala it was an occasion for
rejoicing, with high mass and other religious ceremonies.[XI-32]
The time came, however, when Morazan's greatness was recognized
in Guatemala and Honduras, when the servile element no longer had
a voice in public affairs.[XI-33] Relations had been suspended by
the Guatemalan government with that of Costa Rica, while the latter
recognized Morazan as its chief.[XI-34] Treaties of union and mutual
defence had been made by the states of Guatemala, Salvador, Nicaragua,
and Honduras against Costa Rica on the 7th and 16th of October.[XI-35]
After Morazan's downfall an attempt was made to prevail on the new
government to subscribe to these treaties, but it failed.[XI-36]

[Sidenote: CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY.]

On the 23d of September the civil and other authorities at San José
passed acts setting aside the supreme powers that had ruled the state
since its occupation by Morazan, and proclaiming J. M. Alfaro as jefe
provisorio, with Antonio Pinto as comandante general.[XI-37] These
acts were subsequently confirmed by the people of the state.[XI-38]
Among Alfaro's first measures were to forbid the return of political
exiles, including Carrillo; to check attempts at rebellion; to
invite Morazan's soldiers to return to their homes;[XI-39] to restore
confiscated property; to establish an official journal; and to raise a
forced loan.[XI-40] Disregarding the remonstrances of Guatemala, the
government, of which José María Castro was now minister-general, by
its decree of the 5th of April, 1843, called upon the people to send
deputies to a constituent assembly. This body was installed on the 1st
of June, and soon after adopted the groundwork upon which was to be
erected the fundamental law of the state.[XI-41] The assembly likewise
enacted a law declaratory of the rights of man; and another on freedom
of the press under certain limitations. Among the other acts worthy
of mention passed by this body were the following: The jefe, Alfaro,
was to hold his office till the promulgation of the constitution and
the election of his successor under it. All his acts were approved,
and a vote of thanks was awarded him. A similar vote was given to
General Pinto. Francisco M. Oreamuno was chosen segundo jefe, and a
short time afterward he was called to fill the executive chair, upon
leave of absence being given to Alfaro.[XI-42] The assembly adjourned
on the 22d of September, to meet again on the 13th of November.
The constitutional bases, nicknamed by the conservatives "de los
tribunos," did not meet the approval of the government. The assembly
then adopted a constitution, which made provision for two chambers,
the executive authority being exercised by a jefe, as formerly, and all
the functionaries constituting the supreme powers being chosen by the
whole people. The promulgation of the new fundamental law was made on
the 11th of April, 1844,[XI-43] and all officers were required to take
an oath to support it. Pinto, the comandante general, refused to do so
without first consulting Alfaro and others. He tried to make an armed
opposition, but did not succeed, and was dismissed, Colonel José María
Quiroz superseding him.[XI-44]

The publication of the new fundamental law was celebrated with feasts
for three days. But the fact of Pinto's dismissal from the command
of the forces caused serious divisions in families,[XI-45] which has
been felt ever since in the political events of the country. The two
chambers decreed by the constituent assembly complicated the political
machinery, and the enemies of the new constitution exaggerated its
defects. The necessity of a senate in Costa Rica was not clear, for
the composition of the house of deputies was such that it required
impulsion rather than checks. Therefore, what would be the mission of
the senate?[XI-46]

[Sidenote: MOYA, GALLEGOS, AND ALFARO.]

Alfaro reassumed the duties of the executive office on the
28th of June, on which date Castro resigned his position of
secretary-general,[XI-47] to take a seat in the chamber of deputies,
which was installed on the 3d of July. The first duty of this body
was to count the votes for senators; but the returns were coming in
very slowly, so that the senate did not assemble till the 12th of
November.[XI-48] Both houses then on the 15th declared Francisco María
Oreamuno duly elected jefe of the state. He took possession of the
office with reluctance.[XI-49] The spirit of localism which caused so
much trouble in 1835 was still rampant, and Oreamuno found himself
confronted by it. Whatever measure was proposed in favor of any one
locality was certain to displease the others. Rather than contend
with such difficulties, he tendered, on the 26th of November, his
resignation, which was not accepted; but he was resolved to retire,
and one day, being more than usually disgusted, he abandoned his post
and went off to his home in Cartago.[XI-50] His successor was Rafael
Moya, then president of the senate,[XI-51] who exerted himself to
do away with localism, and to promote harmony between the several
sections; but his senatorial term expiring on the 30th of April, 1845,
he could no longer continue holding the executive authority, and the
chamber of deputies called to assume its duties Senator José Rafael
Gallegos,[XI-52] who was made chief of the state at the expiration
of Juan Moran's second term. He took the chair on the 1st of May. An
ominous cloud could already be descried away in the horizon. The new
constitution had thus early become an object of abuse, even by the
men who had enthusiastically proclaimed it, and acrimoniously censured
Pinto for refusing it recognition.[XI-53]

During the elections a bloodless revolt of four regiments
simultaneously occurred, on the 7th of June, 1846, at San José,
Cartago, Heredia, and Alajuela, to overthrow the organic law. The
movement was seconded at once by the people,[XI-54] and José María
Alfaro was summoned to assume the reins of government, Gallegos
returning to the presidency of the senate. Every one recognized
Gallegos as an upright man, against whom no complaint was made.[XI-55]
Alfaro accepted the rôle, went into office on the 9th, and immediately
proceeded to carry out the purposes of the revolution. Elections took
place under the existing constitution, Alfaro being chosen jefe, and
José M. Castro vice-jefe and secretary-general. The latter being the
intellectual superior of Alfaro, every branch of the administration
finally fell under his control.

The constituent assembly met on the 15th of September, and completed,
on the 21st of January, 1847, the new constitution, which was
promulgated at once, to have effect from and after the 7th of
March.[XI-56] Experience having shown that several clauses of this
instrument were practically inexpedient, and that others were not
clearly worded, under article 187 of the same congress subsequently
adopted a number of amendments, which had been asked for by a majority
of the municipalities.[XI-57] The elections for supreme authorities,
decreed on the 17th of February, took place; the constitutional
congress assembled on the 1st of May, and after counting the votes for
president and vice-president on the 5th, declared Castro duly elected
for the first position and Alfaro for the second. They were inducted
into office on the 8th.[XI-58]

Castro's administration had to overcome serious obstacles which might
bring on political convulsions in the near future.[XI-59] Indeed,
several disturbances broke out at Alajuela, headed by Alfaro and his
friends, which were, however, easily quelled by President Castro, and
once by Vice-president Mora, when the president was absent.[XI-60] The
last of these troubles caused some bloodshed.[XI-61] Albeit the revolts
were put down, the state continued much agitated. Inflammatory writings
against the president were secretly circulated, which the government
gave importance to, and the official press tried to counteract their
influence. Castro concluded to resign his office, but congress by
a unanimous vote refused to accept the resignation.[XI-62] Costa
Rica having by the act of her congress, on the 30th of August, 1848,
declared herself a sovereign and independent nation, under the title
of República de Costa Rica, that body, on the 29th of the following
September, adopted a flag, coat of arms, and seal.[XI-63]

[Sidenote: INDEPENDENCE DECLARED.]

[Illustration: ARMS OF COSTA RICA.]

Costa Rica was the first state of Central America to be recognized as
an independent nation by Spain, which was done in the treaty of May
10, 1850, which was ratified by Costa Rica March 6, 1851. The republic
made a concordat with the Roman pontiff, for the understanding of
ecclesiastical affairs, on the 7th of October, 1852. She has endeavored
to maintain cordial relations with the powers of Europe and America. To
that end she concluded treaties with the United States of America, the
Hanseatic Towns, France,[XI-64] Great Britain, Belgium, Holland, Italy,
Germany, and several of the Spanish-American republics. With Guatemala
a treaty was entered into in February 1850, and the government awaited
the result of the efforts of the other three states to constitute
themselves under one nationality; and when they failed, and the states
assumed the rôle of independent republics, it made similar diplomatic
arrangements with them as foreign nations.[XI-65]

[Sidenote: THE BOUNDARY QUESTION.]

The boundaries of Costa Rica with Nicaragua on one side, and with
Panamá, one of the states of Colombia, on the other, have been a
source of constant anxiety, repeatedly occupying the minds of the
diplomates of the three countries. Fortunately, the points in dispute
have been peaceably discussed by the governments, though the press
and politicians have not always touched upon them with the same
spirit. The district of Nicoya or Guanacaste, at one time under the
government of Nicaragua, became annexed to Costa Rica in 1824. This
annexation was accepted by the Costa Rican assembly, and the federal
congress allowed it, in a decree of December 9, 1825, as a provisional
arrangement, to be in force till an opportunity was had to run the
boundary between the two states. This congress took no further action
in the premises; and since the dissolution of the Central American
union, the district remained attached to Costa Rica. Nicaragua never
assented to the segregation, though she made no attempt to recover the
territory by force of arms. She has, however, endeavored to sustain
her right to it in repeated diplomatic negotiations.[XI-66] The time
came when Nicaragua, being invaded by William Walker's filibusters,
and the independence of all Central America threatened, the citizens
of the five republics at once saw the necessity of having the question
amicably settled.[XI-67] The other republics, more particularly
Salvador, brought their influence to bear, and a treaty was concluded,
duly ratified, exchanged, and published as the law, to govern the
boundary between Nicaragua and Costa Rica.[XI-68] Under its second
article, both contracting parties ceded a portion of their claims,
Costa Rican territory not reaching the lake, nor the Flor River, but
merely the centre of Salinas Bay. On the other hand, Nicaragua no
longer claimed territory to the Salto or Alvarado River, but limited it
to the aforesaid bay, and to the line prescribed in the treaty.[XI-69]
The acts of several congresses of Nicaragua in after years indicated
that the treaty was recognized beyond cavil or dispute. Not a word was
officially uttered by Nicaragua in seven years against its validity.
After such a period had elapsed, Tomás Ayon, her minister of foreign
affairs, in a report to the national congress, disputed its validity,
and the boundary question was reopened,[XI-70] giving rise to grave
diplomatic discussions, and no little ill feeling between the citizens
of both countries from 1868 to 1883.[XI-71] At last, early in 1883,
a treaty was signed in Granada by plenipotentiaries of both countries
to bring the dispute to an end.[XI-72] President Cárdenas, in laying
the treaty before the Nicaraguan congress early in 1885, urged its
favorable consideration; but no action was taken.

[Illustration: COSTA RICA.]

[Sidenote: DIVERS TREATIES.]

[Sidenote: DISPUTED TERRITORY.]

Under the Gual-Molina treaty, concluded at Bogotá, March 15, 1825, the
Provincias Unidas del Centro de América and the Republic of Colombia
agreed to respect the boundaries then existing between them, and to
enter at an early convenient opportunity into a special convention
directed to fix the dividing line.[XI-73] The antecedents of the
subject will be found in a note at foot.[XI-74] All subsequent royal
provisions, down to 1803, tend to confirm the limits of Costa Rica
that were fixed for Cherino on the Atlantic side. But on the 20th of
November, 1803, a royal order placed the island of San Andrés, and
the coast of Mosquito from Cape Gracias á Dios to the River Chagres,
under the supervision of the viceroy at Bogotá. Nueva Granada, now
República de Colombia, has maintained that this royal order made a new
territorial division between the capitanía general of Guatemala and the
vireinato of Nueva Granada; and to the latter belongs all the territory
alluded to in the royal order, and that said territory was recognized
as hers by the Gual-Molina treaty. On behalf of Costa Rica, it has
been alleged that the Spanish crown never made a territorial division
with a mere royal order. The division of provinces, vice-royalties,
and captain-generalcies was effected under a pragmatic sanction, a
royal decree, or a royal cédula. The royal order aforesaid made no
division of territory, but merely placed San Andrés and the Mosquito
Coast under the care of the viceroy at Bogotá because Spain at that
time had military and naval resources at Cartagena. Nevertheless the
order had no effect; it became a dead letter, the viceroy never having
protected that coast. Such was the impression of the Central American
negotiator of the treaty of 1825.[XI-75] With this same understanding
the federal government of Central America made a contract in 1836 to
settle an Irish colony in the region of Boca del Toro,[XI-76] which
was not carried out because the New Granadan authorities drove away the
settlers, and have ever since held control of the region, disregarding
Costa Rica's claims.[XI-77]

Several diplomatic efforts were fruitlessly made to fix the
boundary.[XI-78] The last one was made at San José on the 25th of
December, 1880, in the form of a convention to refer the settlement of
the question at issue to the arbitration of a friendly power, namely,
the king of the Belgians or the king of Spain, and in the event that
neither of them could or would undertake it, then the president of the
Argentine confederation.[XI-79] It is understood that the matter was
finally submitted to the king of Spain, and that the resolution was
long pending.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT MORA.]

Political disturbances continuing in 1849, Castro resigned the
presidency on the 16th of November,[XI-80] before congress, which had
met in extra session October 2d; his resignation was accepted,[XI-81]
and the same day Juan Rafael Mora was chosen vice-president, and on the
24th president of the republic, being inducted into office on the 26th
of November.[XI-82] One of his first acts was to grant an amnesty for
political offences. The bonds of discipline and subordination having
become relaxed, Mora had before him a difficult task to restore peace
and order.[XI-83] He dealt severely with the authors of revolutionary
movements. Castro became a fugitive, and the others were exiled. For
his efforts to restore order, congress, on the 25th of June, 1850,
granted him the title of benemérito de la patria.

The president's policy was one of repression by all means; but finding
himself opposed in the chamber, he resigned the executive office, and
his resignation not being accepted, took upon himself to dismiss the
congress, calling on the people to choose new representatives.[XI-84]

The continued revolutionary attempts placed the government in a
difficult position, and prompted the president to adopt severe
measures; hence the orders of exile issued against prominent
citizens.[XI-85]

Mora and Oreamuno were on the 3d of May, 1853, elected president and
vice-president respectively.[XI-86] Peace was now restored, and the
government devoted its attention to the promotion of education, and of
the material interests of the country.[XI-87]

CHAPTER XII.

REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA.

1838-1855.

STATE GOVERNMENT—DIRECTOR BUITRAGO'S CONSERVATISM—BRITISH
AGGRESSION—DIRECTOR SANDOVAL'S RULE—INTERNAL
TROUBLES—GUERRERO'S ADMINISTRATION—THE MOSQUITO KINGDOM—ITS
ORIGIN AND HISTORY—BUBBLES—BRITISH PRETENSIONS—SEIZURE OF
SAN JUAN DEL NORTE—DIPLOMATIC COMPLICATIONS—CLAYTON-BULWER
TREATY—NICARAGUA RECOVERS HER OWN—RELATIONS WITH FOREIGN
POWERS—AN AMERICAN WAR SHIP BOMBARDS SAN JUAN DEL
NORTE—PINEDA'S GOVERNMENT—ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC—PARTY
DISSENSION—LEGITIMISTS VERSUS DEMOCRATS—CHAMORRO AND
CASTELLON—CIVIL WAR—DEATH OF CHAMORRO—ESTRADA SUCCEEDS HIM.

Little, if anything, has been said in this history of the internal
affairs of Nicaragua since 1838. Under her first constitution, that
of 1826, the chief executive officer of the state was called jefe
del estado, and his term of office was for four years. The second
organic law, promulgated in 1838, gave that functionary the title of
director supremo, limiting his tenure of office to two years. Pablo
Buitrago seems to have been the first director called upon to enforce
the constitution of 1838.[XII-1] He was declared by the chambers,
on the 4th of March, 1841, to have been constitutionally chosen. His
first step was to remove from the office of ministro general Francisco
Castellon, who held it ad interim under appointment by Patricio
Rivas,[XII-2] calling to succeed him Simon Orozco, whom he could more
easily control.

[Sidenote: BUITRAGO, OROZCO, PEREZ.]

Buitrago treated a communication from Morazan, sent him from San
Miguel, with contumely; and afterward, when the ex-president, as jefe
of Costa Rica, accredited near him two commissioners, he declined to
receive them.[XII-3] His course won him commendation from the rulers
of Guatemala.[XII-4] His term of office came to an end on the 1st of
April, 1843, and he was temporarily succeeded by Juan de Dios Orozco.
The official press asserted that the election for director had been
made with perfect freedom. But no candidate having received the
requisite number of votes, the assembly chose Manuel Perez to fill
the position.[XII-5] The state was at peace,[XII-6] but was not to
enjoy that benefit long. In a previous chapter I have spoken of the
desolating war waged within her borders by the tyrants of Salvador and
Honduras. She was, moreover, harassed by the intemperate demands for
British claimants made by Chatfield, the ally of the aristocrats of
Guatemala, who went so far as to dictate to Nicaragua how to recognize
and pay these claims.[XII-7] The assembly then authorized the executive
to arrange the matter in the best way possible, and Castellon, the
ministro general, proposed to Chatfield to submit the disputed claims
to arbitration, naming Bishop Viteri as the Nicaraguan arbitrator.
Finally, a legation was despatched to London, Castellon being the
minister and Máximo Jerez the secretary.[XII-8] The British authorities
resolved, however, to use coercion in order to force a settlement
of the claims, the corvette _Daphne_ blockading the port of Realejo
in August 1846; and the government, being without funds to meet such
demands at once, had to pledge the revenue from the tobacco monopoly
during the next four years.

Leon, after its terrible conflict with the forces of Salvador and
Honduras, aided by Nicaraguan allies, was in a shattered condition, and
most of the families dwelling therein were in mourning, and reduced
to indigence. Muñoz, who so efficiently coöperated to that result,
had secured the coveted reward, the command in chief of the western
department. The seat of government was at San Fernando, and Blas
Antonio Saenz assumed the executive duties on the 20th of January,
1845.[XII-9] Under the sword of Muñoz the elections for director
supremo were effected, and José Leon Sandoval obtained a plurality
vote.[XII-10] He was declared duly elected on the 4th of April. The
assembly passed several important measures.[XII-11]

[Sidenote: REVOLUTION UPON REVOLUTION.]

Peace had not been restored. Disturbances were breaking out in
several parts. There were revolutionary movements in Managua, and the
government sent thither Ponciano Corral to make an investigation,
and quell the sedition. His report brought about the imprisonment
of several citizens.[XII-12] Manifestations in favor of Cabañas at
Rivas were put down with an iron hand. On the 24th of June there was
a revolt at Leon, which Muñoz quelled, and the government had its
authors confined in San Juan del Norte.[XII-13] The executive had
proclaimed neutrality in the contest between the government of Salvador
and Malespin, who was sustained by Honduras; and though he concluded
with Salvador at San Fernando a treaty of peace, friendship, and
alliance, he also entered into a similar one with Honduras.[XII-14] The
latter treaty was intended to be a reality, and it is undeniable that
Nicaragua was a faithful ally and coöperator of Honduras down to the
treaty of Sensenti. The treaty with Salvador was not made in good faith
on the part of Nicaragua.

The town of Chinandega was, in the latter part of July, captured by 200
revolutionists under José M. Valle, alias El Chelon,[XII-15] who had
come with sixty or eighty men on a schooner from La Union, and landed
at Cosigüina.[XII-16] On the 26th Muñoz was attacked in Leon, but
defeated his assailants.[XII-17] The government abandoned San Fernando
and went to Managua.[XII-18] Muñoz, victorious again at Chichigalpa,
marched on Chinandega, which he occupied without opposition; but having
to return to Leon, the insurgents retook it. He came back with a large
force on the 16th of August, and reoccupied the place.[XII-19] Sandoval
had, on the 9th, forbidden the men who accompanied Morazan to Costa
Rica from entering Nicaraguan soil. A ministerial crisis occurred at
this time, Rocha and César resigning their portfolios, which were given
to Máximo Jerez and Buitrago.[XII-20] Their tenure was necessarily
short, and they were superseded in the latter part of the year by
Fruto Chamorro and José Guerrero, the latter being almost immediately
succeeded by Lino César. This new arrangement gave the director an
homogeneous cabinet. The government was now a decidedly conservative
one.

The revolution came to an end in the latter part of September 1845,
an amnesty being issued excepting only the chief leaders, and persons
guilty of common crimes.[XII-21]

[Sidenote: SANDOVAL AND MORALES.]

This short truce enabled Sandoval to pay an official visit to the
several districts. In Chinandega the inhabitants having abandoned their
homes, he issued orders to bring them back.[XII-22] The government
was levying heavy taxes. The citizens of Leon, Chinandega, El Viejo,
and other places, who were the victims of the self-styled "ejército
protector de la paz," were compelled to support the régime which
had its being out of the destruction of the first-named town. It is,
therefore, not a matter of surprise that the people of many towns went
off to the woods. The insurrection broke out again, Valle appearing in
Segovia, and reëntering Chinandega on the 26th of November. The amnesty
decree was thereupon revoked.[XII-23] The state of Honduras took part
in the war, sending an army under Guardiola to the aid of Sandoval. The
insurgents were defeated first by Muñoz, and soon after by Guardiola,
who occupied Chinandega.[XII-24] At the end of the campaign Muñoz
signified a desire to leave the state, and asked for a passport; but
the government replied with words of fulsome praise that his services
could not be spared.[XII-25] This was precisely what Muñoz had fished
for.[XII-26]

Efforts were made by Buitrago and others to prevail on Sandoval
to call the chambers of 1846 to sit in Leon, but he objected to
the proposition. The assembly met first in San Fernando June 7,
1846, and on the 14th of August sanctioned every past act of the
government.[XII-27] At a later date it removed to Managua, and
adjourned leaving much unfinished business, for which it was summoned
to an extra session,[XII-28] and after doing what was required of it,
retired on the 18th of December.

The end of Sandoval's term was approaching, and elections for supremo
director took place. The assembly met again on the 12th of March, 1847,
and Senator Miguel R. Morales assumed the executive. Minister Salinas
in his annual report made a number of suggestions to the chambers;
namely, an amendment of the constitution in the direction styled by the
conservatives, "moderado y de órden;" good relations with the pope, and
cordial friendship with the priests; public instruction based upon the
requirements of the council of Trent. The office of supremo director
passed, on the 6th of April, into the hands of José Guerrero, who
had been chosen for the constitutional term.[XII-29] Acceding to the
repeated petitions of the people of the western department, Guerrero
decreed[XII-30] to make Leon the residence of the government, and the
transfer was effected July 20th, the people of that city greeting the
director and his officials with joy. The assembly, however, preferred
to sit at Managua, and did so on the 3d of September.[XII-31]

The country stood in need of a new constitution, but this could
not be framed at the present time, because the whole attention of
the government and people was absorbed by the questions with Great
Britain, which were a menace to Nicaraguan territory, and even to the
independence of all Central America. These difficulties were connected
with the possession of the territory known as the Mosquito Coast, or
Mosquitia. The Spanish authorities to the last moment of their rule
over Central America acted in a manner indicative of Spain's claim of
full sovereignty over that territory, disallowing the pretended right
of the Zambo chief who under British protection had been dubbed King of
Mosquitia.[XII-32]

[Sidenote: THE MOSQUITO COAST.]

A British agent claimed some years afterward that the relations of the
Spanish and Mosquitian authorities had been in 1807, and even before,
such as are held between independent powers.[XII-33] The so-called
king of Mosquitia claimed sovereignty over an extent of country 340
miles long from north to south, and about 235 miles in breadth. He
also claimed the district of Talamanca in Costa Rica, and that of
Chiriquí in Panamá.[XII-34] The British authorities maintained a sort
of protectorate over these Indians, occasionally sending presents to
their chiefs.[XII-35]

[Illustration: MOSQUITIA.]

[Sidenote: KING GEORGE FREDERICK.]

George Frederick and his half-brother Robert, like their father George,
who was killed in 1800, were of mixed negro and Indian blood. They
were first taken to Belize to receive some education,[XII-36] and
next to Jamaica, where they were the objects of some attention on
the part of Lord Albemarle, the governor-general. George Frederick's
education was an indifferent one. In 1815 he was back in Belize to
be crowned there at his own request, Chaplain Armstrong performing
the ceremony, and his chiefs taking the oath of allegiance in regular
form.[XII-37] He was then proclaimed king of the Mosquito shore and
nation, and a British war vessel conveyed him and his chiefs to Gracias
á Dios.[XII-38] It seems that kingly life afforded him little or no
satisfaction. Aware of his lack of qualifications, and fully sensible
that he could not retrieve himself from vicious habits, especially
from the bottle, which soon controlled him, his heart failed him, and
his life became embittered.[XII-39] The British government at first
manifested a friendly interest, sending him presents, and Chaplain
Armstrong his advice; but the latter was disregarded by the king
and his chief minister, who often remarked that a present of rum
would be more welcome. The instruction on government was beyond his
understanding, and looked on as falsehood. Such was the effect of
his West India education in civilization. It has been asserted that
he was murdered in 1824.[XII-40] Robert, his brother, succeeded,
and was deposed, his successor being James, descended from an older
branch of the family,[XII-41] who took the name of George Frederick.
Mosquito annals do not record what became of him. The next king was
Robert Charles Frederick, who believing himself a real monarch, for
and in consideration of abundant contributions of rum, to which he
was much addicted, began to make large grants of land, some of which
carried with them the rights of absolute sovereignty. Most of these
grants were afterward cancelled, and the king was taken by the British
authorities to Belize, and kept under control. He died there, leaving,
in a so-called last will, dated in February 1840, to Superintendent
Macdonald the regency of his dominions during the minority of his heir,
the princess Inez Ann Frederick.[XII-42] Macdonald, whether as such
regent or as an officer of the British crown, appointed his private
secretary, Patrick Walker, to reside at Blewfields, and have charge of
the affairs of Mosquitia; since which time the shore began to assume
much importance, at least in a political sense. Walker established a
council of state, and soon opened a dispute about boundaries with the
Central American states, giving rise to grave questions which occupied
the attention of other governments, and of which I will treat later.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: COLONIZATION FAILURES.]

Several attempts were made since the early days of the present century
to colonize the Mosquito shore, for which large tracts of land were
granted. Among the most important was one made to the Scotchman Sir
Gregor MacGregor,[XII-43] who soon after started a wild project,
which later was known as the Poyais bubble, and ended, about 1823,
disastrously for the dupes who had been drawn into it.[XII-44] In
1839 the British Central America Land Company of London made another
experiment on the same place where MacGregor had tried his, and
it ended in failure.[XII-45] A German colony named Carlsruhe, near
Blewfields, which was started about 1844, had to be abandoned in 1849
after losing about two thirds of the emigrants.

The climate of the coast is moist, hotter than in the interior, and not
as healthy. The greater part of the soil is fertile, and it may be said
that the country possesses many natural elements of wealth.[XII-46]
Blewfields, the capital of Mosquitia, is on the river and lagoon of the
same name. In the latter part of 1847 Blewfields and its dependencies
had 599 inhabitants, of which 111 were white and 488 black,[XII-47] in
two villages, the larger, Blewfields, having 78 houses, and the lesser,
Carlsruhe, 16. Few of the houses were built of boards. One of this kind
was then occupied by Walker, the British agent and consul-general, with
whom the sovereign resided.[XII-48]

* * * * *

On the 12th of August, 1841, Macdonald, superintendent of Belize, came
to San Juan del Norte on the frigate _Tweed_, bringing with him the
so-called king of the Mosquitos or Moscos. At the same time an armed
sloop, under the Mosquito flag and commanded by Peter Shepherd, entered
the port. The comandante and revenue officer, Lieutenant-colonel
Quijano, went to see the commanding officers at Shepherd's house, but
was not received, on the plea that both the king and superintendent
were unwell. An official letter from him was left unanswered. At
last, the superintendent's secretary, together with the captain of
the frigate and the king's secretary, called on Quijano and told him
that on the following day his letter would be answered, requiring his
recognition of the Mosquito king as the ally of her Britannic Majesty.
Quijano refused, and his visitors retired. He reiterated his refusal
in a letter to the superintendent, and in the name of his government
solemnly protested against his pretension, as well as against the
insults inflicted on his country.[XII-49] He was finally notified that
if he interfered with any British or Mosquito subject, both he and his
government would be held responsible.[XII-50]

[Sidenote: BRITISH INTERFERENCE.]

The demands and insults of the British officers continued until the
15th, when they seized Quijano and carried him on board the frigate,
intending to take him to Belize.[XII-51] The Nicaraguan government, in
a note to British Vice-consul Foster, denounced the acts of the British
officials at San Juan as high-handed, accusing Macdonald of usurping
the name of her Britannic Majesty in supposing her to be an ally of
the so-called Mosquito king.[XII-52] The whole American continent
became indignant at the British proceedings in San Juan. There was one
exception, however, which must be classified as vile. Ferrera, jefe
of Honduras, under the influence of the servile element of Guatemala,
allied with Chatfield, recognized the Mosquito nation.[XII-53]

Chatfield informed Nicaragua that the whole Central American territory
lying between Cape Gracias á Dios and the mouth of the San Juan River
belonged to the Mosquito king, without prejudice to other rights the
king might have south of the San Juan.[XII-54] In January 1848 two
British war vessels occupied the port of San Juan without resistance,
replacing the Nicaraguan officials by Englishmen as servants of the
Mosquito king, after doing which they sailed away; but no sooner had
the intelligence reached the interior than a force was despatched
to San Juan, which reoccupied the place and sent to the capital as
prisoners the intruders.[XII-55] Whereupon the British returned
in force in March 1848, and defeated the Nicaraguan detachment.
Hostilities being further prosecuted, the Nicaraguans had to succumb
before the superior power of their foe, and consented to an armistice,
providing that they would not disturb San Juan, or attempt to
reoccupy the port, pending the negotiations which must follow on these
events.[XII-56]

[Sidenote: TREATIES.]

Nicaragua, by her ablest diplomates, defended her rights to the
disputed territory both in Europe and America, without obtaining
a satisfactory result, until the fears of Central Americans for
the independence of their country were brought to an end by the
Clayton-Bulwer treaty, otherwise called the Ship Canal convention,
concluded at Washington between the United States and Great Britain on
the 19th of April, 1850, by the first article of which neither power
could occupy, fortify, colonize, nor exercise dominion over Nicaragua,
Costa Rica, the Mosquito Coast, or any other portion of Central
American territory, nor make use of a protectorate in any form.[XII-57]
Thus was this vexed question terminated, England resigning all her
claims to the Mosquito Coast, and by a subsequent treaty concluded
at Managua on the 28th of January, 1860, known as the Zeledon-Wyke
treaty, ceded to Nicaragua the protectorate absolutely.[XII-58] Since
then Nicaragua has subjected the Mosquito Coast to a prefecto.[XII-59]
Nevertheless, it is understood that the Indian reserve is still
ruled by a chief chosen by the natives, assisted by a council, which
assembles at Blewfields; but subject to the supreme authority of the
Nicaraguan government.

* * * * *

Nicaragua, as soon as she assumed the position of an independent
nation, hastened to open friendly relations with other powers.[XII-60]
Spain made with the republic July 25, 1850, a treaty of friendship,
commerce, and navigation, the first and second articles of which fully
recognize Nicaragua's independence.[XII-61] Early efforts were made to
arrange ecclesiastical affairs with the papal see, a concordat being
finally concluded at Rome November 2, 1861.[XII-62]

With the other Central American states Nicaragua made treaties, which
underwent from time to time alterations, as circumstances seemed to
demand for her own or the general defence. Several of these will be
made apparent in the course of my narrative. Nicaragua has endeavored
to maintain cordial relations with her neighbors.[XII-63] The republic
entered into friendly diplomatic relations with the powers of Europe
and America, most of them having treaties of amity, commerce, and
extradition of criminals. Its relations with the United States have
generally been intimate, made so by considerations of neighborhood,
business interests, and similarity of institutions, as well as by
a mutual desire to forward the construction of a ship canal across
Nicaraguan territory. They have been disturbed at times, however,
while Nicaragua was a transit route between the eastern states of
the American union, and during the execution of schemes of American
filibusters, such as those of Kinney and Walker.

[Sidenote: ARBITRARY ACTS.]

While the Mosquito question was pending between Nicaragua and Great
Britain, circumstances were hastening a practical solution of it.
An American company, acting under a Nicaraguan charter, opened a
transit route for passengers through the state, beginning at San
Juan del Norte, which place rapidly filled up with emigrants from the
United States, who becoming numerically predominant, met in a primary
capacity and organized an independent government.[XII-64] After an
indiscreet attempt on the part of a British commander to levy duties
on an American steamer, which was disavowed by his government, the
British protectorate over San Juan at last virtually ceased. The town
and port remained under the direct control of the inhabitants, most
of whom were Americans, as a free city.[XII-65] The prosperity of the
place was retarded by a dispute with the persons into whose hands the
transit had fallen, which produced bitter feeling, and resulted in
alleged insults to Solon Borland, United States minister to Nicaragua,
whose belligerent instincts carried him away to interfere in matters
which were foreign to his office. The sloop of war _Cyane_, Commander
Hollins, was despatched by the American government to look into
the case. Hollins assumed a hostile attitude,[XII-66] made arrogant
demands, and the latter not being complied with, he bombarded the
town on the 13th of July, 1854, and landing a party of marines, burned
it to the ground.[XII-67] This act has been generally condemned. The
American government hardly contemplated it; but not having punished
Commander Hollins, it must bear the odium. Notwithstanding these
difficulties, peaceable relations were not disturbed.[XII-68] Nicaragua
also has treaties with Belgium, Italy, France, England, Peru, and other
nations.[XII-69]

A squabble occurred in 1876 at Leon, in which the German consul and a
Nicaraguan citizen were concerned, giving rise to a conflict between
the German and Nicaraguan governments, the former making of it a casus
belli, and demanding, backed by a naval force, a considerable sum of
money.[XII-70]

* * * * *

The political situation in the interior of Nicaragua, during the
winter, of 1848-9, was anything but satisfactory to the lovers of
peace. Parties were again venting their animosities. The leader
Bernabé Somoza captured Rivas, and afterward became notorious for
deeds of cruelty and robbery. Director Norberto Ramirez[XII-71]
despatched there a strong force under J. T. Muñoz. Somoza was defeated
and captured at San Jorge on the 14th of June.[XII-72] Ramirez was
succeeded by José Laureano Pineda in 1851,[XII-73] against whom a
revolt broke out August 4, 1851, having J. Trinidad Muñoz for its
leader. Pineda and his ministers Francisco Castellon and F. Diaz Zapata
were arrested. The plan failed, however. Leon, Muñoz' headquarters,
was taken by government forces assisted by troops from Honduras,
and Muñoz surrendered.[XII-74] On the expiration of Pineda's term in
1853, Chamorro became chief of the state, having been elected by the
suffrages of the moderados. The new director was a well-meaning man,
and hoped by pursuing a moderate course to allay party bickerings.
But his political opponents, together with a portion of the military
element, did not permit him to develop his policy in peace.

The legislative assembly rejected, April 30, 1853, a provisional
constitution which had been framed and published by the national
constituent assembly on the 13th of October, 1852,[XII-75] and at the
same time declared the state to be independent and sovereign. This was
followed on the 28th of February, 1854, by another decree of the state
constituent assembly assuming for the state the title of República
de Nicaragua, and giving its executive the name of president.[XII-76]
The coat of arms and flag of the new republic were decreed April 21,
1854.[XII-77]

[Sidenote: CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY.]

A constituent assembly, called on the 11th of December, 1853, to meet
on the 8th of January, 1854, for the purpose of framing a constitution
for the republic, was installed on the 22d of that month.[XII-78] It
continued its session without interruption, and on the 7th of April
assumed, for urgent cases, the powers of an ordinary legislature,
enacting that, in the event of a temporary vacancy in the office of
president, his duties should devolve on the member of the constituent
assembly called by him to assume them. Chamorro was then chosen
provisional president, to hold the office till the 1st of March,
1855. The new charter of the republic was sanctioned on the 30th of
April,[XII-79] which was in force only in Granada and other towns
acknowledging Chamorro's government.

[Illustration: NICARAGUA.]

[Sidenote: LONG AND BLOODY WAR.]

The opposition of the liberals culminated in an attempt at revolution
in Leon, promoted by Castellon, Jerez, and Mariano Salazar. The
government then residing at Managua defeated their plan for the
time, and banished the leaders and a few of their influential
followers.[XII-80] The exiles sought refuge in Salvador and Honduras,
and with the favor of Cabañas, who was then on bad terms with
Chamorro,[XII-81] obtained resources for a second attempt against
the government of the latter. With a few men and a quantity of arms
and ammunition, they went from Tigre Island to Realejo. The invaders
were enthusiastically received, Leon, Chinandega, and immediate towns
proclaiming Castellon provisional director, which office he assumed
June 11, 1854.[XII-82] This was the beginning of a long and bloody
war, which Salvador and Guatemala vainly tried to avert.[XII-83]
Chamorro approached Leon, but finding it had declared for Castellon,
retired to Granada and fortified the place, sustaining afterward an
irregular siege of several months from thrice the number of his force,
under Jerez, till the early part of 1855. Castellon, meantime, gained
possession of the republic, Granada excepted; but the long siege of
this town wrought a change in the feelings of the unstable people, and
in a short time Chamorro or his party recovered Managua, Masaya, and
Rivas, after a series of bloody encounters. The siege of Granada was
consequently raised.[XII-84] Even Chamorro's death, which occurred at
this time,[XII-85] did not favor the democrats. He was succeeded by
José María Estrada. Corral was the general-in-chief of the legitimist
forces, and was organizing at Masaya an army to capture Leon. The
government had called the constituent assembly, which met on the 8th of
April with only fourteen members, and on the 10th resolved that Estrada
should retain the executive until a president should be chosen under
the constitution. This greatly displeased Corral, who had expected to
be called to that position. He had his headquarters in Managua, and
threatened to be revenged of the men who had slighted him.[XII-86]

Meanwhile Muñoz had gone to Honduras and returned with a small division
of troops, the chief command of both the democratic and Honduran forces
being vested in him. By his advice Castellon appointed Rosalío Cortés
and P. Aleman commissioners to ascertain the views of the legitimist
chiefs with reference to peace negotiations. Estrada consented to
receive Cortés, but not Aleman, and the former had interviews with
him and his supporters, prevailing on them to enter into negotiations
either in their official or private capacity. Muñoz had authorized
Cortés to tell Corral he wished to have a direct understanding
with him.[XII-87] Cortés first saw Corral, and by his advice next
had interviews with Estrada, Vega, and others, all of whom showed
a willingness to treat for peace, and asked him to return to Leon,
which he did, touching at Managua, where Corral assured him of his
disposition to come to an understanding with Muñoz.

[Sidenote: DEMOCRATS AND LEGITIMISTS.]

The situation of the democrats was improved since the return of Muñoz.
That of the legitimists was not so good, but the rulers felt confident.
By its moderate course the legitimist government was gaining favor in
democratic towns. Estrada's confidence was increased with the arrival
of two foreign ministers accredited to his government.[XII-88] By this
time Corral had an efficient division at Managua. His subordinate,
Colonel Tomás Martinez, who in late years became president of the
republic, not only cleared Nueva Segovia of Hondurans, but also
occupied the town of San Márcos in Honduras. Lieutenant-colonel Andrés
Murillo obtained a victory over the democrats at Tecuaname on the
17th of May. A few days after—May 31st—Estrada's government decreed an
amnesty to all soldiers, from private to sergeant inclusive, presenting
themselves within twenty days.[XII-89] On the 13th of June came two
men who afterward were fatal to the legitimists, Santos Guardiola,
and the clergyman Manuel Alcaine. The latter was a commissioner from
Salvador to both belligerents, and his efforts on behalf of peace
had been favorably entertained by Castellon. Estrada listened to him,
but did not accept his proposals.[XII-90] Alcaine went back to Leon,
and reported that the legitimists were bent upon exterminating the
democrats, and his statements were fully believed. All hope of bringing
the war to an end by peaceful negotiations was now abandoned.[XII-91]

CHAPTER XIII.

REPUBLIC OF GUATEMALA.

1840-1865.

PRESIDENT RIVERA PAZ—CARRERA'S COURSE—PRETENDED
SEDITION—DISSOLUTION OF THE ASSEMBLY—A CONSEJO CONSTITUYENTE
CREATED—CARRERA BECOMES PRESIDENT—ATTEMPT AGAINST HIS
LIFE—REVOLT OF MONTERROSA—CARRERA'S DESPOTISM—THE REPUBLIC
ESTABLISHED—RELATIONS WITH OTHER POWERS—REVOLUTION OF THE
MOUNTAIN—CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY CONVENED—CARRERA'S FORCED
RESIGNATION AND EXILE—LIBERALS TRIUMPHANT—THEIR SQUABBLES
AND DISINTEGRATION—THE MODERADO PARTY—REVOLUTION OF LOS
ALTOS—INTRIGUES OF THE SERVILES—PRESIDENCIES OF MARTINEZ
AND ESCOBAR—CAUSES OF THEIR RESIGNATIONS—PAREDES—RECALL OF
CARRERA—DEEDS OF VENGEANCE—CARRERA AGAIN PRESIDENT—PARTIAL
RESTORATION OF PEACE.

[Sidenote: REIGN OF DESPOTISM.]

Carrera had become so inflated by flattery that he actually believed
himself able to govern upon instinct Guatemala, and even all Central
America.[XIII-1] He tried to shake off aristocratic control, and
showed pugnaciousness toward the assembly and the administrator of the
diocese. Obedience not being in every instance given to his whims, he
threatened, in August 1840, to resign the command of the troops, which
he held with the rank of lieutenant-general.[XIII-2] The aristocrats
were much alarmed, and the assembly, in flattering terms, declined
accepting the resignation. He now appeared in the rôles of financier,
political economist, and enemy of the nobles, presuming to dictate
a policy for the protection of manufactures, agriculture, and other
interests. His displeasure with the nobles was because he believed them
hostile to the masses.[XIII-3] They managed to mollify him, and he then
contented himself with issuing a long address, on the 9th of October,
reiterating his anxiety for the general welfare, and remonstrating
against the intrigues of his personal enemies.[XIII-4]

A reign of despotism was now established, which continued upwards
of thirty years. Liberal laws were abrogated one after another, and
retrogressive ones substituted, including a complete restoration to the
clergy of the fueros they had been deprived of by the liberal córtes of
Spain in 1820. Carrera's enmity to the assembly became more apparent
from day to day. He showed it by word, and by the press.[XIII-5] He
could not write a line, but others wrote for him, and printed articles
appeared over his name.[XIII-6] José Francisco Barrundia had returned
from his exile, and had been chosen a deputy, but he resigned on the
11th of March, 1842, giving powerful reasons for his course.[XIII-7]
Indeed, Barrundia would have been out of place in a body mostly made up
of ultramontane priests, self-styled nobles, and reactionists.

The treasury was so exhausted that the assembly had no means to pay
its clerks. But the ecclesiastical coffers had an abundance of money
from the tithes tax, and Carrera's troops had to be paid, or he would
resent the neglect. This was made evident in September 1844. Rivera
Paz, the president, with the utmost difficulties, managed to procure
money for the pay of the soldiers from day to day; but for some reason
unexplained, it did not reach them. Carrera found a way to secure his
ends. He had a conference with some of his officers, and the result
was that the battalion of regular troops revolted on the 20th, and
sacked a number of shops, and the stalls in the market-place, getting
an abundant supply and ruining several traders.[XIII-8] Carrera
then gathered his soldiers in the barracks, and in order to keep up
appearances, the next day without much ado or any form of trial, had
six men shot.[XIII-9]

Rivera Paz, finding his position unbearable, resigned it. The assembly
accepted his resignation, to take effect after his successor should
be appointed, and qualify. Carrera was chosen, but declined the
office. Venancio Lopez and Bernardino Lemus, appointed in the order
named, followed his example. Rivera Paz had to remain as nominal
head of the government, Carrera being the actual ruler, whose demands
clashed with the fiery-tempered Viteri, minister of state. They had
a serious quarrel, which culminated in the arrest by Carrera, on
the 7th of December, 1841, of Rivera Paz, together with Viteri and
his subordinates.[XIII-10] But after explanations he retired his
force, and calm was restored. On the refusal of Carrera to accept the
presidency resigned by Rivera Paz, December 14, 1841, the councillor
Venancio Lopez was called upon to assume the office.[XIII-11] The
lieutenant-general asked for a passport to leave Guatemala, his object
being only to obtain more honors and money. His plan seems to have
succeeded.[XIII-12] Lopez gave up the presidency, and Rivera Paz for
the third time, on the 14th of May, 1842, was appointed to fill it.

[Sidenote: SANGUINARY POLITICS.]

The assembly adjourned on the 4th of November, 1843, to meet again
on the 1st of April, 1844. But Carrera had resolved to suppress
it, and pretending an intended seditious movement at Pinula, he had
the supposed rebels fired upon, and the criminal farce ended with a
simulated capitulation at Guadalupe on the 11th of March, 1844, by
which the assembly was set aside, and a council of government was to
take its place.[XIII-13] The assembly was convoked, ratified its own
dishonor, gave the government full power to regulate administrative
affairs, and decreed its own dissolution.[XIII-14] The decree
convoking members for the new council[XIII-15] was issued on the
26th of April, and it was formally installed on the 8th of December,
having among its members a number of liberals. Rivera Paz resigned the
presidency,[XIII-16] and Carrera was chosen his successor, assuming on
the 11th of December an office that he had virtually controlled since
the 13th of April, 1839. At the election of justices of the supreme
court, the nobles were defeated.[XIII-17] The consejo, or congreso,
as it had begun to call itself, became an object of bitter enmity on
the part of the aristocrats and serviles; and Carrera's overthrow was
also contemplated by them, pretending coöperation with the liberals
for its accomplishment. The plan fell through before maturity, owing
to distrust between the leaders of the two parties. Carrera was
informed of his danger by the confession of a dying man, but never
penetrated to the sources of the plot.[XIII-18] During Carrera's
absence from the capital on furlough in February 1845, Joaquin
Duran occupying the executive chair, a revolt took place, headed by
Monterrosa and an officer named Mendez, but not being seconded by
the people, they entered into a capitulation with Duran to leave the
city, on his solemnly pledging them that they would not be molested.
They accordingly went out on the 5th as promised, and on the next day
Sotero Carrera, A. Solares, and Vicente Cruz entered at the head of
their respective forces. Carrera arrived afterward, and was received in
triumph.[XIII-19]

[Sidenote: CONSTITUTION AND CONGRESS.]

At the expiration of his furlough Carrera reassumed the reins of
government. Joaquin Duran resigned the portfolio of treasury and war,
being succeeded by Brigadier Gerónimo Paiz. The state was now virtually
under the control of a triumvirate composed of Rafael and Sotero
Carrera, and Paiz.[XIII-20] The subsequent resignation of Minister
Nájera and appointment of José Antonio Azmitia inspired a little
confidence.[XIII-21] The constituent congress passed liberal laws,
and issued a new constitution on the 16th of September, 1845, that
did not suit the aristocrats, and they made it an object of ridicule
and contempt.[XIII-22] The congress closed its session on the 21st
of the same month. Carrera had obtained another leave of absence, and
Brigadier Vicente Cruz, the vice-president chosen by congress, assumed
the executive office.[XIII-23] The aristocrats kept a strict watch on
Cruz, and breathed more freely when Carrera with his ministers Paiz
and Azmitia were again at the head of the government. The succeeding
congress on the 1st of February, 1846, rejected the constitution framed
the previous year, and authorized the government to call another
constituent congress. This was the result, not only of aristocratic
intrigue, but of violent threats on the part of Carrera and his minions
against all attempting to sanction the act of the 'desorganizadores' to
undermine his power.[XIII-24]

Carrera and Paiz, aided by Sotero Carrera, corregidor of La Antigua,
now ruled supreme. Citizens had no protection unless they approved of
every act. During the funeral services of Archbishop Casaus a plot was
made to assassinate Carrera, which failed, and the conspirators were
seized and tried. Those who had powerful friends were sent into exile;
the rest had to perish in the damp dungeons of the fort.[XIII-25]

* * * * *

Guatemala, in view of the political change resulting from the
dissolution of the federal compact, decreed by her assembly, on the
14th of November, 1843, a new coat of arms for the state.[XIII-26]
On the 6th of April, 1857, the government was empowered to make
in the coat of arms such changes as it might deem judicious, but
preserving the inscription, Guatimalæ Respublica sub Dei Optimi Maximi
protectione. The change was decreed on the 31st of May, 1858.[XIII-27]
A law of March 14, 1851, confirmed in that of May 31, 1858, establishes
the national flag.[XIII-28]

The national independence of Guatemala was erelong recognized by
foreign powers, with which she opened diplomatic relations and made
treaties.[XIII-29] The formal recognition by Spain took place in the
treaty of May 29, 1863, subsequently ratified by both governments.
Guatemala has endeavored to maintain friendly relations with all. With
the United States they have been quite cordial. During Carrera's rule
his government gave recognition to the imperial régime of Maximilian
in Mexico.[XIII-30] During the South American struggle between Chile
on one side, and Peru and Bolivia on the other, Guatemala maintained
herself neutral. She accepted in 1881 the invitation of the United
States government to be represented at a proposed American congress to
be held in Washington, but which did not take place. In that same year,
owing to the maltreatment of a French citizen, a difficulty arose with
France, but it was amicably settled, the French flag being saluted, and
a pecuniary compensation allowed by Guatemala.[XIII-31]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: REVOLUTION AND ROBBERY.]

On the 8th of April the official journal gave to the public a decree
appointing Pedro Molina, Alejandro Marure, and J. M. Urruela a
committee to frame a constitution for the new republic,[XIII-32] a
project of which they presented in due time; but, though conservative,
the government would not adopt it.[XIII-33] The self-styled nobles were
delighted with their republic, and made it appear in the official paper
that the people in the departments were equally so. But a scarcity of
breadstuffs, attributed by many to the contrivances of monopolists,
created disturbances in some districts, alarming the government.
Certain taxes were temporarily removed, and other measures were adopted
to alleviate the distress.[XIII-34]

In May there was a revolutionary movement in Sacatepequez.[XIII-35]
Robbery and murder became of frequent occurrence in several
departments. The government saw a serious revolution at hand, and
made efforts to meet it. It tried, however, to show that the public
peace was not disturbed.[XIII-36] All measures to check the revolution
were unavailing, and the policy of the rulers of Salvador made the
condition of affairs more alarming to Carrera and his supporters.
Their political opponents now thought the overthrow of the tyrant was
not far distant. His counsellors advised him to call a constituent
congress, and provisionally place the executive office in the hands
of Vice-president Cruz, to which he acceded. The decree for summoning
the congress was issued, and Cruz assumed the presidency on the 25th
of January.[XIII-37] Nájera and Azmitia retired, which indicated a
change of policy. This greatly exercised the reactionists, and the
ayuntamiento of Guatemala, on the 4th of February, urgently begged
Carrera to resume his office, whereupon Cruz threw it up, and the
former took the chair at once. He organized a new cabinet,[XIII-38] the
personnel of which was a challenge to the whole liberal party, which
thereby was roused to action. The first act of the government was to
revoke the decree calling the constituent assembly. All hope of reform
was now given up.

The revolution went on, and notwithstanding occasional reverses
made much headway, Serapio Cruz, a brother of the vice-president,
and an estimable man and experienced soldier, taking sides with the
mountaineers. The government was sinking under the weight of its
depravity; and yet in those moments of despair, it struck a blow at its
opponents. Molina was arrested on the 10th of May. A similar order was
issued against Barrundia, but he escaped the clutches of the sbirri,
first giving the government his mind in the _Album_, which publication
was of course suppressed.[XIII-39] Together with Molina were conveyed
to the fort José Marino Vidaurre and the printer Luciano Luna. An order
of the court of first instance, issued at the petition of Molina's
wife, was treated with contempt by Palomo Valdez, acting comandante of
the department, who merely said that Molina had been imprisoned upon a
verbal order of the president. The prisoners, were released after some
time of suffering in the dungeons of the fort. The _Gaceta_ repeatedly
contained abusive remarks against the republicans of France, The French
consul demanded a retraction, and not being heeded, struck his flag and
discontinued relations with the government.[XIII-40]

[Sidenote: POLITICAL UNREST.]

The position of the government was daily becoming more untenable, when
it concluded to call a constituent assembly, to begin its labors on
the 15th of August.[XIII-41] A scandalous occurrence took place a few
days before the installation of the assembly, when the comandante,
Palomo Valdez, violently arrested the deputy M. Pineda de Mont, who
was released at the demand of that body, but the perpetrator of the act
went unpunished.

Carrera made known his intention to resign[XIII-42] on the installation
of the assembly, and the insurgent chief Francisco Carrillo tendered
his submission to that body. The liberals could not expect to elect
any candidate of their own, and the reactionists, though having a
working majority in the assembly, from motives of policy abstained
from presenting one of their party; but they finally fixed upon a
political nonentity, who was known to be in accord with Nufio and the
revolutionists of Chiquimula, named Juan Antonio Martinez,[XIII-43]
believing that though a liberal he would not be antagonistic to their
interests. The assembly was installed on the 15th of August with Pedro
Molina presiding, when Carrera sent in three documents, one of which
was his resignation,[XIII-44] which was accepted, no attempt being made
to detain him, as it was the general desire that he should leave the
country.[XIII-45] Martinez was appointed his successor.[XIII-46] The
new president kept Carrera's officers in their commands.[XIII-47] His
appointment did not satisfy the chiefs of the revolution,[XIII-48] and
through commissioners they made known their demands, dated August 27th,
in 18 articles.[XIII-49] The government rejected them, but in a decree
requiring their submission offered certain terms, which in their turn
were not accepted, and the war went on.

[Illustration: LOS ALTOS.]

[Sidenote: POLITICAL PARTIES.]

Colonel Nufio had made an arrangement with commissioners Dueñas and
Angulo of Salvador for the organization of Los Altos as a separate
state. This roused the aristocrats, and their spokesman, Andreu,
made such broad statements in the chamber that the president accused
him of falsehood, and closed the discussion. The affair widened the
breach among the liberals. Luis Molina now organized a third party,
that took the name of moderado, most of whose members were from
the liberal party and the latter was left an almost insignificant
minority. The aristocratic party, albeit divided in appearance,
was really united.[XIII-50] They were disquieted, however, by the
attitude of Salvador in upholding the independence of Los Altos,
which had been organized as a state;[XIII-51] but did not despair of
breaking up the friendship between the liberals and the government
of Salvador.[XIII-52] The aristocrats set themselves to work to have
a motion made by a liberal in the assembly for the confirmation
of Carrera's decree of March 21, 1847, to create the republic of
Guatemala. Such an act on the part of the liberals would alienate from
them the support of the Salvadorans, and reduce them to a nullity.
And yet Barrundia made the motion,[XIII-53] and it was received with a
shout of applause, and passed on the 14th of September, with only two
negative votes.[XIII-54] This ratification was hailed with ringing of
bells and salvos of artillery.

[Sidenote: DEATH OF VICENTE CRUZ.]

The revolutionists of Los Altos being defeated at San Andrés,[XIII-55]
were obliged to submit, but the situation of the government was made
precarious by the defeat of Nufio by the brothers Cruz, who approached
the capital.[XIII-56] Unable to negotiate peace, Martinez resigned the
executive office, and José Bernardo Escobar succeeded him on the 28th
of November.[XIII-57] The new president found all his plans antagonized
by the aristocrats and moderados, and the clergy especially mistrusted
him and his ministers.[XIII-58] He might easily have dissolved the
assembly, but the act would have been repugnant to his principles. He
concluded to retire, but his resignation was not accepted.[XIII-59]
Vicente Cruz demanded the surrender of the capital, offering security
for life and property, a few persons only excepted.[XIII-60] The
negotiations for peace having failed, Escobar a second time sent in his
resignation, and it was accepted, with marked disrespect on the part of
the serviles and moderados.[XIII-61] Manuel Tejada was chosen president
on the 30th of December, and declined the honor. Mariano Paredes was
then appointed, on the 1st of January, 1849, and took the oath which
had been prepared by Paredes, but he soon perjured himself, following
explicitly the advice of Luis Batres, and thus becoming a tool of
the aristocrats to bring back Carrera to power.[XIII-62] Arrangements
were made with the mountaineers, under which Brigadier Vicente Cruz,
having recognized the government, entered Guatemala on the 9th of
February.[XIII-63] It was noticed, however, that Serapio Cruz and other
chiefs remained outside. The men of Agustin Perez afterward committed
several murders, and Vicente Cruz went against and defeated them on the
20th of March, but while engaged in the pursuit was struck by a bullet
in the chest and fell dead.[XIII-64]

Carrera was known to be on the frontier, and Batres undertook to
obtain the assent of the chiefs of the mountain for his return. Not
all of them assented, however, Serapio Cruz issuing a very significant
manifesto. General Agustin Guzman, the loyal liberal leader, well
understood Batres' aims, and having a force at Huehuetenango made a
move on Quezaltenango, defeating a large party of Indians, on the way,
at San Bartolome. This move further complicated affairs, and Batres
resolved to get rid of him by subterfuge.[XIII-65] There were constant
skirmishes on the frontier, Carrera having under him a considerable
number of Indians.[XIII-66] He finally reached Quezaltenango, and
the assembly empowered the government to institute measures for an
active campaign.[XIII-67] On the 13th of April, just ten years after
the occupation of Guatemala by Carrera, his second entry had been
announced. Paredes swore to defend the city against Carrera,[XIII-68]
which oath he never intended to keep. Major Victor Zavala,
corregidor and comandante of Suchitepequez, made common cause with
Carrera.[XIII-69] Paredes, by the advice of Luis Batres and against
the wishes of the liberal and moderado leaders, opened negotiations
with Carrera, which resulted in the submission of the latter and his
forces at Quezaltenango, whereupon it was decreed that all hostilities
against him were to cease; the order forbidding his return was revoked,
his rank of lieutenant-general was restored, and finally he was given
the command-in-chief of the army. The compact between the oligarchy
and barbarism was consummated.[XIII-70] He assumed the command on the
8th of August, and on that date and the 18th he issued proclamations
conveying his purpose of restoring peace and order, and assuring the
people that he was free from hatred.[XIII-71] But the work of vengeance
soon began. Efforts were made to convene the assembly with the object
in view of arresting the liberal deputies who voted for Carrera's
proscription in 1848,[XIII-72] but many of them had fled, and only
those remaining were confined in the fort by Carrera's order without
remonstrance on the part of the president. It is also said that some
persons were shot. Such of the prisoners as did not crave Carrera's
pardon were forced to leave the country.[XIII-73]

[Sidenote: THE WAR OF 1850.]

The difference in the principles underlying the policy of the rulers
of Guatemala and Salvador, and the bitter animosity existing between
them, brought about a war in 1850, in which Salvador, Honduras, and
the democrats of Nicaragua were allied against Guatemala.[XIII-74]
President Vasconcelos invaded Guatemala,[XIII-75] at the head of an
allied force of Salvadorans, Hondurans, and Nicaraguans, but seems
to have met with a signal defeat at the hands of an inferior force
under Carrera, near Arada, in Chiquimula, on the 2d of February, which
compelled a precipitate retreat into Salvadoran territory.[XIII-76]
Carrera then marched across the line and established his headquarters
in Santa Ana. This move demanded vigorous measures on the part of
Salvador for self-defence.[XIII-77]

Carrera wrote the government of Salvador February 22d, that,
understanding it wished to make peace, but hesitated to propose it
because of the presence of Guatemalan troops in Salvador, he would
recross the line, starting on the next day.[XIII-78] Yet the war
continued, until a definitive treaty of peace between Guatemala and
Salvador was concluded at Guatemala on the 17th of August, 1853, and
ratified by Guatemala on the 14th of September.[XIII-79]

The civil strife raging in Guatemala led to differences with Honduras,
whose government was accused of favoring the rebels of the mountain.
Recriminations and border raids ensued, which culminated in a three
years' war between the two countries, Guatemala aiding Guardiola and
other enemies of Cabañas, the president of Honduras, in their attempts
to overthrow the latter.[XIII-80] At last a treaty was concluded
at Guatemala on the 13th of February, 1856, which the government of
Guatemala ratified on the 5th of April.[XIII-81]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: REORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT.]

The victorious aristocrats now saw their opportunity to reorganize the
government under a system more in accordance with their ideas; that is
to say, investing the executive with power to crush revolution. Paredes
summoned the constituent assembly which had been called by Carrera's
decree of May 24, 1848, and it was installed on the 16th of August,
1851. This body on the 19th of October adopted a new constitution
under the title of Acta Constitutiva de la República de Guatemala,
containing 18 articles.[XIII-82] Another decree regulated the election
of representatives of the church and other corporations in the national
congress.[XIII-83]

[Sidenote: CARRERA REX.]

The constituent assembly having by the 18th article of the acta
reserved to itself the right of choosing the president for the
constitutional term from January 1, 1852, to January 1, 1856, chose the
only possible candidate, Rafael Carrera,[XIII-84] who on the appointed
day assumed the executive office. His reputation for courage, respect
for the church, and other circumstances secured a firm support to his
administration. On the 21st of October, 1854, Carrera was proclaimed by
a general junta of superior authorities president for life,[XIII-85]
and the house of representatives on the 29th of January, 1855, passed
an act exempting the president from all responsibility for the acts
of his government, and devolving it on his ministers.[XIII-86] This
change was a near approach to the monarchical system, for which Carrera
was supposed to have a decided penchant.[XIII-87] Notwithstanding the
strong power thus placed in his hands, a revolt at Quezaltenango the
next year almost overthrew him, requiring the use of all his forces
to defeat it, at the expense of much disaster and a large number of
executions. It was only by great efforts that he succeeded, after so
many years of warfare, in quieting the revolted mountaineers. This was
accomplished only after peace had been signed with Honduras. His strong
supporters, Manuel Francisco Pavon and Luis Batres, died, the former in
1855, and the latter in 1862.[XIII-88]

From this time, peace being finally restored, with only occasional and
partial disturbances, the régime established with Carrera at its head
was generally acquiesced in. The republic took an active part in the
campaign against William Walker and his filibusters in Nicaragua. The
services rendered by its forces will appear in the description of the
operations of that campaign in a separate chapter.

The year 1863 was inaugurated with another bloody war with Salvador,
the details and consequences of which will be treated elsewhere. It
is sufficient to say here that Guatemalan arms were successful, and
Carrera's power became still more consolidated, and its supremacy
was felt over the rest of Central America. He ruled the country
uninterruptedly till his death early in April 1865. The highest honors,
civic, military, and ecclesiastic, were paid to his remains.[XIII-89]
Carrera died in the full conviction that he had been the instrument
of providence in saving society and good order in Guatemala. He had
been so assured by his supporters, and had come to believe it, in the
face of the fact that he had been guilty of heinous crimes and was
notoriously immoral.[XIII-90] So die those who pass hence from the
murderer's gallows under the banner of the cross, and with priestly
consolation.

[Illustration: SALVADOR.]

CHAPTER XIV.

REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.

1839-1865.

MALESPIN'S ACTS—LINDO'S COUP D'ETAT AND DEPOSAL—JEFE
GUZMAN—REVOLT AT SANTA ANA—PRESIDENT AGUILAR—THE
BISHOP EXPELLED—VITERI'S ALLIANCE WITH MALESPIN AND
HONDURAN OLIGARCHS—PRESIDENT VASCONCELOS—BRITISH
HOSTILITIES—SALVADOR'S RELATIONS WITH FOREIGN POWERS—SAN
MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION—DESTRUCTION OF SAN SALVADOR—PRESIDENT
CAMPO—CAMPAIGN AGAINST WALKER IN NICARAGUA—ESTABLISHMENT
OF THE REPUBLIC—SANTIN'S OVERTHROW—PRESIDENCY OF GERARDO
BARRIOS—WAR OF SALVADOR AND HONDURAS AGAINST GUATEMALA AND
NICARAGUA—THE LATTER VICTORIOUS—BARRIOS' FLIGHT—RESTORATION
OF PEACE—DUEÑAS AS PRESIDENT—BARRIOS' SUBSEQUENT RETURN—HIS
CAPTURE AND SURRENDER BY NICARAGUA—HIS EXECUTION IN SAN
SALVADOR.

The constituent assembly of Salvador, installed at Zacatecoluca on
the 1st of August, 1839, after a recess reopened its session on the 2d
of January, 1841, and on the 4th there was laid before it an address,
signed by Colonel Francisco Malespin, as comandante general, and his
officers who took part in the revolt of September 20th, spoken of
elsewhere. In the document they disclaimed hostility to Jefe Cañas or
his minister, or any intent to override the laws, asserting that they
were, on the contrary, actuated by a strong desire to give security to
the state, and save themselves from impending destruction.[XIV-1] This
address was regarded by the liberals as a threat, inasmuch as Malespin
with the garrison had wrongfully assumed a right to deliberate upon
public affairs.

Norberto Ramirez, now jefe of Salvador by the grace of Malespin, could
no longer brook that officer's interference, and resigned,[XIV-2] Juan
Lindo being called to succeed him on the 7th of January. The assembly
and chief magistrate of the state were both now under the sword of
Malespin, which in its turn was controlled by Carrera of Guatemala.
That body, on the 30th of January, 1841, passed an act to call the
state in future República del Salvador.[XIV-3] The second constitution
of Salvador was adopted on the 18th of February.[XIV-4] Under it the
legislature had two chambers. Lindo, the jefe, had a most unpleasant
position, believing himself surrounded by conspirators. Counting on
Malespin's support, on the 6th of November, 1841, with a coup d'etat
he dissolved the chambers, because among its members were some friends
of Morazan.[XIV-5] His act caused much indignation in several towns,
and on the 13th of January, 1842, three senators, namely, J. V. Nuila,
Lupario Vides, and Antonio José Cañas, at San Vicente, resolved to
restore constitutional order. The legislative body in consequence
assembled there, and made a stirring address to the people, embodying
the policy they intended to pursue.[XIV-6] Lindo tried to justify his
act of November 6th, but failed, and Senator Escolástico Marin was
called to temporarily occupy the executive chair,[XIV-7] with authority
to establish the state capital where most expedient.[XIV-8] The
government continued for the time being in San Vicente, and the people
were called upon to choose a president of the state.

[Sidenote: ARCE, MARIN, GUZMAN.]

Marin held the executive authority a few days only. He had been
preceded by Pedro Arce, and was succeeded by Juan José Guzman. The
difficulties of the state had not come to an end. Guzman favored the
conservative element, as shown in his decree of June 3, 1842, issued
after hearing that Morazan was in Costa Rica, to cut off all relations
with that state.[XIV-9] He left the executive office in July, and
resumed its duties again in September, declaring in a proclamation that
he would deal mercilessly with disturbers of the public peace.

The two legislative chambers were installed at San Vicente on the 17th
of September, and on the 20th counted the votes for president of the
state. No candidate having the requisite majority, Guzman was asked
to continue provisionally in charge of the government. His inaugural
address was a repetition of his manifesto of the 7th, greatly pleasing
the conservatives.[XIV-10] But harmony was not long to prevail between
Salvador and Guatemala. The trouble arose from the independent action
of Salvador in granting an asylum to the remnants of Morazan's forces
against the protests of Guatemala and Honduras, even though the final
decree of admission contained some very severe clauses.[XIV-11] Another
cause of dissatisfaction against Salvador was that Guzman would not
muzzle the press. The independence of Guzman, and the disposition
shown by Malespin not to be at all times a facile instrument of the
aristocrats, prompted the latter to promote an insurrection of the
volcaneños of Santa Ana for their overthrow.[XIV-12] Salvador, though
under the pressure of aristocratic control, still had a leaven of
progression that made itself felt. The publication of _El Amigo del
Pueblo_ was an evidence of this fact. The Aycinenas, Pavon, Luis
Batres, and Chatfield, unable to compete with it in the field of
discussion, demanded its suppression.[XIV-13]

Guzman in his correspondence with Pavon upheld that journal, and
Malespin would read it with satisfaction.[XIV-14] Guatemala resolved at
least to use coercion. Carrera established his headquarters at Jutiapa
to favor the volcaneños in their rebellion.[XIV-15]

[Sidenote: REVOLUTION.]

The cordial reception given in October to Colonel M. Quijans,
commissioner accredited by Nicaragua to Salvador to negotiate a treaty
of friendship and alliance, was displeasing to Bishop Viteri, who took
advantage of Guzman's absence at San Vicente, in the latter part of
that month, to bring about a quarrel between him and Malespin. The
latter at this time was said to be in poor health, and the bishop often
visited him, and in other ways manifested interest for him. Viteri
had directed his clergy to abstain from interference in political
affairs, and yet he preached against Morazan and those who had
banished Archbishop Casans. The Dominican Vazquez[XIV-16] was virulent,
declaring that the ecclesiastical authority would never be under the
civil, and threatening the people that the priests would abandon them
to suffer from plagues, epidemics, war, and famine, if they continued
their iniquitous hostility to the church.[XIV-17]

The revolution was now a fact. Viteri and Malespin supported Fray
Vazquez, or Fray Veneno, as he was nicknamed. Once Vazquez fulminated
from the pulpit a number of diatribes against President Guzman, at
the same time bestowing much praise on Carrera. The result was an
order from Guzman, then at San Miguel, to bring the friar there as
a prisoner. The bishop remonstrated to Malespin against the order,
demanding an escort, as he wished to end the insults to the church by
himself leaving the state. Malespin tried to dissuade him from his
purpose, and he grew more energetic.[XIV-18] A great tumult ensued
one night in the city, when Viteri, Malespin, and Vazquez received an
ovation from the rabble of La Vega and San Jacinto, amid repeated cries
of "Mueran los judios! mueran los herejes! mueran los impíos!"

Malespin went off to San Miguel, and had some violent correspondence
with the president; the latter threatened to expose his intrigues if
he did not forthwith depart from San Miguel, and then retired to his
hacienda, leaving the state in the hands of Malespin.[XIV-19] Guzman's
downfall was hailed with joy in Guatemala and Honduras. In Comayagua
it was celebrated with salvos of artillery. After Malespin's return
to San Salvador, to please the bishop several persons were banished,
and the _Amigo del Pueblo_ was suppressed. The executive office, by
Guzman's abandonment of it, went into the hands of Pedro Arce, the
vice-president. The two chambers of the assembly opened their session
on the 30th of January, 1844. No presidential candidate having a
constitutional majority, the assembly chose Malespin president, and he
assumed his new duties on the 5th of February, after reading before
the two bodies in assembly convened a discourse on his great love
for law, justice, and peace. It would have sounded well from the lips
of a liberal, and it is barely possible that Malespin expressed his
sentiments at that moment. But his education, his habits, and the fatal
influence of the men that swayed him, constantly took him out of the
right path. As he was under the control of Bishop Viteri, the country
must go back to the days of obscurantism. The effects of it were soon
made patent.[XIV-20]

The bishop succeeded in driving out of the state the opponents of his
theocratic ideas, and in bringing about a change in the government;
in fact, everything had been conceded him, and his influence was
paramount. And yet he was not satisfied. He would have the Salvadorans
believe him a deity, but they arrived at the conclusion that by a
great fatality their first bishop had turned out to be a pernicious
revolutionist.

In connection with the general history of Central America, I have
given the principal events of Salvador down to 1845, when, under the
treaty of Sensenti, after a long and exhaustive war with Honduras,
the state was rid of the ominous rule of the brutal Malespin. With
the discontinuance of the war there was no need of raising further
loans; the military establishment was reduced to a minimum, and the
authorities and people hastened to restore the constitutional régime;
to which end elections of senators and deputies were at once had, in
order that the assembly should meet on the 15th of January, 1846, for
the term of Vice-president Joaquin Eustacio Guzman, who had charge of
the executive authority, would expire on the 1st of February.[XIV-21]
On this date he surrendered the office to Senator Fermin Palacios. The
assembly did not meet till four days after. The presidential election
did not yield a sufficient majority in favor of any one, and the
assembly then appointed Eugenio Aguilar.[XIV-22] The president was a
good Christian, and attended with regularity to his religious duties
as a catholic; and yet Viteri called him a heretic; the reason of it
being that Aguilar was a stickler for a constitutional government of
the people, and the bishop was an oligarch. The latter now invented
the fiction that the president had the intention of exiling him; he
had the people in the wards of Candelaria, San Estévan, and Calvario
told that their bishop was to be sent out of the country in the night
of the 11th of July. He was believed by the simple-minded people when
he assured them that Aguilar and others[XIV-23] were at the bottom of
it. His report made a commotion though not quite so great a one as he
had expected. Nevertheless, he made the most of it, writing to the
president, on the 11th of July, that he knew of the plot to repeat
with him what had been done with Archbishop Casans, in 1829.[XIV-24]
Aguilar was greatly surprised, and believing that with a few words
he could convince the bishop of his error, that same afternoon paid
the prelate a visit. He found a large concourse of people, before
whom the charge was reiterated, and no assurance to the contrary was
accepted. A tumult following, the president had the chief guard-house
reënforced. Fortunately, a heavy rain scattered to their homes the
crowds in the streets; but a considerable number of men ran into
the episcopal residence. That night, several persons representing
Viteri went to the barracks and demanded Aguilar's resignation. The
president meekly assured them of his willingness to retire to private
life rather than be the author of any disturbance. Viteri now thought
Aguilar was vanquished, but he had not counted on the determination
of other Salvadorans to uphold the laws and the government. Quiet
was restored for the time, and Aguilar went to his home at midnight
unmolested. The next day there was much rioting, and an attempt failed
to release the prisoners in the jail.[XIV-25] The rioters were finally
defeated, and the bishop had nothing to show for his conduct but the
blood shed at his instigation.[XIV-26] Aguilar again, after the people
had upheld his authority, showed the weakness of his character in
placing the executive office in the hands of Senator Palacios; which
emboldened Viteri to continue his intrigues and cause further trouble.
He issued a pastoral on the 16th of July, printed in his own house,
which reiterated the accusation against the president, and other
matters; that pastoral[XIV-27] was fatal to his views, for the people
of Salvador made Aguilar resume the presidency. The president, in a
long manifesto, explained his conduct, and issued a decree to enforce
the articles of the penal code against ecclesiastics who made use of
their ministerial office to promote political disturbances.[XIV-28]
The bishop, condemned by public opinion, fled to Guatemala, and the
president then on the 29th revoked a decree of Palacios of July 12th,
and ordered Viteri not to return to Salvadoran territory.

[Sidenote: A WEAK EXECUTIVE.]

Peace and order prevailed after Viteri's departure, and the people
again devoted themselves to their usual vocations. But the bishop
managed with Malespin and the Honduran oligarchs, notwithstanding the
treaty of Sensenti, to bring about a revolution in Salvador.[XIV-29]
Malespin attacked Chalatenango, in Salvador, whereupon orders
were given to send troops after him.[XIV-30] Viteri who had once
excommunicated Malespin, and aided in his overthrow, now said that he
was destined by divine providence to defend the religion and rights of
the people of Salvador, which had been infamously abused and usurped
by their government. Malespin preached religion, and acted like the
famous king of the Huns. But his prestige was gone, and at Dulce Nombre
de la Palma he met with his first reverse, when he retreated to Dulce
Nombre de María, a town twelve miles from the Honduran frontier, and
invited Viteri to join him; but that worthy sent him his blessing,
and would not expose his person to the hazards of war. Malespin was
defeated again by eight hundred men under General Nicolás Angulo, and
fled into Honduras, leaving arms and ammunition. Efforts were made
to induce the people of Santa Ana to join Ignacio Malespin; but the
bishop's letters to rouse them availed but little. He found no favor
among the volcaneños, and on his way along the coast to reach Santiago
Nonualco was captured, prosecuted, and executed, with some of his
accomplices.[XIV-31] Francisco Malespin was killed at San Fernando,
near Honduras, the inhabitants cutting off his head, and carrying it as
a trophy to San Salvador.[XIV-32] Bishop Viteri in 1847 went to reside
in Nicaragua, becoming a citizen of the state, to which diocese he was
subsequently translated by the pope. Nothing worthy of mention occurred
within the state in 1847. The Salvador government now represented
the liberal party in Central America, and devoted its attention to
education, arts, and industries.

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT VASCONCELOS.]

The presidential term under the constitution being only of two years,
elections were orderly effected, and the assembly opened its session on
the 25th of January, 1848. Doroteo Vasconcelos was the popular choice
for the presidential term of 1848, and entered upon his duties on the
7th of February, 1848.[XIV-33] In a conciliatory address he eschewed
all spirit of partisanship, tendering to all his fellow-citizens peace,
justice, and union.[XIV-34] For all that, the oligarchs abhorred him.
Indeed, his government and Carrera's could not exist so near each
other. The aristocrats well knew he was not to be won over to their
side, as well as the difficulties they must work against to undermine
his popularity. But they looked for early success from internal
dissension and other sources.[XIV-35] Aguilar's administration had
refused to recognize the republic of Guatemala, and Vasconcelos' could
do no less.[XIV-36]

The territory was twice invaded by troops of Guatemala in pursuit of
insurgents, against which Vasconcelos remonstrated, and satisfaction
was given and accepted with good grace. He was observing a policy of
expectancy, albeit on his guard. Guatemala was then in the throes
of revolution from which he expected to see the Central American
nation spring into a second life; but he was mistaken in the means
he employed. A few proclamations, written in Guatemala by well-known
persons, and appearing in the name of Francisco Carrillo, spoke of
the independence of Los Altos as the aim of a revolution such as
Vasconcelos wanted.[XIV-37] Not that he expected to see an absolute
equality of the state, but that there should not be such differences as
existed under the constitution of 1824. He believed himself supported,
and steadily marched on upon a path that led to his ruin, carrying down
with him the whole liberal party of Central America.

Vasconcelos labored for a federation of three states—Guatemala,
Salvador, and Los Altos—which once consolidated, Nicaragua and Honduras
would doubtlessly join, and later on attract Costa Rica to do the same.
This idea had no opposition before the revolution of August 1848, in
Guatemala. Vasconcelos received many offers of support to prosecute
his plan. He accordingly instructed Dueñas and General Angulo to enter
into arrangements with General Nufio of Chiquimula, and made every
possible effort to force Carrera's resignation on the 15th of August,
1848; but some of the liberals of Guatemala, after ridding themselves
of Carrera, neglected Vasconcelos. Dueñas was sent there with ample
powers for the organization of a republic of Central America, but he
was slighted, and accomplished nothing. During his stay in Guatemala,
a decree was enacted on the 14th of September, 1848, according to
which that state was declared a sovereign nation and independent
republic.[XIV-38] Vasconcelos, with all his liberalism, and placed as
he was at the head of a liberty-loving democratic people, was still
under the influence of the old colonial traditions. He as well as his
people looked with admiration at the greatness of the United States of
America, but lacked the courage to emulate their example. The United
States had no official church, but Salvador recognized one. Licenciado
Ignacio Gomez was despatched to Rome to negotiate the recall of Bishop
Viteri, the appointment of another prelate, and the conclusion of a
concordat.[XIV-39] His mission was so far successful that on the 3d of
July, 1848, Tomás Miguel Pineda y Zaldaña was preconizated as bishop
of Antigona in partibus infidelium, and given the administration of
the diocese of Salvador, with the right of succession. The news of
this appointment was received with joy, and Vasconcelos erroneously
expected to have a support in the new prelate,[XIV-40] when there was
more likelihood of his coinciding with Pavon and his confrères. Indeed,
Zaldaña, from his greater wariness, was a more dangerous man than
Viteri.

The legislative chambers met on the 5th of February, 1849. The
president's term would end with the beginning of 1850, and there could
be no reëlection under the constitution.[XIV-41] But Vasconcelos'
friends insisted on his being reëlected, necessitating an amendment of
the fundamental law, and in spite of opposition obtained an act of the
assembly permitting the reëlection.[XIV-42] This was an unfortunate
move, as it divided the liberal party, and encouraged Dueñas, who
wanted the presidency, and was not scrupulous as to the means of
attaining it, to redouble his manœuvres, even though he must call to
his aid Carrera and Luis Batres.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: BRITISH INTERMEDDLING.]

In 1849, Salvador became involved in a quarrel with the British chargé
d'affaires, Chatfield, resulting from alleged claims preferred by
him with his usual haughtiness, on behalf of fellow-subjects of his.
Vasconcelos' government looked on these claims as unjust, and refused
them recognition. Chatfield then caused the blockading by a naval force
of La Union, the port from which Salvador derived the greater portion
of her revenue.[XIV-43] Unable to resist, her government agreed on
the 12th of November, 1849, to acknowledge the indebtedness, and make
provision for its payment. The blockade was then raised.[XIV-44] But
this did not end the disagreements between Chatfield and the Salvador
government. On the 6th of August he made peremptory demands,[XIV-45]
coupled with a menace that if not complied with at once the coasts
of the state would be blockaded by British war ships then coming to
act under his instructions. The government of Salvador did not comply
with the demands,[XIV-46] and on the 16th of October port La Union was
blockaded by the British ship _Champion_, whose commander notified the
authorities that if within ten days full satisfaction were not given
for the insults to the British flag, the blockade would be extended
to the whole coast, another vessel being despatched to Acajutla to
enforce it. No satisfaction having been given as demanded, that menace
was carried out. The difficulties remained unsettled in the latter part
of February 1851, though the British war vessels had retired.[XIV-47]
But they were subsequently arranged in an amicable manner. With the
exception of these troubles, and the repeated differences with the
other states of Central America, Salvador has maintained friendly
relations with foreign powers, most of which have treaties with her on
terms satisfactory to all concerned.[XIV-48]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: MULTIPLIED HOSTILITIES.]

Vasconcelos was not more successful in preserving peace within the
state than in forcing Guatemala to abandon the policy she had adopted
of maintaining an absolute autonomy. In his invasion of that neighbor's
territory early in 1851, as we have seen in the previous chapter, he
was worsted, which roused popular indignation against him, followed by
a revolt, and his deposal by congress.[XIV-49] On the 1st of March, the
substitute, J. F. Quiroz, was called to occupy the executive chair, and
did so.[XIV-50] The president for the constitutional term 1852-3 was
Francisco Dueñas, who succeeded in settling the differences existing
between Salvador and Guatemala.

A serious disagreement having occurred between Salvador and Honduras,
leading to hostilities, the government of Guatemala, then at war
with Honduras, despatched a force to Ahuachapan in aid of Dueñas,
who apprehended an invasion.[XIV-51] Toward the end of this term José
María de San Martin was chosen for the next. The state now returned in
peace to its interior affairs, adopting important improvements.[XIV-52]
There were not wanting, however, some attempts to disturb the public
peace, which were fortunately defeated. But the country became at
that time the victim of other calamities, such as cholera, scarcity
of food resulting from a visitation of locusts, and an earthquake
which destroyed San Salvador on the 16th of April, 1854,[XIV-53] in
consequence of which the capital was removed to Cojutepeque, where it
remained for some time.

Rafael Campo and Francisco Dueñas were elected president and
vice-president, respectively, for the ensuing term of 1856-7; and the
latter being in charge of the executive office in January 1856, in
Campo's absence, fitted out a contingent of troops to aid Nicaragua in
her struggle with Walker's filibusters. Campo despatched reënforcements
in 1857, the Salvador forces being under command of General Gerardo
Barrios, who, according to Perez, never went beyond Leon,[XIV-54] but
undertook to arrange the internal affairs of Nicaragua, convoking a
junta de notables, which proclaimed Juan Sacasa president. This had no
effect, however.

The state had, in 1856, constituted itself as a free and independent
nation, under the name of República del Salvador.[XIV-55] This act was
confirmed March 19, 1864, by the national constituent congress.

[Sidenote: CAMPO AND BARRIOS.]

General Belloso, Colonel Choto, and other officers of the expedition
deserted in June from Leon. Barrios sent troops after them, and they
were arrested in Salvador and taken as prisoners to Cojutepeque, where
they told President Campo that Barrios had invited them to make a
revolution against his government. They were set at liberty on the 8th.
Barrios landed at La Libertad with his forces on the 6th, and marched
to San Salvador, whence he wrote Campo he had occupied that place to
defeat the revolutionary schemes of Belloso and Choto. Orders were sent
him to dissolve the forces and go to Cojutepeque with 200 men. On the
11th Barrios, together with his officers, made a pronunciamiento to
depose Campo and call Dueñas to the presidency.[XIV-56] The president
on the 12th called troops to the support of his government, placed
San Salvador and Cojutepeque under martial law, and declared all
acts emanating from the vice-president void. But it seems that the
latter refused to lend himself to Barrios' plan, but on the contrary,
supported Campo.[XIV-57] Barrios himself submitted.[XIV-58]

Campo's successor was Miguel Santin del Castillo. This president's
tenure of office was of short duration. In 1858 a coup d'etat of
Barrios, then a senator, in which he was aided by the vice-president
Guzman, his father-in-law, forced Santin to resign. Barrios
subsequently obtained from the legislative assembly, sitting from
January 17 to February 12, 1859, the sanction of his coup d'etat,
as well as the constitutional amendments that he had not been able
to carry through legally during Santin's rule, namely, to extend the
presidential term from two to six years, and that of the deputies from
two to four years.[XIV-59] The year 1859 was one of restlessness,
engendered partly by the ungrounded fear of invasion by Santin's
friends, who had taken refuge in neighboring states, and partly by
Barrios' efforts to secure his own election to the presidency, in
which he was successful. In August 1859 the existing disagreements
between Salvador and Honduras, resulting from intrigues of refugees
from the former, were brought to an end through the mediation of
Guatemala.[XIV-60]

[Sidenote: INVASION OF SANTA ANA.]

The republic seemed to have attained a comparatively stable condition
at the incoming of 1860. Barrios had been elected president, and
recognized as such by the assembly.[XIV-61] He concluded in 1862
to hold diplomatic relations with the vice-president, who under the
constitution of Honduras was entitled to occupy the executive chair
of that state at the death of President Guardiola, and was favored
by public opinion, although Carrera of Guatemala was upholding
Medina, a usurper of the presidency. A treaty of alliance, both
defensive and offensive, was entered into between Salvador and
this vice-president,[XIV-62] which displeased Carrera; he demanded
explanations, and they were given him.[XIV-63] The latter found
an excuse to pick a quarrel with Barrios in the question with the
Salvador clergy, who had been required to take an oath of allegiance
to the government,[XIV-64] which they refused to do, Bishop Pineda y
Zaldaña and a number of his subordinates repairing to Guatemala, where
they were honorably received. Barrios was accused in the official
journal of setting aside the conservative policy promised at his
inauguration.[XIV-65] An expedition, under Colonel Saenz, believed to
have been aided by Carrera, invaded Santa Ana at the cry of Viva la
religion! Viva el obispo! and took the city, but were soon driven away
by the citizens. Carrera disclaimed any connection with this affair.
Some time after came Máximo Jerez, as minister of Nicaragua, proposing
a plan of national union for Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, with
the intention of inviting Guatemala and Costa Rica to join them; but
the project failed because of the refusal of Honduras to enter into
the arrangement. Carrera had meantime dissuaded President Martinez of
Nicaragua from the scheme.

The Guatemalan government was preparing for war against Salvador, and
succeeded in winning the coöperation of Martinez.[XIV-66] Honduras,
being an ally of Salvador, Florencio Xatruch was assisted by Carrera
to make a revolt in several departments against the government of
Honduras. Salvador tried to avert hostilities. Friends of peace, among
them the American and British representatives, mediated, but all was of
no avail.[XIV-67]

[Sidenote: OFFICE-SEEKERS WAR.]

The war contemplated by Carrera was unpopular in Guatemala, where
the people of late years had been enjoying peace and prosperity,
and feared a recurrence of the former desolations. But their ruler
was prompted by a deadly animosity to Barrios, and by the fear that
the alliance of the latter with Jerez would endanger conservatism,
and consequently his own power. Whereupon he resolved to crush at
one blow the disturber of the public peace, as Barrios was called
by the oligarchs.[XIV-68] He invaded Salvador with a large force, a
proclamation preceding him to inform the people that the war would
be against Barrios and not themselves. He felt certain of a speedy
victory, and blindly assailed Coatepeque, where Barrios was entrenched.
He was repulsed with such heavy losses[XIV-69] that he had to retreat
to his own capital, which he entered March 6th at the head of only
3,000 men. But this reverse did not discourage him. He fitted out
another army, and started upon a second campaign that should be
decisive[XIV-70] against Salvador and Honduras, the latter having
espoused Barrios' cause. Meantime Martinez of Nicaragua had gained a
battle at the town of San Felipe on the 29th of April, against a united
force of Jerez' partisans and Salvadorans.[XIV-71] Moreover, Honduras
was invaded by 800 Guatemalans under General Cerna. The Salvadoran and
Honduran troops were defeated[XIV-72] by the allied Guatemalans and
Nicaraguans, on the plains of Santa Rosa, which prompted revolts in
the greater part of the departments of Salvador, proclaiming Dueñas
provisional president, who organized a government at Sonsonate.[XIV-73]
Intrigues were successfully brought into play upon several Salvadoran
commanders to induce them to revolt against Barrios, and to aid his
enemies.[XIV-74] One of those officers was General Santiago Gonzalez,
commanding the troops at Santa Ana during Barrios' temporary absence at
San Salvador. He made a pronunciamiento on the 30th of June, telling
the soldiers that a similar movement had taken place the previous
day at the capital, and Barrios was a prisoner, and his government
dissolved. On discovering the deception some battalions escaped and
joined the president at San Salvador, Gonzalez being left with a
small number of troops. Carrera was now near Santa Ana, and demanded
Gonzalez' surrender and recognition of Dueñas as provisional president,
which, being declined, Carrera attacked and easily defeated him on
the 3d of July,[XIV-75] the Salvadoran artillery and a large quantity
of ammunition falling into the victor's hands. Carrera was now master
of the situation,[XIV-76] and his opponent virtually without means of
defence, superadded to which the influence of the clergy had turned
the Indians to Carrera's side. Barrios continued his efforts, however,
and held out four months at San Salvador, though closely besieged and
suffering from want of food and ammunition.[XIV-77] He had refused to
listen to proposals offering him the honors of war, believing that once
in Carrera's hands his fate would be sealed.[XIV-78] At last further
defence was impossible, and Barrios escaped out of the city early on
the 26th of October, and subsequently out of the country.[XIV-79] The
surrender of the city took place the same day, and on the 30th Dueñas,
now placed at the head of affairs, decreed thanks and honors to Carrera
and Martinez, and their respective armies.[XIV-80]

[Sidenote: DEATH OF BARRIOS.]

Barrios, having with him arms and ammunition, embarked at Panamá in
1865, on the schooner _Manuela Planas_ for La Union, to place himself
at the head of a movement initiated by Cabañas in that port and San
Miguel in his favor. It was only on arrival that he heard of the
failure of that movement,[XIV-81] and on his return the schooner was
struck by lightning in waters off Nicaragua at the Aserradores. He
sent to Corinto for water and provisions, and the consequence was that
a Nicaraguan force came on board and captured him. He was taken to
Leon on the 30th of June.[XIV-82] The government of Salvador demanded
his extradition that he might be tried, the national congress having
impeached him. The result of this was a convention entered into at
Leon July 14, 1865, between Gregorio Arbizú, minister of Salvador,
and Pedro Zeledon, plenipotentiary for Nicaragua, by which the latter
government assented to the surrender of Barrios, under the express
stipulation that his life should be spared whatever might be the result
of his trial.[XIV-83] But the government of Salvador, in disregard of
this obligation, had Barrios sentenced to death by a court-martial,
and he was executed at 4:30 in the morning of August 29th, against the
remonstrances of the representative of Nicaragua. The latter could do
nothing but protest, and throw the infamy of the deed upon Dueñas and
his administration.

* * * * *

Bishop Zaldaña returned to his diocese at the termination of the war
in the latter part of 1863, and issued a pastoral letter recommending
concord and union among his flock. The provisional government called
on the people to choose a constituent assembly to reorganize the
government and frame a new constitution. This assembly met on the
18th of February, 1864, and on the same date sanctioned the last
revolutionary movement, which deposed Barrios from the presidency,
and called Dueñas to fill it. His acts to that date were approved,
and he was recognized as provisional executive till a constitutional
one should be elected. That body at a later date promulgated a new
constitution in 104 articles, which like the fundamental charters
of the other Central American states at that time was exceedingly
conservative. The only religion recognized was the Roman catholic.

At the elections which took place ten months after the promulgation
of the new charter, Dueñas was apparently elected president for the
first constitutional term, and the constitutional congress recognized
him as such. He took formal possession of the office February 1, 1865.
Congress closed its session on the 21st of the same month.

CHAPTER XV.

REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS.

1840-1865.

PRESIDENT FERRERA—REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS—POLITICAL
EXECUTIONS—PRESIDENCY OF JUAN LINDO—NEW CONSTITUTION—LINDO
OVERTHROWN—BELIZE—HONDURAS' TROUBLES WITH GREAT
BRITAIN—BRITISH OCCUPATION OF TIGER ISLAND—BOMBARDMENT
OF OMOA—BAY ISLANDS—PRESIDENT CABAÑAS—WAR WITH
GUATEMALA—GUARDIOLA'S ASSASSINATION—PROVISIONAL RULES OF
CASTELLANOS AND MONTES—ALLIANCE WITH BARRIOS—UNSUCCESSFUL WAR
WITH GUATEMALA AND NICARAGUA—MONTES DEPOSED—ESTABLISHMENT OF
THE REPUBLIC—JOSÉ M. MEDINA CHOSEN PRESIDENT—AMENDMENT OF THE
CONSTITUTION.

The house of representatives of the Estado Libre y Soberano de
Honduras, on the 30th of December, 1840, chose Francisco Ferrera
president,[XV-1] and he took possession of the office on the 1st of
January, 1841. The chamber closed its session on the 6th of March.

It is unnecessary to repeat here the history of Honduras down to 1844,
as it has been given in connection with other sections of Central
America. The state assembly was installed on the 11th of January, with
ceremonies more religious than political, as befitted a country where
the influence of the church was so overwhelming.[XV-2] The chamber
bepraised Ferrera with as much gusto as the church had smoked him with
incense at the cathedral, and on the 26th he was formally declared a
benemérito de la patria, and confirmed as a general of division, which
rank had been conferred on him by the government in March 1839.[XV-3]

Much was said at the opening of the legislative session about peace,
but the fact was, that a number of towns were greatly agitated, owing
to the heavy burdens weighing on them, and to the displeasure caused
by many citizens having been driven into exile. Among these towns
were Texiguat, La Plazuela, and Comayagüela. Santos Guardiola was
sent against them, and was not successful, though he asserted in a
proclamation that he had defeated the rebels. The war spread,[XV-4] and
Ferrera deemed it expedient to leave the executive office in charge of
the ministers for a time, and to personally take command of the forces
to operate against the insurgents. Guardiola defeated them at Corpus
on the 1st of July, and captured their correspondence, with Rivera,
Orellana, and the other leaders.[XV-5]

[Sidenote: REVOLUTION AND ELECTION.]

An insurrection of the troops at Olancho took place in December,
which was soon quelled, and stringent measures were adopted by Ferrera
against its promoters.[XV-6] Amid this state of affairs Ferrera's term
was approaching its end, and he could not be reëlected a second time
under the constitution of 1839. Elections were held, and arrangements
made so that he could continue in power as minister of war with the
chief command of the forces.[XV-7] Guardiola had been also dubbed a
benemérito, and his friends wished to raise him to the presidential
chair, but did not succeed.[XV-8] No candidate obtained the requisite
majority, and the legislature chose Coronado Chavez president.[XV-9]

Ex-jefe Rivera, taking advantage of the absence of Ferrera with
most of his forces in Nicaragua, invaded Honduras for the purpose of
overthrowing the existing government. The people failed to coöperate
with him, and he was defeated and made prisoner. On the 4th of January,
1845, he, with Martinez, Landa, and Julian Diaz arrived at Comayagua
in irons. The official journal announced that Rivera was to be tried
and punished. He was in fact doomed to the scaffold before he was
tried.[XV-10]

Guardiola's atrocities in La Union and San Miguel, spoken of in a
former chapter, won him additional honors from the subservient assembly
of Honduras. He was a second time declared a benemérito, and awarded
a gold medal. Chavez, the tool of Ferrera, was not neglected. He was
given the title of Padre conscripto de la patria, with an accompanying
medal.[XV-11] The assembly closed on the 23d of March, well satisfied
of the wisdom of its measures. Another presidential election came up,
and no one having the requisite number of votes, the assembly, January
14, 1847, chose Ferrera, who declined the position, and Juan Lindo was
then appointed, Ferrera continuing as war minister, with the command of
the troops annexed, which was what he desired. Guardiola was retained
in the office of minister of foreign relations, though unfit for it.

When the army of the United States was in Mexico, Lindo seemed greatly
exasperated thereby; the president, without first obtaining the
sanction of the representatives, issued manifestos, on the 1st and 2d
of June, 1847, which were an open declaration of war against the United
States.[XV-12]

Lindo desired to control affairs for an unlimited time, and the
constitution allowing him only a two-years tenure, and containing,
besides, several clauses repugnant to him, it was doomed.[XV-13] A
constituent assembly was accordingly called to frame a new charter,
which was adopted at Comayagua February 4, 1848.[XV-14]

Lindo continued as president under the new régime.[XV-15] The
legislature had assembled at Cedros on the 10th of June, 1849, when
the president reported the state at peace, and its relations with the
other states on a satisfactory footing. But he acknowledged that his
government was harassed by party contentions. Order had been maintained
thus far by a strict impartiality toward the factions, with the
coöperation of some good and influential citizens.[XV-16] This was not
to last long; for on the 12th of February, 1850, Guardiola, deceived by
representations of Felipe Jáuregui and the aristocrats of Guatemala,
in which the British chargé, Chatfield, had no little part, made a
pronunciamiento at Tegucigalpa, where the government then was, and
Lindo had to flee. The latter finally entrenched himself at Nacaome,
near the bay of Fonseca, and asked for assistance from the governments
of Salvador and Nicaragua, which under the terms of their confederacy
they were bound to afford him. Salvador at once sent a considerable
force under General Cabañas, and Nicaragua prepared to do the same
if necessity required it. Guardiola's movement was not seconded
elsewhere. But he marched against Nacaome, and at Pespire commissioners
of Salvador and Lindo made him understand his false position, and an
understanding was then had, on the 25th of March, by which he submitted
to Lindo's authority.[XV-17]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: WAR AND TREATIES.]

The treaties of 1783 and 1786 between Great Britain and Spain reserved
to the latter the sovereignty over Belize, otherwise called British
Honduras, granting to the settlers merely the privilege of cutting dye
and other woods,[XV-18] using the spontaneous products of the soil,
fishing along the coast, repairing their vessels, and building houses
and stores. The colonists were not to set up any government, either
civil or military, construct forts or defences, maintain troops of any
kind, or possess any artillery.[XV-19]

[Sidenote: BELIZE.]

Governor O'Neill of Yucatan made an expedition in 1798 against the
English settlers during war between the two nations, and destroyed a
number of settlements on the Rio Nuevo, but was afterward repulsed
by the colonists and slaves of Belize. This circumstance was
claimed to have given the victors the right of conquest over the
territory occupied by them. But neither Spain, nor Mexico after her
independence, recognized that pretension, nor was it admitted by the
British parliament.[XV-20] Furthermore, the treaty signed in London,
December 26, 1826, between Great Britain and Mexico was negotiated on
the express condition that the treaty of July 14, 1786, between the
Spanish and British crowns should be held valid and observed in all
its provisions.[XV-21] Therefore the conclusion we must arrive at is,
that the sovereignty over Belize belongs to Mexico and not to Great
Britain. Mexico's claim has been recognized by the settlers, when it
suited their interests, but they were never equally disposed to abide
by the obligations of the treaty of 1826.[XV-22] Their encroachments
on Yucatan have continued to the extent that they now hold much more
than was conditionally allowed them for wood-cutting by the treaty of
1783.[XV-23]

Affecting to forget that they were entitled merely to the usufruct of
the country, the settlers set up as early as 1798 a government,[XV-24]
raised troops, built forts, tilled the soil, and exercised every
right implying full sovereignty. Alexander M'Donald, while holding
the office of superintendent,[XV-25] on the 2d of November, 1840, set
aside the laws and usages of the country, declaring that from said date
the law of England should be the law of the settlement or colony of
British Honduras, and that all local customs and laws repugnant to the
spirit of the law of England, and opposed to the principles of equity
and justice, should be null.[XV-26] In later years the government
has been in the hands of a lieutenant-governor, with an executive
and legislative council, and the colony has the usual judicial
establishment.[XV-27]

The assumption of sovereignty is not Mexico's only cause of complaint.
Since the war of races broke out in Yucatan in 1847, the people of
Belize have sold arms and ammunition to the revolted Indians. Early in
1848 the authorities promised that the Indians should not be aided,
directly or indirectly; but the promise was not fulfilled.[XV-28]
The population is mainly negro, originally introduced as slaves;
the rest, excepting a few white men, is a hybrid race resulting from
intercourse with Europeans and Indians. The total population in 1871
was nearly 25,000, of which there were probably 1,000 more males than
females.[XV-29] Slavery was abolished by an act of the inhabitants on
the 1st of August, 1840.[XV-30]

The chief product of the country is mahogany, of which some 20,000 tons
were exported annually, but the demand for it lately has decreased.
Its logwood is much valued, and about 15,000 tons are yearly exported.
Besides these staples, the country produces other woods of value,
and the cahoon or coyal palm in abundance, from the nuts of which is
extracted a valuable oil. Sarsaparilla and vanilla are found in the
interior. Of domestic animals there are enough for the needs of the
people. The colony during the last fifteen or twenty years has been on
the downward course.

In former times the port of Belize was an entrepôt for the neighboring
states of Yucatan, Guatemala, and Honduras,[XV-31] but after the
opening of direct trade between those states and the United States
and Europe, and the diversion of trade on the Pacific to Panamá,
that source of prosperity ceased. Total tonnage entered and cleared
in 1877, exclusive of coasting trade, 73,974, of which 46,168 were
British. Value of imports, in ten years ending in 1877, £1,781,175;
for that year, £165,756, of which £84,540 were from Great Britain.
Value of exports for 1877, £124,503, of which £94,548 went to Great
Britain.[XV-32] The average rate of duties on imports is ten per cent
ad valorem; machinery, coal, and books entering free. The gross amount
of revenue for 1863, £27,398; for 1877, £41,488. Public expenditure for
the latter year, £39,939.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ENGLISH COERCION.]

The relations of Honduras with Great Britain were during many years
in an unsatisfactory state, due in a great measure to the schemes
of certain officials of the latter government, who pushed ungrounded
claims against the former in the furtherance of their plans to gain
control of a large extent of the Central American coast. On the 3d
of October, 1849, a British war ship at Trujillo demanded the sum
of $111,061, alleged to be due to subjects of her nation. The demand
not being complied with, an armed force was landed from her the next
day, which occupied the fort and town. The British commander finally
accepted on account $1,200—all that the Honduran comandante could
procure—and on reëmbarking fired a volley.[XV-33]

On the southern coast the British steamship _Gorgon_, on the 16th
of November, seized the island of Tiger, hoisting the British flag
at Amapala.[XV-34] The authorities of Honduras, after protesting
against the act, called the attention of the United States
representative to the British proceeding, for this island had been
ceded to his government in September previous.[XV-35] It is presumed
that Chatfield's purpose, among other things, was to prevent the
construction of a canal across Nicaragua by Americans. But Admiral
Hornby, commanding the British naval forces in the Pacific, disapproved
of the proceeding, removing his men and restoring the Honduran flag
under a salute of twenty-one guns.[XV-36]

A preliminary convention was entered into at San José, Costa
Rica, December 29, 1849, between Felipe Jáuregui, calling himself
commissioner of Honduras, and Chatfield, the British chargé d'affaires,
in nine articles, some of which involved undue responsibility on the
part of Honduras.[XV-37] This treaty was disavowed by her government,
March 22, 1850, in a note to Admiral Hornby, declaring that Jáuregui
had no authority to make it, and its stipulations being offensive
to the dignity of the state, the legislature would never sanction
them.[XV-38] Meanwhile Honduras had agreed with Chatfield to accredit a
commissioner to arrange with him for the settlement of British claims.
This was done; and the long and tedious question was finally arranged
on the 27th of March, 1852, Honduras assuming an indebtedness of
$80,000.[XV-39]

[Sidenote: FUTILE PROTESTS.]

The debt question was not the only source of disquietude for Honduras
in her relations with Great Britain. British officials, on trumped-up
pretexts, usurped and held, during several years, portions of her
territory. M'Donald, superintendent of Belize, occupied Roatan and
other islands belonging to Honduras situated in the bay of this name.
The Honduran government protested against such usurpation, but no
attention was paid to its remonstrances. It does not appear, however,
that Great Britain was claiming territorial rights over the Bay
Islands, as they were called.[XV-40] Soon afterward, a number of Cayman
islanders settled in Roatan, and in the course of a few years there
were about 1,000, when the superintendent of Belize found a pretext to
assume the control. In 1849, the islanders applied to Colonel Fancourt,
then superintendent of Belize, for a regular government. He promised
to comply with their wishes, but was unable, and they continued
choosing their authorities. At last, in August 1850, the war schooner
_Bermuda_, Lieutenant Jolly commanding, took formal possession of
Roatan, Guanaja or Bonaca, Utila, Barbarreta, Morat, Elena, etc., in
behalf of the British crown, declaring them a British appendage under
the name of Colony of the Bay Islands; against which the acting chief
magistrate, William Fitzgibbon, protested on the 15th of September,
1850, in the name of the sovereignty of Honduras.[XV-41] The islands
were, in August 1852, under the rule of a lieutenant-governor.[XV-42]
A treaty was finally concluded between the queen of Great Britain and
Honduras, on the 28th of November, 1859, respecting the Bay Islands,
the Mosquito Indians, and the claims of British subjects, which settled
the question in favor of the latter power.[XV-43] Still one more
trouble has occurred between the two nations, in which the weaker one
had to submit to the demand of the other at the mouth of her cannon.
On the 19th of August, 1873, the war ship _Niobe_, Sir Lambton Loraine
commanding, bombarded Fort San Fernando of Omoa.[XV-44] The bombardment
ceased on the Honduran authorities agreeing to redress the alleged
grievances, and paying damages.[XV-45] With other nations of Europe and
America—excepting the sister states, with which repeated bickerings
have occurred, leading sometimes to war—Honduras has succeeded in
maintaining friendly relations.[XV-46] The boundary between Honduras
and Nicaragua was finally agreed upon in a convention dated September
1, 1870.[XV-47] In 1866 the Honduran government entered into a
concordat with the pope for an understanding on affairs ecclesiastical.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT CABAÑAS.]

President Lindo, having been a third time elected to the presidency
for the term to begin February 1, 1852, published on the 25th of
November, 1851, a manifesto to the people, suggesting the expediency
of calling some other citizen to the executive chair, pleading at
the same time need of rest.[XV-48] The people took him at his word,
and chose Trinidad Cabañas president, who was inducted into office
at Comayagua on the 1st of March, 1852,[XV-49] and on the next day
in his address to the assembly pledged his word to pursue a liberal
policy in observance of the principles that had guided him throughout
his career. His election was hailed as an auspicious event, and a
safeguard against Guatemala's encroachments.[XV-50] The state was at
peace in the interior, and with the other states of Central America,
except Guatemala, with which the relations were not harmonious, owing
to the usurpation by the latter of a portion of Honduran territory on
the Copan side. This, with divergence in political principles between
the two rulers, soon brought on a bloody war,[XV-51] which has been
detailed in a previous chapter.[XV-52] The fruitlessness of this
contest prompted Salvador and Nicaragua to use their endeavors for
peace; but they proved unavailing. What Guatemala's superior resources
failed to accomplish on the field of battle was, however, brought
about by means of intrigue, with the coöperation of the party opposed
to Cabañas in Honduras, headed by General Santos Guardiola, which
received efficacious aid from Carrera. General Juan Lopez supported the
revolutionary movement with 700 men,[XV-53] and Cabañas was overthrown
on the 6th of July, 1855.[XV-54]

At last, being unable to cope with the daily increasing forces of
the enemy, he abandoned the field, and retreated to Salvador. The
serviles again took possession of the government under Lopez.[XV-55]
The presidential election took place amid this turmoil. The state
was divided into two factions, one supporting Lindo and the other
Guardiola. The friends of Lindo, not feeling certain of success,
proposed Lopez as a compromise candidate, he being credited with
the expulsion of Cabañas, but finally abandoned the plan and
cast their votes for Guardiola, who assumed the executive office,
February 17, 1856, on his return from Nicaragua, where he had been
defeated by William Walker. Lindo had meantime been in charge of the
government.[XV-56] A system of despotism was now established, Guardiola
being but a satellite of Carrera.[XV-57]

[Sidenote: POLITICAL DESPOTISM.]

The country at this time was in a distressed condition. Agriculture
was neglected, most of the field hands having emigrated. Business
of all kinds was at a stand-still. There was no available revenue,
for every one of its branches was burdened with debt. The state
had a contingent of troops serving in Nicaragua against Walker,
supported from a special forced loan. To the credit of Guardiola's
administration must be recorded, however, that it secured peace
with Guatemala, and a settlement of questions pending with Great
Britain. At the end of his term he was reëlected. Early in 1861 the
government had a difference with the vicario capitular. The see being
then vacant, this ecclesiastic assumed the right of excommunicating
the president, whom he accused of persecuting the church; but the
government forbade the publication of his decree, and expelled its
author from the state.[XV-58] This difficulty was subsequently arranged
through the metropolitan of Guatemala. Disturbances occurred at
various places,[XV-59] which were brought to an end in a short time.
On the 11th of January, 1862, the president was assassinated.[XV-60]
At first it was feared that discord would reign again, and the other
Central American governments prepared to mediate in the interests of
peace.[XV-61] Fortunately, good counsels prevailed, and anarchical
tendencies were for a time checked.

[Sidenote: BRIEF REIGNS.]

Guardiola's constitutional successor, Victoriano Castellanos, was in
Salvador, and much against his will was pushed by Barrios to accept
the position. He repaired to the frontier, and had the oath of office
administered to him by the alcalde of the little town of Guarita; which
was considered a strange proceeding on his part by Senator José María
Medina, who had received the executive office from J. F. Montes,[XV-62]
and invited him to the capital to enter upon his duties.[XV-63]
Castellanos concluded soon after an alliance offensive and defensive
with Barrios, and at a time when their states were at peace with the
other governments of Central America. This step, and the diatribes of
the press in Salvador and Honduras against the governments of Guatemala
and Nicaragua, paved the way for fresh troubles in Central America.
Castellanos held the government about ten months, nearly all the
time in a turmoil; and at his death was temporarily succeeded by José
Francisco Montes, who followed in the footsteps of his predecessor,
continuing the alliance with Barrios, and hostilities against Guatemala
and Nicaragua. The serviles, assisted by the troops of these two
states, being victorious, overthrew him, and on the 21st of June,
1863, placed at the head of affairs, as provisional president of the
republic of Honduras, the senior senator, José María Medina,[XV-64]
who issued a decree of outlawry against Montes.[XV-65] In December
the capital was for a time transferred to Gracias, and on the last
day of the same month Medina surrendered the executive office to
Francisco Inestroza.[XV-66] On the 15th of February of the following
year, the presidential election took place, and Medina and Florencio
Xatruch appeared to have obtained the popular suffrages, the former for
president and the latter for vice-president.[XV-67]

Disturbances at Olancho were with little difficulty brought to an
end, the rebels being defeated at Tapescos. A constituent assembly
was convoked and met to reform the constitution, which was done on
the 19th of September.[XV-68] On the 29th of October, the constituent
assembly just prior to adjournment appointed Medina provisional
president,[XV-69] the date for the election of the constitutional one
being fixed on the 1st of December. Another decree of the same date
granted a full amnesty for all political offences committed since
February 4, 1848.

CHAPTER XVI.

WALKER'S CAMPAIGN IN NICARAGUA.

1855-1856.

KINNEY'S EXPEDITION—WILLIAM WALKER JOINS THE
DEMOCRATS—FAILURE OF HIS EXPEDITION TO RIVAS—CHOLERA
DECIMATES THE LEGITIMISTS AT MANAGUA—DEATH OF MUÑOZ—WALKER'S
VICTORIES AT LA VÍRGEN AND GRANADA—EXECUTION OF MINISTER
MAYORGA—WALKER'S CONVENTION WITH CORRAL—PROVISIONAL
GOVERNMENT ORGANIZED—PRESIDENT PATRICIO RIVAS—COMMANDER OF
THE FORCES, WALKER—MINISTER OF WAR CORRAL PUT TO DEATH FOR
TREASON—RECOGNITION BY SALVADOR AND HONDURAS—SEIZURE OF THE
TRANSIT COMPANY'S STEAMERS—COSTA RICANS ON THE WAR-PATH—HAVOC
OF CHOLERA.

Certain men of the United States, with ideas somewhat warped in regard
to the relative rights of humanity, now come forward, as in the line
of their destiny, to interfere in the affairs of their neighbors.
The legitimist government of Nicaragua, in May 1855, felt certain of
ultimate triumph over its democratic opponents at Leon. Circumstances
seemed to point that way, when the infusion of this foreign element at
this time came to defeat all preconceived plans.

[Sidenote: DEFEAT AT RIVAS.]

News arrived from the United States of the organization in New York,
Philadelphia, and Washington, by H. L. Kinney, Fabens, American
commercial agent at San Juan del Norte, and others, of an expedition
ostensibly to establish a colony on the Mosquito Coast for the purpose
of developing its resources, but really designed to overthrow the
governments of Central America, and usurp sovereignty over the whole
country.[XVI-1] Remonstrances against the scheme were duly made to
the American government, which partially succeeded in their purpose.
However, the project was not exactly the source of the dire calamities
that were erelong to befall Nicaragua.[XVI-2] The real danger lay in
another direction, to explain which I must go back in my narrative
to previous events. An American named Byron Cole, who had conceived
plans with respect to Central America, and was well informed on her
affairs, arrived at Leon, in August 1854, when the democratic leaders
became convinced that they could not take Granada. They entered into
a contract with him to bring an expedition of foreigners, under the
garb of colonists, who should receive grants of land.[XVI-3] Cole
transferred his contract to William Walker, who at once set to work
in organizing the expedition.[XVI-4] He sailed from San Francisco,
California, May 4, 1855, on the brig _Vesta_, with 58 men,[XVI-5]
touched at Amapala to meet Captain Morton, Castellon's agent, and on
the 13th of June reached Realejo, where he received the greetings
of the government he was to serve from Lieutenant-colonel Félix
Ramirez.[XVI-6] At Leon he refused to serve under General Muñoz.[XVI-7]
He was made a colonel of the Nicaraguan army, and with 55 foreigners
and 100 natives was despatched to the department of Rivas, having
in his company colonels Ramirez and Mendez, and Máximo Espinosa, the
last-named going there as prefect. Muñoz at once informed Corral of
the movement, and the town of Rivas was reënforced and prepared for
defence. Walker obtained some advantages at first, on the 29th of June,
but being assailed on his left by Colonel Argüello, his foreigners
were dispersed, and Ramirez' native force fled, and entered Costa
Rican territory.[XVI-8] Walker and his phalanx reached San Juan del
Sur, whence they returned to Realejo on the brig _San José_;[XVI-9]
and shortly after, Estrada, the legitimist president, went to Managua
in June, staying there until early in July, when the first cases of
cholera occurred.[XVI-10] The mortality in Managua from the epidemic
was greater than in any other town, owing to the concentration of
troops there. The army which had been organized for assailing Leon was
destroyed within a few days; and only a small body of officers of all
grades, some of them in a dying condition, transferred themselves to
Granada, entirely abandoning Managua. The epidemic was still doing its
work, when the action of El Sauce took place on the 18th of August,
between forces respectively commanded by Guardiola and Muñoz, in which
the former were defeated, and abandoned the place to their assailants;
but just as success was crowning democratic efforts, Muñoz was killed
by a bullet entering his side.[XVI-11] The victors, now under Colonel
Sarría, did not pursue the enemy, but resolutely countermarched to
Leon, and meeting Jerez on the road, who wished to lead them against
the legitimists, they refused to follow him.

[Sidenote: SAN JUAN DEL SUR EXPEDITION.]

Another expedition under Walker, composed of 50 foreigners and 120
natives, whose immediate chief was J. M. Valle, alias El Chelon, sailed
from Realejo on the 23d of August, and landed at San Juan del Sur on
the 29th, his main object being to take up a position on the transit
route between the two oceans. The news of his landing reached Granada
on Guardiola's return from his ill-fated fight at El Sauce. Guardiola
went to Rivas, and assuming command of 500 men, in the night between
the 2d and 3d of September, marched against Walker. Once on the main
road he heard that the latter had gone to La Vírgen, on Lake Nicaragua,
and rapidly countermarched to that place, expecting to surprise the
enemy. But he made the mistake of attacking an opponent whom he could
not see, and in a little while his men became dispersed, and hurried
back to Rivas. This may be said to have been the end of Guardiola's
career in Nicaragua.[XVI-12] Corral was now placed in command of the
legitimist forces in the south.

Castellon, the head of the democratic government, died of cholera on
the 2d of September, and Senator Nazario Escoto was called to succeed
him.

Walker's force, after his victory at La Vírgen, became greatly
augmented with native democrats.[XVI-13] His movement on La Vírgen was
intended to show that he had a sufficient force to take the offensive.
After the action he returned to San Juan del Sur, where he received
from Corral a paper hinting at a desire to enter into confidential
relations with him, to which he paid no attention. His plan was to
make a dash upon and occupy the legitimist seat of government, the
battered city of Granada.[XVI-14] In furtherance of which Espinosa
was despatched to Leon to ask the government for a diversion toward
Managua, so as to draw resources away from Granada. General Pineda
was accordingly stationed with a respectable force in Pueblo Nuevo.
The legitimists, under General Hernandez, attacked Pineda on the 11th
of October, defeated and drove him out of the place, after which
he demanded of the government at Leon the surrender of the town,
together with its garrison and military stores, as the only means of
averting the bloodshed which must follow any attempt at resistance.
The democrats suffered reverse, but Walker gained his point. Granada
was left with a weak garrison. He had a force of 250 natives and about
80 Americans, with which he left San Juan at daybreak on the 11th of
October, arriving at La Vírgen early the same morning. In the afternoon
Colonel Hornsby seized the steamboat _Vírgen_, and the next morning the
troops were embarked and informed that their destination was Granada.
They effected a landing at 3 o'clock in the morning of the 13th, and
took Granada with little resistance from the insignificant civic guard
which constituted the garrison.[XVI-15] The place was taken before a
majority of the inhabitants knew who their visitors were. President
Estrada, and the ministers Nicasio Castillo and Francisco Barberena,
saved themselves on foot in different directions, which the other
ministers, Mayorga and Ruiz, failed to do. The fact is, that persons
who did not get away at the moment of the invasion found themselves
unable to do so, and at the mercy of the enemy. Walker, however,
checked the abuses of his soldiery, and liberated nearly 100 political
prisoners, who had been kept in chains and at hard labor, and who now
joined his banner to a man. He next issued a proclamation guaranteeing
the lives, liberty, and property of legitimists promising to be
peaceable.[XVI-16]

[Sidenote: ATTITUDE OF THE BELLIGERENTS.]

Walker now manifested a disposition to treat with Corral, who had
prepared five hundred men for an attempt to recover Granada. Juan J.
Ruiz, Estrada's minister of war, was despatched by water in company
with John H. Wheeler, the American minister, to convey a message to
Corral at Rivas; but on finding that the legitimist general had gone
off to the eastern department, he escaped into Costa Rica. Another
commission went by land, and meeting the legitimist army near Nandaime,
communicated to the general Walker's message to this effect: peace,
on the condition that the two leaders should govern the republic,
Corral as president, and Walker as commander of the forces.[XVI-17] The
proposition was not accepted. The expedition which had been prepared
for an effort to recuperate Granada finally went to Masaya, where the
legitimist government became organized, with President Estrada, and his
ministers, Castillo and Barberena.

[Sidenote: ASCENDENCY OF THE FILIBUSTER.]

The officers who had won the victory at Pueblo Nuevo, fearing that
their country would become a prey to the foreign adventurers, proposed
to Escoto's government a fusion of the parties, to drive Walker and
his myrmidons out of the country. This effort failed.[XVI-18] Walker
and Valle, for their successful campaign in the south, were on the 22d
of October promoted to brigadier-general. The first named, angered by
Corral's refusal to accept his proposals, and ignoring his own pledges
to the prisoners taken at Granada, reduced to close confinement some
of the most prominent, among them the ex-minister Mayorga,[XVI-19]
whereupon a commission, composed of the Frenchman Pierre Rouhaud of
Granada, and Fermin Arana, represented to Corral the necessity of his
coming to amicable arrangement with Walker, but he declined a second
time. Meanwhile an incident occurred which greatly aggravated the evils
of the situation. Parker H. French[XVI-20] brought fifty men to Walker
from California, who, under a so-called Colonel Fry, were to capture
Fort San Cárlos, which they failed to do. The steamer then returned to
Granada to leave the recruits, and to La Vírgen to land the rest of the
passengers. This was done just as some legitimist troops, under Captain
F. Gutierrez, arrived. Gutierrez asserted that he had been fired upon
from the house of the Transit company, and returned the fire, keeping
it up till hostilities from the other side ceased. The result was,
that two or three passengers from the United States were killed. The
San Cárlos also fired shots at the river steamer on her return from
the north with passengers, a gun killing a woman and child.[XVI-21]
This news reached Granada together with Corral's second refusal. Walker
then resolved upon retaliation, to avenge the slain of San Cárlos and
La Vírgen, and to frighten the legitimists into accepting terms of
compromise. Mayorga, a young man of twenty-nine, generally esteemed for
his fine qualities, was the chosen victim, and shot in the morning of
the 23d.[XVI-22] Rouhaud and Arana went on the 22d to Masaya, reporting
Mayorga's fate, and urging the absolute necessity of disarming Walker's
wrath to avert greater calamities.[XVI-23] Added to their statement was
a petition from the prisoners in favor of peace, and the alarming news
that four hundred more riflemen had arrived to swell Walker's army. The
legitimist authorities concluded then to negotiate for peace, and sent
Corral to Granada on the 23d for that purpose, which was tantamount
to a capitulation. The chief clauses agreed upon between him and
Walker were: suspension of hostilities; recognition of Patricio Rivas
as provisional president; and reorganization of the two contending
forces into one army, with Walker as its commander-in-chief.[XVI-24]
Corral returned to Masaya, and Estrada, submitting to the force of
circumstances, approved it, though his army was disposed to disregard
the capitulation.[XVI-25] However, he filed a protest declaring that
the arrangement had been forced upon him, and therefore void.[XVI-26]
He called on the other governments to come, without further invitation,
and save the independence, sovereignty, and liberties of Nicaragua; and
to that effect appointed commissioners with unlimited powers[XVI-27] to
conclude adequate treaties. The fall of Cabañas in Honduras opened an
opportunity in that direction. Estrada dissolved his government October
28th, and departed for Chontales, but soon after had to take refuge in
Honduras.

[Sidenote: MURDEROUS PROCEEDINGS.]

Fermin Ferrer and Valle, alias El Chelon, were despatched as
commissioners to obtain the assent of the government at Leon to the
convention of October 23d, which, in view of Walkers rebellion, was
given only after some hesitation.[XVI-28] A commission was despatched
to Walker to thank him for his services, which had made possible a
peace, and to authorize him to ratify the arrangement. After which the
government, October 28th, dissolved itself. The commissioners[XVI-29]
arrived at Granada on the 31st, and found there the provisional
president, Patricio Rivas,[XVI-30] who had arrived from San Juan del
Norte on the 30th, and occupied the presidential chair. He had at
first appointed Corral minister of war, Walker general of division and
in chief of the forces, and Norberto Ramirez minister of relations.
Corral was pleased with this arrangement, as Rivas was disposed to
rely on him; but Walker became suspicious, and the result was that,
Corral's opposition notwithstanding, Rivas was made a blind tool of
Walker, and in obedience to orders appointed a new cabinet with a
majority of democrats; namely, Máximo Jerez, of relations; Fermin
Ferrer, of public credit; Parker H. French, of the treasury; Corral
retaining the war portfolio. The latter now saw the abyss his weakness
had thrown him into. The man who, ignoring the duty he owed his cause,
threatened with death any one proposing to him plans against Walker,
now writes Martinez, comandante at Managua, that all is lost, and he,
Martinez, must take some steps to save the country. With this letter
were enclosed others to the same effect addressed to generals Guardiola
and Pedro Xatruch, who had returned to Honduras.[XVI-31] These letters
went into the hands of Walker,[XVI-32] who at once called to his
presence the legitimists then in the city to forbid the departure of
any of them, and laid the letters before Rivas and his cabinet. Corral
acknowledged the authorship, declaring that he was solely responsible
for them. It was then decided to confine in prison Corral and his chief
supporters. This was on the 5th of November, the day after Corral's
troops had been, without any previous notice, disarmed.[XVI-33] On the
6th, it was decreed that Corral should be dealt with as a traitor and
tried by court-martial, which was done in the presence and with the
approval of the government, notwithstanding its illegality.[XVI-34]
The trial took place, and the prisoner was sentenced to death.[XVI-35]
The prisoner's family used the utmost exertions to have the sentence
revoked, but Walker was inflexible, and the penalty was inflicted
on the 8th of November,[XVI-36] causing the utmost consternation
in the native community. The portfolio of war was given to Selva
by a decree of November 5th. Valle went to Managua to place Pascual
Fonseca in command, vice Martinez, and to report if the latter made
any resistance, in which event Walker would have shot his legitimist
prisoners. But as none was offered, Martinez having had timely warning,
Walker had them released.[XVI-37]

Walker was now master of Nicaragua. As a matter of fact, the secondary
leaders were scattered and powerless, and but for the execution
of Corral, and the wanton imprisonment of subordinate officials
and private citizens, the conservative party would have submitted
with a good grace to the new order of things, if pledged security
of life and property. It is undeniable that the legitimists feared
the Yankees[XVI-38] less than they did the native democrats. Walker
pretended a great respect for religion, without whose support, he
said, no government could have stability.[XVI-39] He succeeded in
borrowing from the vicar 963 ounces of fine silver belonging to the
church; and it is evident that he placed great reliance on a numerous
foreign immigration to keep his ranks well filled.[XVI-40] A decree
was issued at this time by the government, and published in its
official journal, which might be called one for the confiscation of
the property of absentees, who were required to return to their homes
under heavy pecuniary penalties, collectible without any previous legal
process.[XVI-41]

[Sidenote: RELATIONS, DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN.]

The exiles who reached Honduras[XVI-42] endeavored to obtain help
from the government, but Guardiola, now chief of the state, declined
giving any, and in fact permitted no hostile words against Walker
or the Yankees. Cabañas had come to Granada for aid to recover
his lost position,[XVI-43] which alarmed Guardiola, who despatched
Manuel Colindres with the ostensible mission of negotiating a treaty
of friendship with the government, but really to watch Cabañas.
Colindres announced himself from Yuscaran, but on reaching Leon, and
ascertaining that Cabañas got no assistance, went back pleading fear
of the cholera, which was doing havoc in the foreign force; but the
recognition by his government was already accomplished. The cabinet of
San Salvador also returned a satisfactory answer to a circular from
Nicaragua.[XVI-44] Guatemala apparently inclined toward neutrality,
until Estrada applied to Carrera for assistance, and was told that
he would be recognized as the legitimate president of Nicaragua, but
must first establish his government somewhere.[XVI-45] Estrada, being
unable to set it up in Honduras, asked for 50 men to escort him to
Nueva Segovia in Nicaragua, but did not get them, though he laid before
Guardiola the letters from Carrera and Pedro de Aycinena. In Costa
Rica, the situation of Nicaragua was differently viewed. President
Mora despatched Nazario Toledo to Guatemala to arrange for concerted
action against Walker.[XVI-46] Mora in an energetic proclamation asked
the people to prepare for the defence of their lives and property
at a moment's call.[XVI-47] Walker watched the conduct of Costa
Rica, believing it prompted by British influence mainly against the
United States. Rivas' relations with the cabinet of Washington were
not encouraging. It is true that Wheeler, the American minister, had
prematurely recognized him, but he had not been upheld in it by his
government. Parker H. French, being accredited in November 1855 as
minister at Washington with powers to negotiate a treaty, was not
received in any diplomatic capacity.[XVI-48] He was thereupon recalled,
and diplomatic relations were discontinued with Wheeler.[XVI-49]
President Pierce issued a proclamation against the departure from
the United States of filibustering expeditions, which were declared
disgraceful and criminal. Cabañas, in whose behalf Jerez had used his
best endeavors, having been refused by the government any aid,[XVI-50]
retired to Salvador,[XVI-51] and Jerez resigned his portfolio on the
8th of January, 1856. Soon after, the cabinet was reduced to one,
Fermin Ferrer, who served as ministro general.

Walker now endeavored to gain the good-will and coöperation of the
legitimist party, but his intrigues, cajolings, and even threats failed
to secure the desired effect.[XVI-52] The legitimists saw in Walker's
disagreement with the democrats their opportunity to bring about the
fusion of all Nicaraguans against the common enemy; but both Walker and
the democrats concluded that they must work together for their mutual
safety; hence the removal of the capital to Leon.[XVI-53]

[Sidenote: SEIZURE OF STEAMSHIP PROPERTY.]

Walker now committed one of the greatest blunders of his life in
quarrelling with the founders and chief men of the Accessory Transit
Company, whose ships had brought him much to recruit his needed men and
military supplies.[XVI-54] He and Edmund Randolph, after studying the
company's contracts made in 1851, arrived at the conclusion that there
were good reasons to revoke their charter and acts of incorporation,
and to make a grant to other parties.[XVI-55] This was secretly done
without communicating their plans to President Rivas or his cabinet.
After completing their arrangements in New York, Walker and Randolph
drew up a decree suppressing the Accessory Transit Company, which was
laid before Rivas, who issued it on the 18th of February, 1856. On
the following day he, in obedience to Walker's command, signed a new
charter in favor of Randolph.[XVI-56] Cleto Mayorga, E. T. C. Kewen,
and George F. Alden were appointed commissioners to ascertain the
amount of the company's indebtedness, and to attach their property, all
of which was done with the utmost rapidity.[XVI-57] The transportation
men raised a loud cry, of course, calling upon the United States
government to recover their lake steamers and other valuables; but
the attempt was unsuccessful. The company, however, had means which
they brought into the service of the Central Americans to compass the
destruction of Walker.

[Illustration: WALKER'S EXPEDITION.]

Costa Rica had failed to notice the communication notifying her of the
new order of things established in Nicaragua on the 23d of October,
1855. Walker now thought the time had come to demand from that
cabinet a frank explanation of its course.[XVI-58] But it persisted in
leaving unanswered the Nicaraguan notes, and refused to receive Louis
Schlessinger, the envoy sent, who retired threatening war and Walker's
resentment.[XVI-59] Costa Rica accepted the challenge of war, President
Mora, with the authorization of the legislative body, resolving to
carry the arms of the republic into Nicaragua, and to aid in driving
out the foreigners. War was accordingly declared, the strength of
the army raised to 9,000 men, and a loan levied for expenses.[XVI-60]
After surrendering the executive office to Vice-president Oreamuno,
Mora placed himself, on the 8th of March, at the head of an army about
3,000 strong,[XVI-61] and in a few days was in Bagaces, at the extreme
end of the gulf of Nicoya, ready to cross the frontier into Nicaragua.
Walker, who seemed to misjudge Costa Rican prowess, sent only 500 men
under Schlessinger, who on the 20th[XVI-62] encountered the enemy's
avant guard, and after a few minutes' fighting were put to flight,
losing a quantity of arms and several killed and wounded.[XVI-63] A
number of prisoners captured by the Costa Ricans were at once tried by
court-martial and shot.[XVI-64] Schlessinger with a few men reached
Rivas, where Walker had concentrated his forces, and unsuccessfully
tried to exculpate himself.[XVI-65]

[Sidenote: COSTA RICA TO THE RESCUE.]

The Costa Ricans marched to Rivas, and as they approached Walker
retired on the Transit company's lake steamers to Granada. Two columns
of 300 each dislodged on the 7th of April the Nicaraguan garrisons
left by Walker in La Vírgen and San Juan del Sur, and on the following
day the rest of the army occupied Rivas. But Walker soon came upon
them. Under cover of the thick plantain and cacao plantations, he
entered unperceived in the morning of the 11th. His attack began about
8:30 and lasted till night. He captured the main plaza, and from the
church and houses kept up a deadly fire on the enemy, stationed only
two blocks away. The latter fought desperately, till Walker, finding
himself closely pressed by Costa Rican reënforcements from La Vírgen
and San Juan del Sur,[XVI-66] and surrounded by burning buildings,
gave orders for retreat, which was silently effected under cover of
the darkness, never tarrying till he reached the Gil Gonzalez River.
He left behind a considerable number of rifles, revolvers, and other
arms, and about 50 saddled horses, besides his seriously wounded in the
church. The Costa Rican victory was complete, though at the expense
of heavy casualties.[XVI-67] The victors were relentless toward the
first prisoners that fell into their hands. According to Mora's report,
the wounded in the church were bayoneted, and seventeen others shot.
Walker tried to make out that he had won a great victory, and the event
was celebrated in Granada with salutes and ringing of bells; and his
government published that the Costa Ricans had been dispersed and were
in full flight.[XVI-68]

[Sidenote: UNSTABLE POWER OF THE PIRATE.]

Mora expected heavy reënforcements from Punta Arenas, and had formed
the plan, after securing eastern Nicaragua between the Pacific and
the great lake, and cutting off the transit communication, already
suspended by a general order, to assail Walker in his stronghold of
Granada. He was further encouraged in this by news that forces of
Salvador and Honduras were already on the western frontier, under
Belloso and Xatruch, ready to coöperate with him. But the breaking out
of cholera in his army, with terrible havoc in its ranks, necessitated
the abandonment of the project for the time. And a report having come
of plottings in Costa Rica against his authority, with his brother José
Joaquin and his personal staff, he returned home, leaving General Cañas
in command of the remnants of the army, with orders to send it back to
Costa Rica in the most convenient manner, which was done, many of the
men being left dead or dying on the march. Cañas found it unavoidable
to leave his wounded and sick in Rivas, and fearing retaliation because
of the executions of prisoners at Santa Rosa and Rivas, he wrote Walker
on the 26th of April, recommending these men to his protection, and
proposing an exchange of prisoners, of whom he had twenty, according to
the usages of war. This letter had the desired effect.[XVI-69]

CHAPTER XVII.

END OF FILIBUSTERING IN CENTRAL AMERICA.

1856-1867.

RECOGNITION OF PRESIDENT RIVAS BY THE UNITED STATES—WALKER'S
HOSTILE ATTITUDE—FLIGHT OF RIVAS—WALKER MAKES HIMSELF
PRESIDENT—ALLIANCE AGAINST HIM—DEATH OF ESTRADA—THE
LEGITIMISTS ACCEPT RIVAS—COSTA RICANS AND NICARAGUANS
IN RIVAS—DESTRUCTION OF GRANADA—IT IS OCCUPIED BY
ALLIED FORCES—WALKER REOCCUPIES RIVAS—WHERE HE IS
BESIEGED—SUCCESSES OF THE COSTA RICANS—FAILURE OF LOCKRIDGE'S
EXPEDITION—SURRENDER OF WALKER—WAR OF NICARAGUA AND COSTA
RICA—COMMODORE PAULDING AND WALKER'S SECOND ATTEMPT—WALKER'S
INVASION OF HONDURAS, CAPTURE, AND EXECUTION—GOVERNMENT
REORGANIZED—PRESIDENT MARTINEZ' ADMINISTRATIONS.

After the departure of the Costa Rican forces from Rivas, toward
the end of April or beginning of May 1856, Walker visited the town,
treating harshly the principal citizens—men who loved their country
better than they loved designing interlopers—and causing one to be
hanged.[XVII-1] This was done to terrify his enemies. Leaving Hornsby
as military governor, with a garrison, Walker went back to Granada.
His army here was also being decimated by the epidemic, but its ranks
were replenished from the passengers brought by the steamships, which
still were his efficacious auxiliaries. Meanwhile the presence of the
combined forces of the other states in the west was felt in the towns
of the western departments, chiefly in Chontales and Matagalpa,[XVII-2]
the natives yearning for relief from foreign domination. A meeting of
military officers held on the 20th of April at Matagalpa, and presided
over by General Fernando Chamorro, adopted resolutions in favor of
restoring Estrada as the legitimate president.[XVII-3] This movement
came to naught; Chamorro, being defeated, passed into Honduras.

The democratic party, desirous as much as possible of being away
from Walker's oppressive influence, had the government seat removed
to Leon.[XVII-4] The general started from Granada May 31st with his
best officers and 300 infantry, for Leon, where he was greeted as a
conquering hero.[XVII-5] While there he approved of, or maybe prompted,
the decree of June 10th, convoking congress, and for the election of
a chief magistrate. He had in view to bring about his own election as
president, intending after that to throw off his democratic friends,
whose loyalty he distrusted. Very satisfactory news, both to him
and the government, came at this time. The government of the United
States had recognized Father Agustin Vigil as minister plenipotentiary
accredited at Washington by Rivas. This recognition was of great
advantage to Walker.[XVII-6]

[Sidenote: DISSENSIONS.]

On the 11th, after Walker had departed on his return to Granada,
leaving Colonel Bruno Naztmer in command, this officer ordered foreign
soldiers to take the place of the natives in the steeples of the
cathedral. Minister of war Jerez countermanded it, and being disobeyed
by Naztmer,[XVII-7] the government became much alarmed, Rivas and
Jerez starting forthwith for Chinandega,[XVII-8] whence Walker was
directed to concentrate the foreign forces in Granada. Upon hearing at
Masaya of the occurrences of the 11th and 12th, he countermarched as
far as Nagarote, ordering Naztmer to bring there his command; after
which he quartered his troops in Granada, placing, however, strong
garrisons in Managua and Masaya. Rivas thereupon declared Walker a
usurper, traitor, and enemy of the republic, depriving him of his
rank and command.[XVII-9] Walker, on his part, deposed Rivas, calling
Fermin Ferrer, minister of hacienda and government at Granada, who
had identified himself with his cause, to assume the executive office,
for the main purpose, it seemed, of decreeing an election for supreme
authorities, pursuant to the convocation of June 10th, though Rivas had
revoked it on the 14th.[XVII-10]

Under the national constitution, the chief magistrate was not chosen by
the direct suffrages of the people; neither did it permit a military
officer in actual command, much less a foreign one, to be voted for.
Nevertheless, in disregard of that law, the people of the region
controlled by Walker's bayonets were made to give him their suffrages
for the office of president, and 15,835 votes appeared as cast in his
favor.[XVII-11] He was declared elected, and on the 12th of July was
inducted into office with much pomp.[XVII-12] Wheeler, the American
minister, recognized Walker as the legitimate president, and Rivas'
government protested against it,[XVII-13] and declared all relations
between the Nicaraguan government and Wheeler suspended.

Walker's first act was to appoint his cabinet, the chief of it being
Fermin Ferrer.[XVII-14] One of his earliest decrees sounds the keynote
to all this silly usurpation and accompanying infamy; it was the
annulling of the federal law abolishing slavery.[XVII-15] Another
infamous measure was the confiscation of the estates of Nicaraguans who
might take up arms against him.

In a circular of July 3d Rivas appealed to the other Central American
governments for aid to drive out the invaders. The call was answered,
and his government recognized by Guatemala, Honduras, and Salvador,
these three powers agreeing to unite their forces against Walker. Costa
Rica was invited to coöperate, and promptly did so.[XVII-16]

[Sidenote: DEFEAT OF THE LEGITIMISTS.]

While the events thus far recorded were occurring, Estrada, the
legitimist chief, entered Nicaragua, and established his government in
Somotillo, appointing Pedro Joaquin Chamorro his minister-general, and
General Tomás Martinez commander of the army to be raised.[XVII-17]
On hearing that Rivas had been recognized, it was concluded to leave
Somotillo, via Nueva Segovia to Matagalpa, where Gros aroused the
Indians. But on the way, at Ocotal, on the 13th of August, a party
of democrats attacked and defeated them. Estrada tried to flee, but
was overtaken and hacked to death.[XVII-18] The town was plundered,
and papers scattered, after which the assailants went away. Afterward
an instrument was picked up in which Nicasio del Castillo was named
Estrada's successor, who at once assumed the responsibilities of the
position. However, General Martinez and Fernando Guzman, who, though
respecting Estrada's good motives, had disapproved of his persistence
in going contrary to accomplished facts, after his death held a
consultation and concluded that the best policy was to coöperate with
Rivas' government, bearing in mind the principle of legitimacy, though
disregarding means and persons. Martinez and Guzman went to Leon, and
succeeded with the assistance of the allied generals, and Gregorio
Arbizú, the commissioner of Salvador, in making an arrangement by
which there should be but one government in the republic, with certain
legitimists in the cabinet;[XVII-19] pursuant to which the latter was
organized as stated below.[XVII-20] Castillo accepted the arrangement
and assumed the duties to which he was called.

* * * * *

The allied forces, having entered Nicaragua, occupied Leon in
July, and in October advanced upon Managua, forcing Walker, after
several encounters near Nindirí and Masaya, to reconcentrate in
Granada.[XVII-21] Masaya was occupied by the allies October 2d. There
was much division among them, owing to old rivalries, and the need of
an influential commander was evident.[XVII-22] General Martinez was
earnestly requested to hasten his movements and join the army. He had
organized at Matagalpa a body of troops that subsequently bore the name
of Ejército Septentrional, with which he came on; but cholera having
played havoc among his Segovians at Tipitapa, he had to remain in
Nindirí till the scourge abated, when he joined the allies.[XVII-23]

[Sidenote: THE BELLIGERENTS IN ACTION.]

Walker's forces consisted of about 1,200 effective men, mostly
Americans, the rest being English, French, and Germans.[XVII-24] The
climate was his worst enemy. A number of his men succumbed daily,
victims of cholera and fever.[XVII-25] The ranks were further depleted
by desertions.[XVII-26] This was one of the chief reasons why Walker
abandoned Managua and Masaya to concentrate in Granada, keeping,
however, the transit line from San Juan del Sur to La Vírgen. The
filibuster chief now took advantage of the division of the allied
forces—Belloso and Jerez in Masaya, Zavala and Estrada in Diriomo—and
on the 11th of October made a dash with 800 men on Masaya, which
had a garrison of 1,000. He entered the place at eight o'clock and
took positions in Monimbó, south of the town. Early on the 12th he
advanced as far as the blocks contiguous to the plaza, which he would
undoubtedly have taken but for Zavala's attack on Granada.[XVII-27]
On hearing of Walker's movement, Zavala started to the relief of
Masaya. At Diriá he was informed that Walker was routed and in full
retreat to Granada. He then changed his course, and turned up at the
burying-ground of Granada with the view of getting the start of the
enemy; but as the latter did not come, and he had positive information
of the place being weak, he resolved to occupy it at once, though a
heavy rain somewhat retarded the movement. He might have taken the
town by surprise either from the north to south, but went round by
Jalteva.[XVII-28] The allied force had not till then been detected from
the city. But on the officer of the day descrying groups, he went to
ascertain if they were Walker's men, and immediately giving the alarm,
preparations were made to meet the expected assault. Nevertheless, the
allies at two o'clock in the afternoon occupied the buildings on the
plaza, excepting the church, where the foreign sick were intrenched.
Zavala took Walker's house, and finding there a flag, rushed out
waving it, until a bullet struck the flag, and another his surtout,
when he realized his danger. Both the Guatemalans and legitimists gave
themselves up to excesses.[XVII-29] The night of the 12th came on, and
the church had not been taken. Hearing the cannonading or receiving a
report, early that morning Walker hurried back, it being preferable to
save Granada than to take Masaya. In the morning of the 13th, Zavala
learned that the enemy was rapidly approaching, and vainly tried to
check them at Jalteva. Zavala and Estrada fled in the direction of
Diriomo, leaving a considerable number of drunken men in the streets,
who were butchered. Several Guatemalans fell prisoners.[XVII-30]
Zavala's assault of the place where Walker had his base of supplies was
a failure, but it saved the allied army.[XVII-31]

[Sidenote: VERY FAIR FIGHTING.]

A Costa Rican division under General José M. Cañas started for
Nicaragua, November 2d, and notwithstanding the enemy's efforts to
hinder it, occupied San Juan del Sur and the road to La Vírgen, thus
cutting off Walker's communication with either point. It concentrated
at Rivas on the 13th, and was joined by Jerez with 300 Nicaraguans.
It was now in communication with the main combined army, which was
preparing to assail Granada. Belloso received information from a friend
in that city that Walker was on the point of making another dash on
Masaya with 600 men. The allied army, in the city and vicinity, was
now of about 3,600 men,[XVII-32] and leaving out wounded, sick, and
servants, the effective force must have been no less than 3,000. The
filibusters came on the 15th under Bruno Von Naztmer, a German, and
were met outside by Nicaraguans and 600 Guatemalans at three o'clock
in the afternoon. The enemy opened fire, and the Guatemalans fled
panic-stricken. However, the first charge of the filibusters was
checked, and they now assumed the defensive. The Guatemalans returned
to the charge, and heavy fighting followed, which lasted till night.
The next morning Walker took command, Naztmer being wounded, and pushed
his operations into the town, where the allies had concentrated in the
night, burning a number of buildings; but he soon convinced himself
of the impossibility of accomplishing his purpose, and retreated to
Granada in the night of the 18th.[XVII-33] At a council of war, it was
resolved to evacuate the city, after setting fire to the buildings,
leaving a garrison to keep the enemy in check. This work of destruction
was intrusted to Henningsen, who at once ordered the citizens to
leave the place within a few hours before it was consigned to the
flames. And all the time the authors of this vandalism were calling
the Central American defenders of life, home, and liberty savages
and greasers, and themselves lovers of freedom and disseminators of
civilization![XVII-34]

In the early morning of the 24th the allied forces marched out of
Masaya by the Carretas road; at 2 o'clock in the afternoon they were
defiling on the low hills of the Otra banda, from which they could see
the bonfire, made by the self-styled regenerators of Latin America,
consuming seven churches and the public buildings, together with the
dwellings of the citizens of Granada. The same day the allies had
skirmishes with the enemy, and were defeated.[XVII-35] Martinez with
his men from the north next day operated against the San Francisco
building, and the filibusters in fear of being cut off abandoned it,
and concentrated in the plaza. The night of the 25th was a very rainy
one. The 26th the filibusters, being hard pressed in the plaza and
Guadalupe street, kept up a constant cannonade to keep open the way to
the lake. On the 27th the filibusters had been driven from the plaza
and reduced to Guadalupe street between La Sirena, a high house on the
east of the parish church, and the ruins of the church. The Guatemalans
pressed them from the south; the Nicaraguans from the north.[XVII-36]
Henningsen's force was on the 1st of December only 150 men, out of 300
that he had retained to hold the position of Granada with, and being
invited by Zavala to surrender, proudly refused.[XVII-37]

[Sidenote: WALKER WORSTED.]

Walker had occupied San Jorge, distant three miles from Rivas, where
Cañas and Jerez were intrenched, leaving his sick and wounded with
a small guard on the island of Ometepec,[XVII-38] where he thought
they would be safe; but a party of Indians with their priest Tijerino
captured them on the 1st of December, and destroyed everything on the
island that could be of use to the enemy. Walker did not lose sight
of his lieutenant Henningsen, to whom he finally sent relief on the
steamboat _Vírgen_, with which Henningsen captured the small fort that
had so harassed him, and then, December 13th, left on the boat, taking
with him the 115 emaciated men that remained of his original force. The
site of Granada was now fully in possession of the allies,[XVII-39] who
discovered in the woods a number of wounded filibusters, and treated
them humanely, excepting one whom they put to death.

December 11th had been a day of joy in the allied camp, owing to the
arrival of General Florencio Xatruch with the first contingent of
Honduran troops;[XVII-40] but they were cut up in the attack of the
13th by Henningsen. This officer's success in extricating himself with
so much loss to his opponents caused a panic among the allied leaders,
and the breaking out anew of dissension. Belloso and his Salvadorans
went back to Masaya, reporting the discomfiture of the army. Whether
out of spite, or from ignorance of the state of affairs, the general
ordered Cañas to return to Costa Rica, and Jerez to retreat to Masaya.
The latter, as a subordinate, had to obey; but Cañas, having come
to fight the filibusters, would not go back, and accompanied Jerez
to Masaya. Thus was Rivas evacuated by the allies, and reoccupied by
Walker without firing a shot.

The lake steamers were of great advantage to Walker for the quick
transportation of men and supplies, and on the other hand, made it
necessary that the allied chiefs should have strong garrisons in
Granada and Masaya, preventing a movement on La Vírgen and Rivas.
The president of Costa Rica determined to deprive Walker of those
facilities. To this end he despatched his brother, General José Joaquin
Mora, with troops to the confluence of the San Cárlos and San Juan
rivers, who reached it on the 19th of December, and then going down in
canoes to San Juan del Norte, without encountering much resistance,
captured on the 24th four steamers.[XVII-41] They then went up the
San Juan with the steamers, two of which were left at the junction
with the Sarapiquí, and on the 28th took the Castillo Viejo with the
steamboat _Vírgen_, laden with artillery, rifles, and ammunition.
They next possessed themselves of Fort San Cárlos, and soon after of
the steamboat of the same name, which had incautiously approached the
fort. All this being accomplished, Mora was placed in communication
with the allied forces of Granada, and left Walker without means of
transportation by water, or to communicate with the northern sea-coast.
Had the allies acted with reasonable promptness, both on land and
water, Walker's end would have been a matter of only a few days. But
it was retarded by their lack of union and generalship.[XVII-42] His
situation was now critical. Desertions, which were frequent, sickness,
and scarcity of food, daily decreased his force. For all that, he
resisted in Rivas several assaults from both the land and lake till the
23d of February, and struck some heavy blows to the besiegers in San
Jorge.[XVII-43]

[Sidenote: THE INVADERS BESIEGED.]

The allied leaders had, after a council of war on the 23d of
January, at Nandaime, appointed a general-in-chief, and heads of the
several departments. The chief command was conferred on Florencio
Xatruch.[XVII-44] His tenure lasted but a few days, José Joaquin
Mora being finally selected by the governments commander-in-chief,
when he was recognized as such in general orders of February 19th and
20th.[XVII-45]

The allies came to the conclusion that it was advisable to closely
besiege the enemy rather than to attempt further assaults. Xatruch
occupied and held, March 26th, the barrio de la Puebla, south of
the city, which was the only means of free ingress and egress for
the filibusters. Thus was Walker penned. But his friends abroad had
not forgotten him. Three Americans, Lockridge, Anderson, and Wheat,
brought 500 men to San Juan del Norte in March, and undertook to ascend
the river. Lockridge occupied La Trinidad, but Titus was repulsed
at the fort. They then concluded to invade Costa Rica, as was then
supposed, for they essayed to go up the Sarapiquí; but soon after
entering the river their steamer blew up, and the expedition came to
naught.[XVII-46]

The besieged, on hearing of the arrival, April 3d, with reënforcements,
of General Martinez, whose prowess they had learned to respect, became
alarmed, and the next day eighty deserters entered the allied lines. An
assault in force was made April 11th, which failed. Walker's casualties
were quite small, while those of the assailants were heavy.[XVII-47]
The latter secured possession of San Juan del Sur, in order that Walker
should receive no further aid from that quarter. It was now evident
that the filibusters could not hold out much longer. The original
force of 1,000, though more or less augmented with the arrival of every
steamer, had become reduced to about one half that number. The garrison
had an abundance of plantains, but no meat other than that of asses,
mules, and horses.

[Sidenote: CAPITULATION OF WALKER.]

An officer of the United States corvette _Saint Mary's_, which had been
some time lying at San Juan, came on the 24th to Mora's headquarters
to solicit in the name of Commander Charles H. Davis a truce of six
hours, which was granted, for the removal from Rivas of the women,
children, and other non-combatants. Walker, becoming apprised by that
officer of the failure of Lockridge's attempt to succor him, signified
a willingness to capitulate, not to the general-in-chief of the
besieging forces, as was natural, but to commander Davis. To this Mora
assented, in order to bring the war to an end at once, and save himself
from certain complications he apprehended.[XVII-48] The capitulation
being signed and carried out, Walker and sixteen officers, after
bidding adieu to the army on the 1st of May, departed under the escort
of Zavala, for San Juan del Sur, where they embarked on the _Saint
Mary's_.[XVII-49] Davis then delivered the city of Rivas to Mora, and
the rest of Walker's men, about 400 in number, were transported to the
United States.[XVII-50]

The war being ended, the allied troops retired to their respective
states. But prior to their departure there was an affair which might
have ended in a sanguinary conflict had it not been for the prudent
course pursued by most of the generals. The trouble arose from the
hot-headedness of Zavala, the commander of the Guatemalans, who had
been led to believe, by an evil counsellor, that the government would
not return him some arms he had lent, nor furnish him transportation,
nor even pay him the honors due his rank. All this was unfounded, but
he maltreated the officer of the guard at the government house, and
grossly insulted the president, his ministers, and others, threatening
to hang them on the church of La Merced. His conduct was violent and
scandalous.[XVII-51] Máximo Jerez and hundreds of soldiers rushed to
the government's defence, and there would have been bloodshed but for
Barrios of Salvador, who had command of 1,800 men, and prevailed on
Zavala to go back to Chinandega, whence he marched to Guatemala, where
he was received with the honors he had fairly won.

Mora returned to Costa Rica, leaving the command in charge of Cañas. It
is said that he had planned to extend the boundaries of Costa Rica to
the lake, which he deemed an easy undertaking, as the Costa Ricans had
the lake steamers, and the Nicaraguans would be sure to break out into
civil war.[XVII-52] War was declared by Costa Rica against Nicaragua
on the 19th of October, 1857, and accepted by the latter in defence of
her territory.[XVII-53] But upon a second invasion by Walker, peace was
concluded on the 16th of January, 1858.[XVII-54]

[Sidenote: SECOND AND THIRD EXPEDITIONS.]

Walker arrived safely in his own country. But he was not yet satisfied
with the misery and desolation he had wrought upon a foreign and
unoffending people. He must play the vampire further; he must conquer
Nicaragua and be a great man. Taking advantage of the rupture between
this republic and Costa Rica, he prepared another expedition, with
which, eluding the vigilance of the United States authorities, he
sailed from New Orleans for San Juan del Norte. He was arrested,
however, at Punta de Castilla, December 8th, and sent back by Commodore
Paulding, commanding the American home squadron.[XVII-55] The officer's
course obtained the highest commendation and gratitude in Central
America, and particularly in Costa Rica and Nicaragua, the latter
conferring upon him high honors. Loyal men who took up arms in the
country's defence were also rewarded.[XVII-56] But like a wild beast
maddened by its wounds, Walker was still bent on blood, if blood were
necessary to subjugate Central America to his will. He fitted out
a third expedition, and landing with its avant guard at Trujillo on
the 6th of August, 1860, seized the funds of the custom-house, which
were pledged to the British government for the payment of Honduras'
indebtedness to its subjects.[XVII-57] The British war vessel _Icarus_
entered the port on the 20th, and her commanding officer, Norwell
Salmon, demanded that Walker should forthwith leave the place, which
he did, fleeing to the eastern coast, where he and his men underwent
the utmost suffering in that uninhabited marshy region. A party of
Hondurans harassed them, and Walker was wounded in the face and leg.
Finally, General Mariano Álvarez arrived with a Honduran force at
Trujillo, and together with Salmon proceeded to the mouth of Rio
Tinto, arriving there on the 3d of September. Walker surrendered to the
_Icarus_, and was turned over to Álvarez, who had him tried at Trujillo
by court-martial. He was sentenced to death, and executed on the 12th
of September. Thus ended on the scaffold the career of William Walker,
filibuster, pirate, or what you will.[XVII-58]

* * * * *

The provisional government of Nicaragua on the 14th of January,
1857, organized a consultive council of five members and three
substitutes,[XVII-59] which was installed on the 20th. To that body
were referred the strictures of ministers Cardenal and Castillo, upheld
by General Martinez, the two former having resigned their portfolios
because the president had declined to transfer the seat of government
to the eastern department.[XVII-60] The council did not approve of
their course, and suggested that Martinez, under a clause in the
agreement of September 12, 1856, should summon R. Cortés and P. J.
Chamorro to fill the vacancies in the cabinet. It does not appear,
however, that Martinez took any steps in that direction.

The old dissensions which Walker's war had kept in abeyance now
threatened to break out afresh. Legitimists and democrats alike saw in
bloodshed and desolation the only means to settle their differences.
Martinez and Jerez, with some of their friends from the east and west,
and assisted by General Gerardo Barrios, commissioner of Salvador,
labored in vain to effect an amicable arrangement.[XVII-61] Jerez
concluded that the only recourse now left to avert a war was for
himself and Martinez to assume the responsibility of jointly governing
the country dictatorially until it could be again placed under a
constitutional régime. This plan being accepted, the two leaders
organized themselves, on the 24th of June, into a junta de gobierno,
otherwise called Gobierno Binario, which was recognized by both
parties, and the dreaded calamity of war was avoided. The organization
was completed with the appointment of Gregorio Juarez and Rosalío
Cortés as the cabinet. Martinez and Jerez continued at the head of
affairs until the 19th of October, when war with Costa Rica having
been accepted, they resolved to assume personal direction of military
operations, and resigned the executive office into the hands of the
ministers. Martinez was then made general-in-chief of the forces, with
ample powers, and Jerez second in command.[XVII-62]

[Sidenote: REORGANIZATION OF GOVERNMENT.]

The first acts of the new government were to reconstitute the supreme
and other courts, and to summon the people to choose a constituent
assembly for framing a constitution,[XVII-63] and a president of the
republic. At the suggestion of Cortés, and with the assent of Jerez,
Tomás Martinez was named to the people as a proper person for the
executive office, and he was elected almost unanimously.[XVII-64] He
took the oath of office on the 15th of November, promising to pursue
a policy of peace and conciliation,[XVII-65] and appointing Juarez,
Macario Álvarez, and Cortés, his ministers respectively for foreign
relations, treasury, and government.[XVII-66] During his first term
there were several changes in the personnel of the cabinet.[XVII-67]

Martinez' administration not only gave Nicaragua the longest period of
internal peace she had ever had, but promoted her prosperity in every
branch, and notably in finances. At the time of its inauguration, the
government had not one hundred dollars in the treasury. The liberating
army had not been paid during the late war, and the only way to adjust
the arrears was by issuing warrants, which the merchants soon got
possession of at sixty to eighty per cent discount, and returned to
the treasury at par in payment of import duties on merchandise, thus
greatly reducing the revenue from that source. The government also
adopted the unusual course of assuming to indemnify private persons
for the losses they had sustained during the civil war, those resulting
from the burning of Granada included.[XVII-68] And yet Martinez, after
his victory of April 29, 1863, against the united forces of Salvador
and Honduras, succeeded within six years in doubling the amount of
public revenues, and in arranging for the payment of the foreign debt.

[Sidenote: NEW CONSTITUTION.]

The constituent assembly, on the 19th of August, 1858, adopted
a new constitution, declaring Nicaragua to be a sovereign,
free, and independent republic under a popular representative
government.[XVII-69] Two days later the assembly resolved to continue
acting as an ordinary legislature, and decreed that all public
functionaries should retain their respective offices until the new
constitutional régime should have been installed. Prior to this,
on the 30th of January, that body had declared illegitimate all the
provisional administrations which had ruled Nicaragua from 1854 till
the 8th of November, 1857, excepting only the gobierno binario from
June 24, 1857.[XVII-70]

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT MARTINEZ.]

During the first years of Martinez' rule, the most friendly relations
seemed to exist between him and the leaders of the two political
parties. Jerez was intrusted with important diplomatic duties.[XVII-71]
At the beginning of 1861, the president in his message to congress
stated that the country was at peace at home and abroad, Salvador
being the only nation that had suspended diplomatic relations with
Nicaragua.[XVII-72] Again, in January 1863, the president congratulated
congress that peace reigned, and the country was prospering. He said
with pleasure that no Nicaraguan was undergoing penalty for political
causes.[XVII-73] The country was at the same time an asylum for the
persecuted and exiles of other states. However, this hospitality
extended to exiles gave rise to serious differences with Salvador,
whose demands were invariably disregarded, until Barrios threatened
to blockade the port of Realejo.[XVII-74] The consequence was, that
Nicaragua and Guatemala, pursuant to the treaty made September 20,
1862,[XVII-75] became allies in the bloody war that broke out this
year against Salvador and Honduras, details of which have been given
in the history of Salvador for this period.[XVII-76] Martinez having
been reëlected president for the quadrennial term from March 1,
1863,[XVII-77] offered his resignation on the ground that there might
be opposition to his holding the office a second term. But congress, on
the 5th of February, 1863, declined to accept it, and requested that
he should continue at the head of affairs at least for a time. During
the war with Salvador and Honduras, Martinez commanded the army in the
field, and Nicasio del Castillo acted as president. At the end of the
campaign, Martinez and the troops were rewarded for their services, he
being raised to the rank of captain-general.[XVII-78] He resumed the
executive office August 31, 1863.[XVII-79] The most stringent orders
were issued against Jerez and others, declaring them traitors, and
decreeing that revolutionists were severally answerable with their
property for the expenses the government had been put to by their acts.
However, on the 20th of April, 1864, an amnesty law was passed, though
not including the chief leaders.[XVII-80]

Toward the end of Martinez' second term some attempts at revolution
were made, and easily quelled. They arose from a representation that
Martinez contemplated retaining power for life; but in a proclamation
of April 24, 1866, he pronounced the statements false.[XVII-81]
Following the example of Washington, he insisted on his countrymen
calling another citizen to the executive chair, and Fernando Guzman
having been chosen,[XVII-82] he surrendered his authority to him on
March 1, 1867. His rank as captain-general had been confirmed, and upon
his tendering a resignation, congress refused to accept it.[XVII-83]
However, scarcely one year later, congress suppressed the rank
altogether.[XVII-84] Ex-president Martinez' death occurred on the 12th
of March, 1873, and his remains were buried with high honors on the
20th.[XVII-85]

CHAPTER XVIII.

POLITICAL EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.

1856-1886.

REWARDS TO WALKER'S CONQUERORS—REËLECTION OF
MORA—HIS DOWNFALL AND EXILE—HIS RETURN, CAPTURE,
AND EXECUTION—MONTEALEGRE'S ADMINISTRATION—VIOLENCE
OF PARTIES—COMPROMISE ON JESUS JIMENEZ—HIS PEACEFUL
RULE—PRESIDENT JOSÉ M. CASTRO—CHARGES AGAINST HIM—HIS
OVERTHROW—SEVERAL NEW CONSTITUTIONS—JIMENEZ AGAIN
PRESIDENT—HIS ARBITRARY ACTS—HOW HE WAS DEPOSED—PRESIDENT
CARRANZA—OTHER TEMPORARY RULERS—PRESIDENT GUARDIA'S
DESPOTISM—FAILURE OF HIS WARLIKE PLANS—HIS
DEATH—ADMINISTRATION OF PRÓSPERO FERNANDEZ—PREPARATIONS TO
DEFEND INDEPENDENCE—HIS SUDDEN DEATH—BERNARDO SOTO'S PEACEFUL
RULE.

In describing the early operations of the Costa Ricans in Nicaragua
against Walker in 1856, I alluded to the sudden departure of President
Mora and his brother from Rivas for Costa Rica, because of tidings
received of an attempted insurrection against the government, then
temporarily in charge of Vice-president Oreamuno. This revolt was soon
quelled, and the leaders and officers connected therewith were arrested
and expatriated. Oreamuno having died, Vicente Aguilar was chosen
vice-president on the 17th of September, but resigned the position the
next month.[XVIII-1] A change of ministry took place on the 26th of
September, the distinguished statesman taking charge of the portfolio
of foreign relations.[XVIII-2] The president, owing to war against the
filibusters, suspended the action of the constitution on the 15th of
November, but repealed the decree a few days later.[XVIII-3]

The successful termination of the war was hailed in Costa Rica with
great joy, and the men who gave this glorious page to her history were
highly honored. The president was made a captain-general,[XVIII-4] and
the officers, as well as the rank and file, were promoted and otherwise
rewarded.[XVIII-5]

The elections for president and vice-president of the republic took
place, and congress on the 4th of May, 1859, declared that Juan Rafael
Mora had been reëlected, and Rafael G. Escalante chosen for the second
position.[XVIII-6]

Mora's administration had initiated a number of measures tending to the
advancement of the country. Among other improvements was that of the
fine national palace in San José. Costa Rica had enjoyed a long period
of internal peace with an increasing prosperity. Mora was quite popular
with the masses, but encountered opposition from the property owners,
merchants, and army men. For this reason he could not strengthen his
government, and found himself at the mercy of a coup de main the
moment the people thought their interests were jeopardized by his
power.[XVIII-7] Hence the revolutionary movement that hurled him from
his executive office in the night of August 14, 1859. A provisional
government, composed of his political enemies, was at once organized,
meeting with no opposition on the part of the people. It was a palace
revolution, and no blood was spilt. Mora was kept in confinement,
though otherwise well treated during three days at the end of which he
was taken to Puntarenas, and sent out of the country on an American
steamer. He settled with his family in Salvador, where he introduced
the cultivation of coffee.

[Sidenote: VICENTE AGUILAR.]

The new government now took steps to have itself confirmed by a
constituent assembly, and to cause its provisional president, José
María Montealegre, regularly elected. The influential man of the
administration was Vicente Aguilar, ex-vice-president, a wealthy man,
and the deadly enemy of Mora. He was the minister of the treasury and
of war, and by his instigation some reactionary and despotic measures
were adopted, thereby increasing the general uneasiness. The country
was henceforth divided into two political parties, each claiming to be
the representative of law and order.[XVIII-8]

The constituent assembly, pursuant to convocation, met on the 16th of
October, and on the 26th of December adopted a new constitution in 142
articles, which was promulgated the next day. This fundamental law was
liberal except in the matter of religion, as it neither recognized nor
tolerated any form of faith but the Roman catholic. All other rights of
man were conceded.[XVIII-9] The constituent congress adjourned sine die
on the 27th of December, and the ordinary congress opened its session
on the 22d of April, 1860, on the next day declaring that José María
Montealegre had obtained a popular majority for the office of president
of the republic, and appointing the 29th for his inauguration. On the
24th that body designated the persons who were to fill the executive
chair in the temporary or absolute absence of the president.[XVIII-10]

[Sidenote: DEATH OF MORA.]

Before many months had passed, Costa Rica witnessed a catastrophe
which filled the whole of Central America with sorrow, indignation,
and shame. Mora, the deposed president, had solemnly protested against
the revolutionary acts which deprived him of his office. There were
not wanting men, who, either honestly or with evil intent, beguiled
him into the belief that he was wanted back, and would meet with a
cordial reception and support. He allowed himself to be thus deceived,
and committed the error of going against an accomplished fact, in an
attempt to recover by force the executive authority, which was now
legitimately held by Montealegre. He landed in September at Puntarenas
with a few friends, was received with apparent enthusiasm, and got
together about 300 or 400 men;[XVIII-11] but believing it safer to
increase his force before marching to the capital, he tarried behind,
thus allowing the government an opportunity to organize superior
forces, and to issue relentless decrees. The government's forces
assailed Mora on the 28th of September at La Angostura,[XVIII-12]
and defeated him. He soon found himself forsaken by his men, and
though aware that stringent orders for his arrest had been issued,
he surrendered to his enemies on the 30th, when he was tried by a
drum-head court-martial, and shot three hours after.[XVIII-13] This
judicial murder of this honorable, just, and progressive man, who had
rendered such great services in saving national independence, caused
general consternation and displeasure. His invasion was not approved
of, but no one had imagined that his life could be in peril if he
were captured. Public opinion was pronounced against such relentless
vengeance. Even Nicaragua, which had grievances against Mora, and had
excluded his supporters from her territory, regretted his untimely
end.[XVIII-14] In Costa Rica his death was attributed to bitter
personal and sordid animosity. Public opinion was not at fault. Mora
wrote his wife, one hour before his execution, on his faith as a
Christian, that Vicente Aguilar justly owed him upwards of $200,000;
and if he ever expected to die in peace with his God, he should make
restitution of that sum to Mora's family. Aguilar, as minister of war,
signed the orders for the execution, and was responsible for Mora's
death. These orders included the execution of two others, namely,
General J. M. Cañas, and Manuel Argüello, a young lawyer. The latter
was saved by General Máximo Blanco, but Cañas was shot two days after
Mora.[XVIII-15]

The penalty of death was doubtless intended by Aguilar to be a
settlement of accounts with the man he detested; but it did not
satisfy him; he added confiscation, and to the end showed himself
relentless in his animosity to Mora's family and supporters. But he
did not long survive his victims, dying on the 26th of April, 1861,
of ossification of the heart. After his death, a milder policy was
inaugurated. A general amnesty, from which were excluded only a few
military men who while in active service had joined revolts, was
issued;[XVIII-16] exiles returned to their country, and regularity
in affairs was restored. The government gained in popular esteem
by a scrupulous observance of the promises made at the time of its
creation, restoring internal peace based on constitutional liberty and
a proper economy.[XVIII-17] However, Mora's friends, though disposed
to do justice to Montealegre's administration, never would forgive
its origin and early acts. They and their political confrères
brought on a reaction against it. Party excitement became great, and
there was danger of civil war. Two presidential candidates for the
next term, namely, Aniceto Esquivel and Julian Volio, were in the
field, the former being a warm friend of the administration, and the
latter independent. Montealegre was the first to suggest a compromise.
There was in Cartago a former minister of Mora, Jesus Jimenez, who was
finally agreed upon by all parties for the executive office, and was
accordingly elected.[XVIII-18] He took possession of the chair on the
7th of May, Montealegre surrendering it with greater alacrity than he
had occupied it in 1859.[XVIII-19] [Sidenote: JIMENEZ AND CASTRO.]

Jimenez, during his administration, fully answered expectations. He
maintained peace by pursuing a just and conciliatory policy. The
country kept on its career of progress and prosperity.[XVIII-20]
The next president duly chosen was the founder of the republic, José
María Castro, for the term from May 8, 1866.[XVIII-21] The number of
ministers of state having been reduced to two, the president decreed
the organization of a privy council whose members were to serve without
pay.[XVIII-22] Castro's government was a strictly economical one. It
diminished the number of officials, and suppressed the president's
guard of honor. The result was that the treasury was enabled to meet
obligations contracted for the development of education, and of the
interests of the country.[XVIII-23]

During the presidential election in 1868, party agitation jeopardized
the public peace. The press became virulent, not sparing even the
families of prominent men. The government was accused of making
no effort to check such abuses, or to restore harmony. There would
certainly have been a resort to arms but for the moderation of the
two chief officers of the army, generals Lorenzo Salazar and Máximo
Blanco.[XVIII-24] These officers and others placed themselves at the
head of a pronunciamiento which took place at San José on the 1st of
November to depose Castro and suspend the constitution of December 27,
1859. Jesus Jimenez, the first designado, was then called to assume
the executive office, with ample powers to call a constituent assembly.
He accordingly placed himself at the head of affairs, and convoked the
assembly, to meet on the 1st of January, summoning the people also to
choose the next president, together with senators and representatives
for the next constitutional term to begin May 1, 1869.[XVIII-25]

The new constitution was framed on the 18th of February, and
promulgated in April 1869, consisting of 149 articles, and containing
very liberal principles.[XVIII-26]

[Sidenote: REVOLUTION.]

The ordinary congress met, and declared Jimenez to be the
constitutional president for the next term, and he was inducted into
office with the usual formalities.[XVIII-27] But owing to congress
having refused to pass a railroad bill, Jimenez lost his temper,
resigned his office, and left the capital. But the resignation was
not accepted, and he was induced to return. Subsequently, on his
representing that the country was in danger from internal disturbances
due to party violence, that body decreed a suspension of the
constitution.[XVIII-28] This order of things lasted until the 27th of
April, 1870, on which day sixteen men, among whom were Tomás and Víctor
Guardia, Pedro and Pablo Quiroz, and Próspero Fernandez, captured the
artillery barracks of San José by a coup de main. There were a few
killed and wounded, among the former being the commander, Colonel A.
Biscoubi, a French officer who distinguished himself in the defence of
San Salvador in 1863.[XVIII-29]

After the capture of the barracks the president was seized, and kept a
prisoner about twenty-four hours. Bruno Carranza was then proclaimed
provisional president, and assumed the duties on the 28th. Jimenez
and his ministers were detained to answer charges that would be
preferred against them.[XVIII-30] Jimenez was allowed to reside in
Cartago under surveillance; but, fearing for his life, as he alleged,
escaped.[XVIII-31] The men who brought about the overthrow of the
oppressive government of Jimenez were not left unrewarded.[XVIII-32]
All proscriptive orders which had emanated from it were revoked, and
persons in exile were enabled to come back.

The people were again summoned to elect a constituent assembly to meet
on the 8th of August, which took place; it declared the constitution
of 1869 no longer in force, and temporarily revived that of December
1859. Carranza resigned on the same day that the convention assembled,
and Tomás Guardia[XVIII-33] was appointed his successor on the 10th.
One of Carranza's last acts, July 30th, was to suspend the treaty
of friendship with Guatemala of 1848, because the latter had closed
diplomatic relations with Costa Rica.[XVIII-34] It is to be said to the
credit of Carranza's short rule that though clothed with dictatorial
powers they were used very sparingly.[XVIII-35]

[Sidenote: TOMÁS GUARDIA.]

Public tranquillity was constantly menaced, till finally a number of
assemblages passed resolutions to rescind the powers conferred on the
constituent assembly, and granted the authority of a dictator to Tomás
Guardia, whereupon on the 10th of October that body was dissolved by
him.[XVIII-36] That same day he decreed a full amnesty to Ex-president
Jimenez and his ministers Agapito Jimenez and Eusebio Figueroa. He
next, on the 13th, created a council of state with prominent political
men,[XVIII-37] assumed personal command of the forces, and appointed
Rafael Barroeta his substitute. In May 1871, several prominent citizens
were ordered to reside on the Golfo Dulce.[XVIII-38]

A constituent assembly was convoked on the 12th of August,[XVIII-39]
and met on the 15th of October, which adopted another fundamental
law for the republic on the 7th of December. It was a most liberal
constitution, recognizing all the rights of man. On religion it
accepted the Roman catholic as the only one to be supported, but
tolerated other forms. Foreigners were allowed the privilege of
trading and other lawful industries, including navigation of rivers
and coasts, of holding property, marrying, and testating. They could
not be compelled to become citizens, but if they wished it, one
year's residence sufficed to obtain naturalization. The government was
declared to be popular, representative, alternative, and responsible.
It was divided into three branches; namely, legislative, executive, and
judicial.[XVIII-40]

The national congress being installed May 1, 1872, on the 30th declared
Tomás Guardia duly elected president, and on the same date appointed
José Antonio Pinto and Rafael Barroeta first and second vice-president
respectively. The same body June 20th granted Guardia leave of
absence, with permission to visit foreign countries for the benefit
of his health, and authorized the government to appropriate out of the
treasury a sum not exceeding $25,000 for his travelling expenses. José
A. Pinto had charge of the executive in his absence.[XVIII-41] Guardia
reassumed his office on the 26th of January, 1873.

The policy Guardia's government had pursued toward Guatemala, Salvador,
and Nicaragua caused these three powers to prepare for any emergency
which might arise. They accordingly entered into a treaty of alliance
on the 26th of August, 1873.[XVIII-42] Minister Montúfar had been the
only one to endeavor to check Guardia's hare-brained plans; but he was
despatched to Europe with the intent of dismissing him in his absence.
Costa Rica, on the 24th of October, addressed a circular to other
governments remonstrating against that treaty.[XVIII-43] Her government
implied that the treaty had been prompted by private animosity, which
the others indignantly denied.[XVIII-44]

[Sidenote: MORE PRESIDENTS.]

This state of affairs created much alarm in Costa Rica, as well as
elsewhere in Central America, and Guardia, professing to give way
to the demands of public opinion, which pointed to him as the sole
promoter of war, temporarily resigned the executive office into
the hands of the first designado, Salvador Gonzalez, on the 21st
of November.[XVIII-45] Gonzalez formed a new cabinet, with José M.
Castro as minister of foreign affairs, and fixed upon a policy that
would secure public confidence at home and peace with the other
states.[XVIII-46] Gonzalez and his ministers had believed in Guardia's
sincerity, but they soon discovered that he had been playing a
hypocritical rôle. Pretending indignation at what he called lowering
the country's honor, and trailing its flag in the dust,[XVIII-47] he
resumed the presidential office on the 1st of December, and the next
day placed it in charge of Rafael Barroeta,[XVIII-48] who held it till
the 28th of February, 1874, when Guardia resumed it. The latter was
again granted a leave of absence May 19, 1875, and was absent several
months.[XVIII-49]

Some further correspondence passed between the governments of Costa
Rica and Nicaragua, resulting from an abortive attempt at revolution
in Guanacaste, when the insurgents, being defeated, escaped into
Nicaragua. A force of Costa Ricans landed from a steamer, killed some
persons and arrested others in territory claimed to be within the
neutral district, under the boundary treaty of 1858, which both parties
had bound themselves to respect till the question of limits should
be finally settled.[XVIII-50] Congress, in March 1876, authorized
the executive to station troops in Guanacaste, on the frontier of
Nicaragua, and defend the country's honor, if assailed. He was also to
arrange, if possible, the troubles with that republic. Guardia visited
the frontier, where General Máximo Jerez and a number of officers also
went via Puntarenas.[XVIII-51]

On the 27th of March a general amnesty was issued to all political
offenders, which implied that the government was confident the public
peace would not be disturbed.[XVIII-52]

Congress declared, May 3d, that Aniceto Esquivel had been
constitutionally chosen president of the republic,[XVIII-53] and on
the 9th appointed Tomás Guardia and Vicente Herrera first and second
designados in the order named. On the 8th Guardia took the chief
command of the forces; and as the constitution did not allow of his
reëlection to the presidential chair, he could reoccupy it at pleasure
by virtue of his position as first designado.[XVIII-54]

[Sidenote: MORE REVOLUTIONS.]

Esquivel inaugurated his administration under favorable circumstances.
He pledged himself to pursue a conciliatory policy, at home and abroad,
though never failing to uphold the rights of Costa Ricans in foreign
lands. Discord, however, broke out, and the opponents of Guardia vented
their hostility by the press. A revolt, with bloodshed, occurred in
Cartago, July 29th, and 30th, to depose Esquivel,[XVIII-55] which
movement proved successful. Vicente Herrera, second designado, was
called to occupy the executive seat.[XVIII-56] The new ruler made
Saturnino Lizano his minister-general, closed diplomatic and commercial
relations with Nicaragua,[XVIII-57] and on the 11th of August
established censorship of the press as a necessity for the preservation
of order.

Herrera's administration was noted for its illiberality toward
foreigners, and for religious bigotry.[XVIII-58] The press was gagged;
capitalists and merchants were heavily mulcted on the pretext of their
being malecontents; men of reputation and standing were driven from
their homes upon the reports of paid spies; and other outrages were
committed.

A revolutionary movement on the 11th of September, 1877, forced
Herrera to surrender the executive office[XVIII-59] to Tomás Guardia,
who assumed the duties, the municipal governments recognizing him
as provisional president with unlimited powers.[XVIII-60] On the
24th he called on the people to choose a constituent assembly to
meet on the 23d of December. The same day he created a gran consejo
nacional, delegating the choice of the majority of its members to the
municipalities. That body, under its constitution, had devolved upon it
several important duties.[XVIII-61] A general amnesty law for political
offences was decreed October 15th, and on the 17th the gran consejo
nacional issued a ley de garantías, declaring life, liberty, and
property inviolable.[XVIII-62] This law was in force only about three
months.

[Sidenote: ARBITRARY RULE.]

Costa Rica was not, it seemed, to be free from actual or impending
trouble. Guatemala refused to recognize Guardia's government, and
the latter closed relations with her as long as Barrios should be her
ruler.[XVIII-63] Early in the following January rumors came that the
republic would soon be invaded by a party of men who had in Nicaragua
organized a government, and purposed establishing it in Costa Rica by
force of arms, if necessary. The invasion took place through Limon,
under the leadership of Federico Mora, who called himself provisional
president. In consequence of this the law of guaranties, and the
elections for the constituent assembly, were suspended, and a decree
issued for the punishment of the invaders when taken.[XVIII-64] The
attempt to overthrow Guardia failed, Mora being defeated at El Zapote
and Matina, and fleeing to Nicaragua. The campaign lasted only eight
days.[XVIII-65] Quiet having been restored for a time, an amnesty was
granted to political offenders.[XVIII-66]

Very little worth mentioning occurred in 1879, except that in October
Costa Rica suspended relations with Salvador. Guardia on the 10th
of July, 1880, restored the law of guaranties, and repeated those of
January 21 and February 1, 1878, appointing August 1st for the election
of deputies, and the 29th of the same month for the instalment of the
constituent assembly. This body met on the appointed day,[XVIII-67] but
had been in session only about three weeks, when from the liberal views
introduced and discussed, and likely to be incorporated in the new
constitution, it became apparent that Guardia would not be the popular
choice for the next presidential term. The last day's proceedings
were an indication of the doom of despotism.[XVIII-68] Guardia and
his satellites, alarmed at their impending downfall, resolved that
their safety lay in dissolving the assembly, suspending the law of
guaranties, and imposing on the people anew the dictatorship. This was
done at once on the pretext of suppressing an imaginary revolution.
The military being all powerful, Guardia on the 28th of September
revived the gran consejo nacional to meet at San José on the 16th of
October. He continued his usual arbitrary practices of imprisoning and
exiling such persons as made themselves obnoxious to him.[XVIII-69]
In 1881 he revisited Europe, and in his absence Salvador Lara acted
as president. A constituent assembly was convoked, which adopted a
constitution containing very liberal clauses, on the 7th of December.
This constitution Guardia suspended on his return to power, early
in 1882, but restored with amendments by his decree of April 26th.
Guardia's health had not been much benefited by his journey to Europe,
and death overtook him at Alajuela in the evening of July 6, 1882. The
highest honors were paid to his remains, such as were never seen in
Central America before or after the independence. They were buried in
San José.[XVIII-70]

Saturnino Lizano had charge of the executive office until the 20th
of July, when he surrendered it to the designado General Próspero
Fernandez, who being subsequently elected president was inducted
into office on the 10th of August.[XVIII-71] The new administration
soon restored diplomatic intercourse with Guatemala, Salvador, and
Honduras.[XVIII-72]

[Sidenote: CHURCH AFFAIRS.]

The relations of the government with the church became strained in
1883. Early that year a decree was issued forbidding the entry of
members of the society of Jesus into the republic, though a few who
had charge of a college at Cartago were allowed to remain. The clergy
began an agitation, and had to be advised by the government, and the
bishop as well, to moderate their zeal.[XVIII-73] But the trouble did
not end. The old struggle between the civil and ecclesiastical powers
was revived. Bishop Thiel, with the aid of the jesuits, attempted to
interfere with and to place himself above the government, which, on
its part, under the authority conferred by congress, resolved to uphold
its supreme authority at all hazards. Hence a decree of July 18, 1884,
expelling the bishop and the jesuits from the country.[XVIII-74] Other
important measures affecting the clergy were also adopted at this
time.[XVIII-75] The bishop was recalled in the following year.

The republic was at peace, when a measure of the legislative assembly
of Guatemala came to create a great alarm. I refer to the decree of
February 28, 1885, declaring the union of Central America in the form
of a single republic, to carry out which scheme President Barrios
assumed military command over Central America. The news of this was
received by President Fernandez from Barrios himself in a telegram on
the 7th of March.[XVIII-76] The national congress was then summoned
to meet on Sunday the 8th, and the president called on the people
to prepare for the defence of Costa Rican independence. The call was
responded to with much enthusiasm. Congress clothed the executive with
extraordinary powers.[XVIII-77] But fate had decreed that Fernandez
should be saved the vexation of spirit and anxiety which the situation
must have caused him. He died suddenly in Aténas between 3 and 4
o'clock in the morning of March 12th. Fernandez was greatly esteemed
both as a private and public man. His funeral took place from the
presidential mansion on the next day, with the honors due his position
as the national chief magistrate.[XVIII-78]

[Sidenote: PEACE AND WAR.]

The first designado, General and Licentiate Bernardo Soto, immediately
assumed the duties of president, as well as of commander of the
forces,[XVIII-79] and at once called to form his cabinet José M.
Castro, Mauro Fernandez, and Santiago de la Guardia.[XVIII-80]
Preparations for war were continued, and other nations advised of
Costa Rica's disapproval of Guatemala's action.[XVIII-81] Peace was
proclaimed on the 19th of April, and the president on the 30th called
congress to meet on the 8th of May, when he would surrender the
extraordinary powers it had clothed him with.

General Fadrique Gutierrez attempted a revolution in August,
which failed. He was taken prisoner, tried by court-martial, and
cashiered.[XVIII-82]

CHAPTER XIX.

DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS IN SALVADOR.

1865-1885.

RULE OF PRESIDENT DUEÑAS—HIS CONSERVATISM—QUARREL WITH
HONDURAS—THE LATTER ALLIED WITH SALVADORAN LIBERALS—BATTLE
OF SANTA ANA—DUEÑAS DEPOSED—HIS IMPEACHMENT, RELEASE,
AND TEMPORARY EXILE—SANTIAGO GONZALEZ PROVISIONAL
PRESIDENT—GONZALEZ ELECTED CHIEF MAGISTRATE—GUATEMALA AND
SALVADOR AT WAR WITH HONDURAS—MURDER OF VICE-PRESIDENT
MENDEZ—EARTHQUAKES—PRESIDENT VALLE—TROUBLE WITH
GUATEMALA—EXEUNT VALLE AND GONZALEZ—ZALDÍVAR'S LONG
RULE—CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGES—ALLIANCE WITH NICARAGUA AND
COSTA RICA—RESISTANCE TO BARRIOS' PLAN OF CONQUEST—SALVADOR
VICTORIOUS—RESTORED PEACE—ZALDÍVAR ELIMINATED—REVOLUTION—F.
MENENDEZ MADE PRESIDENT.

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT DUEÑAS.]

Francisco Dueñas, called to preside over the destinies of Salvador in
1865, by the grace of President Carrera of Guatemala, was a member of
the legal profession, and had already figured in public affairs. He
was from early youth destined for the cloister, and in due time took
the vows as a Dominican. But being of an ardent temperament, he came
after a while to think himself adapted for a political leader rather
than to serve God under a monk's habit.[XIX-1] He accordingly entered
the political field, and soon attained prominence. In 1845 he was a
minister of state, and had previously been a deputy to the federal
congress, wherein for lack of eloquence he made no display; but in
committees and private conversations with his colleagues, he often
managed to have his ideas accepted. He was one of the deputies who
voted against the fatal decree leaving the states free to constitute
themselves. He was then a friend of Central American nationality, and
often defended it almost as warmly as Barrundia. Pretending to follow
public opinion, he was affiliated with the liberals. But his chief
aim was even then the furtherance of his own political advancement.
Thus we see him join the oligarchic clique, and ally himself with
Carrera of Guatemala, from which time he discountenanced every attempt
to restore true democracy. The republic became one in name only, for
his government was personal and absolute.[XIX-2] With the aid of the
oligarchs he managed to sustain himself for years, the country enjoying
peace and material prosperity, for which, as well as for his not
neglecting public education, he should have some credit.[XIX-3]

In December 1868, he was elected president for the next term, and
public affairs continued in a nominal condition for some time, the most
friendly relations being maintained with foreign powers, and specially
with the other Central American states. But in the latter part of
1870 serious differences occurred with the government of Honduras, the
latter imputing to Salvador marked favors to Honduran and Nicaraguan
refugees, who were constantly plotting to overthrow the administration
of President Medina. At last the Honduran government accredited
two commissioners, namely Céleo Arias, and Teodoro Aguiluz, in San
Salvador, with the view of settling those differences, if possible,
in a friendly manner. Salvador on her part named Rafael Zaldívar her
commissioner to treat with them, and their conferences began on the
16th of January, 1871, but they led to no satisfactory result.[XIX-4]
At the fourth and last conference, on the 21st of January, the Honduran
commissioners, after protesting against Salvador's course in rejecting
their demands, proposed as a last resort to preserve friendship—in
view of the fact that all hope of arriving at an understanding had
disappeared, as confidence between the two governments no longer
existed—that the legislatures of both states should be convoked to
meet on the 12th of March, and the two presidents, Medina and Dueñas,
resign their offices. After which elections for chief magistrates
should be held, with the express condition that during those elections
both Medina and Dueñas should reside out of their countries. Four
days having elapsed without any answer having been returned to that
proposition, the Honduran commissioners on the 25th renewed their
protest, declared the conferences closed, and demanded their passports.
However, after this, Zaldívar signified to them an acceptance of the
proposal concerning the resignation. This inspired some hope that
peace might yet be consolidated. But it proved to be a vain hope; for
the government of Honduras on the 7th of February suspended all treaty
stipulations between the two republics, and Salvador despatched in the
same month a body of troops to invade her neighbor's territory;[XIX-5]
in consequence of which President Medina on the 5th of March declared
war against Salvador, or rather against Dueñas' government.[XIX-6]

[Sidenote: HOSTILITIES WITH HONDURAS.]

The liberal party took advantage of the situation to adopt active
measures for the overthrow of despotism, and the restoration of
democratic principles. General Santiago Gonzalez, who had been called
to head a movement, made an address to the people, which produced a
great excitement. Dueñas tried to strengthen himself by means of a
so-called plebiscite, but this only served to show that a revolution
was impending. Gonzalez applied for aid to the government of
Honduras,[XIX-7] which, being then on the point of waging war against
Dueñas, was prevailed on to place under command of that officer the
forces he had organized to invade Salvador through Sensuntepeque.
With his Salvadorans and Honduran allies Gonzalez made himself master
of the departments of Santa Ana and Sonsonate,[XIX-8] from which he
could procure abundant supplies. The government forces, which had been
kept in suspense, not knowing which would be the invaders' objective
point, attacked them at Santa Ana, and after four days' hard fighting,
though much superior in numbers, were utterly routed on the 10th of
April, with heavy casualties; the main army was put to flight, and the
reserve forsook their standard.[XIX-9] Gonzalez was then proclaimed
provisional president, and Dueñas' government collapsed, he, together
with Tomás Martinez, ex-president of Nicaragua, who commanded in chief
the government's army, and others, seeking a place of safety in the
United States legation, then in charge of General A. T. A. Torbert,
minister resident. The next day Gonzalez and his army marched into
the capital amid the most enthusiastic acclamations. His first step
was to protect the person of Dueñas against possible violence from his
exasperated enemies, among whom were the friends of the never-forgotten
Gerardo Barrios, whom Dueñas had caused to be shot in cold blood, and
to obtain his surrender that he might answer before the nation for his
alleged illegal acts.[XIX-10] Both Dueñas and Martinez were surrendered
to the provisional government on its giving a pledge that their lives
would not be imperilled. The surrender of Dueñas was made on the 20th
of April, with his own acquiescence; he was then transferred as a state
prisoner to the military school building.[XIX-11] Martinez was released
and permitted to leave the republic.[XIX-12]

Ex-president Dueñas was, on the 13th of April, 1872, declared by
the senate legally deposed, and amenable to the laws for acts of
usurpation. Murders, among which was reckoned the execution of
Ex-president Barrios, unjustifiable executions, and imprisonments of
citizens, incendiarism, misappropriation of public moneys, and other
misdemeanors. It was further ordered that the accused should be turned
over to the jurisdiction of the courts for trial, pursuant to article
71 of the constitution.[XIX-13] In July of the same year, while the
constitution was in suspense, during a temporary internal disturbance,
the supreme court set him at liberty, which caused much agitation in
Salvador. He left the country after giving bonds in $100,000 that he
would not land in any port of Central America. He went to and remained
in Europe some time, then returned to America, residing a while in
New York, and afterward in San Francisco, California. Subsequently he
was permitted free access to his country, and was treated with high
consideration both in Salvador and Guatemala.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: NEW CONSTITUTION.]

The constituent assembly, which had been convoked by the provisional
government, was installed July 28, 1871, and began its labors on the
31st, when the provisional president gave an account of his official
acts, all of which were legalized at once.[XIX-14] The following
persons were, in the order named, designated to take charge of the
executive, provisionally, in the event of disability of Gonzalez;
namely, Rafael Campo, Manuel Gallardo, and Cruz Ulloa.

On the 16th of October, the assembly adopted a new fundamental law
in twelve titles, which may be said to have been in perfect accord
with democratic principles.[XIX-15] This constitution was amended
on the 9th of November, 1872, in a few particulars by a constituent
assembly, the presidential term being made of four years instead of
two. He could neither be reëlected for the next immediate term, nor
act as president even a single day beyond the time for which he was
chosen.[XIX-16] This same assembly in 1872 enacted several secondary
laws of importance, to wit: on freedom of the press; trial by jury in
criminal and libel cases; use of martial law; elections by universal
suffrage; public instruction; codification of the laws in force since
1821; and appropriation of private property for great public uses.

The presidential election under the new charter of 1871 resulted in
Gonzalez, the provisional president, being chosen the constitutional
chief magistrate, his term to begin on the 1st of February the
following year. The amendment to the constitution of November 9, 1872,
extended it to February 1, 1876.

[Sidenote: CALAMITOUS TIMES.]

The political relations of the governments of Salvador and Guatemala
with Honduras had, early in 1872, become so unfriendly that a war was
unavoidable. Salvadoran and Guatemala forces invaded Honduras, and were
successful in their operations, the details of which will be given in
connection with the history of the latter country.[XIX-17] President
Gonzalez and his victorious army on their return to San Salvador in
June received an ovation. Subsequent events demanded the despatch of
more troops to Honduras, which, together with Guatemala's, completed
the work of the first campaign. The government also felt compelled
to exile a number of persons who were manifestly conspiring for the
destruction of the liberal régime.[XIX-18] The ministers addressed
an exposé to the constituent congress, which had been in session
since September 27th, reviewing the policy of the administration, and
submitting for its sanction the late war measures, at variance with the
constitution. All the acts of the president were subsequently approved
by congress.[XIX-19]

The only other event of 1872 worthy of mention was the murder of the
vice-president, Manuel Mendez, on the night of the 1st of September,
in the public street,[XIX-20] by a man named Juan Melendez. At first
it was supposed that the act might have been prompted by other motives
than personal revenge; the latter proved, however, to be the real
cause. The assassin fled into Honduras, but was finally discovered and
surrendered to Salvador, where he was tried and executed.[XIX-21]

The year 1873 in its first part was a calamitous one for Salvador.
A series of earthquakes caused destruction in many places, specially
on the 19th of March, ruining the capital for the eighth time in its
history. The national congress, after approving the government's acts
to the date of closing its session, left the country to devote its
best energies in repairing the havoc of that catastrophe. The rest of
the year and 1874 formed, indeed, a period not only of restoration
but of marked progress in every respect. National industries went
on developing, public instruction, under the fostering care of the
authorities, was constantly being spread among the masses, and the
financial condition had become much improved. Peace reigned at home,
and the relations with foreign powers were on an amicable footing;
cordiality seemed to preside over those with the other Central American
states. The future, at the inception of 1875, promised concord and
good-will as well as undisturbed progressiveness.[XIX-22] But these
expectations were not realized. The public peace was disturbed on two
occasions; the first, by the Indians of Dolores Izalco, who, because
of a dispute with the authorities anent their community lands, rose in
arms, and on March 14th assaulted the garrison of the city of Izalco,
to be repulsed with considerable loss. Their head men were arrested and
imprisoned some months, until, promising good behavior in the future,
they were released.[XIX-23] The other affair was a more serious one,
calling for energetic action on the part of the military power. An
armed mob of reactionists and religious fanatics, led by one Tinoco and
a clergyman named José Manuel Palacios, on the 20th of June, fell upon
the city of San Miguel, slaying the small garrison, together with the
comandante general, Felipe Espinosa, and several citizens, sacking the
business houses, and burning down a portion of the town. Such deeds of
blood, robbery, and incendiarism as those of the 20th to the 24th had
seldom been witnessed in Central America. Troops arrived from La Union,
and the Honduran port of Amapala, on the 24th, and the malefactors
fled, but not before about thirty of their number, including Father
Palacios, were taken prisoners. A considerable part of the stolen goods
was recovered. Reënforcements followed, and the department was secured
from further molestation. President Gonzalez was at San Miguel on the
27th.[XIX-24]

On the other hand, a sanguinary and disastrous war with Guatemala
caused an entire change in the administration.

The general assembly had, on the 1st of March, convoked the people to
elect on the first Sunday of December a president and vice-president
for the second constitutional term to begin February 1, 1876, and end
February 1, 1880. Andrés Valle was chosen president, and Santiago
Gonzalez, vice-president. The latter offered his resignation, but
the assembly did not accept it. They were inducted into office on
the appointed date. But previous to this, Guatemala having assumed a
menacing attitude, congress decreed that in the event of the president
going to the field at the head of the army, Valle, then a senator,
should act in his stead, pro tempore. On the same date a forced loan of
$500,000 was also ordered to be raised.

[Sidenote: PENDING HOSTILITIES.]

The difficulties arose from a supposed understanding of President
Gonzalez with Guatemalan refugees in Salvador, and the government
of Ponciano Leiva in Honduras, with the ulterior object of bringing
about the downfall of Barrios. The latter alleged also that Gonzalez
intended to uphold with his forces the government of Leiva, which,
according to him, was entirely unpopular, because of its subserviency
to Salvador. This intervention was deemed not only an attack against
Honduran autonomy, but a menace to Guatemala. Gonzalez was notified
that if he persisted in that course, Guatemala would then interfere
in favor of General Medina, who was then trying to overthrow Leiva.
The result of this attitude was a renewed assurance by Gonzalez of
friendly feeling, and a proposition to hold a verbal conference on
Honduran affairs, which Barrios accepted, and such a conference was
held now with President Valle at Chingo, and a convention was signed
on the 15th of February, under which Marco Aurelio Soto, an Honduran
by birth, was to undertake the pacification of his country, backed
by equal forces of Guatemala and Honduras.[XIX-25] Barrios contended
that, though Valle was president, Gonzalez was the real power in
Salvador, whom he accused in a public manifesto of hypocrisy and
treachery. Angry words continued, the two nations being now armed
for the conflict, till they agreed to disband their forces. Both
governments claimed to have done so, imputing to the other a wilful
neglect of its obligation. The probability is, that, distrusting one
another, they merely pretended compliance, keeping their troops ready
for action. Barrios sent 1,500 men into Honduras, and came himself
with a force to threaten Salvador on the west, and actually invaded the
latter without a previous declaration of war. At last, on the 20th of
March, José María Samayoa, minister of war in charge of the executive
of Guatemala, formally declared all official relations with Salvador
at an end, and then again on the 27th, alleging that Salvadoran troops
had invaded Guatemala, decreed the existence of war, giving Barrios
unlimited power to make such uses of this declaration as befitted the
dignity of Guatemala.[XIX-26] The government of Salvador on the 26th of
March decreed the treaty of amity and alliance concluded with Guatemala
January 24, 1872, to be no longer in force.[XIX-27]

[Sidenote: THE WRATH OF BARRIOS.]

Barrios' plan for the campaign was to assail Salvador on the west
direct from Guatemala with an army under his personal command, and
at the same time by a movement from Honduras under General Gregorio
Solares on the eastern departments of San Miguel and La Union.

The Mexican general, Lopez Uraga, adjutant-general of Barrios, was
stationed with a garrison at Jutiapa to guard the army supplies. At
this time the Salvadorans unsuccessfully attacked an isolated position
on the frontier, which roused the ire of Barrios. He then directed
Uraga to move the supplies to Chingo, whence he started himself to
the invasion of Salvador. Solares had not yet been heard from. He had
first of all to get Medina and Leiva out of the way in Honduras. The
Guatemalan president then marched to the Coco hacienda, and hearing
that Chalchuapa was abandoned, occupied it at once. The Salvadorans had
their headquarters at Santa Ana. The armies which were to encounter
each other on the field of battle were the most numerous Central
America had ever seen. Barrios with 8,000 or 9,000 men laid siege of
Ahuachapan. Uraga stationed himself at Chalchuapa with about 1,500, and
Chingo was left with a handful of men.[XIX-28]

The Guatemalans who have occupied Apaneca were driven away, and on
returning thereto encountered the Salvadorans on the 15th of April,
and after a fight lasting from eight in the morning till nightfall,
were routed, and pursued as far as Atiquizaya, sustaining heavy
losses.[XIX-29]

Meantime the belligerent armies in the east were not idle. Solares
after hard fighting from the 17th to the 19th of April won a signal
and decisive victory at Pasaquina over the Salvadorans commanded by
generals Brioso, Delgado, Sanchez, and Espinosa; the results of which
were that he obtained control of the departments of San Miguel and
La Union, menacing those of San Vicente and Usulutan, and even the
official residence of President Valle; thus depriving the government of
large resources, and disheartening the army of Gonzalez in Ahuachapan
and Santa Ana.[XIX-30] After this victory, Solares being reënforced,
the Salvadorans, now reduced to 800 or 900, precipitately retreated
to San Miguel, but by desertions on the march dwindled down to less
than 200. The defence of San Miguel became impossible, and Solares
occupied it, as well as La Union. There being insufficient elements to
defend San Vicente, the government ordered the scattered garrisons to
concentrate at the capital.

[Sidenote: CONVENTION AND TREATY.]

The condition of the army of the west was not much better. There were
in Ahuachapan about 2,600 men, and in Santa Ana hardly 3,500. The
former was greatly decreased by constant fighting during the holy week,
and on the day after easter hardly exceeded 900 demoralized troops.
An unsuccessful attempt was made against Chalchuapa. A few days later
Salvadoran commissioners visited Barrios' headquarters, as he was, it
is averred, on the point of raising the siege of Ahuachapan.[XIX-31]
He then marched to Atiquizaya, and the next day to Chalchuapa, where
the negotiations for peace were held,[XIX-32] which resulted in a
convention, preliminary to a treaty of peace, concluded on the 25th
of April, ratified the next day, and coupled with the condition
sine qua non of a complete change in the personnel of the Salvadoran
government.[XIX-33]

Under the preliminary convention of April 25th, Rafael Zaldívar
was chosen provisional president, and on the 1st of May appointed
his cabinet.[XIX-34] A definitive treaty of peace, friendship,
and alliance, offensive and defensive, was signed at Santa Ana May
8th,[XIX-35] in which Honduras joined on the 27th of May. General
Gonzalez had meantime repaired on board the British war ship _Amethyst_
at La Libertad, transferring himself afterward to the American mail
steamship _Costa Rica_, on which he left Central America.

Pursuant to the 6th clause of the convention of April 25th, the people
were called upon to choose, on the first Sunday of June, a president
and vice-president, as well as representatives to the legislative
assembly, the latter to meet at San Salvador on the 1st of July. This
clause having been duly carried out, the Guatemalan forces withdrew
from Salvador, in accordance with the 7th.[XIX-36] The elections
took place, the national congress being installed July 3d, and Rafael
Zaldívar declared to have been duly chosen constitutional president to
continue the term from February 1, 1876, to February 1, 1880. He was
accordingly inducted into office on the 19th of July.

* * * * *

Rafael Zaldívar had previously served in both houses of congress, in
the cabinet, and filled several diplomatic missions, notably that of
minister plenipotentiary in Berlin.[XIX-37] On his return he became
President Dueñas' right-hand man and supporter. He was president of the
last general assembly at the time of Dueñas' downfall, and considering
his life in danger, he concealed himself, and finally escaped out
of the country.[XIX-38] After this he lived in exile about five
years.[XIX-39]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: CONSTITUTIONAL CONGRESS.]

The new administration had no home or foreign complications to distract
its attention from the usual routine of duties, and progress was
soon noticeable in every branch of industry as well as of the public
service. The executive, on the 3d of April, 1879, called the people to
choose a constituent congress to effect reforms in the constitution
of November 9, 1872. This body was duly installed June 9th, under
the presidency of Teodoro Moreno; but after appointing a committee to
frame a constitution, it adjourned July 2d to meet again between the
1st and 15th of January, 1880. It reassembled on the latter date, and
proceeded to consider the project of a fundamental law laid before it
by that committee. Some amendments were finally adopted on the 19th
of February, and Zaldívar was reëlected president for the ensuing term
from February 1, 1880, to February 1, 1884.

Nothing worthy of special mention occurred till the end of 1882. The
constitutional congress opened its session on the 5th of January,
1883, when the president gave an encouraging account of the political
situation. Peace reigned, and the people were devoted to their
industrial pursuits. The relations with the other nations of the earth
were cordial, Salvador, though a small power, being the recipient of
respect and regard from all others. With Costa Rica the relations,
interrupted since October 1879, were renewed, and with Nicaragua
the most perfect understanding existed. The treaty of alliance with
Guatemala and Honduras was in full force.[XIX-40]

But this happy state of things was not to last. At 2 o'clock in the
morning of April 16th, a body of men armed with rifles, shot-guns,
revolvers, and machetes attacked the garrison at Santa Tecla, crying
Viva la religion! Viva el Doctor Gallardo! Mueran Zaldívar y Barrios!
They were repulsed by the troops commanded by Colonel Matías Castro
Delgado, who captured forty prisoners. The government forces went in
pursuit of the others in the region of the neighboring volcano.[XIX-41]
The insurrectionary movement had ramifications in other towns, namely,
La Libertad, San Salvador, Santa Ana, Ahuachapan, and Sonsonate, where
its authors expected to be seconded. The president at once placed the
departments of San Salvador, La Libertad, and the west under martial
law. This and other prompt measures prevented any further action on the
part of the would-be revolutionists. Quiet having been fully restored,
the decree of martial law was repealed.[XIX-42]

Another change in the constitution was made this year. The executive
called a convention on the 18th of October to meet between the 15th and
20th of December, to revise the charter of February 19, 1880, adapting
the fundamental institutions of the country to its present needs; and
also to take cognizance of other matters which the executive would lay
before it.[XIX-43]

[Sidenote: CHRONIC REVOLUTION.]

A new constitution was adopted soon after, containing all the political
rights recognized in the most liberal instruments of the kind,
guaranteeing also the free exercise of all religions not repugnant to
morality and public order.[XIX-44] President Zaldívar was reëlected
and reinaugurated on the 1st of February, 1884.[XIX-45] But obtaining
leave of absence to visit Europe, where his family had been some time,
he turned over the executive office to the first designado, Angel
Guirola, who was to hold it till his return.[XIX-46] He was again in
San Salvador in August, and resumed his duties.

Another period of trouble is now again impending on Salvador. Elsewhere
I give the particulars of the undertaking of Barrios, president of
Guatemala, to reconstruct Central America as one republic by force
of arms. It is unnecessary to do more than glance at the same here.
On finding a deliberate opposition to his project on the part of the
governments of Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, he placed his
army in the field to support any movements in those republics toward
the end he had in view. The people of Salvador responded to the call
of their authorities,[XIX-47] who in a short time had about 1,800
volunteers enrolled, and relied, moreover, on the aid of the other
three governments equally interested in defending their autonomy. About
12,000 men were stationed on the western frontier under the direct
command of President Zaldívar, but no act of hostility was committed,
out of respect for the American minister, who had been mediating, and
obtained from Barrios that he would not invade Salvador if his own
territory were not assailed. But this pledge went for nothing. The
Guatemalans invaded Salvador March 30th, compelling the Salvadorans
who had been fortifying the hacienda del Coco to abandon that position,
though only after severe fighting, and retire into their fortifications
of Chalchuapa.[XIX-48] The latter were assailed by the whole force
of the enemy, but the garrison returned the fire with success, and
gallantly met the desperate onslaught until a signal victory crowned
their well-directed efforts. Barrios, the intrepid leader of the
Guatemalans, lost his life, but this did not put an end to the fight
for several hours yet.[XIX-49] The discomfited assailants began their
retreat to the frontier at six o'clock, or a little later, in the
evening, unpursued.[XIX-50]

[Sidenote: FRANCISCO MENENDEZ.]

With the friendly intervention of the foreign diplomatic corps an
armistice was signed, giving time for negotiations, which culminated in
a treaty of peace with Guatemala, the particulars of which are given
elsewhere.[XIX-51] With Honduras[XIX-52] a treaty was concluded, with
the assent of the three allies, which restored friendly relations.
Zaldívar called congress to hold an extra session, and laid before it,
May 4th, an account of the campaign and its results, and concluded,
asking that body to accept his resignation. This was unanimously
refused; nor was his subsequent request for a year's leave of absence
granted. But on his declaring his intention of taking the unused time
of the leave given him in 1884, that body acceded, and allowed him to
be absent twelve months. On the 14th, he placed the executive authority
in the hands of the second designado, General Fernando Figueroa, his
minister of the treasury, who had the support of Zaldívar's friends;
and on the following day departed for Europe.[XIX-53] An insurrection
had already broken out in the west, promoted by political adversaries,
whose leader was General Francisco Menendez. The government reported
a victory over the insurgents at Armenia the 19th of May, but the
revolution gained ground so rapidly that Menendez, who had been
proclaimed presidente provisorio, made his triumphal entry in San
Salvador on the 22d, midst the acclamations of the populace.[XIX-54]
The revolution was successful, and the new government was afterward
recognized by foreign powers.[XIX-55]

In August, Menendez called on the people to choose a constituent
convention, and preparations were made therefor; but disturbances
having occurred in several places, he prolonged his dictatorship and
redeclared martial law.[XIX-56] Zaldívar was charged with improper uses
of the public funds, and the government refused to recognize a certain
indebtedness incurred in his administration. His property in Salvador
was seized, and an attempt was made by certain persons to lay hands on
some real estate of his in Costa Rica, but they were not permitted to
do so.[XIX-57] Shortly after there was a rupture with Nicaragua, which
did not last long, a treaty of peace being signed at Amapala in January
1886.

CHAPTER XX.

DEMOCRACY RESTORED IN GUATEMALA.

1865-1873.

PRESIDENT CERNA'S RULE—PARTIAL REVOLTS—LIBERALS IN THE
ASSEMBLY—CERNA'S REËLECTION—RIOTS IN THE CAPITAL—ZAVALA'S
COURSE—CRUZ' REBELLION, DEFEAT, AND DEATH—ARRESTS OF
LIBERALS—MODERATION OF THE GOVERNMENT—REVOLUTION OF GARCÍA
GRANADOS AND BARRIOS—PLAN OF PATZICIA—CERNA DEFEATED AND
OVERTHROWN—GRANADOS AS PRESIDENTE PROVISORIO—SEDITIOUS
MOVEMENTS QUELLED—ABOLITION OF PRIESTLY PRIVILEGES—PRELATES,
JESUITS, AND CAPUCHINS EXPELLED—WAR WITH HONDURAS—BARRIOS AS
SUBSTITUTE PRESIDENT—HIS SEVERITY—ELECTIONS—BARRIOS CHOSEN
CONSTITUTIONAL PRESIDENT.

Upon the demise of President Carrera, April 14, 1865, the government
devolved for a time on Pedro de Aycinena, minister of foreign affairs,
who summoned the legislative body to choose a successor in the
executive seat. The person then selected was Vicente Cerna,[XX-1] who
took possession of the chair with the usual formalities on the 24th
of May, and in his manifesto and inaugural made known that his policy
would be that of the preceding administration, being assured of the
coöperation of the late president's ministers, whose qualifications
he could not too highly extol.[XX-2] Though a brave man, and not
an unskilful general, Cerna was not gifted with the extraordinary
acuteness of Carrera; and not possessing the support and overawing
power which the late ruler had over the liberals, omens of trouble
began to appear in the political horizon. The fact is, that the
assembly and people, at the time of his election, had expected some
reforms of the former policy. But at the end of nearly two years these
expectations had vanished, and insurrections were erelong set on foot;
for the liberal party, though kept under so many years, had not died
out. Justo Rufino Barrios, hitherto a refugee in Chiapas,[XX-3] now
appeared on the theatre of war, rendering efficient aid to the most
influential opponent of the government, Serapio Cruz, one of Carrera's
generals, who had early in February 1867 initiated a revolution in
Sanarate, recruiting men and capturing arms from Guastatoya.[XX-4]
Though corpulent, Cruz was energetic and strong, active in his
movements, and possessing a knowledge of the mountainous region, could
not be easily subdued by the government.[XX-5] However, it so happened
that Brigadier Solares pressed him hard, and he had to flee, when
his followers abandoning him, he asked for a safe-conduct out of the
country, which was given him on the 8th of April, and he was taken
under a guard to the frontier of Salvador.[XX-6] The government did not
sanction this proceeding of Solares.

[Sidenote: BARRIOS' PRONUNCIAMIENTO.]

A pronunciamiento took place at the Malacate hacienda, belonging
to Barrios, August 3d, the same year, which also failed, the
insurgents being defeated, and their leader, Francisco Cruz, and
thirty-seven others captured by Indians friendly to the government, and
sentenced.[XX-7] Serapio Cruz with twenty men invaded Guatemala from
Chiapas in March 1869. The government decreed stringent measures.[XX-8]
Cruz on the 27th of April destroyed a small party of troops under
Lieutenant Abelar in the mountains. He was on the 2d and 3d of May
at Huehuetenango,[XX-9] and on the 4th marched to Momostenango with
five hundred Indians and some ladinos. About one hundred of his men
had fire-arms, a number only machetes, and the rest were unarmed. He
continued his march to Santa María Chiquimula, thence to Santa Lucía,
five leagues distant, but abandoned it on the 6th, upon the approach of
government troops, going to Sacapulas, as if to return to the mountains
of Nebaj. Colonel Battle reported May 20th from Nebaj the utter
discomfiture of Cruz that morning. His men had taken flight, scattering
in the mountains.[XX-10] Another report of the 23d stated that Cruz
with only 23 men was on the 21st fleeing through the unsettled region
of Chimal, as if bound to Chiapas by way of Chaculá. It seems that
being pursued from all directions, he fled from Verapaz, where he found
no followers, to Canillá, and succeeded in entering the Sierra Madre.
In Guatemala it was reported, July 30, 1869, that Cruz had again taken
refuge in Chiapas.[XX-11]

* * * * *

While the government had been thus harassed by insurgents in arms,
the liberal opposition in the legislative chamber was daily growing
in strength. Deputy Miguel García Granados repeatedly denounced the
arbitrary acts of the ministers. After a while there came to be but
few less liberals than conservatives in the legislature, and when
Cerna's term was approaching its end, the opposition felt strong enough
to have a candidate of their own at the presidential election. Cerna
was brought forward by his party for the next term—May 24, 1869, to
December 31, 1872. The liberals nominated General Victor Zavala, who
had won so much distinction in the Walker campaign, and was popular
with the military element.[XX-12] Zavala was defeated, though he had a
respectable support in the assembly,[XX-13] which was an omen of a not
distant change in the political situation.

On the 24th of May, 1869, the date of Cerna's second inauguration,
there was a great popular excitement at the capital. A revolution was
impending. At the approach of night every precaution was adopted by the
ministers to guard the president's mansion and the public buildings.
The troops were kept in the barracks under arms. As darkness increased,
cries of Viva Zavala! were repeatedly heard, shots were fired, several
persons being wounded, and one killed in the plaza del teatro. Zavala's
friends tried to prevail on him to lead them in an attempt to overthrow
the administration. He refused to do so, from motives of prudence
and unwillingness to cause bloodshed. He strongly doubted that such a
movement could be successful, and was probably right, but his course
on that occasion lost him the regard of the more enthusiastic portion
of his political supporters. There had been an escape from a sanguinary
revolt, but the public mind remained greatly agitated.

[Sidenote: DETERMINED REVOLUTIONISTS.]

Cerna in his inaugural address had said that the troubled state of the
country had demanded his acceptance of a reëlection, and that this
opportunity, when the republic was at peace with the other Central
American states, and with all foreign powers, was a favorable one for
good citizens to aid the government in securing quiet at home. But
his advice was unheeded. Neither he nor his ministers were allowed
any peace. García Granados continued his agitation in the legislative
chamber, his denunciations of the government growing from day to day
louder and more menacing. The president and his cabinet were aware
that a large portion of the middle class in the chief towns sided
with the liberal agitator, and that the leaven of liberalism already
was working in the army. Several superior officers were accordingly
distrusted, and the lower ones serving under them were of course looked
on as unreliable. The treasury was empty, and the country burdened
with a heavy debt, both internal and foreign.[XX-14] Meantime, Serapio
Cruz was daily gaining strength on the north-western frontier. He was
supplied with money by the liberals, with which he bought arms for
his followers. His Indian allies kept him advised of every advance of
government troops.[XX-15] He was exceedingly active and successful in
the latter part of 1869, having at this time from 700 to 1,000 men, and
being efficiently seconded by J. Rufino Barrios. Various collisions
with the government troops were favorable to the insurgents. The
latter assaulted Huehuetenango, a strongly garrisoned place, and were
repulsed, but not before they had burned down a large part of it. In
December 1869, Cruz approached the capital, and by rapid movements
evaded the superior forces of the government.

On Saturday, the 15th of January, 1870, the liberals in the capital
had made preparations for an outbreak the following day, when Cruz
was expected to march in and support them. Early on Sunday there was
much excitement in the city. Unfortunately for their cause, Cruz had
relaxed his vigilance. Before noon it was whispered that on the road
leading from the eastern gate to Palencia, a severe encounter had taken
place; next came a report that Cruz had been defeated and killed, soon
followed by another that his head was on its way to the city. This
proved to be a fact.[XX-16] The victors marched into the capital with
their ghastly trophy, the head of the man who had expected at that
moment to be master of the place.[XX-17]

[Sidenote: EXCEPTIONAL CLEMENCY.]

All hope of success for the liberals was now at an end, at least
for a time. The correspondence of their chief men with Cruz having
been captured, the government ordered their arrest, but most of them
escaped. José María Samayoa, the wealthiest of them, was imprisoned a
short time, and then banished, and went to sojourn in San Salvador.
García Granados, after being some time concealed, was ultimately
discovered, and sought asylum at the British legation, from which, by
the intercession of other foreign representatives, he was permitted
to leave the country. He went to reside in Chiapas.[XX-18] The
administration must be commended for its magnanimity. Not a single
execution or confiscation of property followed its triumph. Whatever
the motive was which prompted clemency to such bitter opponents[XX-19]
against the opinion of many firm supporters, it may not be denied
that it eventually brought about the government's overthrow; for
the condition of the liberals, though overspread with gloom, was not
altogether hopeless. The government strengthened their bands by failing
to satisfy the people with liberal measures.[XX-20] The discontent grew
apace. Neither the authorities nor García Granados were idle during
1870, both laying in a supply of breech-loading rifles.

Early in 1871, the liberals of Salvador, with the assistance of the
president of Honduras, overthrew the government of Dueñas.[XX-21] This
was a heavy blow to the conservatives. García Granados was organizing
an expedition in Chiapas, probably in concert with the liberals of
Salvador, and as soon as Dueñas' downfall was accomplished, he invaded
Guatemala, where he was joined by J. Rufino Barrios, who, upon the
defeat of Cruz, had retired into Mexican territory. Vicente Mendez Cruz
invaded on the 5th of March at Charulá and proceeded to the sierra of
Nebaj, relying on the aid of the Indians of Chajul. He was joined by
another party under E. Giron, and together they occupied Coban, which
was ungarrisoned. Barrios with about sixty men encountered, April
4th, on the Tacaná heights, a government force, which retreated to San
Márcos. Lastly, Lieutenant-colonel Juan Viteri joined them with some
servants of his hacienda.[XX-22]

[Sidenote: GARCÍA GRANADOS.]

García Granados, by way of Cuilco and Tejutla, reached, May 10th,
Serchil, distant three leagues from San Pedro Sacatepequez. He,
together with Barrios, occupied San Márcos, and on the approach of
Lieutenant-colonel Calonge, retreated toward Coatepeque.[XX-23] The
result of the operations was that on June 1st Calonge, at the head
of 800 men, was routed by García Granados near La Antigua, losing his
artillery, 500 rifles, and ammunition. Of the government troops hardly
100 men got back to the capital. The people of Jutiapa revolted, and
sent a commissioner to General Gregorio Solares, then at Santa Ana, in
Salvador, to invite him to command a considerable force for coöperation
with García Granados. Solares lost no time in answering the call.

The officers of the liberating army held a meeting on the 3d of June
at the town of Patzicia, and in a preamble and series of resolutions
made known their purpose to overthrow Cerna and his administration,
and establish a republic based on democratic principles, to which
effect Miguel García Granados was called to act as provisional
president with ample powers.[XX-24] García Granados had previously
made a proclamation to his countrymen detailing the arbitrary acts of
the government, one of which had been the order to confine him and
other representatives of the people[XX-25] in the dungeons of Fort
San José. He was fortunate, however, in escaping arrest. He now urged
the necessity of overthrowing a despotism under which the nation could
make no progress whatever.[XX-26] Again, after the pronunciamiento of
Patzicia, he issued another manifesto, pledging himself to labor for
the establishment of a republican government.

The troops sent against the insurgents at first made little or no
resistance. They were disaffected men, and led by lukewarm or faithless
officers.[XX-27] Cerna then took the field with the troops which could
be spared from the defence of the capital, a good portion being his
faithful battalions of Santa Rosa and Chiquimula Indians; but it was
too late. He was in no condition to cope with the enemy, most of his
best officers having deserted him. There were several encounters,
in only one of which he had any chance of success. On the 23d of
June he surprised the insurgents on the hills between Totonicapan
and Quezaltenango, in Tierrablanca; his brave Indians drove back the
Quezaltenangos, but Barrios came with reënforcements of his best
troops, and regained the lost ground. At this moment Cerna was no
longer fit to command, being taken very ill.[XX-28] His friends hurried
him off, and his men were utterly routed, and made a hasty retreat
in the afternoon. Next morning Colonel Julio García Granados went
in pursuit, and captured nearly 100 prisoners and a quantity of war
material.

[Sidenote: IMPORTANT VICTORY.]

Cerna reached Chimaltenango, and thought of fortifying himself there.
With reënforcements received from the capital he now had 2,100 men. The
insurgent army, though increased in Los Altos, was only 1,200 strong;
but it was flushed with victory, and counted on the superiority of
its Remington and Winchester rifles. García Granados resolved not to
attack Cerna in Chimaltenango, but to march by way of San Andrés Itzapa
to La Antigua, and occupy the heights of Santa Lucía, thus menacing
the capital.[XX-29] On reaching Chicoj he heard that Cerna was at La
Antigua. Changing his plans, he marched to Chimaltenango, and thence to
Santiago, a town six leagues from Guatemala, where he spent the night.
In Zumpango he was advised of the occupation of Amatitlan by Solares,
whom he at once directed to harass Cerna on his march to the capital.
Granados' intent was to meet Cerna on the Mixco road; and to this end
early on the 29th of June repaired to San Lúcas, to ascertain with
certainty the time when Cerna would pass through Rancho de San Lúcas
toward Bárcenas. He occupied that town, and after a consultation with
his second in command, Barrios, went with a body of cavalry to the
Mixco heights, where he presently heard shots from the direction of
San Lúcas. Cerna had made ready for the struggle. Barrios saw victory
on the San Lúcas hill; and without waiting the return of his chief,
directed Julio García Granados with 800 men to support his front,
and rapidly marched with 400, and occupied the hill, thus winning
the day. Cerna's troops, finding their retreat cut off, disbanded by
hundreds, and by nightfall the number of prisoners and deserters, most
of the latter with their arms, exceeded 1,000.[XX-30] The victory was
complete; for of Cerna's 2,400 men—he had lately received 400—scarcely
30 entered the capital that day.[XX-31]

The provisional president passed the night in Bárcenas, and the next
morning after the civil authorities of Guatemala had met him outside
and quietly delivered the keys of the city together with the castle
and barracks, he, accompanied by Barrios, the other leading officers,
and the troops, marched into the capital amid the most enthusiastic
plaudits.[XX-32] With the exception of a few hostile cries against
Cerna, Bolaños, the comandante general, and others, perfect order
prevailed; no acts of violence or retaliation were permitted.[XX-33]

The task of reorganizing public affairs was an arduous one.[XX-34] The
first attempt to appoint a cabinet was unsuccessful. Persons who were
tendered portfolios declined them. However, Felipe Galvez, who had
been secretary-general during the campaign, became minister of foreign
affairs, public instruction, and ad interim of hacienda; and Arcadio
Estrada, minister of government, justice, and ecclesiastical affairs.

The act of Patzicia was accepted by the principal towns in the
republic, save those of the departments of Santa Rosa and Chiquimula.
The government decreed several liberal measures, and restored
diplomatic relations with Costa Rica.[XX-35]

[Sidenote: DOWNFALL OF THE CLERGY.]

The new administration had hardly initiated reforms when an
insurrection broke out in Santa Rosa, promoted by the priests and
their aristocratic allies. It does not appear that García Granados had
at first intended open hostility to the religious orders. The tone
of his address, early in September 1871, to the Santa Rosa Indians,
indicated that his plans involved absolute religious tolerance.[XX-36]
The priests would not rest contented with the loss of their former high
standing.[XX-37] Had they remained quiet, it is not likely they would
have been molested. The president's call on the insurgents of Santa
Rosa to submit was disregarded, but their movement was quelled by the
end of the month with much bloodshed.[XX-38] An amnesty was granted to
rebels surrendering to the authorities. The decree of martial law was
repealed; and the ministers then in charge of the executive made García
Granados a captain-general and Barrios a lieutenant-general.[XX-39]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: SUPPRESSION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES.]

The new régime now resolved to cut loose of the ecclesiastical incubus,
and to establish the supremacy of the civil authority in the state
on a firm basis. Its first step was to carry out a decree of the
revolutionary government, dated May 24, 1870, to expel the society of
Jesus forever from the republic.[XX-40] This was not effected without
some scandal and disturbance from the zealous partisans of the order.
Seventy-three jesuits, most of whom were foreigners, were sent away
on an American steamship, bound to Panamá.[XX-41] They did not go so
far down, however, as will be shown elsewhere. The decree under which
this expulsion was effected resembled that of April 2, 1767, issued by
Cárlos III.[XX-42]

Archbishop Piñol of Guatemala, and Ortiz Urruela, bishop of Teya
in partibus infidelium, for their marked hostility in promoting
rebellion, were, on October 17th, ordered to leave the country, and
they departed without offering any resistance. The tithes tax was at
once suppressed.[XX-43] On the 7th of June, 1872, religious communities
of men were extinguished, causing great excitement, but owing to the
energy of the government it soon died out.[XX-44] Nor did the action
of the government stop here. The fuero eclesiástico in both civil
and criminal causes was done away with March 12, 1873, and freedom of
worship decreed on the 15th.[XX-45]

The turn of the nunneries came at last. On the 28th of February, 1874,
it was ordered that all the nuns should be concentrated in one convent,
the Santa Catarina, and be allowed to receive their families and
friends without hindrance. This convent was placed under the immediate
protection and vigilance of the civil authorities, which roused the ire
of the ecclesiastics, who endeavored to nullify the order.[XX-46] The
consequence was, that in February 1874, President Barrios decreed the
suppression of many religious houses, prohibiting professions in the
future, and permitting nuns who so desired to leave the cloister, and
to each one so departing would be given a monthly allowance of twenty
dollars. On the 3d of March the nuns residing in Santa Catarina were
put out of the cloister.[XX-47]

* * * * *

The aspect of public affairs in Central America at the inception of
1872 was not promising of stability and peace. Honduras, together
with Archbishop Piñol, Bishop Ortiz Urruela, the jesuits, and their
conservative friends, all combined, had assumed a reactionary attitude,
with the avowed intent of upsetting the governments which were laboring
to consolidate democratic principles, and serious complications were
apprehended.[XX-48] The two governments thus menaced were, however,
fully prepared for the emergency.[XX-49]

President Medina, of Honduras, having become the leader of the
reactionary element, Guatemala and Salvador entered into a treaty of
alliance and despatched troops against him, after a formal declaration
of war.[XX-50] The president took command of the Guatemalan troops for
the campaign, leaving the executive office temporarily in charge of
Barrios. The war was but a short one, ending advantageously for the
allies, who, after concluding a satisfactory arrangement, retired their
troops. García Granados returned to Guatemala on the 10th of June,
and reassumed his executive duties, Barrios going to Quezaltenango as
comandante general of Los Altos.[XX-51] The cabinet was now organized,
as appears in the note at foot.[XX-52] The reactionists would not keep
still. Colonel Vicente Mendez Cruz, jefe político of Amatitlan, placed
himself at the head of an insurrection.[XX-53]

[Sidenote: ELECTION OF BARRIOS.]

The reactionary forces took the name of "ejército de la reaccion
dirigido por los santos padres," and their avowed object was to bring
Cerna back to uphold their rights and religion, which they claimed to
have been assailed by heretical rulers. The government adopted active
measures, and the rebellion was quelled in a short time, Cruz losing
his life at the hands of his own men.[XX-54] After peace was nearly
restored, García Granados, who had gone to the front, returned to the
capital, and resumed the presidency.[XX-55] On the 29th of March he
convoked the people to chose a constitutional president, although the
constituent assembly, which had been installed March 10, 1872,[XX-56]
had failed to frame a constitution.[XX-57] The elections were to begin
April 20th, and last seven days. The term for which the elect should
hold the office was to be established by the new charter, taking into
account the time already served. The assembly was to be summoned for
the 5th of May, to count the votes. The election took place, and Justo
Rufino Barrios was declared by the assembly on May 7th to have been
popularly elected. He was formally inducted into office on the 4th of
June, 1873.[XX-58]

The late administration must be held to have been somewhat weak.
García Granados was an enlightened and able man, but easy, unassuming,
indolent, and kind-hearted; too much so, indeed, for the place he
had been called to fill at a period demanding of him great energy,
and an unbending will. His was not a disposition to deal harshly with
any one, or inflict suffering. Another drawback was his connection by
the ties of family and early association with the men and women who
were laboring to undo the work of the revolution he had accomplished.
Among his own relatives were some of his most strenuous opponents.
The reactionists took advantage of his good nature to keep the country
in a turmoil, hoping thus to restore the old régime of fanaticism and
general retrogression. They defeated themselves, however, bringing into
existence the iron power of Barrios, who tolerated no opposition to his
will, nor overlooked sedition in any form.

CHAPTER XXI.

RENEWED EFFORTS FOR CENTRAL AMERICAN UNITY.

1873-1885.

PRESIDENT BARRIOS OF GUATEMALA—END OF REACTIONARY
WAR—GUATEMALAN PROGRESS—WAR WITH SALVADOR AND
HONDURAS—BARRIOS' SUCCESSES AND GENEROSITY TO THE
VANQUISHED—CONSTITUTIONAL RÉGIME IN GUATEMALA—BARRIOS'
REËLECTIONS—HIS VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES—PEACEFUL
EFFORT TO UNITE CENTRAL AMERICA—RESORT TO ARMS—ALLIANCE OF
GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS—BARRIOS ATTACKS SALVADOR—HIS DEFEAT
AND DEATH—HIS PLAN ABANDONED—M. L. BARILLAS, PROVISIONAL
PRESIDENT OF GUATEMALA—RESTORATION OF PEACE.

Justo Rufino Barrios, now president of the republic by the popular
choice, was born about 1834 in San Márcos, department of Quezaltenango.
He received his education in Guatemala, and fitted himself for a
notary public, and received his commission as such; but it does not
appear that he performed notarial duties.[XXI-1] He was of about
middle height, and rather light complexion, with a cold, distant
look, and plain and unassuming in his dress. His manners were brusque,
unrefined, and unconventional, as if it were easier for him to despise
good manners than to acquire them. However, after a while they become
more polished. Without any claim to enlightenment, or to a knowledge
of public affairs,[XXI-2] it is not too much to say that he possessed
natural talents, a far-reaching mind, and a disposition to labor
unremittingly for the welfare of his country, though at the same time
looking after his own aggrandizement. His energy of character and
iron will have been generally recognized. Whatever his enemies may
say, the fact stands that his country owes him much; for example,
liberal institutions, internal peace, and with them the advancement of
intellectual pursuits, industries, and wealth.[XXI-3]

The cause of education was fostered as it had never been before,
efforts being constantly made to elevate the lower classes;[XXI-4] and
the country was endowed with many of the improvements of the age, like
the railroad and the telegraph. Acts of despotism and brutality without
number have been rightly imputed to Barrios,[XXI-5] some well founded,
but most of them inventions of his enemies, among whom were of course
the would-be oligarchs and the priests, together with their fanatical
followers. Still, it must be said that his government was one in which
fear of the sword was constantly holding its opponents in check.[XXI-6]

[Sidenote: COSTLY INSULT.]

The efforts of the reactionists to regain the upper-hand were finally
defeated in the latter end of the year, when an amnesty was granted
to the remnants of rebels in Santa Rosa and elsewhere.[XXI-7] In the
following year an outrageous act was perpetrated by a military officer,
bringing upon his government a serious complication with a foreign
power. Colonel Gonzalez, a native of Spain, who had been intrusted with
the responsible command at the port of San José, for some disagreement
with the British vice-consul, had him seized and beaten as a common
criminal in the most barbarous manner. Realizing, on the next morning,
the responsibility he had incurred, he tried to escape on the American
mail steamship, but his infamous conduct had preceded him, and he
was driven away. Both he and his accomplice, Bulnes, were promptly
arrested, tried, and sentenced to undergo heavy penalties.[XXI-8] The
British government demanded prompt reparation of the insult, which
Barrios unhesitatingly acceded to. Guatemala saluted the British flag
at San José with every mark of respect,[XXI-9] and was mulcted in the
sum of $50,000, which she paid.[XXI-10]

The government had another foreign difficulty on its hands in 1875,
resulting from a hasty recognition of the independence of Cuba on the
6th of April. In August, Commodore E. Butler, of the Spanish royal
navy, arrived at Guatemala, bearing a note from Conde de Valmaseda,
captain-general of the island, to President Barrios, demanding
satisfaction. It was finally agreed[XXI-11] that Guatemala would at
once accredit a minister at Madrid to discuss the subject and arrange
it satisfactorily. This was done, and the difficulty was amicably
settled.[XXI-12]

[Sidenote: FURTHER HOSTILITIES.]

The political outlook at the beginning of 1876 was not such a one as
promised a continuance of peace. Serious troubles were impending over
three of the important sections of Central America. Barrios had brought
about the assembling of a diet, which was installed in Guatemala
January 15th, with the object of reorganizing the country under one
government.[XXI-13] Civil war raged in Honduras, and while the diet
was sitting, Barrios was moving his troops; 600 men were stationed in
Esquipulas, and 1,200 more marched to Jutiapa.[XXI-14] Salvador was
not slow in preparing for hostilities. On the 23d of January, however,
Guatemala and Salvador agreed to disarm.[XXI-15]

It was believed in Guatemala that Enrique Palacios, and about 3,000
of her refugees sojourning in Salvador, had been wheedled and promised
aid by President Gonzalez for the overthrow of Barrios, and that they
were exasperated, and would insist on those promises being carried
out. On the other hand, Barrios was chagrined at the failure of the
diet to arrive at a conclusion in favor of consolidation.[XXI-16] He
now resolved, whether with the purpose of pursuing the reorganization
scheme or with that of further securing himself, or both, to change the
rulers of Salvador and Honduras, replacing them with his supporters.
The task in Honduras was an easier one, that country being in
the throes of revolution. Salvador, as he thought, with a hostile
government in Honduras, and war threatening from the side of Guatemala,
must succumb. The results of his policy were as he had planned them.
The fortune of war favored him,[XXI-17] and from 1876 to 1884 he could
count on the resources of Guatemala, Salvador, and Honduras[XXI-18] to
effect what he undertook to accomplish single-handed at another time.
But this will be treated of at the proper time.

After his successful campaign, Barrios was received in triumph at his
capital,[XXI-19] and erelong other honors poured upon him. Costa Rica
made him a general of division of her army.[XXI-20] The constituent
assembly declared him a benemérito de la patria; and the legislature
of conquered Salvador voted him a sword of honor.[XXI-21] The political
atmosphere, however, became cloudy immediately after the return of the
forces. Barrios would have dismissed his ministers then had they not
been preparing their reports to present to the constituent assembly
which was to assemble in a short time.[XXI-22]

The assembly was installed on the 11th of September, 1876,[XXI-23]
and passed a few acts; namely, October 19th, approved all the acts
of Barrios during the time he had held the executive office, and
his budget for the fiscal year from July 1, 1876, to June 30, 1877;
October 23d, declared that the proper time for framing a national
constitution had not yet arrived; the work was therefore postponed to
a more suitable period. The presidential term for Barrios was fixed at
four years from the date of the decree.[XXI-24] The change of ministers
Barrios desired to make finally took place.[XXI-25]

[Sidenote: MURDEROUS PLOT.]

With the exception of an insignificant affair in Quiché, the year 1877
had nearly run itself out without any alarms or disturbances, when on
the 1st of November a plot was detected in the capital, having for its
objects, as appeared, to murder the president and other leading men,
sack the city, and effect a general change in affairs. The persons
implicated were tried by court-martial and convicted; seventeen of the
chief leaders being executed in the plaza de armas, and accomplices of
a lower degree sentenced to other penalties. Most of the latter were
subsequently pardoned.[XXI-26]

On the 9th of November, 1878, the president issued a convocation for
a constituent assembly of 71 members to meet on the 15th of March
following, for the purposes of framing a national constitution, and
resolving upon such matters as the government would submit to its
deliberations.[XXI-27] The assembly was installed on the appointed
day, and the president, whose term of appointment in 1876 had not
expired, surrendered his dictatorial powers. In a lengthy message
he gave a detailed account of public affairs, with the assurance
that the republic was enjoying peace and prosperity.[XXI-28] For
further particulars he referred to the reports of his ministers. This
much-valued peace continued uninterrupted, notwithstanding the efforts
of refugees in Chiapas to invade Guatemala with views hostile to the
government. But they were balked by the action of Mexico at Barrios'
request, in keeping the parties away from the frontier.[XXI-29] The
constituent assembly adopted on the 11th of December, 1879, a new
constitution for the republic, which was promulgated a few days after.
It recognized the great principles of democracy and social reform,
and was in harmony with the social condition and political needs of
Guatemala.[XXI-30]

[Sidenote: BARRIOS DICTATOR.]

Pursuant to the requirements of the constitution, the government
issued on the 13th of December, 1879, and 12th of January, 1880,
decrees for the elections of president of the republic and deputies to
the assembly, which took place without any disturbance. Justo Rufino
Barrios was chosen, by popular suffrage, president of the republic
for the term from March 1, 1880, to March 1, 1886.[XXI-31] Peace
continued without interruption,[XXI-32] and the government was enabled
to devote its attention to the advancement of the country's educational
and material interests. Judicial and administrative reforms were
introduced, and the army was reorganized, receiving marked improvements
in every branch. Agriculture and commerce progressed, and the national
finances had never been in so promising a condition.[XXI-33]

Barrios took advantage of this quiet to pay a visit to the United
States. He landed at New Orleans, and thence repaired to Washington,
where he was received with the high consideration due to the chief
magistrate of a friendly nation. In other cities of the union he was
also welcomed and hospitably entertained.[XXI-34] His visit was one
of business rather than of pleasure, having the double object of
inviting the American government, Mexico having likewise done so,
to act as mediator for the final settlement of their long-pending
boundary question; and also of bespeaking the influence and good
offices of the same power to bring about the union of the five Central
American states, in order that they might form a single republic.
The first request was acceded to, and the boundary difficulty was
terminated.[XXI-35] As regarded the other matter, the United States,
while recognizing the wisdom of the five Central American republics
becoming consolidated, declined to interfere.

[Sidenote: BARRIOS RESTLESS.]

Barrios made a flying visit to Europe, and returned by way of the
United States, embarking at San Francisco, California, for his
country, where he arrived early in November 1882.[XXI-36] On the 29th
of December he laid before the legislative assembly, then sitting in
extra session, his resignation of the executive office, pleading the
precarious state of his health, which demanded rest and special care.
He said that the constitutional régime being restored and consolidated,
his further services might be dispensed with. He considered the
occasion a propitious one for a change in the chief magistrate.[XXI-37]

Barrios' act caused much anxiety to his friends,[XXI-38] but the
assembly, while appreciating his motives, declined to accept the
resignation, alluding to the alarm the news of it had created among
the people. It did not seem to concur with him on the point of internal
peace being secure, apprehension existing against reactionary projects
which might arrest the progress of the past few years. The chamber
promised, however, to devise some means of conciliating the demands of
his health with the need of his services.[XXI-39] It was understood
that if the project of the union of the states, then engaging the
attention of their governments, should be carried out, the measure to
be suggested by the assembly would be granting him a leave of absence.
The decision of the legislature was received with great satisfaction by
the people. Barrios accepted it, and on the 6th of January, 1883, in
an address to the people, announced his resumption of the presidency,
though only for a short time.[XXI-40]

Meanwhile the scheme of Central American reconstruction had not been
neglected. Barrios at an early day renewed negotiations with that
object in view. Salvador and Honduras seemed to be in full accord
with his plan; but Nicaragua and Costa Rica had failed to see the
practicability of its realization. Delfino Sanchez, a Guatemalan
commissioner, and Salvador Gallegos, minister of foreign affairs of
Salvador, together visited Honduras, whose president, ministers, and
influential citizens renewed assurances of concerted action. They
next repaired to Nicaragua, and then to Costa Rica, at both of which
places they met with cordial receptions, and their propositions were
attentively considered, leading them to expect a successful result to
their joint mission.[XXI-41] Those governments consented to accredit
five delegates each to a congress, which was to sit in March 1884,
either at Ahuachapan, or Santa Tecla, in Salvador, with powers limited
to discuss and subscribe to the plan for a general constitution,
and organic laws intended for the reorganization of Central America.
Costa Rica's promise was subject to sanction by her legislature. She
subsequently receded, and officially made it known to the government of
Nicaragua.[XXI-42]

The project was early in 1884 as far from realization as ever. Barrios
in his message of that year to the national assembly alludes to the
result as a sore disappointment to him; adding that no one had dared
to declare himself against the lofty idea, and yet there had been so
many elements, both of personal ambition and localism, hostile to its
success,[XXI-43] that the use of force would have had to be resorted
to, which had formed no part of his peaceful plan, to conquer the
covert and persistent opposition. But his government would not let
slip any opportunity favorable to its realization, continuing meantime
with its liberal institutions, laws, and general policy, to exhibit
unequivocal proofs of a fraternal spirit. He soon had a falling out,
however, with President Soto of Honduras, who, believing himself in
peril of overthrow, or other form of revenge, at the hands of his more
powerful neighbor, was charged with abandoning his slippery position,
and seeking safety in a foreign land, well provided with pecuniary
means to lead a luxurious life. But on this subject more particulars
are given in connection with Honduras history in another chapter.

With Nicaragua a general treaty of friendship, defensive alliance,
commerce, navigation, and extradition of criminals was concluded at
Guatemala, December 27, 1883.[XXI-44]

[Sidenote: ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION.]

An attempt was made, with a metallic bomb, against the life of
President Barrios, as he was walking in the Plaza del Teatro with the
minister of war, J. Martin Barrundia, on the evening of April 13, 1884.
The bomb burst, happily, failing of its object. No one was injured;
but the incident served to excite alarm and indignation against the
perpetrators of the crime throughout Central America. Expressions of
sympathy and congratulation at the narrow escape of Barrios and his
companion, came in from the diplomatic corps, and from all classes of
society.[XXI-45]

The investigations made by the authorities led to the discovery of the
perpetrators, and they were tried, convicted, and sentenced.[XXI-46]
But the president, exercising his prerogative, granted them a full
pardon on the 4th of July, and they were at once set at liberty.

Barrios, who had been visiting the western departments, returned to
the capital on September 13th, having with him as national guests
the presidents of Salvador and Honduras with their suites, and Tomás
Ayon, representing the chief magistrate of Nicaragua, who had been
unable to respond in person to the invitation of the government of
Guatemala, and be present with the others at the inauguration of the
southern railroad.[XXI-47] The visit of these personages lasted till
the termination of the festivities, when they took their departure the
21st; Barrios and his ministers accompanying them as far as Port San
José.

The scheme of Central American unification was never lost sight of.
Barrios had been watching for a propitious opportunity, and early in
1885 resolved to initiate it. He accordingly issued, on the 28th of
February, a decree wherein, after explaining in a long preamble the
advantages which would accrue to all concerned from his action, he
proclaimed, in accord with the legislative assembly of Guatemala, the
consolidation of the five states into one republic, and the manner
of effecting it.[XXI-48] He likewise made a manifesto to the people
of Central America at large, assuring them that he was not prompted
by personal ambition, or the desire of holding power, for he had had
abundant experience of its bitterness.[XXI-49]

The president of Honduras on the 7th of March telegraphed to Guatemala
the resolutions adopted that same day by the state assembly in favor of
Central American consolidation.[XXI-50]

[Sidenote: DIVERSIFIED OPINIONS.]

The people of Guatemala and Honduras seemed to be generally disposed to
support their governments. But it proved to be otherwise in Salvador,
Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, though many citizens of the three states
favored the initiative of Guatemala. The administration of Salvador
having failed to second the movement, Barrios' passionate temper was
roused. He wrote President Zaldívar that, relying upon the assurances
of Salvador and Honduras,[XXI-51] he had launched his decree of
February 28th, and as he had not shown the proper disposition to fulfil
his pledges, the government of Guatemala would employ its abundant
resources to force compliance;[XXI-52] for he was resolved to carry
out his enterprise at all hazards. He announced at the same time the
appointment of Francisco Menendez, a Salvadoran general of division,
to command the western departments of the latter republic,[XXI-53]
with instructions to raise over them the standard of Central America,
and expressed the hope that Zaldívar would not permit obstacles to
be thrown in that officer's way. Zaldívar telegraphed him on the
9th to await the visit of their mutual friends, Menendez and Avilez,
and not act hastily, nor look upon him as a foe, for he had no wish
to be one. Barrios then concluded to wait for the coming of those
commissioners.[XXI-54]

[Sidenote: COERCION CONDEMNED.]

The decree of February 28th, which was now raising such a political
storm, had been officially communicated to the foreign diplomatic
and consular corps on the 6th of March. The German minister was the
first to answer it; he seemed to commend the effort about to be made.
The other representatives acknowledged its receipt in more or less
expressive terms. The Spanish minister endeavored, however, though
unofficially, to dissuade Barrios from carrying out his plan without
the concurrence of the other states. His effort, he said, was to
avert bloodshed. Barrios was indisposed to brook this interference,
returning on the 10th a haughty reply to the effect that the question
of Central American unification was not an international one, and
solely concerned the people of Central America. He therefore requested
him to discontinue his officious intervention, and finally added, that
if Zaldívar fulfilled his engagements, paying attention only to the
wishes of patriotic citizens, there would be no bloodshed. The minister
then went to Guatemala, and wrote an explanatory letter, closing his
interference, to which Barrios replied that, being engaged with other
important affairs, he could not give his letter all the attention it
demanded; but he was glad the discussion had been brought to an end.
The government of Mexico, to which the Guatemalan minister, Francisco
Anguiano, had made known Barrios' action, replied through its minister
of foreign affairs, Ignacio Mariscal, disapproving of the movement,
and signifying its intention to provide for the defence of Mexico's
frontiers and interests.[XXI-55]

The government of the United States also looked with disfavor on the
plan of forcible organization, promptly ordering naval forces to the
Central American coasts for the protection of American interests.
The Nicaraguan congress had, on the 8th of March, resolved to reject
the union decreed by Guatemala, and to energetically oppose what they
called Barrios' attempt to impose his will, and to constitute himself a
dictator over Central America. The executive was accordingly empowered
to make provision, singly or conjointly with other states, for national
defence at whatever sacrifice. The government of Costa Rica adopted
a similar course, the executive being clothed with extraordinary
powers.[XXI-56]

[Sidenote: DEATH OF BARRIOS.]

Finally, the three republics of Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa
Rica appealed to the governments of the United States and Mexico to
interfere on their behalf against Barrios' projects. Mexico responded
at once. President Diaz notified Barrios on the 10th by telegraph,
that the governments and people of those three republics had rejected
his scheme, which had, moreover, produced an impression on the Mexican
people, demanding on the part of their government the assumption
of an attitude suitable to an emergency by which the independence
and autonomy of nations of this continent had been menaced. Barrios
telegraphed back that his answer would go by mail. He afterward issued
an address to the Mexican nation, of a friendly nature.[XXI-57] But the
die was cast. War was now unavoidable. The three opposing governments,
for their mutual protection, entered on the 22d of March into an
alliance offensive and defensive,[XXI-58] and took active measures to
give effect to the union. Guatemala on her part, and her ally Honduras,
had not been slow in their preparations for the impending strife.
Regardless of all opposition, Barrios was still bent upon his difficult
task, and for its accomplishment marched an army into Salvadoran
territory. The events of this campaign are given in another chapter, in
connection with the history of Salvador, where the fighting took place.
Let it suffice to say here that the invaders met with disaster, and
Barrios lost his life, fighting heroically, on the 2d of April.[XXI-59]
His remains were rescued, it is said at the cost of twenty lives, and
conveyed to Guatemala, where they were interred with civic and military
honors. His widow, Francisca Aparicio de Barrios, and their seven
children, being escorted to the port of San José by a military guard,
embarked for San Francisco, accompanied by friends. They afterward
transferred themselves and their belongings to New York, where Señora
Barrios established her residence, it being understood that the family
has been left amply provided with pecuniary means.[XXI-60]

Upon the news reaching Guatemala of the disasters which had befallen
the army operating in Salvador, and of the death of the president,
the legislative assembly, and the provisional president, Alejandro
Sinibaldi,[XXI-61] in accord with it, revoked on the 3d of April the
decree of February 28th. Subsequently, through the mediation of the
diplomatic corps, preliminaries of peace were agreed to, but not before
the president of Salvador had signified an unwillingness to treat
with Sinibaldi and Barrios' ministers. The former then surrendered the
executive office to the second designado, Manuel Lisandro Barillas, and
the ministers retired with him.

The new government on the 15th of April restored peace with
Salvador and her allies Nicaragua and Costa Rica.[XXI-62] All treaty
stipulations existing between Guatemala and Salvador on the 28th of
February last were also restored, to remain in force until a new treaty
should be concluded.[XXI-63] An amnesty was granted to all Guatemalans
who took part in the late president's movement, and to all Guatemalans
who were absent for political offences committed six months prior to
the aforesaid date; the government signifying its intention of making
the amnesty general as soon as circumstances would permit.[XXI-64] With
the change of ruler diplomatic relations were reëstablished with the
government of Mexico.[XXI-65]

[Sidenote: PEACE AT LAST.]

The cabinet of Salvador now proposed to the other four republics
the meeting of a congress of plenipotentiaries on the 15th of May
at Santa Tecla, with the object of reconstructing Central America as
one republic, or at least of adopting measures conducive to that end.
President Zaldívar then signified his intention of resigning his office
on the assembling of congress, and as soon as it should have arrived at
some resolution on the scheme. Guatemala deemed it premature. Nicaragua
declined. Honduras accepted the proposition. The government of Costa
Rica, though her magistrate was clothed with ample powers, did not feel
justified in entering into such an arrangement without first obtaining
the assent of congress, which was not then in session, and would not be
for some time.[XXI-66]

Peace and quiet being generally reëstablished, martial law was removed,
the country placed under the rule of the constitution, a general
amnesty decreed, and a constituent congress convoked.[XXI-67] Congress
assembled on the 24th of August, the acting president manifesting much
confidence in its wisdom to accomplish much good to the country. But
it does not appear that after a long session, it accomplished any thing
worth recording.[XXI-68]

The election took place on the 22d of November, Barillas being chosen
president by a unanimous vote of the electoral college. Colonel Vicente
Castañeda, a deputy, was elected vice-president.[XXI-69] Barillas was
quite the opposite of Barrios in some respects. He was a man of the
kindest and most benevolent instincts, who would rather suffer wrong
than do wrong. The discontented were not long in taking advantage of
his clemency to create disturbance. A number of generals and others
were detected in a diabolical plot, intended to murder Barillas and
destroy the foreigners. The parties implicated were arrested, and
surrendered to the courts, the president refusing to interfere.

The ministers were requested to resign their portfolios, which were
intrusted to the following persons, all young men of recognized
abilities and progressive ideas, namely: A. Lazo Arriaga, of foreign
relations; Abel Cruz, of government and justice; Escobar, of the
treasury and public credit; Cárlos Herrera, a son of the late Manuel
M. Herrera, one of Barrios' best assistants, minister of fomento;
and Manuel Valle, journalist, poet, and orator, minister of public
instruction.

CHAPTER XXII.

HONDURAS AFFAIRS.

1865-1886.

NATIONAL FLAG AND ESCUTCHEON—ORDER OF SANTA ROSA—MEDINA'S
LONG RULE—HIS DIFFERENCES WITH DUEÑAS, AND TRIUMPH—WAR WITH
SALVADOR AND GUATEMALA—MEDINA DEFEATED AND OVERTHROWN—CÉLEO
ARIAS SUCCEEDS HIM—HIS LIBERAL POLICY—HE IS BESET BY THE
CONSERVATIVES—HIS FORMER SUPPORTERS DEPOSE HIM—PONCIANO LEIVA
BECOMES PRESIDENT—HIS COURSE DISPLEASES BARRIOS, WHO SETS
MEDINA AGAINST HIM—HE IS FORCED TO RESIGN—MARCO AURELIO SOTO
MADE PRESIDENT BY BARRIOS—ATTEMPTED REVOLT OF EX-PRESIDENT
MEDINA—HIS TRIAL AND EXECUTION—SOTO'S ADMINISTRATION—HE GOES
ABROAD—HIS QUARREL WITH BARRIOS, AND RESIGNATION—PRESIDENT
BOGRAN—FILIBUSTERING SCHEMES.

There is very little to record for Honduras in the five years from
1865 to 1870; the country enjoyed comparative peace under the same
conservative system existing in Guatemala and Salvador. President
Medina being reëlected was again inducted into office on the
1st of February, 1866, and a few days later the military rank of
lieutenant-general was conferred on him.[XXII-1] On the 16th of the
same month congress decreed a change in the national coat of arms and
flag, in the manner described at foot.[XXII-2]

Early in 1868 Medina and congress, with the approbation of the council
of state,[XXII-3] resolved upon the creation of an order of merit
to reward important civil, military, and religious services rendered
to the nation, and other praiseworthy acts of its citizens. Congress
then on the 21st of February established the Órden de Santa Rosa y de
la Civilizacion de Honduras.[XXII-4] The executive promulgated the
decree on the 24th with the signature appended of Trinidad Ferrari,
minister of the interior. The idea met with the approval of some, and
excited the ridicule of others. The order soon fell into discredit,
many unworthy persons having obtained it, and its suppression was
decreed.[XXII-5]

Medina was chosen president for another term of four years. In order
to do this, the clause in article 33 of the national constitution
forbidding reëlection for the next immediate period was repealed, which
Medina's partisans effected through a constituent assembly convoked ad
hoc.[XXII-6] He was accordingly reinaugurated February 1, 1870.

Honduras was now to experience another series of troubles, which lasted
several years. In the last days of December 1869, disturbances were
apprehended in Olancho and Paraiso, in connivance with Nicaraguan
exiles, for which reason those refugees were concentrated in Comayagua.
Some seditious attempts were made in the following year, but were
easily put down.

[Sidenote: TROUBLES WITH SALVADOR.]

Early in 1871, serious differences existed between the governments of
Honduras and Salvador, or, to be more exact, between presidents Medina
and Dueñas, on several points. The causes, as well as the fruitless
efforts made by Honduran commissioners in San Salvador to effect a
peaceable settlement of long-existing differences, are fully explained
elsewhere.[XXII-7] Medina, on the 7th of February, declared all
treaties between the two republics suspended, and war soon broke out.
A Salvadoran army, under General Xatruch, invaded Honduras and took
Comayagua, that commander styling himself provisional president. The
Honduran government had entered into a correspondence with the United
States ministers resident at Tegucigalpa and San Salvador, calling
their attention to the 14th article of the treaty of July 4, 1864,
between their nation and Honduras, under which the former recognized
the rights of ownership and sovereignty of the latter in the line of
the Honduras interoceanic railway, the works on which, it said, were in
danger of interruption by the Salvadoran invaders. From the tenor of
its notes, it would seem as if it expected the United States to hoist
their flag over Comayagua, which might have hindered the operations
of Xatruch. Medina's pretension was untenable, the understanding being
that the obligation of the United States did not attach till after the
completion of the work.[XXII-8] Moreover, the Honduran government could
not reasonably expect that those ministers had an armed force at their
command. The United States had no need, even if willing to accept the
duty of protecting those works, to adopt any measures, being assured by
the Salvadoran government that the neutrality of the Honduras railway
would not be interfered with in any manner.

Medina was not idle in devising means to injure the enemy. He occupied
Sensuntepeque on March 17th, and next Ilobasco. Dueñas' forces under
General Tomás Martinez attacked the latter place on the 19th, and
being repulsed retreated to Cojutepeque. General Santiago Gonzalez
with Hondurans and disaffected Salvadorans occupied San Vicente on the
19th, the reserve remaining in Sensuntepeque, which revolted against
Dueñas.[XXII-9] The campaign in Salvador ended at Santa Ana, where
the fate of Dueñas' government was decided.[XXII-10] Peace was then
concluded between the new government of Salvador and that of Honduras.
Medina started after Xatruch, who then had about 700 men in Gracias;
but the news of the result at Santa Ana reaching there his troops
deserted him. The war was soon over, Xatruch himself in a proclamation
of May 11th signifying his intention to leave the country. After this
the political situation was for a while satisfactory. Still Medina
deemed it expedient to invite a plebiscite, and ascertain if the
people wished him to continue at the head of affairs the rest of his
term.[XXII-11] The result was as he desired it.

A great commotion was caused in August by 300 or 400 Indians and
revolutionists, against whom the government forces never obtained but
partial successes. The disturbance lasted until an understanding was
arrived at with the rebel leaders on the 13th of December.[XXII-12]

[Sidenote: PERPETUAL WAR.]

Further trouble was impending, this time between Medina and the
liberal governments lately established in Salvador and Guatemala. He
claimed of Salvador an indemnity for his services in overthrowing
Dueñas, which that government deemed preposterous and disallowed.
The two governments, which had entered into an alliance offensive
and defensive, on the other hand accused Medina of having formed a
coalition with the oligarchs to restore the latter to power.[XXII-13]

Medina closed official relations with Salvador March 25th; and this
act, being looked upon by Salvador and Guatemala as a declaration of
war, they invaded Honduras, and soon after a victory over Medina's
general, Velez, occupied the principal towns, all of which revolted
against Medina, and a provisional government was set up[XXII-14] with
Céleo Arias at the head of affairs. Medina had temporarily placed the
executive office in charge of Crescencio Gomez, and taken command
of his troops in the field. Upon Comayagua being occupied by the
Salvadorans, Gomez and his officials fled to Gracias. Medina attempted,
May 27th, to recapture Comayagua, but was repulsed.[XXII-15]

Omoa had been given up July 20th to Juan Antonio Medina, a Salvadoran
general, for Arias' government. Medina, the president, suffered
a defeat on the same day at Potrerillos, and a crushing one on
the 26th, in Santa Bárbara, at the hands of the allied forces of
Arias, Guatemala, and Salvador, escaping with only six officers to
Omoa,[XXII-16] where he joined the other man of the same surname, who
had a few days previously accepted the executive office, transferred
to him by Crescencio Gomez, proclaiming himself provisional president,
and appointing a cabinet. But a revolt of the troops put an end to this
arrangement, José M. Medina, his substitute Gomez, and others being
made prisoners, and sent at once to Comayagua, where they arrived on
or about August 9th.[XXII-17] Arias' government now had but little
difficulty to secure its tenure of power. Ex-president Medina was held
in confinement to answer such charges as would be preferred against him
before the next national congress.[XXII-18] A full amnesty was decreed
for all political offences committed from March 5, 1871, to November
1, 1872, the only persons excluded from its benefits being José María
Medina, and his ministers, Manuel Colindres and Rafael Padilla, who
were also to abide the action of congress.[XXII-19]

The constitution of 1865 having become a dead letter, the provisional
government, in a decree of November 15th, recognized as existing
in their full force all the rights of citizens under republican
institutions,[XXII-20] though reserving the privilege of suspending
some of them in the event of public disturbance. This decree was
countersigned by the three ministers of state.[XXII-21] The people were
on the 17th of March, 1873, convoked to choose deputies to a convention
which was to frame a new constitution. The last Sunday of the following
April was named for the elections.[XXII-22]

[Sidenote: COMING OF CONSERVATIVES.]

Guatemala was experiencing troubles in her eastern departments. An
expedition of conservatives landed at Trujillo from the ship _General
Sherman_, menacing the government of Arias, and at the same time aiding
the faction which was trying to overthrow that of Guatemala.[XXII-23]
The latter and Salvador attributing the scheme to President Guardia
of Costa Rica, jointly accredited a minister in Nicaragua, the result
of whose mission was a tripartite defensive alliance. Arias decreed
martial law, and reassumed the dictatorship which the people conferred
on him the previous year.[XXII-24]

The revolutionary forces under Miranda were signally defeated by the
Guatemalan commander, Solares, on the north side of the Chamelecon
River on the 9th of August, with great loss, General Casto Alvarado
and Colonel A. Muñoz being killed, and a large quantity of war material
falling into the victor's hands.[XXII-25] The presidents of Guatemala
and Salvador, after the insurrection in the former republic had been
quelled, held conferences at Chingo on the situation in Honduras, and
came to the conclusion that Arias' government, being unpopular, could
not sustain itself without their material as well as moral support,
which would be a heavy burden. He was then asked in a joint note to
give up the executive office to some one more in the confidence of
the people. He refused to accede to the demand, and the allied troops
approached Comayagua to carry out their suggestion. The first notice
of their intent was the proclamation in the town of Aguanqueterique,
of Ponciano Leiva as provisional president, who organized his
administration at Choluteca on the 23d of November, and on the 8th of
December declared all the acts of Arias null.[XXII-26]

The allied forces of Leiva under his minister of war, General Juan
Lopez, of Guatemala under Solares, and of Salvador under Espinosa, laid
siege to Comayagua on the 6th of January, 1874, and after seven days'
resistance, Arias, together with his ministers and chief supporters,
had to capitulate on the 13th. Ex-president Medina was released from
confinement, and eventually, having recognized the new ruler, was set
free, when he went to live in La Paz.[XXII-27]

[Sidenote: LEIVA SUCCEEDS ARIAS]

Leiva's government was soon recognized by the other states. It was
of course expected to pursue a policy in accord with the governments
that gave it existence. But it seems that Leiva preferred to follow an
independent course,[XXII-28] and in a short time the two powers that so
elevated him were in antagonism, Guatemala using her influence against
and Salvador for him, as will be seen hereafter. A constituent congress
convoked by Leiva adjourned in May, after adopting three important
measures; namely, confirming Leiva as provisional president, restoring
the constitution of 1865, and ordering Arias into exile for five
years.[XXII-29] The political state of affairs was not satisfactory to
Guatemala. The elections had yielded a majority of conservatives and
reactionists in congress, and many if not most of the public offices
had gone into the hands of men of that party, one of the most prominent
being Manuel Colindres. The regular congress was installed on the 20th
of January, 1875, and the next day the executive sent in his message,
giving in detail the condition of public affairs. February 1st he took
the oath of office as constitutional president, having been elected by
the people.[XXII-30] A full amnesty for political offences was granted
by congress February 9th, and promulgated the same day by the president
and his minister of relations and justice, Adolfo Zúñiga.

The people of Honduras were not allowed, however, to enjoy the benefits
of peace but for a short time; for Ex-president Medina instigated, as
it was generally believed, by President Barrios of Guatemala, raised
at Gracias, on the 21st of December, the standard of revolution,
proclaiming himself provisional president.[XXII-31] He afterward
suffered for his lack of wisdom. The government at once prepared to
meet the emergency. Salvador organized a force to support it, and
Guatemala resolved to sustain Medina, whose real plan was to hurl
Gonzalez from the executive chair of Salvador, as well as Leiva from
that of Honduras.

The revolution assumed proportions, and Medina had come to believe
himself master of the situation. The presidents of Salvador and
Guatemala arranged at Chingo, on the 15th of February, 1876, to
intervene in Honduras and stop the revolution. At this time it was
thought that Leiva could not hold his own, his forces having been
routed at Intibucá, and his authority being felt only in the eastern
departments. The rebels had captured the capital, Comayagua, and
delivered it to the horrors of an exterminating war. But the battle of
Naranjo changed the aspect of affairs, Leiva's troops gaining there
a decisive victory, which restored his authority over almost the
whole extent of the republic.[XXII-32] There was no further need of
Guatemala and Salvador pacifying Honduras; peace had been virtually
restored, and only a few scattered parties of rebels in the departments
of Copan and Gracias had to be eliminated.[XXII-33] But soon after
another contestant for the presidential office appeared on the field,
namely, Marco Aurelio Soto, ex-minister of foreign relations of
Guatemala,[XXII-34] whom a Guatemalan force supported. A treaty of
peace was concluded, however, with the mediation of Salvador, at Los
Cedros June 8, 1876,[XXII-35] and the executive office went into the
hands of Crescencio Gomez by transfer from Marcelino Mejía, to whom the
treaty had given it. Gomez decreed August 12th to turn over the office
to Medina, who declined accepting it; but as the republic was thereby
left without a chief magistrate, he concluded on the 18th to call Marco
Aurelio Soto to fill the position,[XXII-36] denying in a manifesto that
Guatemala purposed controlling the affairs of Honduras.[XXII-37]

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT SOTO.]

Soto announced August 27th from Amapala[XXII-38] his assumption of the
executive duties, declaring that his policy would be fair and friendly
at home and toward the other Central American states, and that he
was free from internal or foreign entanglements. He was soon after
recognized by other governments as the legitimate chief magistrate
of Honduras.[XXII-39] Under his administration the people were once
more enabled to devote themselves to peaceful pursuits. On the 27th
of May, 1877, in an extensive message to congress, he set forth the
condition of public affairs, and what his government had done in every
branch of the public service during the last nine months. He assured
the representatives that no branch had been neglected; and expressed
the hope that if peace and order were preserved, the country would
erelong begin to reap the benefits of his measures.[XXII-40] He had
been chosen by the people, on April 22d, constitutional president, and
the extraordinary congress acknowledged him as such on the 29th of May.
He was formally inaugurated on the following day.

Ex-president Medina, and the Salvadoran general Ezequiel Marin,
together with two colonels and several other officers of less rank,
and a number of civilians, for an attempted rebellion in the latter
end of 1877, were subjected to the action of a court-martial at Santa
Rosa, on the charge of high treason and other offences,[XXII-41] and
sentenced to death. The cause being taken, for revision, to the supreme
council of war, the sentence against Medina and Marin was confirmed,
the court having found no extenuating circumstances; one lieutenant and
one sergeant obtained a commutation to ten years' confinement in the
fortress at Omoa. The other prisoners were set at liberty, but with a
warning never again to engage in similar conspiracies, or the sentence
of the court-martial against them would be enforced. Medina and Marin
were shot at Santa Rosa at 8 o'clock in the morning of February 8,
1878.[XXII-42] The other two men were at once despatched to their
prison at Omoa.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: AN INFAMOUS RULER.]

José María Medina has been styled a genuine liberal, and his friends
gave him credit as a commander of resources, and an able administrator.
His military record showed that he surrendered the fortress of Omoa to
General Carrera, and followed him to Guatemala, where he was rewarded
for that service with a lieutenant-colonelcy. He never won any action
of importance. During the insurrection of Olancho in 1864, he never
went beyond Yoro until informed that the affair was over. He issued the
order of December 25, 1864, countersigned by his minister, Francisco
Cruz, empowering all his officers to put prisoners to death,[XXII-43]
and that in the face of several constitutional clauses abolishing the
death penalty, and forbidding the trial of citizens by military courts.
He was also guilty of incendiarism in burning many towns and haciendas,
and of confiscation. He made himself and his satellites wealthy at
the expense of his country and his victims. He reached the presidency
by the favor of the oligarchs of Guatemala. As a ruler he was an
unmitigated tyrant; as an administrator he left nothing to entitle him
to a place among the benefactors of his nation—no schools, no material
improvements of any kind. In lieu thereof he left the national name
dishonored abroad, the national character degraded, financial ruin,
corruption, immorality, poverty, bitter animosities, and almost every
misfortune that could have befallen hapless Honduras.

* * * * *

Nothing worthy of particular mention occurred from this time on till
November 2, 1880, when the national capital was removed to Tegucigalpa.
In December of the same year Marco Aurelio Soto was reëlected
president,[XXII-44] and the people continued enjoying the benefits
of peace. The national assembly met at Tegucigalpa on the 19th of
February, 1883. Doctor Soto was again installed as president by virtue
of a reëlection, and in an able and lucid address congratulated the
representatives of the people that since their last meeting in 1881
quiet had reigned, and the liberal constitution framed in 1877 had
worked successfully. Relations with Costa Rica, interrupted in 1878,
were renewed on the 15th of last October; and those with the rest of
the Central American states, as well as with other powers, were on the
most friendly footing. The long-pending boundary question with Salvador
had been referred to the arbitration of President Zavala of Nicaragua.
The government had, on the 15th of September, 1882, sanctioned the
plan of Central American unification. Finances were in a satisfactory
state, large payments having relieved the treasury of heavy burdens.
The administration of justice had become improved, and public education
advanced. Agriculture was progressing, trade on the increase with
the facilities afforded it; and mining had engaged the attention of
capitalists both at home and abroad.[XXII-45]

President Soto sent in his resignation to congress on March 10th,
pleading ill health. It was not accepted, and instead a leave of
absence was granted him with a liberal pecuniary allowance for
expenses.[XXII-46] Congress thought proper, however, to utilize his
intended visit to Europe to place on a better footing the financial
affairs of the republic.[XXII-47] Before taking his departure, Soto
placed, on the 9th of May, the executive office in charge of the
council of ministers, namely, Enrique Gutierrez, Luis Bogran, and
Rafael Alvarado. This was in accordance with the constitution. In
bidding good by to his fellow-citizens, Soto congratulated them upon
the reign of peace at home,[XXII-48] and the cordiality existing with
other nations. He promised to come back as soon as possible to complete
his term, and to surrender the trust to his successor.[XXII-49]

[Sidenote: SOTO AND BARRIOS.]

A serious quarrel occurred soon after, while Soto was in San Francisco,
California, between him and Barrios. He received, as he considered
it, from a reliable source, information that Barrios, being displeased
with his government, had resolved to promote a revolution in Honduras
as an excuse for war and for overthrowing that government. He wrote
Barrios on July 6, 1883, that his government having been ever loyal
and friendly to and fulfilled its treaty obligations with Guatemala,
he must attribute to personal motives Barrios' intended course. He
was not, he said, disposed to give the latter an opportunity to sow
distraction in his own country, and to let loose again the dogs of
war in all Central America. To avert those calamities he was ready to
bring about a legal transfer of his office, and would lay his final
resignation before congress. But he wished Barrios to know that he
did so actuated by patriotic motives, and not by fear, for he had
sufficient power in Honduras to sustain himself, and to defend her
against unjust aggression. Barrios returned a scathful answer on August
3d. After denying Soto's accusations, he attributes his resignation to
a preconceived resolve to desert by actual flight his post, and lead
abroad a life of ease and luxury upon his ill-gotten wealth; and now
was using his, Barrios', name as a pretext to justify his conduct. He
asserts that Soto left Honduras with the intention of not returning,
and indeed, with a full knowledge that the Hondurans would never permit
his return.[XXII-50] The writer in the plainest language accuses him
of having enriched himself at the expense of a country which he had
ruined, and of private parties alike. As to Soto's brave words, they
are taken, he says, at their true worth in Guatemala, where he is well
known. It would be easier and less costly to hurl him from power, than
it was to raise him to and keep him at the head of the government.

Barrios concluded that he would take no further notice of Soto's
remarks, as there was a broad sea between them. His charges about
Soto's incompetency, disloyalty, and general dishonesty are certainly
exaggerated. Soto sent his resignation from San Francisco, and congress
unanimously accepted it on the 3d of September.[XXII-51]

General Luis Bogran was spontaneously and almost by unanimity chosen by
the people president of the republic,[XXII-52] and assumed the duties
on the 30th of November, soon after organizing his cabinet with the
ministers named below.[XXII-53]

The country continued at peace, and there was no reason to apprehend
any immediate disturbance. In the attempt made by Guatemala to
reorganize Central America by force of arms, in the early part of 1885,
Honduras pledged her coöperation, but had little opportunity to take
an active part. Upon hearing of the Guatemalan defeat, and of the death
of President Barrios on the 2d of April, she wavered, but finally made
peace with Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica.

[Sidenote: PEACE RESTORED.]

About the middle of 1885 there were near Trujillo some slight
disturbances, but quiet was restored. A filibustering expedition was
expected at Trujillo on the ship _Dorian_, said to have been fitted out
by Ex-president Soto, with the view of recovering power. The government
of Belize, at the request of the Honduran authorities, despatched the
gun-boat _Lily_ to Trujillo, where she arrived September 29th, and made
known the object of her visit.[XXII-54] No such expedition came to
create disturbance. Still later, in 1886, a similar attempt was made
but failed, the ship supposed to have been engaged for the purpose
being captured at sea by an American cruiser.

CHAPTER XXIII.

POLITICAL AFFAIRS IN NICARAGUA.

1867-1885.

PRESIDENT FERNANDO GUZMAN—INSURRECTION—MISCONDUCT
OF PRIESTS—DEFEATS OF THE INSURGENTS—FOREIGN
MEDIATION—GENEROSITY OF THE GOVERNMENT—PRESIDENT VICENTE
QUADRA—INCEPTION OF THE JESUITS—AIMS OF PARTIES—INTERNAL AND
FOREIGN COMPLICATIONS—COSTA RICA'S HOSTILITY AND TINOCO'S
INVASION—PRESIDENTS CHAMORRO AND ZAVALA—MORE POLITICAL
TROUBLES—JESUITS THE PROMOTERS—THEIR EXPULSION—PEACE
RESTORED—PROGRESS OF THE COUNTRY—PRESIDENT ADAN
CÁRDENAS—RESISTANCE TO PRESIDENT BARRIOS' PLAN OF FORCED
RECONSTRUCTION.

The administration of President Fernando Guzman entered upon its duties
on the 1st of March, 1867, under good auspices. Peace reigned, the
country was prosperous, and the public treasury equally so.[XXIII-1]
This was the first time that the government could lay so flattering
a picture before the nation. Guzman pledged himself to use his best
endeavors to consolidate republican institutions.[XXIII-2] He promised
further to pursue a conciliatory policy, and this was received with
joy throughout the land, a policy which was initiated on the same
day of his inauguration with an amnesty to all citizens undergoing
prosecution or punishment for political offences. Those in exile were
invited to return to their homes; among them was Máximo Jerez, who had
been sojourning in Costa Rica, and accepted the pardon. The bishop
of the diocese was apprised of the president's desire for continued
harmony between the civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions, which was
responded to in the same spirit by the prelate. There was then every
prospect of a long peace. At the opening of the congressional session,
January 25, 1869, the president made a cheering report, and it was
believed that the course of the government was generally well received;
but when it was proposed in congress to vote an approval of it, some
remarks were made in the senate which the president was displeased at,
and he tendered his resignation of the executive office on the 19th of
March.[XXIII-3] Congress unanimously refused to accept it. The session
lasted fifty-seven days, coming to an end March 22d, and in the course
of it several laws were enacted to benefit agriculture and commerce;
but on the other hand, congress was accused of having too lavishly
voted pensions to military men.

[Sidenote: REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT.]

The public peace was disturbed by a revolutionary movement June 26th,
when a party of men calling themselves liberals assaulted and captured
the barracks at Leon. The chief leaders of this revolution were Máximo
Jerez, Ex-president Martinez,[XXIII-4] Hilario Oliva, and Pascasio
Bermudez.[XXIII-5] On the following day they organized a provisional
government, Jerez being its chief, with unlimited powers to overthrow
the existing authorities, and implant the liberal principles set forth
in the plan accompanying his proclamation of the same date.[XXIII-6]
The next step was to levy a contribution of $62,000 in Leon, and then
to occupy the port of Realejo. Jerez installed the government on the
29th with Buenaventura Selva as minister-general, but on the same day
transferred the supreme authority to Francisco Baca, retaining himself
the chief command of the forces.[XXIII-7]

The government at Managua adopted stringent measures to quell the
revolt.[XXIII-8] A number of the clergy having taken a prominent
part in it, promoting discord and animosity against the government,
some parish priests abandoning their flocks and taking up arms, and
even upholding principles not acceptable to their church,[XXIII-9]
superadded to which were their consorting with gamblers and drunkards,
and shedding blood, the bishop's attention was called to all that on
the 12th of August, with a request that he should check such violations
of the constitution of the country, of canonical law, and of the
concordat with the pope.[XXIII-10] But he returned no answer. Both
he and his vicar-general were in Leon and could not be ignorant of
such doings, and yet, whether from apathy, negligence, or complicity,
tolerated them.[XXIII-11]

[Sidenote: CHURCH AND STATE.]

Commissioners from Honduras, Salvador, and Costa Rica exerted
themselves to bring about a friendly settlement of the differences,
but their efforts proved unavailing,[XXIII-12] and the forces of the
opposing governments soon came to blows. The insurgents obtained some
advantage in the unsuccessful attacks made in Correvientos and Chocoya
or Metapa, on the 28th of July, by General Urtecho.[XXIII-13] They
claimed to have again repulsed the enemy's attack under Medina against
Nagarote on the 30th of August, inflicting heavy loss of men, arms, and
ammunition.[XXIII-14] The official organ of the government at Managua
makes no mention of this affair.

President Guzman took command of the forces in the field,[XXIII-15]
leaving the executive office temporarily in charge of Senator Pedro
Joaquin Chamorro. The insurgents took Jinotepe, and about the middle of
September were concentrated in Masatepe, surrounded from north to south
by the well-fortified and garrisoned towns of Managua, Granada, Rivas,
and Nandaimé. An attempt made by them October 13th against Matagalpa
proved disastrous, and they had to retreat to Leon. On the 14th they
were utterly undone by Guzman at Niquinohomo. Their force, 1,500
strong, attacked Guzman at a little past one o'clock, and was repulsed
with heavy losses. The next morning Guzman went in pursuit, and on
approaching Jinotepe the enemy dispersed in all directions, abandoning
the western department.[XXIII-16] Guzman reached Pueblo Nuevo on the
21st, and sent a proclamation on the 22d to the Leonese, assuring them
that he had no desire of doing them any injury, but he must punish the
men who had so unreasonably caused the desolation and misery of the
past four months.[XXIII-17] However, upon a mediation being offered
by General Charles N. Riotte, United States minister resident, at the
request of the insurgent leaders, for a settlement of the difficulties
without further bloodshed, Guzman accepted it, and the war terminated
with the surrender of the rebels.[XXIII-18]

[Sidenote: PEACE AGAIN.]

The acting president, on the 29th of October, gave Guzman a vote of
thanks for his services, and conferred on him the rank of general
of division. After a short visit by the government and Guzman to
Granada, and peace being fully restored, Guzman resumed at that place
the presidential office on November 25th.[XXIII-19] On the 17th of
December he decreed the reëstablishment of the constitution from the
1st of January, 1870. The national congress was installed on the 20th
following, and on the 22d gave vote of thanks to Guzman.[XXIII-20]
Nothing worthy of particular notice occurred this year, except the
election of president for the next term, Vicente Quadra having been
the candidate favored with the requisite majority of votes. He took
possession of the office on the 1st of March, 1871.[XXIII-21] Congress
being about to close its session, the executive in a special message,
March 30th, called its attention to important affairs demanding prompt
measures. The treasury was exhausted, and the government needed
resources to meet its obligations. It also should be clothed with
powers and means to face the complications that might arise from the
disturbed relations of Salvador with Honduras. But congress suspended
the session for twenty days, though not without having first authorized
the president to raise loans for covering the more pressing needs of
the treasury, and empowered him to act as he might think best on behalf
of the honor and interests of the country during the recess.[XXIII-22]
In the war between the above-named states, Nicaragua maintained the
strictest neutrality, and had the good fortune to escape being mixed up
in that trouble.

The country being at peace, both at home and abroad, the government
was enabled to devote its whole attention to the finances, which were
in an unsatisfactory state, owing to a marked decrease of the revenues
in the two last fiscal years.[XXIII-23] The general situation, if
not good, was nevertheless far from discouraging. But a new element
was now ushered in, which was destined to become erelong an agent of
disturbance. I refer to the coming of seventy members of the society
of Jesus, who on their expulsion from Guatemala landed unopposed at
Realejo, and journeyed to Leon, where a portion of the inhabitants
gave them a warm reception. Discussions ensued; some were in favor of
giving the new-comers convents, turning over to them public education,
and allowing them every privilege as they had had at their late field;
others demanded that they should be sent away. The government took no
action, other than permitting them to remain, and they soon ingratiated
themselves with the masses.[XXIII-24]

[Sidenote: PARTIES AND PRINCIPLES.]

Toward the end of the year rumors of an impending revolution were
rife. There was no cause for it. Quadra's administration certainly was
deserving of public support.[XXIII-25] But it seemed the fashion of
Nicaragua either to be on the eve of or in the throes of revolution,
or at least to talk of one.[XXIII-26] At the present time there were
three political parties, and a club aspiring to that rank. The party
in power was called by some of its members liberal conservador,
and by others republicano. This party had a large following of
well-to-do and sedate citizens. It had no monarchical, aristocratic,
or theocratic tendencies; on the contrary, its principles were liberal
and progressive, but it moved slowly, from fear of disturbing peace
and order. Another party was formed, of men who at one time used to
call themselves democrats, but had lately taken a conservative for
a leader, become associated with the clergy, and adopted the name
of moderado. The third party, hardly entitled to the rank, was made
up of young men anxious for the greatest development of liberty and
progress. Its members were scattered, or affiliated with other parties.
Then there was the club, composed of a few hot-heads who insisted on
being the mountain, and parodying the French Jacobins of 1793. The
fears of revolution were on the increase in the first part of 1872.
The self-styled moderados of the five states were working together in
Leon, the native clergy and the jesuits being the common centre of the
revolutionary propaganda, and the government of President Medina of
Honduras encouraging them.

The congressional elections took place in October with much agitation
and disturbance in several localities.[XXIII-27] There was considerable
independence exhibited by the voters. The liberal conservatives
obtained a working majority, and high hopes were entertained from the
congress which was to sit on the 1st of January, 1873.

The year 1872 was a happy one for Nicaragua. Not only was peace
consolidated, but party animosity greatly decreased. Trade and
agriculture yielded good results; the public administration was much
improved; the treasury also felt easy, and public credit was restored.
Congress assembled on the appointed day, and the president's message
contained an encouraging report. He said that the rights of citizens
had been respected, and an asylum allowed to the refugees of other
states, including the jesuits.[XXIII-28] He labored to impress upon
the representatives the necessity of providing means to increase the
revenue; but nothing had been done at the end of February, and the
president saw, besides, that notwithstanding his moderate, impartial,
and conciliatory policy, a considerable portion of the citizens refused
to lend him their coöperation. In view of all this, and of his advanced
age and ill health, he tendered his resignation on the 1st of March,
setting forth the reasons for his doing so; but the chambers refused
to accept it.[XXIII-29] Congress adjourned on the 20th of March to
continue its labors in 1874. Several important laws had been passed,
for which the legislature deserved credit. On the other hand, it
was blamed for a lavish bestowal of pensions, and for an excessive
number of pardons and other favors to criminals. The jesuit question
was resolved February 12th in favor of permitting the priests to
remain.[XXIII-30]

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT QUADRA.]

The relations with Costa Rica were most unsatisfactory, and the
government took action to meet any possible emergency. Pursuant to
its decree of August 28th, congress assembled September 16th, when
President Quadra's message made known that events had taken place
calling for an abandonment of the policy he had hitherto pursued of
absolute abstention from interference in the affairs of the other
Central American states.[XXIII-31] His administration reported the
intrigues of President Guardia of Costa Rica with discontented
Nicaraguans for its overthrow. It was generally believed that a
disturbance of the public peace was impending, and that Costa Rican
money had circulated among the men concerned in the plot.[XXIII-32]
These men, some of whom were officers in the service of Nicaragua,
concealed themselves, and a number of them went to Costa Rica to
tender their services to the enemy of their country. Meantime a body
of armed men raised by the reactionary party of Central America made
its appearance in Honduras, which alarmed the governments of Guatemala
and Salvador. These powers represented to Nicaragua the movements
to be unquestionably the work of Costa Rica, proposing an alliance
against the latter.[XXIII-33] A defensive alliance was concluded on the
26th of August, the plenipotentiaries being Anselmo H. Rivas and B.
Carazo. This treaty was approved by the three governments.[XXIII-34]
It contained, besides, two other clauses; namely, the allied
powers were to endeavor to bring about a settlement of the boundary
question between Nicaragua and Costa Rica, and coöperate toward the
reorganization of Central America under a single government.[XXIII-35]

Congress closed the session on the 15th of October, and shortly after
the government was apprised of the departure from Puntarenas, Costa
Rica, on the vessel named _Tigre_, of an expedition of Nicaraguans
under Tinoco bound to Nicaragua.[XXIII-36] The expedition landed on
the 3d of November, not in Nicaraguan territory, but in San Bernardo, a
small port of Honduras. Nicaragua at once sent a force to the frontier,
and Minister Delgadillo started for Honduras to obtain permission
from the government to pursue the invaders within her limits,
which being granted, the Nicaraguans marched from Somotillo into
Honduras, and acting in accord with another force from Salvador, the
invaders abandoned Corpus, and repaired to Tegucigalpa, where Tinoco
capitulated.[XXIII-37] The Nicaraguan government's force then returned
home.[XXIII-38]

The elections for president and members of congress took place within
the last three months of 1874 under no hindrance, and without any
serious disturbance of the peace.[XXIII-39] Quadra's message of January
13, 1875, announced that public confidence in a continued peace was not
yet fully restored; but a disposition to work and maintain order was
taking deep root among the masses.[XXIII-40]

[Sidenote: PRESIDENT CHAMORRO.]

Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, the elect of the people for the next
presidential term, was inducted into office on the 1st of March,
1875.[XXIII-41] Quadra returned with alacrity to private life. The new
administration soon had to deal with seditious attempts which had been
prepared during Quadra's rule. One of Chamorro's first acts was to
issue an unconditional pardon to the parties implicated, hoping that
it would bring the government's opponents to a better feeling. But the
result was quite different; for they began a series of plots, and it
then became necessary to issue, on the 17th of November, 1875, a decree
of expulsion and of partial banishments. This quieted the country, and
peace would have become consolidated but for the opportunities afforded
the agitators in the neighboring states to start another conflagration.
Costa Rica became the asylum of the discontented of Nicaragua, who
took advantage of the interrupted relations between the two governments
to promote a war that might give them the control of affairs in their
country.

Costa Rica suspended diplomatic and commercial relations with
Nicaragua; but the latter concluded not to decree a suspension of
trade, with the view of not injuring innocent persons. No actual
war existed, but it might break out at any moment, in view of Costa
Rica's menacing attitude.[XXIII-42] At last the government found
itself threatened from various quarters. It then called on all
patriotic citizens for new sacrifices, to which they responded with
enthusiasm.[XXIII-43] Martial law was proclaimed, and the president
assumed personal command of the forces, the executive office
being temporarily placed in charge of Senator Pedro Balladares.
When the danger of war had passed, the decree of martial law was
repealed.[XXIII-44] Elections for supreme and local authorities took
place without hindrance and in good order. But the country suffered
severely from natural causes.[XXIII-45]

Peace reigned during the last two years of Chamorro's rule, which
enabled him to devote his attention to the advancement of the country's
interests. Notwithstanding the past difficulties, the national finances
had attained a better organization, and the national credit was on
a higher plane. The people showed a growing disposition to employ
themselves in the arts of peace, their civil and political rights
being fully respected by the authorities. Friendly relations existed
with foreign powers, and no complications were apprehended with
the neighbors.[XXIII-46] The elections for president, deputies, and
senators were effected at the usual time, the government abstaining
from all interference. General Joaquin Zavala, having been the popular
choice for chief magistrate, took possession of his office with the
customary formalities on the 1st of March, 1879, promising to follow
the conciliatory policy of his predecessor. He congratulated the
representatives on the stability which the republic was evidently
arriving at.[XXIII-47]

[Sidenote: PEACE AND PROGRESS.]

Congress closed the session on the 1st of April. The results of its
three months' labors were quite important.[XXIII-48] Though acting
with independence, the utmost harmony prevailed in its relations
with the executive. At the opening of the next legislative session in
January 1881, the president made known that peace had been undisturbed
both at home and abroad, and there was no cause to apprehend any
immediate change. As far as the government's scanty means permitted,
works of public utility had been fostered.[XXIII-49] Public education
made considerable progress. The finances were duly attended to, and
a few reforms introduced.[XXIII-50] The president congratulated the
nation on the fact that all had been accomplished with the ordinary
revenues. The public credit stood higher than ever. The foreign debt
had been cancelled, and the internal, which amounted to $1,600,000,
reduced to one half this sum.[XXIII-51] Congress adjourned March 6th.
Several important measures were introduced and discussed, but left for
completion in the following year.[XXIII-52]

[Sidenote: JESUIT DISTURBANCES.]

The apprehensions felt by a large number of citizens of serious
troubles from the presence of the jesuits were realized in May 1881.
On the 6th there was an Indian insurrection in Matagalpa, accompanied
with considerable bloodshed, and the jesuits were said to be the
instigators.[XXIII-53] Twenty members of the order residing in that
place were arrested and taken under guard to Granada. A still more
alarming revolt took place in Leon. At the opening of the Instituto de
Occidente, an educational establishment under the special protection
of the national authorities, Professor J. Leonard, from Spain, made
certain remarks, at which the jesuit fathers took umbrage.[XXIII-54]
They, together with a certain Apolonio Orozco, accused Leonard and
Calderon of being free-thinkers and assailants of religion. The forty
or fifty fathers living in Leon took the matter in hand energetically,
and in two days there was hardly a person in the place who had not
been told that the religion of their fathers was imperilled by the
propaganda of the free-thinkers of the instituto. Relying on the
support of a fanatical rabble, they assumed a bold attitude, and
demanded prompt action on the part of Bishop Ulloa y Larios. But the
latter would not uphold them. This greatly exasperated them. Meantime
the rabble became seditious. Parties of armed men intrenched themselves
in the old Recoleccion convent, and laboring under the excitement
produced by the speeches of their leaders and the free use of rum,
they resisted the troops engaged in an effort to preserve order,
eight or ten being killed, and many more wounded. The mob retreated
to the Recoleccion, resolved to continue the fight, defying the local
authorities, who, in fact, did not show much disposition to put them
down, the prefect being a friend of the jesuits. The commander of the
forces was an aged soldier, who could not do much active service.
However, he captured the two chief leaders, Bermudez and Duvon,
and sent them to Managua, where they were imprisoned. The supreme
government adopted prompt measures, despatched troops to Leon, who
brought the rebels under subjection, and then expelled the jesuits
from the country.[XXIII-55] It was believed that the real object of
those movements was to overthrow Zavala and place Pedro Balladares in
the executive chair. The question for a time seemed to be who should
rule—the government or the jesuits. Zavala's energy settled it.

In July 1882 there was a slight rebellion in Gracias á Dios, and
later disturbances in Matagalpa, Telica, and Subtiaba; but though
causing some expense, because the government had to station a strong
force there during a considerable time, public works were not thereby
interrupted. The president, in his message to congress at the inception
of 1883, expressed himself as gratified with the report he had to make,
and retained the most perfect confidence in the future progress and
prosperity of the republic. His successor, Adan Cárdenas,[XXIII-56]
elected by popular suffrage, was placed in possession of the office
on the 1st of March, 1883.[XXIII-57] Congress adjourned on the 12th
of March. The new government issued a decree pardoning all who were
concerned in the revolutionary disturbances at Matagalpa and Leon in
1881 and 1882.

The question of reconstructing the republic of Central America was
now being considered by the five governments.[XXIII-58] Nicaragua
was at peace and progressing both morally and materially. It must be
confessed, however, that priestcraft and bigotry still reigned almost
supreme. The country had suffered, however, during the last two years
from epidemics and other causes.[XXIII-59]

[Sidenote: DISCOMFITED REVOLUTIONISTS.]

On the receipt at Managua in March 1885 of information respecting the
resolution of the assembly of Guatemala to effect the reconstruction
of Central America by force, and the order of President J. Rufino
Barrios, styling himself general-in-chief of the Central American
forces, the people became greatly excited, manifesting a resolution to
oppose Barrios' schemes with all their might. The government entered
into an alliance offensive and defensive with Salvador and Costa Rica
to provide for their mutual defence against Barrios, and troops were
organized, President Cárdenas taking command of the Nicaraguan forces
in the field, first calling Pedro Joaquin Chamorro to temporarily
occupy the executive office.[XXIII-60] Nicaragua at once despatched 500
men to the aid of Salvador, and prepared 500 or 600 more.[XXIII-61]
After the defeat and death of Barrios, the scheme of forcible
reconstruction was abandoned by Guatemala, and peace being restored,
Nicaragua returned to her normal condition. In the latter part of 1885,
however, a movement was made with the view of overthrowing Cárdenas.
A party of revolutionists, calling themselves liberals, landed at
Nancital; but being unable to effect their purpose, took refuge in
Honduras, where they were disarmed.[XXIII-62]

CHAPTER XXIV.

INDEPENDENCE OF THE ISTHMUS.

1801-1822.

ADMINISTRATION UNDER SPAIN—INFLUENCE OF EVENTS IN
EUROPE AND SPANISH AMERICA ON THE ISTHMUS—HOSTILITIES IN
NUEVA GRANADA—CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT—GENERAL HORE'S
MEASURES TO HOLD THE ISTHMUS FOR SPAIN—MACGREGOR'S
INSURGENT EXPEDITION AT PORTOBELLO—REËSTABLISHMENT OF THE
CONSTITUTION—CAPTAIN-GENERAL MURGEON'S RULE—THE ISTHMUS IS
DECLARED INDEPENDENT—ITS INCORPORATION WITH COLOMBIA—JOSÉ
FÁBREGA IN TEMPORARY COMMAND—JOSÉ MARÍA CARREÑO APPOINTED
INTENDENTE AND COMANDANTE GENERAL—ABOLITION OF AFRICAN
SLAVERY.

The intimate relations of the Panamá Isthmus with Central America,
and indeed with the whole Pacific coast, led me in the first instance
to give its history; and in continuation of that purpose, I herewith
carry on the narrative of events in that quarter, although in the later
political partition Panamá is not classed among the Central American
states.

* * * * *

We have seen in a preceding volume how Panamá, formerly the entrepôt
for the trade of Spain with her South American colonies on the Pacific,
in the course of the eighteenth century descended from her lofty
position, and became veiled in obscurity, until the name of the once
famous Castilla del Oro is well-nigh consigned to the pages of modern
mythology. The events of the following century, which so beneficially
changed the political condition of most of the American provinces, only
tended to impoverish the Isthmus. However, its important geographical
position, making it a bridge between the two great oceans, brought back
for a time the old prosperity, notably by reason of the discovery of
gold in California, the building of a railway, and the much-discussed
project of an interoceanic ship canal.

[Sidenote: UNDER THE VICEROYS.]

The Isthmus was enjoying in 1801 its usual tranquillity under the rule
of the Spanish viceroy at Santa Fé de Bogotá, Pedro de Mendinueta y
Muzquiz, as well as under the more immediate one of Brigadier Antonio
Narvaez y la Torre, the governor and comandante general. He was in
1803 promoted to mariscal de campo, and relieved on the 15th of March
the same year, by Colonel Juan de Márcos Urbina, who at his death in
1805 was succeeded[XXIV-1] by Brigadier Juan A. de la Mata. The latter
is represented to have been a man of estimable character, and as he
was both respected and liked, he found during his term but little
difficulty to rule the three provinces of Portobello, Veragua, and
Darien, and the partidos of Natá and Alange, into which this region
had been divided.[XXIV-2] Pursuant to the customary policy of Spain,
an asesor, or legal adviser, was appointed to consult with him, while
the military functions of the governor, in case of his being prevented,
were assumed by another substitute, also nominated beforehand, with the
title of teniente de rey.

The judicial organization was equal to those of other Spanish
colonies; matters of little importance were decided by the ordinary
alcaldes or the city councils, and only appeals were brought before
the courts of Bogotá.[XXIV-3] There was also an extensive financial
department, comprising the custom-houses of Portobello, Chagres,
and Panamá, a general treasury with its dependent offices and the
different administrations of customs and monopolies belonging to the
crown. But their product was not sufficient to cover the expenses of
the provinces, with their numerous officials and a permanent military
force,[XXIV-4] required as garrisons for Portobello, Chagres, and
Panamá, all of which places were then fortified, and temporarily
financial subventions from Peru became necessary. The reason was
the decline of commerce which involved a corresponding neglect of
husbandry, and other branches, agriculture producing only what was
required for home consumption. Stock-raising, for which the soil of
Veragua was so well adapted, decreased; and mining in Portobello and
Darien was scarcely worthy of mention. Such a depressing state of
affairs could but have a degenerating influence on the inhabitants,
which, if not fostered by the government, at least was allowed to
go on without an effort to check it. Education was at a low ebb
everywhere; in the capital there was one primary school and a Latin
class. Nearly all books not of a certain religious character[XXIV-5]
were forbidden, intercourse with foreigners was hindered, and the
diffusion of liberal ideas was effectually repressed. The facility
of obtaining the few means of subsistence required in such a climate
contributed to produce that state of indolence which characterized the
inhabitants at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Most of their
time was spent in bull-fights, gambling, and religious performances,
there being more than one hundred holidays in the year. The regular
clergy, as in other parts of Spanish America, had always been powerful
in Panamá, and possessed, notwithstanding the decadence of the country,
a number of establishments independent from those belonging to the
bishopric.[XXIV-6]

[Sidenote: HAPPY DAYS.]

Thus all was lethargy in Panamá while the new viceroy of New Granada,
Antonio Amar y Borbon, quietly assumed the government at Bogotá.
Few of the inhabitants of the Isthmus had a clear understanding of
the political convulsions that had taken place in France and in the
United States. The masses were totally indifferent to and suffered
little from the policy of the government, which carefully suppressed
all information about the countries where anti-monarchical principles
prevailed. The course pursued by the crown in this respect was as
fruitless as was another effort made at the time to revive trade by
reëstablishing on January 20, 1803, the casa de contratacion de Indias.
The hope of Panamá again becoming the great entrepôt for all ports
on the Pacific was not realized. Not a single vessel came from Spain
during the year; and open trade with foreign countries being unlawful,
smuggling was resorted to by the merchants of Panamá and Jamaica,
their rendezvous being generally in the neighborhood of Chagres, where
English vessels transferred their cargoes to small boats, which took
the goods on shore.[XXIV-7] This trade was continued, even in 1804,
after Spain had declared war against England, an event which otherwise
caused much excitement on the Isthmus. But the people, instead of
preparing for defence, contented themselves with invoking the Lord
of hosts for favor to the Spanish arms, and for relief of their own
distress, or in other words, their laziness.[XXIV-8]

The government and priesthood, acting in accord, thus kept most of
the population under control; and it was only in 1808 that liberal
ideas began to have expression in the province, and this was due
altogether to foreign influence. The government of the mother country,
having declared the American possessions to be no longer colonies, but
integral parts of the monarchy, their people having the same rights as
the people of Spain[XXIV-9]—although the declaration of the córtes to
this effect was not generally known or appreciated, to the intelligent,
its significance was fully understood. The movements for independence
made in other provinces could no longer be concealed from the people,
and the idea rapidly gained ground that Spanish domination of America
was approaching its end. This greatly exacerbated the ill feeling
always existing, though only to a limited extent on the Isthmus,
between the Spaniards and the native Panameños.[XXIV-10]

In connection with it, a system of espionage was established by the
rulers, the discussion of politics was discountenanced, and the holding
of meetings forbidden. But this policy was without effect; the liberty
to trade with Jamaica, granted in 1809 with a view to appease the
discontent of the Isthmians, invigorated not only their commercial
but also their political life.[XXIV-11] Newspapers from Jamaica were
occasionally received, and the contract with an enlightened people gave
rise to new ideas.

[Sidenote: REVOLUTIONARY WAR.]

In New Granada the first resistance occurred at Cartagena, where the
governor, Francisco Montes, opposed the establishment of a diputacion
provincial, and assumed an attitude hostile to the liberal cabildo. He
made his report to the viceroy, but before any redress could be made
he was arrested on June 14, 1810, and sent away to Habana.[XXIV-12]
Hardly one month later a similar movement broke out at Bogotá, where
several previous plans to overthrow the viceregal authority had
failed;[XXIV-13] but the agitation being continued, on the 20th of
July a trifling incident[XXIV-14] sufficed to cause an outbreak. Three
days later the viceroy was imprisoned and the government placed in
charge of a junta.[XXIV-15] The revolutionary movement in Bogotá as
in Cartagena did not at the time purpose to break wholly with Spain;
its real object was to obtain an autonomic government without ignoring
the supremacy of that of the mother country.[XXIV-16] It was with such
intent that both juntas extended invitations to all the provinces of
New Granada to meet in congress and discuss the form of government
to be adopted. The governor of Panamá declined to take part, and
endeavored to persuade the people of the Isthmus that there was no
need for such a revolution.[XXIV-17] That the absence of the Panameños
from the congress, which met early in 1811, had not been of their own
choice, was not a secret to that body; and when the fundamental act
of the federation was passed, it contained a clause binding all those
represented in the congress to labor for the freedom of the other
provinces which were still under Spanish control.[XXIV-18]

It seemed, however, as if Panamá was more distant than ever from
gaining her independence. Early in 1812 a new viceroy, Benito Perez,
arrived, and being unable to get to Bogotá, established his residence
on the Isthmus,[XXIV-19] where the audiencia and other offices were
also established. Thus Panamá became temporarily the capital of New
Granada, an honor little cherished at that time by the friends of
independence. Perceiving the unsafe condition of the government,
the new viceroy took steps to increase his military force. Upon his
request, three men-of-war were sent from Cuba and a battalion of
soldiers from Spain, part of which reënforcements were despatched
to Santa Marta, then at war with Cartagena. The latter place was
blockaded, and being hard pressed for supplies, the insurgents
despatched two commissioners with the avowed object of treating
with the viceroy for an armistice. The project was favored by the
vice-admiral of the English squadron at Jamaica, Charles Sterling,
who guaranteed the commissioners a safe return. They arrived at Panamá
in October 1812, and at once began pretended negotiations, their real
purpose being to gain time for the besieged town, obtain if possible a
suspension of hostilities, and ascertain the feeling of the population.
But some correspondence intercepted by the governor of Santa
Marta,[XXIV-20] and forwarded to Viceroy Perez, apprised the latter,
who at once had the commissioners arrested and brought to trial. They
would have been severely dealt with but for the timely interference
of Sterling, who energetically demanded their release, which the
viceroy at last acceded to, returning them to Cartagena. They had
meantime become satisfied that the intelligent part of the population
strongly favored the emancipation, and that the new governor, Cárlos
Meyner,[XXIV-21] could not prevent any effort for independence. The
only opposition to be feared would be from the viceroy and the chief
officers of the garrison, most of whom were loyal and energetic. But
fortune seemed to smile on the revolutionary party; several vessels
with troops and military supplies despatched by Perez to the relief of
Santa Marta, then besieged by the insurgents, fell into the hands of
the latter, and the viceroy himself was removed from his position by
the government in Spain.[XXIV-22] His successor was the mariscal de
campo, Francisco Montalvo, who with some reënforcements furnished by
the government of Cuba proceeded from Habana directly to Santa Marta,
where he arrived in May 1813, and forthwith began to push the military
operations against the revolutionists of Cartagena.

[Sidenote: THE VICEREGAL PARTY.]

The natives of Panamá rejoiced on hearing of the establishment of the
viceregal seat at Santa Marta, and for obvious reasons. The danger
was removed that Panamá might become the theatre of a bloody war, and
on the other hand, there would be less difficulty in working for the
emancipation of the province. The cause of independence gained more
and more sympathy; and when toward the close of 1813 it was proposed
to form a confederation, comprising New Granada, Quito, Venezuela,
and Tierra Firme, the idea was eagerly embraced by the patriotic party
on the Isthmus. The friends of independence gradually became bolder;
they openly manifested their dislike of Spanish rule at parties and
in public songs, and induced the cabildo to demand and obtain from
the government at Cádiz the removal of the bishop,[XXIV-23] and the
transfer of the officials of the audiencia, then in Panamá, to other
places. But the latter met with opposition from the senior oidor,
Joaquin Carrion, who well understood the workings of the patriotic
party, and disregarding the protestations of the city council,
continued alone to exercise the jurisdiction of the audiencia
till 1816. Strange though it may appear, and perhaps owing to the
listlessness Panamá had thus far exhibited, when revolution prevailed
everywhere else, the city came to be looked upon by the government
in Spain as most loyal; whereupon the córtes resolved to reward it,
establishing there a diputacion provincial,[XXIV-24] which did not then
come to pass, for only one month later King Fernando suppressed all
such bodies, together with the constitution of 1812.[XXIV-25]

Unwilling to relinquish her hold on the American colonies, Spain,
early in 1815, fitted out an expedition comprising sixty-five large and
several smaller transport vessels, convoyed by the line-of-battle ship
_San Pedro Alcantara_ of seventy-four guns and several frigates; the
total number of sailors, soldiers, and marines being 15,000,[XXIV-26]
all well provided with artillery and supplies, the soldiers being
veterans of the war against Napoleon's army.

[Sidenote: GOVERNOR HORE.]

The original plan had been to send both fleet and army to Montevideo,
but subsequently it was considered more urgent to regain possession
of Venezuela and New Granada, and to strengthen the forces on the
Isthmus.[XXIV-27] The general-in-chief was Mariscal de campo Pablo
Morillo, a brave man of firm character, who, in nine years, had risen
from sergeant to general. Soon afterward more forces were sent out
from Spain to coöperate with those of Morillo, after which they were
to be stationed at Panamá. Their commander, Alejandro de Hore, was
appointed governor. Military supplies were also sent to equip troops
for a campaign in Peru. The expectations of the Isthmians were now
almost beyond the possibility of realization. It made but little
difference that a part of Hore's force fell into the hands of the
insurgents of Cartagena,[XXIV-28] and that Hore himself barely escaped
with the auxiliaries that Morillo could furnish almost at any time;
he was always able to maintain the Spanish régime on the Isthmus. No
sooner, indeed, had he arrived at Panamá and established the government
on a military basis,[XXIV-29] than he displayed his harsh, despotic
character.[XXIV-30] An extensive system of espionage was organized,
and it is said that Hore treated the members of the patriotic party
"according to their proclivities for independence, always availing
himself of some false pretext to strike." Much as the Isthmians
suffered under his iron rule, their anxiety became greater when it was
said that Morillo was on his way to Panamá to place the city in a state
of defence; fortunately it proved to be a false alarm.

Hore was a partisan of absolute authority; but when it suited his
purposes he would support liberal ideas and policies. Thus we see him
coöperating with the people of Panamá in opposing the reinstatement of
the jesuits.[XXIV-31] He did not like priestly interference in state
affairs. The governor also manifested a strong inclination to foster
trade with foreigners, and it is said that he never refused to honor,
with his acceptance, such gifts as the smugglers awarded him.

[Sidenote: ENGLISH EXPEDITION.]

Early in 1819, news arrived that a formidable expedition had been
prepared in England by friends of the insurgent cause, and was on its
way to America, intended to wrest the Isthmus from Spanish domination.
The rumor proved well founded. A former officer of the revolutionists,
one Gregor MacGregor, together with José María del Real, the agent
in London of the "United Provinces of New Granada," had, with the
aid of some English merchants, fitted out an expedition,[XXIV-32]
which, consisting of three ships, carrying 417 fighting men, sailed
from Gravesend on the 18th of December, 1818, and in the following
February cast anchor off Aux Cayes in Hayti. Here they were joined
by two other vessels, and together they continued the voyage to San
Andrés, the rendezvous, of which, on the 4th of April, 1819, they
took formal possession in the name of the United Provinces. Four days
after, the squadron appeared off Portobello and captured the place,
meeting with scarcely any resistance. Governor Hore had expected the
landing at Chagres, and made preparation to meet the invaders.[XXIV-33]
Most of the troops were forthwith landed, and the town having been
almost entirely deserted, the soldiers found ready quarters, and
garrisons were placed in the forts, and the batteries were manned.
MacGregor issued a high-sounding bulletin, in which he set forth that
"the first division of the army of New Granada had won immarcesible
glory." Detachments were sent out to reconnoitre, and no hostile force
being discovered, the march to Chagres and Panamá, was spoken of as if
neither nature nor the Spaniards would offer any obstacles.[XXIV-34]
Two exiles from New Granada, José Elías Lopez and Joaquin Vargas
Besga, who had accompanied the expedition, were made governor and
vice-governor respectively. After a te deum, and a few days time, the
inhabitants of the town who had returned to their homes were harangued
to induce them to take up arms against the Spanish yoke. About 100
men, mostly colored, responded to the appeal and enlisted, forming the
nucleus of a regiment called América Libre, which, under the command
of some foreign officers, was to be the advanced guard on the march to
Panamá. The scheme proved a failure, for soon these same free Americans
disbanded or deserted, most of them joining the enemy.

The condition and general discipline of the invading force were far
from satisfactory. The men clamored for their pay, and there being no
money in the military chest, the people were called upon to furnish
funds, which caused them to again leave the place. Sickness also
broke out among the troops, several of the officers and men becoming
victims of the climate. Discipline was neglected, and all semblance
of order disappeared. The soldiers sold their ammunition and effects
for liquor.[XXIV-35] This same carelessness prevailed even when toward
the end of April news came of the near approach of Spanish forces from
Panamá. It seems that as soon as Hore heard of the loss of Portobello
he concentrated his forces, and with about 500 men marched across the
Isthmus, bent upon expelling the invaders. Taking a route different
from the usual one, and favored by the carelessness of the English and
the thick forests surrounding Portobello, Hore arrived near the town
unperceived on the 29th of April.

On the same day a vessel with supplies and provisions for the invaders
had arrived from Jamaica, an event which was gayly celebrated in the
town. In the evening the alcalde and some priests took part in the
carousals, which were kept up to a late hour, with a complete neglect
of duty on the part of the officers. At six o'clock next morning one
division of Hore's troops, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel
José de Santa Cruz, surprised the soldiers and took the town, killing
all who came in their way. Among the slain were the newly appointed
governor, Lopez, and many of the officers, who perished either at their
quarters or while attempting to reach the fort. MacGregor leaped over
the balcony of the government house, ran to the beach, and thence swam
to one of his vessels. Unsuccessful attacks were made on the forts,
though the beseiged were unable to use the unwieldy guns, unsupported
as they were by the vessels, which made no preparation to aid them. The
Spaniards were not disposed to storm the forts, but knowing that the
garrisons had suffered severely, they demanded their surrender. This
was refused; and notwithstanding the cowardly conduct of some of the
officers, the negotiations might have been broken off, but the soldiers
declined further to fight. A capitulation was then entered into, under
which the invaders, after delivering up their arms, were to retain
their baggage and reëmbark to go whither they chose. At this juncture,
orders came from MacGregor not to surrender, giving assurance that the
ships would soon be ready to open upon the Spaniards. But the surrender
had already been made, and the men, about 340 in all, had been disarmed
and marched to the main plaza, where, instead of being permitted to go
their way, they were declared prisoners, to be conveyed as convicts
to Panamá.[XXIV-36] On learning the result, the gallant MacGregor,
from whose coming the New Granadinos had expected so much put to sea,
leaving his companions to their fate.[XXIV-37]

[Sidenote: FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION.]

The matter did not end at Portobello, however. Hore despatched his
prisoners to Panamá on the 2d of May, and reported his achievement to
Viceroy Sámano, who commanded that the prisoners, none excepted, should
be shot.[XXIV-38] But for some reason Hore did not carry out the order.
The prisoners were, nevertheless, subjected to cruel treatment, being
kept in chain-gangs at work on the fortifications, roads, and streets,
which, added to the ravages of the deadly climate, soon reduced their
numbers. Several of the officers were shot afterward at Cana in Darien
on the pretext of their having attempted to escape.[XXIV-39] When after
seventeen months of suffering the release of the survivors was ordered
on September 20, 1820, only 121 remained,[XXIV-40] who were at an early
day taken to Chagres, whence they embarked for Jamaica.

Important events had meantime taken place in Spain, by which
constitutional régime was restored. A change in the government of
the Isthmus soon followed, the people for the first time being called
upon to exercise the right of suffrage.[XXIV-41] The newly organized
ayuntamiento[XXIV-42] was composed of men well disposed toward
independence. The change of system curtailing Hore's powers so preyed
upon his mind that he died.[XXIV-43] This was a serious loss to the
Spanish cause, whose interests the deceased had ever been ready to
uphold by fair or foul means.

[Sidenote: COMING OF SÁMANO.]

Brigadier Pedro Ruiz de Porras, who succeeded Hore in the military
command, if not a partisan of independence, was a friend of
constitutional government. The civil governor, or gefe político, Pedro
Aguilar, showed so much indifference that little opposition was feared
from him. The new cabildo demanded the installation of a diputacion
provincial, the election of a deputy to the Spanish córtes, and other
measures provided for in the national constitution.[XXIV-44] These
demands were not, however, complied with. The independent party saw
the necessity of close relations with their friends outside of Panamá,
and developed them, without disregarding the precautions demanded by
the presence of a strong hostile garrison in their midst. They were
now greatly hindered by the sudden appearance in Panamá, of Viceroy
Sámano, who came by way of Jamaica. His object was to establish his
government on the Isthmus, which the cabildo and constitutionalists
opposed on the ground of his having forfeited the viceregal office by
a refusal to take the oath to support the constitution. He had been
detained several days at Las Cruces, but the military party proved the
stronger, and admitted him into the city. His coming caused general
uneasiness,[XXIV-45] as he was known to be a man of bad temper.
However, as he met with no further opposition, and as his health was
precarious, he limited himself to levying a forced loan.[XXIV-46]

Free ideas had, however, gained too strong a hold to be easily
suppressed by the mere opposition of the ruler, and when in 1821
a new city council was elected, the members[XXIV-47] were again
liberal-minded men. They repeated the demand for the establishment of a
diputacion provincial, and for the election of a deputy to the Spanish
córtes; but the viceroy only returned evasive answers. Fortunately,
the province was soon relieved of him, by his death, on the 3d of
August, 1821.[XXIV-48] Then the press resumed a bold tone, and hopes
were revived in political circles. Soon after came to succeed Sámano,
the mariscal de campo Juan de la Cruz Mourgeon.[XXIV-49] He had been
appointed as captain-general of New Granada only, with the promise of
the office of viceroy when he should have reconquered two thirds of New
Granada.[XXIV-50]

Mourgeon brought from Spain some troops, adding to their number at
Puerto Cabello in Venezuela. His rule was based on principles entirely
opposite to those of his predecessor, namely, on the constitution
and the new organic laws of the monarchy. Members for the diputacion
provincial and a deputy to the Spanish córtes were elected, and the
former was installed amidst the usual demonstrations. This liberal
policy permeated his whole administration; the press was protected,
patriotic societies were formed, and to strengthen the ties between
Spaniards and Americans a masonic lodge was founded, and offices of
trust and honor were bestowed on men from both branches. Every effort
was made by the new ruler to do away with the old rivalry. But it all
came too late. The idea of independence had become deeply rooted,
and could not be affected by the new policy, the duration of which
was also uncertain. The natives of the Isthmus exhibited a remarkable
circumspection, which deluded the captain-general and the Spaniards.
Mourgeon felt confident of Panamá's loyalty, and still more so after
José de Fábrega, a native of the Isthmus, was appointed temporary
comandante of Tierra Firme;[XXIV-51] and began to think of securing
his promised viceregal office by the reconquest of Quito or Ecuador. He
accordingly set himself to make preparations for that undertaking; but
the impoverished condition of Isthmian finances greatly hampered him.
Nevertheless, though with the utmost difficulty,[XXIV-52] he fitted out
a squadron, composed of the corvette _Alejandro_, and three schooners,
on which he embarked two battalions of infantry, two dismounted
squadrons of cavalry, and some artillerymen; and assuming personal
command of the force, set sail on the 22d of October, 1821.[XXIV-53]

[Sidenote: SUB-REVOLUTION.]

This was the most propitious opportunity the friends of independence
could hope for, and they lost no time in availing themselves of it.
Secret meetings were held, at which they matured their plans. While
thus engaged at Panamá, a revolutionary movement broke out in the
villa de Los Santos, which, not being the result of any preconcerted
plan, caused the greatest alarm at the capital. The outbreak had
been, indeed, one which merely proclaimed independence, without
pretending to establish any form of government.[XXIV-54] The governor,
local authorities, and other prominent officials, after a hasty
consultation, resolved upon gentle means to quell the disturbance, and
commissioners were despatched at once to Los Santos to restore peace
if possible.[XXIV-55] But the more impatient among the friends of
independence hoped that their mission would fail, and that the spirit
of sedition, known to exist throughout the Isthmus, would boldly assert
itself as soon as the capital should give the signal. But this signal
could not as yet be given. Both the cabildo and diputacion countenanced
the revolution, and it was believed that Fábrega would not oppose a
movement to free his own country; but resistance was certain from the
troops of the garrison. Any sudden insurrection would, therefore, be
untimely, and probably end in disaster.

New plans were devised, and it was finally resolved to undermine the
military power by encouraging desertions,[XXIV-56] and at the same time
to spread among the masses the scheme of independence. Four prominent
citizens[XXIV-57] undertook the first task, to facilitate which a fund
was raised, and were very successful. Desertions became frequent, and
their number increased from day to day, till the government began to
suspect the cause, but the independent agents were reticent. Measures
were adopted which only partially succeeded in checking desertions. The
garrison was soon so reduced that there were hardly men enough to guard
the jail, hospital, and powder magazine. In the night of November 27,
1821, sixty soldiers disappeared, together with their muskets.[XXIV-58]
The government now became convinced that a revolution was impending,
and took measures to resist it. The few remaining troops were
distributed in the most convenient places, and artillery was placed at
street-crossings.

The day so anxiously waited for, the memorable day in the history of
the Isthmus, came at last. On the 28th of November, 1821, at the call
of a number of citizens, the ayuntamiento held a session, and the
governor, diputacion provincial, bishop, and other chief officials were
invited to take part in their deliberations. The meeting was held with
open doors; people might come and go as they chose. The question was,
Should or should not the Isthmus of Panamá declare its independence
from Spain? A motion to that end met with approval.[XXIV-59]

[Sidenote: DECLARATION AND REORGANIZATION.]

The next subject discussed was the form of government to be
adopted, which resulted in a voluntary annexation to the republic
of Colombia,[XXIV-60] to whose general congress the Isthmus was to
accredit a deputy. Other resolutions were passed concerning the
military force in the state,[XXIV-61] and the organization of a
new government, which was intrusted to the former governor, José de
Fábrega, who now assumed the title, Jefe Superior del Istmo. All the
civil, municipal, and ecclesiastical authorities were to continue
in office, and in the same manner the existing laws were to remain
in force, when not conflicting with the independence, and until a
new code could be framed. Fábrega was directed to adopt measures for
preserving peace, to obtain the surrender of Chagres and Portobello,
and to raise a loan to meet necessary expenses. The several authorities
and officials of all grades were to take the oath of allegiance,
and copies of the proceedings were to be circulated, together with
requests for pecuniary contributions. A special committee then drew
up a formal minute of the declaration and of the resolutions passed,
and amid the cheers of the multitude, the document was signed by José
de Fábrega, the bishop José Higinio Duran y Martel, a number of other
citizens,[XXIV-62] and the public notary José de los Santos Correoso.
Thus ended the 28th of November, 1821.[XXIV-63] Two days later the
support of the declaration of independence was publicly sworn to with
great solemnity, and on the 1st of December a similar proclamation was
made at Santiago de Veragua.[XXIV-64]

On the day, however, that the celebration occurred at Panamá, the
inhabitants were thrown into consternation by the arrival of two
Spanish frigates accompanied by Mourgeon's transports. It was at
first feared that he had returned from Ecuador,[XXIV-65] till it
was ascertained that the war ships had come in quest of the general,
and the transports for reënforcements. The alarm was well founded,
for the place had no means of defence. Nevertheless, the authorities
made preparations for resistance, and the town soon assumed a warlike
appearance. The suspense lasted six days, at the end of which the
commanders of the frigates offered to surrender to the new government,
the only condition required in return being that the latter should pay
the wages due the crews. It will be a matter of surprise that so modest
a demand was not complied with. It is true that the treasury was empty,
but it does not appear that any efforts were made to procure the funds.
An agreement was, however, entered into, the two commanders binding
themselves not to assail the Isthmus, nor afford aid to Mourgeon, but
to surrender to the government of Peru, which was done.[XXIV-66]

About the time that Panamá became free, other Spanish colonies also
secured their independence. Consequently, Panamá found no difficulty to
effect a union with the then republic of Colombia, whose constitution,
framed in the latter part of 1821,[XXIV-67] became the political
groundwork of Tierra Firme. In January, 1822, Fábrega assured the
people that there was no further cause to fear Mourgeon's attacks,
should he attempt them; troops in sufficient number for defence had
arrived; but funds for their support were at the same time called
for. However, as late as October, 1827, there were apprehensions of
a Spanish invasion, and Bolívar, the president of Colombia, issued
a military order for the protection of the coast.[XXIV-68] Early
in February 1822, José María Carreño was appointed intendente and
comandante general of the Isthmus, with a command independent from
Cartagena, and Fábrega was made governor and comandante general of
Alange, Veragua, and annexes.[XXIV-69] This same year Mexico received
with high honors a Colombian minister, and formally recognized the
independence of the republic.[XXIV-70]

[Sidenote: ABOLITION OF SLAVERY.]

The republican government, among its first acts, not only prohibited
the importation of African slaves, but made provision for extinguishing
slavery within its limits in the near future. Slaves were allowed to
purchase their own freedom, and all children born of slave parents
after the 21st of June, 1821, were declared free, the masters being
required to feed, clothe, and educate them, in return for which the
children were to work till their eighteenth year for the masters of
their mothers.[XXIV-71] In 1850 the government redeemed, by offering
compensation to the owners, all colored men and women who had not at
that time attained their freedom.[XXIV-72]

CHAPTER XXV.

DIVERS PHASES OF SELF-GOVERNMENT.

1819-1863.

PANAMÁ CONGRESS—PROVINCIAL ORGANIZATIONS—ALZURU'S
REBELLION AND EXECUTION—SECESSION FROM COLOMBIA AND
REINCORPORATION—DIFFERENCES WITH FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS—CRIME
RAMPANT—SUMMARY TREATMENT OF CRIMINALS—RIOTS AND
MASSACRE OF FOREIGN PASSENGERS—ATTEMPTS TO ROB TREASURE
TRAINS—NEUTRALITY TREATIES—ESTABLISHMENT OF FEDERAL
SYSTEM—PANAMÁ AS A STATE—REVOLUTIONARY ERA BEGINS—A
SUCCESSION OF GOVERNORS—SEDITIOUS CHARACTER OF THE NEGRO
POPULATION—REVOLUTION AGAINST GOVERNOR GUARDIA AND HIS
DEATH—ANOTHER POLITICAL ORGANIZATION—ESTADO SOBERANO DE
PANAMÁ—LIBERAL PARTY IN FULL CONTROL—STRINGENT MEASURES.

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ CONGRESS OF NATIONS.]

Owing to its geographical position, Panamá was selected as the place
of meeting of a congress of American states, called at the suggestion
of Bolívar, the liberator of South America, in 1822, for the purpose,
as it was understood, of devising measures to counteract the menacing
plans of the so-called holy alliance of European monarchs.[XXV-1] The
government of the United States being invited to send representatives
agreed to do so, and did appoint plenipotentiaries, declining, however,
to bind itself to any course of action, but to remain a passive witness
of the proceedings, so long as the executive and congress should be
in ignorance of the real aims and tendencies of that assembly. Its
representatives did not take any part in the deliberations.[XXV-2]
England, which had recognized the independence of Colombia in 1824, and
Holland, having been likewise invited to be present by commissioners,
partly complied, but refrained from participating in the work of the
congress.[XXV-3]

The congress assembled on the 22d of June, 1826, the only American
nations therein represented being Colombia, Central America, Peru,
and Mexico.[XXV-4] Chile had reluctantly promised her attendance,
but failed to comply, owing to civil war. Buenos Aires refused her
coöperation. Without waiting for further arrivals, the commissioners
present entered into certain covenants, establishing the contingent of
land and naval forces each nation was to contribute to the projected
league; and likewise agreeing upon the points to be submitted to the
acceptance of the several allies. Some not very practical propositions
were agreed to.[XXV-5] Bolívar was displeased at the course of affairs,
and disappointed at the failure of a plan which, if realized, would
have been his crown of glory.[XXV-6] He thereupon turned his attention
to other objects.

The congress then adjourned to meet again at Tacubaya in Mexico. This
step was attributed to the influence of the Mexican plenipotentiary
Michelena, who, it has been said, had in view to secure his country's
predominance in America.[XXV-7] It was also resolved at the adjournment
that the legations should divide themselves, one member from each
going to report to his government what had been done, and the others
repairing at once to Mexico. The ministers of Colombia and Central
America, after waiting two years in vain for the ratification by
Mexico of the treaties, had finally to depart, deeply regretting the
dissolution of a body upon which Spanish America had centred her hopes,
and the enlightened world had so long fixed its attention.[XXV-8]

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ AND VERAGUA.]

A congress held in Angostura,[XXV-9] in December 1819, under the
presidency of Simon Bolívar, constituted the republic of Colombia, with
the former viceroyalty of Nueva Granada, including Ecuador, and the
captain-generalcy of Caracas or Venezuela. One of its departments was
the Isthmus divided into two provinces, namely, Panamá, which embraced
the region of Darien, and Veragua.[XXV-10]

The secession of Venezuela after some years having brought on the
disruption of Colombia, a convention assembled at Bogotá[XXV-11]
in 1831 organized the Estado de la Nueva Granada with the central
provinces, those of the Isthmus forming a section of the new
organization.[XXV-12] The new state was divided into provinces,
under governors who received their appointments from the general
government.[XXV-13] The decree was dated November 21, 1831. The new
constitution, sanctioned by the convention on the 29th of February,
1832, was published in Panamá on the 28th of April.[XXV-14] Each
province was subdivided into departments.[XXV-15]

Civil war broke out in 1831. Colonel Alzuru, who had arrived from
Guayaquil with troops, by the instigation of some prominent men, rose
in arms in Panamá to detach the provinces from Nueva Granada. On the
news reaching Bogotá, the national government despatched Colonel Tomás
Herrera with a force to quell the rebellion; and upon his approaching
the city, the more prominent families fled to the island of Tabogá.
Those who had prompted Alzuru's act now forsook him, and rendered aid
to Herrera, with all the information they possessed. The rebels were
attacked on their way to La Chorrera, while crossing marshy ground, and
defeated. Alzuru was taken prisoner, tried by court-martial, and shot
in the cathedral plaza of Panamá.

[Sidenote: REPUBLIC OF PANAMÁ.]

General José Fábrega restored order in Veragua, and made it known to
the general government on the 30th of August.[XXV-16] The garrison at
Panamá, together with Tomás Herrera, the comandante general, assured
the president of the Nueva Granada convention of their unswerving
fealty.[XXV-17] Later, in March 1832, an attempt was made by two
subalterns[XXV-18] to induce the sergeants of their battalion to join
them in a conspiracy for upsetting the government. The two officers
were tried and executed, and two of the sergeants sent into exile.
Chaos reigned throughout the republic in 1840; then came revolution.
The chief men of Panamá met in a junta and resolved to detach the
Isthmus and form an independent republic. Cárlos Icaza, the governor,
who was a Panameño, signified his acquiescence, and the proclamation
of independence was made, Tomás Herrera assuming by appointment
of the junta the office of jefe superior, on the 18th of November,
1840.[XXV-19] On the 21st the governor of Veragua, Cárlos Fábrega,
was asked to join the movement; but he answered from Santiago on
the 29th declining;[XXV-20] whereupon Herrera issued addresses, on
the 5th and 11th of December, announcing his march with troops to
Veragua.[XXV-21] The expedition, however, marched only a part of the
distance, the people of Veragua submitting to the force of necessity.
The independence existed de facto nearly two years. In 1841 Tomás
Herrera and Cárlos de Icaza were chosen president and vice-president,
respectively, of the ephemeral republic. Mariano Arosemena, secretary
of foreign affairs, despatched Pedro de Obarrio as a special
commissioner to the government of Costa Rica to notify it of the
organization of the state of the Isthmus, and apply for its formal
recognition.[XXV-22] During this period of independence, persons and
property were protected, and commerce was liberally encouraged.[XXV-23]

The government had carefully avoided the commission of any act of
hostility against Nueva Granada; but the time came when news reached
Panamá that the government of Bogotá was fitting out a force to bring
the Isthmus into subjection. Whereupon the officers of the British
chargé d'affaires at Bogotá were asked to obtain the consent of Nueva
Granada to receive a commissioner in the interest of peace.[XXV-24]
But the other parts of Nueva Granada having become pacified in the
course of 1841, two commissioners came from the general government,
and the people of Panamá, being convinced of the folly of resistance,
peacefully submitted.[XXV-25] Herrera so managed that he was appointed
governor of the restored province.[XXV-26] The constitutional
reforms of 1842 and 1843 tended to reëstablish good understanding
between the provinces, and Panamá again appeared satisfied with the
connection.[XXV-27]

[Sidenote: PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUÍ.]

The Canton de Alange, detached from Veragua, and the districts of
David, Dolega, San Pablo, and Alange, were on the 24th of July,
1849, formed into a separate province under the name of Provincia de
Chiriquí, with its governor and assembly of seven members.[XXV-28] This
organization continued several years, though the province subsequently
took the name of Fábrega, and so continued until August 1851, when
it resumed the former name of Chiriquí.[XXV-29] The territory which
in early days was embraced in the province of Veragua appeared in
August 1851 divided into three provinces, each having a governor and
legislature; namely, Chiriquí, Veragua, and Azuero.[XXV-30] This new
arrangement lasted only till April 30, 1855, when the province of
Azuero was suppressed.[XXV-31]

The district, or as it was called, Canton de Bocas del Toro, was
organized by decree of the government of Chiriquí or Fábrega, with a
jefe político at its head. But a law of the republic[XXV-32] formed
into a canton or district the territories of San Andrés, Darien, and
San Martin. Another law of April 12, 1851, applied the former one to
Bocas del Toro.[XXV-33]

* * * * *

Owing to grievances complained of by foreigners against acts of the
officials on the Isthmus, the relations of the national government with
foreign powers have been at times complicated. The first difficulty
arose from the arrest in 1836 of Russell, the British vice-consul, and
led to the blockade of the whole Atlantic coast of the republic, which
finally compelled Nueva Granada to submit to such terms as the British
commander chose to impose.[XXV-34] Another trouble with the British
government resulted from a certain claim of one Mackintosh, which for
a time interrupted diplomatic relations in 1856.[XXV-35]

[Sidenote: RAN RUNNELS' ISTHMUS GUARD.]

On the 26th of January, 1854, the consuls of the United States,
France, Great Britain, Brazil, Portugal, Denmark, Peru, and Ecuador
addressed a protest to the governor of Panamá, against the neglect of
his government to afford protection to passengers crossing the Isthmus,
notwithstanding that each passenger was made to pay the sum of two
dollars for the privilege of landing and going from one sea to the
other.[XXV-36] Governor Urrutia Añino, on the 14th of February, denied
the alleged neglect, as well as the right of those officials who had
no recognition from the New Granadan government to address him in such
a manner. He pointed to the public jail, which was full of prisoners,
some already undergoing punishment, and others being tried or awaiting
trial. He also reminded the consuls that only a short time had elapsed
since three men were executed for crimes.[XXV-37] It was a fact,
nevertheless, that the government could not cope with the situation—the
Isthmus being infested with criminals from all parts of the earth, that
had been drawn thereto by the prospect of plunder—in view of which a
number of citizens and respectable foreigners combined in organizing
the Isthmus guard, whose chief was Ran Runnels, charged with the
duty of guarding the route between Panamá and Colon, and empowered to
punish even with death all persons guilty of crimes. Urrutia Añino, the
governor, unhesitatingly acquiesced in the arrangement.[XXV-38]

Americans had occasional misunderstandings with the authorities,
a notable one occurring in 1855, when the local governor of Panamá
returned unopened an official letter from the consul of the United
States, who at once threatened to strike his flag; but the matter was
settled amicably by the chief officers of the Isthmus.[XXV-39] A more
serious affair was the demand of the state government that steamships
arriving at Panamá or Colon should pay tonnage money.[XXV-40] This
raised the protest of the American consul and the railway and steamship
agents. The controversy was finally terminated by the executive of
the republic declaring that the law under which the tonnage money was
claimed had been enacted by the state of Panamá, without any right to
legislate on such matters, as they were of the exclusive province of
the general government.[XXV-41]

The lack of proper protection, as well as a marked spirit of hostility
on the part of the lower class toward foreigners,[XXV-42] was made
further evident in the riot of the fifteenth of April, 1856, when a
considerable number of American passengers were killed, and others
wounded, much property being also appropriated.[XXV-43]

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ RIOT.]

As might have been expected, exaggerated accounts of this affray flew
far and wide. The official report, however, showed smaller figures,
though bad enough—of foreigners, 15 slain and 16 wounded, of whom one
died afterward; of natives, 2 killed and 13 wounded. The conduct of
the police and people was certainly most blamable. The affair might,
perhaps, have been averted if the authorities had shown proper energy.
I will admit, however, that there was cause of provocation.[XXV-44]

Consequent on this affair, the city of Panamá, which, owing to the
misgovernment of previous years, was already on the decline, had to
suffer still more. Many business houses closed their doors, because
the American transient passengers, who during their stay were wont to
scatter gold, thenceforth remained on shore only a few minutes.[XXV-45]
Much diplomatic correspondence passed between the American and New
Granadan governments on the subject, the former sending a commissioner
to Panamá, to investigate the circumstances,[XXV-46] and finally
claiming a large indemnity. At last a convention was concluded on the
10th of September, 1857, between Secretary Cass, and General P. A.
Herran, minister of New Granada, for the settlement of all claims, the
latter having acknowledged the responsibility of his government for the
injuries and damages caused by the riot.[XXV-47]

The relations with Americans on the Isthmus continued to be
unsatisfactory for some time longer. Notwithstanding that New Granada
was apparently inclined to cordiality, cases of injustice or ill
treatment to American citizens often occurring, at last the president
of the United States asked congress, on the 18th of February, 1859,
for power to protect Americans on the Isthmus.[XXV-48] In later years
Americans have seldom had any serious cause of complaint.

The question of neutrality of the Isthmus has occasionally been on
the tapis. A case in point occurred in 1864, during the sectional war
in the United States, when a number of southern confederates went on
board the American steamer _Salvador_ at Panamá, with the purpose of
seizing her at sea, and turning her—as she had guns on board—into a
confederate cruiser, to be used in capturing the first treasure steamer
from California. The men engaged in the enterprise were themselves
arrested at sea on the _Salvador_,[XXV-49] by an American war vessel.
The admiral, Pearson, asked the government of Panamá for permission to
send the prisoners overland to Colon, where they might be embarked for
New York. The request was refused;[XXV-50] in consequence of which the
prisoners were sent to San Francisco.[XXV-51]

At the commencement of the French intervention in Mexico, the
legislature of Panamá asked the general government of Colombia to allow
no French troops to pass over the Isthmus. The United States government
was not called upon to aid this policy. In the autumn of 1864 a body
of French marines arrived at Colon to cross to the Pacific and replace
invalids of the fleet on the Mexican coast. The president of Panamá
refused them a pass, and asked the railroad company not to transport
them. The French officers argued that American and English troops had
on several occasions been allowed to cross. It so happened that at this
time some American soldiers arrived and crossed over to the Pacific
under a permit previously granted by the former president of the state.
The French then alleging the so-called 'most-favored-nation' clause
also crossed over.[XXV-52]

[Sidenote: ISTHMUS ROBBERIES.]

With other nations occasional misunderstandings have taken place, but
in no instance did they lead to serious complications.[XXV-53] Minor
riots, attended with more or less killing and wounding of foreigners,
had occurred in 1850 and in 1851, both on the Atlantic and Pacific
sides.[XXV-54] The gold-dust train from California was thrice assailed
by robbers, while crossing from sea to sea, without success. The last
attempt was in September 1851, by Americans, several of whom were
captured.[XXV-55]

* * * * *

Whilst the Isthmus was under the direct rule of the national
government, peace and quiet reigned. The few political commotions that
occurred at long intervals had no effect detrimental to public morals,
nor to the obedience paid by the people to the authorities. It is a
fact that when, upon the discovery of the gold placers in California,
the large influx of foreigners first arrived, they were surprised at
the extraordinary prestige the authorities enjoyed, and at the blind
obedience paid to their mandates.[XXV-56] Bayonets were not necessary
to enforce order. This was owing to the harmony then existing between
the government and the clergy.[XXV-57] And throughout the land for
sixteen years from 1840, peace prevailed, save certain disturbances in
the provinces of Azuero and Veragua in July 1854.[XXV-58]

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ A STATE.]

Nevertheless, the white population of Panamá had been for some time
past discontented with the general government, and a desire had sprung
up to get rid of a yoke which was deemed oppressive. The supreme
authorities at Bogotá were not unaware of this, and whether prompted
by the fear of losing the territory, or by a sentiment of justice, or
by both, concluded to allow the Isthmians the privilege of controlling
their local affairs, which was hailed with joy by all classes. An
additional clause to the national constitution was then enacted by the
New Granadan congress, on the 27th of February, 1855, by which Panamá
was made a state, and a member of the confederation with the four
provinces of Panamá, Azuero, Chiriquí, and Veragua,[XXV-59] its western
boundary being such as might come to be fixed upon by treaty with Costa
Rica.[XXV-60] A constituent assembly of 31 members was convoked March
13th by the national executive, to meet at Panamá on the 15th of July
to constitute the state. The assembly was presided over by Francisco
Fábrega, and on the 18th passed an act for the provisional organization
of the state. Justo Arosemena, being chosen jefe superior provisorio,
took possession of office at once, and appointed Cárlos Icaza Arosemena
government secretary.[XXV-61] The city of Panamá was declared to be the
capital, and residence of the superior authorities of the state.

The constitution of the now entitled Estado de Panamá was promulgated
on the 17th of September, 1855. It was a liberal instrument, including
freedom of religion. The executive authority was vested in a governor,
who was to assume the office on the 1st of October of the following
year, and hold it two years. A vice-governor and two designados were
also to be elected by popular vote, to take charge of affairs should
the governor die or be otherwise disenabled to discharge his duties.
In the absence or inability of all the elect, then the superior
civil authority of the capital was to act as governor.[XXV-62] A
misunderstanding having occurred between the jefe superior and the
assembly, the former resigned his office on the 28th of September, and
having insisted on his resignation being accepted, Francisco Fábrega,
who had been elected vice-governor on the 22d, was inducted into the
executive office on the 4th of October.[XXV-63]

Notwithstanding the hopes of a bright future, from this time the
Isthmus was the theatre of almost perpetual political trouble, and
revolution became chronic, preventing any possible advancement. In 1856
there was a stormy electoral campaign,[XXV-64] that culminated in a
coup d'etat, for which the responsibility must be about equally divided
between the executive, Francisco Fábrega, and the demagogues.[XXV-65]

[Sidenote: DISPUTED ELECTION.]

The election for governor took place on the 15th of August, 1856. The
white element claimed Bartolomé Calvo, a colored man from Cartagena,
and a conservative in politics, to have been elected by 4,000 majority.
The negroes insisted that Manuel M. Diaz, a white man, had been chosen.
The declaration by the legislature as to who was the elect had not been
made, as required by law, by the 15th of September. The radicals then
demanded that the vice-governor, who was in their interest, should
assume the executive. On the 15th of September trouble was expected
against the white men, many of whom took refuge on the American
sloop of war _St Mary's_.[XXV-66] Calvo was finally declared by the
legislature on the 18th of September to have been constitutionally
chosen for two years; and Francisco Fábrega the vice-governor.[XXV-67]
If not a man of high order of talent, Calvo possessed good judgment,
and he eventually succeeded in making himself respected, even by
those who opposed his election. His course was moderate, and it may
be said of him that he was an honest man, and his administration a
successful one. The finances were improved, and public education was
encouraged.[XXV-68] After serving nineteen months he resigned office
and left the state.[XXV-69] Ramon Gamboa, as first designado, succeeded
him for the rest of the term.

José de Obaldía was chosen by popular vote over J. M. Hurtado, the
government candidate, amid a great political commotion, his election
being recognized by the legislature at midnight. His term began on
the 1st of October, 1858. Obaldía was one of the most talented and
best informed men in the republic, and an eloquent orator. However,
though a power in the tribune, he proved himself unfitted for a
ruler.[XXV-70] During his term, on the 17th of April, 1859, the colored
population attempted to assail the whites, and after some violence
were dispersed by a force sent against them.[XXV-71] Another outbreak
of the negroes against the whites took place the 27th of September,
1860, necessitating the landing of an armed force from the British ship
_Clio_, which, after order was restored, returned on board.[XXV-72]

[Sidenote: ESTADO SOBERANO DE PANAMÁ.]

Governor Obaldía was succeeded by Santiago de la Guardia,[XXV-73]
elected against the opposition of the liberal negro vote. In September
1860 the states of Cauca and Bolívar seceded from Nueva Granada, and
formed a confederation under the name of Estados Unidos de Colombia,
with General T. C. Mosquera at the head. By a clause of their agreement
any other state opposing them was to be conquered and annexed. Wishing
to keep Panamá neutral in the horrible struggle going on in the
rest of the republic, Guardia entered into a convention on the 6th
of September, 1861, with Manuel Murillo Toro, who represented those
states, by which Panamá was to join the confederacy, but to take no
active part in the family quarrel.[XXV-74] Early in July 1862 the state
assumed the official name of Estado Soberano de Panamá, which it has
retained to the present time.

This contest, out of which the liberal party came triumphant throughout
the country, was known as 'la revolucion de Mosquera.' The minister of
Nueva Granada in Washington, on the plea that a mere naval force could
not afford security to the Isthmus transit, asked the United States
to provide also a land force of 300 cavalry, but the request was not
granted.[XXV-75]

[Sidenote: GOVERNOR DIAZ.]

The efforts of Guardia to keep the Isthmus out of the general turmoil
were of no avail. A force of about 150 or 200 men under General Santa
Coloma came from Cartagena to Colon, with the apparent purpose of
enabling the governor to carry out certain liberal measures. The latter
protested against such a violation of a solemn agreement; but the force
insisted on coming across to Panamá, and there was no way of preventing
it. In the course of a few weeks Guardia, being convinced that he was
being employed as a puppet, removed himself and the capital to Santiago
de Veragua. As soon as he was gone, with the connivance of Santa
Coloma, a party of men, all but one of whom were of the colored race,
assembled at the town hall and deposed Guardia, naming one of their
own party, Manuel M. Diaz, provisional governor.[XXV-76] A few days
after, on the 19th of August, in a skirmish between forces of the two
factions, Governor Guardia and two or three others were killed.[XXV-77]
The government continued with Diaz at the head,[XXV-78] till under the
national constitution framed by the convention of Rio Negro,[XXV-79]
which constituted the nation under the name of Estados Unidos de
Colombia, the Isthmus became one of the federal and sovereign states.
To Governor Diaz was assigned the duty of carrying out Mosquera's
stringent decrees against the clergy, an account of which is given in
the next chapter.

CHAPTER XXVI.

FURTHER WARS AND REVOLUTIONS.

1863-1885.

PRESIDENTS GOITIA, SANTA COLOMA, AND CALANCHA—UNDUE
INTERFERENCE OF FEDERAL OFFICIALS—COLUNJE'S
ADMINISTRATION—PRESIDENT OLARTE'S ENERGY—ENMITY OF
THE ARRABAL'S NEGROES—SHORT AND DISTURBED RULES OF
DIAZ AND PONCE—PRESIDENT CORREOSO—NEGRO ELEMENT IN THE
ASCENDENT—CONSERVATIVES REBEL, AND ARE DISCOMFITED—ARMED
PEACE FOR A TIME—FEVERISH RULES OF NEIRA, MIRÓ, AIZPURU,
CORREOSO, AND CASORLA—CERVERA'S LONG TENURE—TEMPORARY
RULE OF VIVES LEON—PRESIDENT SANTODOMINGO VILA—OBTAINS
LEAVE OF ABSENCE—IS SUCCEEDED BY PABLO AROSEMENA—AIZPURU'S
REVOLUTION—AROSEMENA FLEES AND RESIGNS—OUTRAGES AT
COLON—AMERICAN FORCES PROTECT PANAMÁ—COLLAPSE OF THE
REVOLUTION—AIZPURU AND CORREOSO IMPRISONED—CHIEF CAUSES OF
DISTURBANCES ON THE ISTHMUS.

A constituent assembly installed on the 6th of May, 1863,[XXVI-1]
decreed a constitution to conform with the national one.[XXVI-2] Pedro
Goitia, who for some time past had been president of the constituent
assembly, was chosen president of the state, to hold the position
till the 1st of October, on which date the elect of the people was to
assume the executive authority.[XXVI-3] After this, the state being
tranquil, the military force was placed on a peace footing. But Goitia
was not permitted to complete even the short term for which he had
been appointed. He had to resign the position, General Peregrino Santa
Coloma being chosen by the legislative assembly to fill it, and he took
possession of the office on the 13th of August.[XXVI-4] Santa Coloma,
being afterward as was made to appear elected president, held the
executive office a short time only, for the reason that he was chosen
a representative in the national congress at Bogotá.[XXVI-5] José
Leonardo Calancha, as vice-president, now took charge of the executive,
which he was allowed to hold only till the 9th of March, 1865, when he
was deposed.[XXVI-6]

[Sidenote: RAPID SUCCESSION OF RULERS.]

Jil Colunje[XXVI-7] was placed at the head of affairs by the
revolution, and a convention called on the 8th of April to meet
on the 1st of July, and reconstruct the state.[XXVI-8] Colunje was
appointed president for the term from August 9, 1865, to September 30,
1866.[XXVI-9] At the expiration of that term Vicente Olarte Galindo,
who had been apparently elected, became president on the 1st of
October, 1866, and appointed José M. Bermudez his secretary of state.

Olarte's election is represented as an enthusiastic one, and intended
as a reward for the services he rendered to the better portion of the
Isthmian community, with his defeat of the Caucano invaders.[XXVI-10]

He found himself in a constant disagreement with the legislature of
the state, which he forced to submit to his dictation.[XXVI-11] The
whole negro party of the arrabal was his mortal enemy, but he managed
to keep it under by making it feel occasionally the effect of his
battalion's bullets. In the last attempt against his power, the negroes
were severely punished, and they never tried again to measure strength
with him.[XXVI-12] His power was now more secure than ever, and his way
became plain to procure the election as his successor to the presidency
of his brother, then residing in Chiriquí.

[Sidenote: BLACK PROCEEDINGS.]

The negroes were in despair, as they could find no means of seizing the
government. From the time of Guardia's deposal they had been enjoying
the public spoils, and could not bear the idea of being kept out of
them, when their number was four or five times larger than that of the
white men. The success of Olarte's plans would be the death of their
aspirations, which were the control of public affairs, by ousting the
whites, who were mostly conservatives.[XXVI-13] It became, therefore,
a necessity to rid the country of that ogre; and as this could not
be done by force of arms, poison was resorted to. The plan was well
matured, and carried out in San Miguel, one of the Pearl Islands, where
Olarte went upon an official visit. Olarte's death occurred on the 3d
of March, 1868, without his knowing that he had been poisoned. This
crime was not the act of one man, but of a whole political party, which
took care to have the death attributed to a malignant fever. It became
public, however, through the family of another man, who also became a
victim.[XXVI-14] No official or post-mortem examination was made, and
the matter was hushed up.

Olarte's death was greatly deplored by the better class of the
community, and high honors were paid to his remains,[XXVI-15] by the
legislature and the community, the foreign consuls and their countrymen
joining. In the absence of the first designado, Manuel Amador Guerrero,
the second, Juan José Diaz, took the reins of government.[XXVI-16]
His tenure of the presidential office was a short one, however; for
in the morning of the 5th of July, a revolution by the black men of
the arrabal broke out in Panamá, headed by General Fernando Ponce,
commander of the national forces, and Diaz was overthrown.[XXVI-17]
They said that the liberal party had been cheated out of its majority
at the late election for deputies, by the unlawful devices of its
conservative opponents; and it was but logical to conclude that the
same practices would be again resorted to at the coming election of
president of the state.[XXVI-18] There was really no cause for this
revolution. The excuses alleged by the promoters were frivolous. They
only wanted to seize power and secure the spoils.

Ponce was placed at the head of affairs as provisional president,
to rule in accordance with the national and state constitutions,
and existing laws; and in his absence, the following persons, in the
order named, were to assume the duties: Buenaventura Correoso, Pablo
Arosemena, Mateo Iturralde, Pedro Goitia, and Juan Mendoza.[XXVI-19]
Thus was the movement accomplished; a provisional government was
recognized by the foreign consuls, and by four of the interior
departments, which submitted to the change rather than become
involved in civil war. On the 20th of July a general amnesty was
decreed.[XXVI-20]

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ AND CHIRIQUÍ.]

The situation was by no means enviable. The military element was
not united, much animosity existing between the state battalion
'Panamá,' and the 'Santander,' which led to a second revolution on
the 29th of August, and Ponce resigned the presidency to Buenaventura
Correoso,[XXVI-21] who received it on the next day. Cárlos Icaza
Arosemena was appointed secretary of state. Correoso[XXVI-22] was not
permitted to enjoy his office peaceably. He used his best endeavors
to that end; but was erelong summoned to crush a revolt of the
conservatives in Chiriquí, at the head of which were the prefect
of that department, and Colonel Arístides Obaldía, a son of the
ex-president.

The conservatives desired change. To accomplish this, the people of
the interior armed themselves to come to the capital and crush the
negro element.[XXVI-23] Correoso sailed with a considerable force
provided with superior arms on the steamboat _Montíjo_,[XXVI-24] and
had the good fortune to return triumphant with 350 men on the 16th of
November. The conservatives, about 400 strong, under Obaldía, attacked
Correoso's force of about equal number, at the Hatillo, near Santiago,
and were defeated,[XXVI-25] after which, the government of the 29th of
August being proclaimed, prisoners were set at liberty. The revolution
was at an end. Correoso then summoned a constituent assembly, which
elected him constitutional president for the term of four years ending
September 30, 1873. With occasional attempts at disturbance, which were
successfully quelled or peaceably adjusted, Correoso held the office
till the 1st of October, 1872, when he resigned it, and was succeeded
by Gabriel Neira to fill the rest of the term. Neira was not permitted
to hold the position long, for a little before eleven o'clock in the
forenoon of April 5, 1873, the revolutionary party of the arrabal,
headed by Rafael Aizpuru, commander of the state troops, and fourth
designado, revolted against the government, marched into the city, and
made prisoners President Neira and Secretary Eladio Briceño. Dámaso
Cervera, as fifth designado, was called by the superior court to the
presidency.[XXVI-26]

The Pichincha—battalion of national troops—interfered to restore Neira.
After some firing, it was agreed that Cervera should continue in power,
and Neira remain in the custody of the national force.[XXVI-27]

[Sidenote: ISTHMUS RECONSTRUCTION.]

The national force having taken part in the troubles, its efficiency to
protect the transit was rendered doubtful, for which reason troops were
landed from the United States ships of war by order of Rear-admiral
Steedman.[XXVI-28] Finally, terms of peace were arranged in the evening
of May 9th, based on the conditions that Neira's government should be
reëstablished. The state militia surrendered their arms to the foreign
consuls the next day, the Pichincha performing the duties of the state
force. Meantime, till Neira's return, Colonel Juan Pernett was to
act as president.[XXVI-29] Neira heard of the change at Barranquilla
on the 13th of May, and returned at once. On the 21st he made José
María Bermudez secretary of state, and Colonel Pernett comandante
general.[XXVI-30] The votes for senators and representatives to the
national congress were counted on the 15th of July, and the names of
the elect were published.[XXVI-31]

The people of the arrabal made another disturbance on the 24th
of September, attacking the government outposts at Playa Prieta.
Hostilities were continued during twelve or fourteen days, when the
rebels, under Correoso, abandoned their ground, and were afterward
defeated in the country. Meantime an American force of nearly 200
men, sent on shore by Rear-admiral Alony, a second time within four
months, occupied the railway station and the cathedral plaza.[XXVI-32]
The minister resident of the United States, William L. Scruggs, on
the 19th of December, 1873, laid before the Colombian government,
of which Colunje was secretary for foreign affairs, a protest of the
Panamá railway company upon the recent disturbances of the Isthmus,
and a demand that the transit should in future be under the immediate
protection of the Colombian government against the acts of violence of
local factions.[XXVI-33] The latter acknowledged the justice of this
demand on the 26th of December, pledging that in future there would be
a national force stationed in Panamá, for the purpose of protecting the
transit.

On the 1st of October the constituent assembly, which had been summoned
on the 1st of August, assembled. Neira sent in his resignation,
requesting the appointment of a chief of the executive who could
secure peace. The assembly appointed Neira provisional president,
and a number of designados.[XXVI-34] Afterward the assembly passed
an act reducing the presidential term to two years.[XXVI-35] A new
constitution in seven titles, comprising 144 articles, was issued on
the 12th of November, and nine transitory articles on the following
day.[XXVI-36] A general amnesty to political offenders was decreed on
the 15th of November. President Neira having attempted in the morning
of the 14th of November to make a revolution with the Herrera battalion
for the purpose of setting aside the assembly, in which he failed, and
afterward concealed himself, that body met at 8 o'clock and deposed
him. Whereupon Gregorio Miró, the first designado, was summoned to
assume the executive for the term ending September 30, 1875, which he
did on the 16th,[XXVI-37] appointing José M. Bermudez his secretary of
state, and Ramon Vallarino Brájimo secretary of the treasury. These two
departments of government were abolished on the 25th of July, 1874, and
the office of secretary-general created, which was intrusted to Pablo
Arosemena on the 11th of August.[XXVI-38] This arrangement lasted only
till the 8th of April, 1875, when the offices of secretary of state and
of the treasury were reëstablished.[XXVI-39]

[Sidenote: CHRONIC UNREST.]

Miró's administration was a restless one, owing to constant
conspiracies based on various causes. The last one was headed by Rafael
Aizpuru, who claimed to be acting in the interest of the federal policy
in that stormy period of Colombian history.[XXVI-40] An attempt was
made to establish a provisional government with Aizpuru at its head,
annulling Miró's authority. The latter took the field, leaving Juan
J. Diaz, the second designado, in charge of the executive; but after
some unsuccessful efforts to quell the rebellion, his official term
came to an end, and Pablo Arosemena[XXVI-41] succeeded him on the 1st
of October; but he was allowed to retain the position only till the
12th, when he was ousted by General Sergio Camargo, commander of the
federal force,[XXVI-42] and Rafael Aizpuru was placed at the head of
affairs, first as 'jefe provisional del poder ejecutivo,' and later
was recognized as provisional president.[XXVI-43] Dámaso Cervera became
secretary of state, and Francisco Ardila of the treasury.

A constituent assembly, presided over by B. Correoso, met on the
25th of November, and on the 28th approved all Aizpuru's acts, and
authorized him to retain the executive office until a constitutional
president should be chosen by it. The assembly on the 6th of
December adopted another constitution for the state, containing
126 articles.[XXVI-44] On the same day Rafael Aizpuru was elected
constitutional president, and was at once inaugurated.[XXVI-45] A law
of December 25, 1876, ordained that the president of the state should
take possession of his office on the 1st of January following his
election. His term was for two years.[XXVI-46] The republic being now
the prey of a general civil war, promoted by the clergy, the state
of Panamá, complying with the demands of the national government,
sent an armed brig with troops and arms to the port of Buenaventura,
and the Colombia battalion to the headquarters of the army of the
Atlantic.[XXVI-47] The legislature, early in 1877, authorized the
executive to raise troops for the defence of the state, and to obtain
money by voluntary or forced loan.[XXVI-48]

[Sidenote: ISTHMUS POLITICS.]

Buenaventura Correoso, having been elected, assumed the presidential
office on the 1st of January, 1878; but being worried by the frequent
disturbances, and desirous of averting further scandals, resigned in
December following, and was succeeded by the designado José Ricardo
Casorla.[XXVI-49] This president was disturbed by two revolutions.
The first was occasioned by the battalion 3d of the line, under the
supposition that the state authorities were hostile to the national
government.[XXVI-50] The second partook more of the nature of comedy
than of tragedy. General Aizpuru, having returned from Bogotá, whither
he had gone as a senator from Panamá, went off to Colon on the 7th of
June, and proclaimed himself provisional chief. That same night Casorla
was arrested near his residence, and carried off to Colon, where he was
held by the revolutionary chief. The second designado, Jerardo Ortega,
then took charge of the executive.[XXVI-51] But under a subsequent
arrangement Casorla was surrendered, and replaced in the executive
office, which he resigned three days later into the hands of Jerardo
Ortega, who held it till the 1st of January, 1880, when Dámaso Cervera,
chosen for the next constitutional term, was inaugurated,[XXVI-52] his
term of office being two years.

The legislative assembly, June 13, 1881, passed a law amending the
constitution. Under this law the assembly[XXVI-53] after 1882 was
to meet on the 1st of October, and within the first fifteen days of
its ordinary sittings count the votes for president of the state,
and for senators and representatives to the national congress. Among
other things, it was enacted that the present assembly would name
the substitutes of the executive for the term to begin on the 1st of
January, 1882. Cervera succeeded in maintaining order during his term,
though constantly disturbed with intrigues of the most reprehensible
character.

Rafael Nuñez, who had been declared the president elect of the
state,[XXVI-54] should have appeared to assume the executive duties
on the 1st of January, 1882, for a term ending on the 31st of October,
1884; but as he failed to do so, Dámaso Cervera, the first designado,
was summoned to take charge pro tempore of the office.[XXVI-55]
Nuñez resigned the position in November 1882, on the ground of ill
health; and though he offered, at the request of the legislature,
to reconsider his action, he never came to fill any part of his
term.[XXVI-56] Nothing worthy of mention occurred in the politics
of the Isthmus during this year, except a continued opposition on
the part of the so-called ultra-liberals to Cervera's occupancy,
notwithstanding which he had been chosen 1st designado for 1883, and on
the 1st day of January following was again placed in possession of the
presidency.[XXVI-57]

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ PRESIDENTS.]

The election for president of the state for the next term became a
question upon which there was a disagreement between the superior
court during recess of the legislative assembly, which decreed the
election should take place on the fourth Sunday of July, and Cervera,
who claimed that it ought not to be till the following year. The
latter proposition was acted upon.[XXVI-58] Cervera obtained early
in the year a month's leave of absence, during which the executive
office was in charge of the second substitute, J. M. Vives Leon, whose
first act was to suppress the comandancia general, and to muster
out of service a number of officers of all grades.[XXVI-59] The
state was in constant expectation of war, owing to affairs in other
states, and particularly to the presence of agents of the general
government having no recognized official position. In the apprehension
of political troubles, the states of Panamá and Cauca entered into a
convention[XXVI-60] to support one another's interests in the expected
contest. Cervera thought, however, that the time was now past when
the national troops could interfere in the internal affairs of the
state.[XXVI-61]

The presence of federal forces on the Isthmus had often been a source
of danger to the state government. But it was required by international
obligation, and its necessity could but be recognized in view of the
fact that the construction of the interoceanic canal, already under
way, demanded the employment of thousands of men from all parts of the
world, who in the event of strikes or for other causes might commit
outrages.[XXVI-62] The election of senators and representatives to
the national congress was effected this year by the legislature,
Dámaso Cervera, Ricardo Nuñez, and José C. de Obaldía being chosen to
the former position.[XXVI-63] Cervera having been also elected first
designado of the presidency for 1884, he again was placed in possession
of the chief magistracy of the state on the 1st of January.[XXVI-64]

An abortive attempt was made, at the instigation of Cervera's
political enemies, to have him removed. One of the justices of the
superior court, on the 2d of July, impeached and suspended him from
office. General Benjamin Ruiz, as second designado, was accordingly
handed the reins of government. But Cervera resisted, and appealed to
General Wenceslao Ibañez, commanding the national brigade, to support
his authority. Meantime, the superior court by a majority decided
on the 6th that Plaza's decree should have no effect, and that Ruiz
had illegally assumed the president's functions.[XXVI-65] Ibañez,
however, on the 8th insisted on Cervera's leaving the government,
and himself took control, his troops besieging Cervera in the state
house. The latter then applied to the superior court for a leave to
proceed to Bogotá to take his seat in the senate. Ruiz again seized
the presidency, and appointed B. Correoso secretary-general. By some
misunderstanding he was recognized by the national executive. At this
time, General Eloi Porto, who ranked Ibañez, arrived in Panamá, and
through his good offices Cervera was replaced.[XXVI-66] Ruiz might have
been permitted to rule a while had he followed in Cervera's footsteps;
but he began to remove prefects, and to despatch commissioners into
the interior, the peace of the state being again jeopardized, which
compelled Cervera to remain.

[Sidenote: FIGHTING AT SEA.]

A revolution broke out at David in the night of September 19th,
proclaiming a genuine suffrage, and setting aside the declarations
made by the judges of election for president of the state and deputies
to the assembly. Movements of the same kind followed in other parts.
In the night of the 27th Cervera's authority was pronounced in Panamá
at an end, and Ruiz was made the executive. Cervera on the 14th of
October proclaimed that public order had been disturbed by Ruiz and his
supporters,[XXVI-67] and established martial law. An encounter between
a government force on board the steam-tug _Morro_, and another of the
rebels on the steamboat _Alajuela_, took place at sea in the afternoon
of the 15th of October. The former experienced damage and loss of
crew.[XXVI-68] Cervera, who was on board, was blamed for the repulse.
The _Alajuela_ kept away a while, and then returned to land some
wounded men. The rebel chiefs, B. Ruiz, Gonzalez, and Andreve, marched
into the interior, respectively to Veragua, Aguadulce, and Penonomé.
This condition of affairs being telegraphed to the national government,
the executive decreed that public order was disturbed in Panamá, and
directed the commander of the national forces to arrest the guilty
persons.[XXVI-69] General Gónima, the federal commander, repaired to
Aguadulce, and prevailed on Ruiz and his friends to lay down their
arms, which he reported to Cervera on the 2d of November.[XXVI-70]

The elections for president of the state took place on the 27th of
July, 1884. Juan Manuel Lambert was chosen,[XXVI-71] and was recognized
by the assembly in October. But the intrigues of the liberal party,
supported by Gónima, deprived Lambert of his office.[XXVI-72]

On the 1st of October, upon the assembling of the legislature, Cervera
sent in his resignation; and no notice having been taken, he reiterated
it on the 20th, reminding that body that it had enacted measures which
would necessitate his retaining power till the end of December, when
his term should cease on the 31st of October, and the president elect
assume his duties. The resignation was not accepted, and the assembly
on the 21st, by all the votes present, but one, desired him to continue
at the head of the government.[XXVI-73]

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ POLITICS]

The assembly had on the 14th of October passed an act empowering
the executive to call a convention to be elected by direct popular
vote on the 7th of December, and to assemble on the 1st of January,
1885.[XXVI-74] The convention met on the appointed day. It has
been alleged that the election of members thereto was a mere
farce.[XXVI-75] In the still unsettled condition of affairs President
Cervera concluded, on the 24th of November, to retain in service
a force of officers for any emergency that might occur.[XXVI-76]
Still, he considered his position one that was by law untenable,
and on the next day laid his irrevocable resignation before the
superior court, alleging that he had held power too long—four years
and eleven months—and referring to the interference of the federal
government, he said that he must either submit to or oppose its
influence. His opposition would prolong an anomalous situation in
the country.[XXVI-77] The court, in view of the reasons adduced,
accepted the resignation, and summoned the second designado, Vives
Leon, to the presidential seat, which he held till the 6th of January,
inclusive, on which date the convention almost unanimously chose
General Ramon Santodomingo Vila president of the state.[XXVI-78] A
few days previously—on the 3d—Benjamin Ruiz and the other liberals
in the convention, after declaring that they would hold as traitors
all liberals who, by joining the conservatives, who would strengthen
the latter to make themselves masters of the state, abandoned the
chamber.[XXVI-79]

The new president at once appointed his secretaries and his so-called
cabinet.[XXVI-80] In the apprehension of disturbances at Colon, the
executive requested the commander of the American war vessel _Alliance_
to land a force there to guard the transit.[XXVI-81] The request was
complied with, but the force not being needed then was reëmbarked.

The Isthmus now becomes again the theatre of deadly strife, with its
concomitant bloodshed and general destruction, to the disgrace of the
nation of which it forms a part, and the scandal of the world. A plot
by some men of the national force to seize the revenue cutter _Boyacá_
having been detected, thanks to the loyalty of other members of the
same force, the executive notified the convention that the time had
come to proclaim martial law, which he did on the 9th of February.
The convention accordingly closed its session on the 11th.[XXVI-82]
On the 17th, Santodomingo Vila obtained a leave of absence to proceed
to Cartagena, where his military services were required, and Pablo
Arosemena, the first designado, was summoned to assume the executive
authority.[XXVI-83] At about five o'clock in the morning of the 16th of
March the population was awakened by the cries of Vivan los liberales!
Viva el general Aizpuru! accompanied with numerous shots. Aizpuru, at
the head of about 250 men, attacked the Cuartel de las Monjas, and the
tower of San Francisco, which were defended by a handful of government
troops, and a running fight from corner to corner ensued.[XXVI-84]
The assailants overran the city. The British war ship _Heroine_ then
landed some marines and sailors to protect the railroad. The president
called for troops from Colon, which came at once under General Gónima,
and entering the city early on the 17th, compelled the portion of the
revolutionists who had remained in the city to rejoin their main body
in the plains.[XXVI-85]

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ RIOT.]

Upon the government troops leaving Colon, a notorious man, Pedro
Prestan,[XXVI-86] with a motley gang, among whom were many of the worst
characters, seized the town,[XXVI-87] and sacked several merchants'
houses, demanding forced loans from such as were known to have
pecuniary means.[XXVI-88] It is stated, however, that he gave orders
for the protection of foreigners and their property.

The revolutionists under Aizpuru encamped at Farfan refused to listen
to any propositions. Their chief, on the 24th of March, notified the
foreign consuls of his intention to assail the city of Panamá, which
he also made known to President Arosemena.[XXVI-89] This functionary
at once resigned his office into the hands of the superior court, and
sought safety on the British ship _Heroine_. No other designado having
been appointed by the convention, General Gónima assumed civil and
military control, and appointed B. Correoso his secretary-general.
Another decree proclaimed the neutrality of the state of Panamá
in the war raging in the rest of the republic. This proceeding
restored calm for a while, as it was taken to be the result of an
understanding between the revolutionists and the government. But it
seems to have become known too late at the headquarters of Aizpuru and
Prestan.[XXVI-90]

On the 29th of March the American mail steamer _Colon_ arrived at the
port of the same name from New York, and the government directed that
she should not deliver arms to the rebels. This gave rise to most
high-handed proceedings on the part of Prestan, culminating in the
arrest by his orders of the American consul, Mr Wright, Captain Dow,
general agent of the steamship line, Connor, the local agent at Colon,
Lieutenant Judd and Cadet Midshipman Richardson, of the United States
war steamer _Galena_.[XXVI-91] Soon afterward Richardson was released
and sent on board the _Galena_ to tell his commander, Kane, that
the other prisoners would be kept in confinement till the arms were
surrendered, and if the _Galena_ attempted to land men, or to do any
hostile act, the boats would be fired upon, and every American citizen
in the place would be shot. Kane, knowing Prestan's character, did not
attempt any hasty act. Prestan then went to the prison and told Consul
Wright that he must order Dow to deliver the arms, or he would shoot
the four prisoners before that night. Wright complied, and they were
set at liberty.

[Sidenote: ACTION OF THE REBELS.]

But Kane took possession of the _Colon_, and in the night landed a
force and three pieces, under Lieutenant Judd, with orders to release
at all hazards Dow and Connor, who had been again imprisoned.[XXVI-92]
No sooner had the Americans occupied the offices of their consulate,
and of the railway and Pacific mail companies, than a force of
Colombian national troops[XXVI-93] came on, driving the rebels before
them into the intrenchments. During the whole morning the firing
was kept up, and ended about 12, noon, when the rebels being routed,
Prestan and his rabble set fire to the town at various places, and
fled.[XXVI-94] A strong wind blowing, the flames spread violently,
and the town was consumed with all its contents.[XXVI-95] The American
forces continued some days longer holding the place, Commander Kane's
authority being recognized, and the Colombian officers coöperating with
him in the preservation of order.[XXVI-96]

But to return to Panamá. Aizpuru took advantage of the situation,
Gónima being left with only 60 soldiers, and a few civilians that had
joined him, to occupy the principal streets, on the 31st. To make the
story short, by 3 o'clock in the afternoon he was master of the place,
Gónima having surrendered.[XXVI-97] Aizpuru announced in a proclamation
on the 1st that he had assumed the functions of jefe civil y militar,
to which he had been called by the supporters of free political
principles, and on the 4th appointed his advisers,[XXVI-98] and adopt
measures to protect the city from incendiarism, and specially to guard
the interoceanic transit. Marines and sailors having been landed on the
8th of April from the United States frigate _Shenandoah_, by Aizpuru's
request, both ends of the Isthmus were on the 10th guarded by American
forces. Soon after the United States sent reënforcements of marines and
sailors with special instructions to protect the transit and American
citizens and their interests, avoiding all interference in the internal
political squabbles. Several war vessels of the U. S. home squadron,
under Rear-admiral Jouett, arrived at Colon.[XXVI-99] In the night of
the 24th of April, while the revolutionists were erecting barricades,
against an understanding with the American commander, the marines under
Commander McCalla took possession of the city, as a necessary measure
to protect American property, and Aizpuru and others were arrested.
However, on the next day, Aizpuru having pledged himself not to raise
barricades or batteries, the prisoners were released, and the Americans
retired to their encampment outside.[XXVI-100]

[Sidenote: RESULT OF COLUNJE'S SYSTEM.]

On the 27th a well-equipped Colombian expedition of about 850 men,
under General Rafael Reyes, arrived from Buenaventura to support M.
Montoya as civil and military chief of Panamá until a constitutional
government could be organized.[XXVI-101] With the good offices of the
foreign consuls, a peaceable arrangement was entered into, by which
Aizpuru bound himself to disband his forces, deliver all arms, and
retire to private life.[XXVI-102] But having failed, as it was alleged,
as late as the 2d of May to surrender all the rifles and caps in the
hands of the rebels, he and others were arrested and confined in the
town hall.[XXVI-103] On the 12th Aizpuru was sent to Buenaventura and
held at the disposal of the supreme government of Colombia.[XXVI-104]
It is understood that the rebel leaders were called upon to pay
large sums of money to meet the government's necessarily increased
expenditures; and that, in order to secure payments, their property
was seized. This is the result of Colunje's system, which Correoso
followed. He has been now repaid in the same coin.

The Isthmus being now pacified, and 500 more Colombians having
arrived on the 9th of May, under Colonel Dominguez, being another
portion of Reyes' force to relieve Santodomingo Vila at Cartagena, the
American marines, who had been expressly sent out by their government,
returned home, leaving a good name for discipline and general good
conduct.[XXVI-105] The flagship _Tennessee_ of Admiral Jouett, and
the _Galena_, Commander Kane, went to sea from Colon on the 11th of
May. The former conveyed General Reyes, with relief for the Colombian
government's troops at Cartagena.

After the death of President Olarte in 1868, the Isthmus for many years
did not enjoy a single day of peace. The general wealth having declined
throughout the country, and more so in the interior, poverty prevailed.
Capital, both foreign and native, abandoned so dangerous an abode. The
cattle ranges and estates disappeared; likewise agriculture, except on
a small scale.[XXVI-106]

The black men of the arrabal in the city of Panamá, after they were
made important factors in politics, accustomed themselves to depend
on the public funds for a living, and the people of the interior, who
were always peaceable and industrious, came to be virtually their
tributaries. The state became the puppet of the men at the head of
the national government, or of political clubs at Bogotá, whose agents
incited disturbances, removing presidents indisposed to coöperate with
or to meekly submit to their dictation, substituting others favorable
to their purposes, and thus making themselves masters of the state
government, together with its funds, and with what is of no less
import, the state's vote in national elections.

[Sidenote: SOCIETY AND POLITICS.]

Since the establishment of the constitution of 1863, Panamá has
been considered a good field by men aspiring to political and social
position without risking their persons and fortunes. They have ever
found unpatriotic Panameños ready to aid them in maintaining the
quondam colonial dependence, and investing them with power, that they
might grow fat together on the spoils. Almost every national election,
since the great war of 1860, has brought about a forced change in
the state government. The first victim, as we have seen, was Governor
Guardia, deposed by national troops under Santa Coloma. That was the
beginning of political demoralization on the Isthmus. Every similar
illegal device to insure party triumph and power at Bogotá has been, I
repeat, the work of agents from the national capital assisted by men
of Panamá to push their own interests, and supported by the federal
garrison.[XXVI-107]

The office of chief magistrate is desired for controlling political
power, and the public funds to enrich the holder and his chief
supporters. Patriotism, and a noble purpose to foster the welfare
of the country and the people in general, are, if thought of at all,
objects of secondary consideration. At times, the presidency is fought
for with arms among the negroes themselves, and the city is then a
witness of bloody scenes. The aim of every such effort is to gain
control of power for the sake of the spoils.

Panamá cannot, being the smallest and weakest state of the Colombian
union, rid itself of the outside pressure. Neither can it crush the
unholy ambition of its politicians. Both entail misfortunes enough. But
the Isthmus must also share the same sufferings as the other states in
times of political convulsion in the whole nation.[XXVI-108]

In view of the fact that the Isthmus of Panamá may before many years
become much more than it has heretofore been, a great highway of
nations, and that the great interests which will be constantly at stake
on the route will demand an effectual protection, it is self-evident
that measures of a permanent character must in time be adopted to
secure that end. Panamá, as an appendage of Colombia, and at the mercy
of an irresponsible population, cannot afford that protection; neither
is Colombia, with her constantly recurring squabbles, better able to
fulfil any international obligations she might assume in the premises.
Without intending to cast any slur upon her, or to doubt her honorable
intentions, all—herself among the number—must own that it would be
extremely dangerous to lean on so weak a reed. The question therefore
occurs, and must soon be solved, What is to be the future status of
the Isthmus? A strong government is doubtless a necessity, and must be
provided from abroad. Shall it assume the form of a quasi independent
state under the protectorate of the chief commercial nations,
eliminating Colombia from participation therein? or must the United
States, as the power most interested in preserving the independence of
the highway, take upon themselves the whole control for the benefit of
all nations? Time will tell.

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ A DEPARTMENT.]

Since the foregoing remarks were written, a change has taken place
in the political organization of the United States of Colombia, by
which the government has been centralized, the name of the republic
being changed to República de Colombia, and the state of Panamá,
being reduced to a mere national department, to be ruled by a civil
and military governor appointed by the national executive at Bogotá.
Under the new order of things, General Santodomingo Vila, the former
president, became civil and military ruler, with powers to inaugurate
the departmental organization.[XXVI-109] He took possession of
his office, and dictated several measures toward that end, and the
suppression of gambling and other abuses. But without good grounds,
after recognizing the press to be free, suddenly suspended that
freedom, though he soon after restored it. Meantime, however, he caused
the suspension for sixty days of the _Star and Herald_ and _Estrella_
newspapers, alleging their hostility to the government because they
declined to publish some of his measures.[XXVI-110]

CHAPTER XXVII.

CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.

1886.

EXTENT OF THE COUNTRY—CLIMATE—MOUNTAINS AND
VOLCANOES—EARTHQUAKES—RIVERS AND LAKES—COSTA RICA'S AREA,
POSSESSIONS, AND POLITICAL DIVISION AND GOVERNMENT—HER
CHIEF CITIES—NICARAGUA, HER TERRITORY, TOWNS, AND MUNICIPAL
ADMINISTRATION—HONDURAS' EXTENT, ISLANDS, CITIES, AND
LOCAL GOVERNMENT—SALVADOR, HER POSITION, AREA, TOWNS, AND
CIVIL RULE—GUATEMALA'S EXTENT AND POSSESSIONS—HER CITIES
AND TOWNS—INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION—ISTHMUS OF PANAMÁ—AREA,
BAYS, RIVERS, AND ISLANDS—DEPARTMENT AND DISTRICT
RULE—THE CAPITAL AND OTHER TOWNS—POPULATION—CHARACTER AND
CUSTOMS—EDUCATION—EPIDEMICS AND OTHER CALAMITIES.

Central America proper embraces the region situated between the state
of Chiapas in the republic of Mexico on the north, and the former
state, now department, of Panamá on the south, extending from about
latitude 7° to 18° north, in length from 800 to 900 miles, and in
breadth varying from about 30 to about 300 miles. The united area
of the five republics comprised therein is about 175,000 square
miles.[XXVII-1]

[Sidenote: PHYSICAL FEATURES.]

The climate of this region on the Atlantic coast is about the same
as that of the West Indies, somewhat modified by various causes. The
Atlantic coast from Trujillo downward, including the Mosquito region,
is low and insalubrious. That of the Pacific coast is better in every
respect, the heat not being so oppressive, which is due to a drier and
purer atmosphere. The result is, that while the coasts on the Atlantic
are nearly uninhabited, those on the Pacific are lined with towns and
well settled.

Beginning with Guatemala, and going southward, in Los Altos, the
highlands of the republic, the average temperature is lower than
anywhere else. Snow falls occasionally near Quezaltenango, but soon
disappears. The heat is never excessive.[XXVII-2] In the vicinity of
the city of Guatemala, the thermometer ranges from 55° to 80° with an
average of 72°. In Vera Paz, the north-eastern department, it is nearly
10° warmer. The whole coast from Belize down to Izabal and Santo Tomás
is hot and unhealthy.[XXVII-3] The state of Salvador, lying entirely
on the Pacific slope, has probably a higher average temperature than
Guatemala or Honduras; but the heat is oppressive only at some points
on the coast.[XXVII-4] Honduras has a fine climate, excepting the
portion spoken of on the coast of the Atlantic.[XXVII-5] Nicaragua,
with the exception of her department of Segovia, which borders on
Honduras and has the same surface and temperature, has a topography
and climate of her own, with an average temperature in the lake region
of about 79° to 80°, due more to favorable causes than to elevation.
In Costa Rica there is almost every degree of temperature, from the
intensest heat of Puntarenas to the constant spring of San José, or
the autumnal temperature of the belt above Cartago. The coast from
Chiriquí lagoon to the north is hot, wet, and unhealthy.[XXVII-6]
Properly speaking, there is no dry season on the Atlantic coast of
Central America. However, from June to September, inclusive, there is
less rainfall on the Atlantic side. During these months the Pacific
slope has its rainy season, but the rains are brief, occurring in the
afternoon and night.[XXVII-7]

At a short distance from the Pacific coast the country is
traversed from north-west to south-east by an unbroken chain of
mountains,[XXVII-8] at least to Nicaragua Lake, and covered with
diversified vegetation. This cordillera is a connecting chain between
the Rocky Mountains of the northern, and the Andes of the southern,
continent.[XXVII-9] On the slopes and summits are fine table-lands,
some of which are quite extensive, and all temperate and surpassingly
fertile. It may be asserted that no portion of the earth presents a
greater diversity of level on an equal extent of surface than Central
America, or a greater variety of climate.

The majority of the highest peaks are volcanoes, and no less than
thirty volcanic vents are said to be in activity. Extinct craters,
rent rocks, lava beds, scoriæ, vitrified, charred, and pumice stones,
hot and sulphurous springs, mark Central America as a most volcanic
region.[XXVII-10]

[Sidenote: HISTORIC EARTHQUAKES.]

In a region abounding with volcanoes, and where great convulsions of
nature have taken place, earthquakes—violent ones, at times—frequently
occur.[XXVII-11] The great shocks experienced by the city of Guatemala
in 1751, 1757, 1765, and the one of 1773, which caused the abandonment
of the old site, have been elsewhere mentioned.[XXVII-12] The year 1809
was noted for a succession of violent temblores, causing much distress
among the inhabitants of Guatemala and Honduras, and doing much damage,
particularly in the latter state.[XXVII-13] Since that time the five
republics have constantly had such visitations, causing at times loss
of life and damage to property. I give in a note a number of such
occurrences.[XXVII-14] The Isthmus of Panamá has likewise repeatedly
experienced the effects of earthquakes, some of which have created much
alarm and injured property.[XXVII-15]

[Sidenote: LAKES AND RIVERS.]

From the lofty sierras and volcanic cones descend streams, which,
meeting on the plains below, form beautiful lakes, or swell into rivers
that roll on to either ocean. They are numerous, and though not of
great length, because of the narrowness of the region they traverse,
are by no means insignificant.[XXVII-16] The country has several lakes,
some of which have occupied the attention of scientists, statesmen, and
merchants, and I will have occasion to treat of them in connection with
interoceanic communication and commerce farther on.[XXVII-17]

* * * * *

The republic of Costa Rica is that portion of Central America extending
between Nicaragua and Panamá, and having on one side the Pacific Ocean,
and on the other the Atlantic.[XXVII-18] Costa Rica has the islands of
Colon, San Cristóbal, Bastimento, La Popa, and others in Boca del Toro;
the Escudo de Veragua in the Atlantic, the Cocos, Caño, San Lúcas, and
Chira in the Pacific; these latter two and smaller ones lying within
the gulf of Nicoya.

The political division of the republic is in provincias and
comarcas;[XXVII-19] namely, provincias of San José, Cartago, Alajuela,
Heredia, and Guanacaste, and the comarcas of Puntarenas and Limon. The
provincias and comarcas are alike divided into cantones, and the latter
subdivided into barrios. At the head of each provincia and comarca
is a governor, and of each canton a jefe político, all of executive
appointment. The police department is under the governor, unless, in
special cases, the supreme government should assume the immediate
control over it in certain localities. Each provincial capital has
a municipal corporation,[XXVII-20] acting, like the governors and
other subordinate authorities, under the general ordinances, made and
provided for the government of the whole republic.

The cities of the republic are San José, Cartago, Heredia, Alajuela,
Liberia, Puntarenas, and Limon. There are, besides, seven or eight
villas, and nine or ten pueblos.[XXVII-21]

The republic of Nicaragua, probably the most important section
of Central America, is bounded on the south by Costa Rica, on the
north-west by Honduras, on the east by the Atlantic Ocean, and on the
south-west by the Pacific.[XXVII-22] Nicaragua has a few insignificant
isles or cays on her coasts of both oceans.

[Sidenote: POLITICAL DIVISIONS.]

The republic is politically divided into seven departments; namely,
Granada, Leon, Rivas, Chinandega, Chontales, Matagalpa, and Nueva
Segovia. Their capitals or head towns are respectively Granada,
Leon, Rivas, Chinandega, Acoyapa, Matagalpa, and Ocotal.[XXVII-23]
The departments are subdivided into distritos, and the latter into
cantones. For the purposes of civil administration there is a prefect
at the head of each department, who is also a subdelegado of the
treasury; a subprefect rules over each district, and the cantones have
jueces de paz.[XXVII-24] These officials are appointed by the executive
government. The capitals of departments and head towns of districts
and cantones have elective alcaldes, and regidores constituting
the municipal corporations.[XXVII-25] In each department there is a
gobernador de policía, who likewise derives his appointment from the
national executive.

[Sidenote: NOTABLE CITIES.]

The principal cities of the republic are Granada, Managua, Masaya,
Leon, Rivas, and Chinandega. Managua was an insignificant town, but
being situated between Granada and Leon, was made the national capital,
in order that the government might be rid of the complications arising
from their constant rivalry, and intrigues to control the destinies
of Nicaragua. The position of the capital is a splendid one, the
surroundings being very picturesque.[XXVII-26] The streets are not
paved; the town has not a building worthy of mention. The government
house is a low, square edifice, with balconies in the old Spanish
style, without any exterior ornamentation or architectural character,
Leon, the old capital, is situated on a beautiful plain, and spreads
over a very wide area.[XXVII-27] In the central part the streets are
paved and lighted. There are some fine buildings in the city, those
most worthy of notice being the cathedral, a strong piece of masonry,
often used as a fortress in times of civil war, the old and new
episcopal palaces, the university, government house, two churches of
greater architectural beauty than the cathedral, four buildings which
were formerly convents, and now devoted to objects of public utility.
The place being in the region of earthquakes, and the temperature
extremely warm, the buildings are made to meet these conditions. There
is also a fine stone bridge, which García Jerez had constructed. Near
Leon, and with only the width of a street from it, is Subtiaba, which
has a separate municipality, and whose church is the largest, after
the cathedral, and the oldest of the temples in Nicaragua.[XXVII-28]
I give in a note some information on other cities deserving of special
notice.[XXVII-29]

The republic of Honduras is bounded on the north and east by the bay of
Honduras and the Caribbean Sea, extending from the mouth of the River
Tinto to the mouth of the Wanks or Segovia. On the south it is bounded
by Nicaragua—the line of division following the Wanks for about two
thirds of its length, and thence deflecting to the south-west, to the
sources of the Rio Negro, flowing into the gulf of Fonseca; it has a
coast line of about sixty miles on this gulf from the Rio Negro to the
Rio Goascorán. On the west and south-west are the republics of Salvador
and Guatemala.[XXVII-30]

Honduras possesses in the gulf of Fonseca the islands Tigre, Zacate
Grande, and Gueguensi; and in the Caribbean Sea the group known as Bay
Islands; namely, Roatan, Guanaja, or Bonaca, Utila, Helena, Barbaretta,
Morat, and other smaller isles.

The republic is politically divided into seven departments: Choluteca,
Comayagua, Gracias, Olancho, Santa Bárbara, Tegucigalpa, and Yoro.
Nacaome is the capital of Choluteca, and Jutecalpa of Olancho. The
other capitals bear the same names as the departments to which they
belong. The departments are subdivided into districts, and at the head
of each of the former is a jefe político, appointed by the executive,
who is the organ of communication between the supreme government and
the people.[XXVII-31]

[Sidenote: TOWNS AND HOUSES.]

The principal cities in the republic are Comayagua, anciently called
Valladolid, the former capital, and Tegucigalpa, the present seat of
government. The former is on the right bank of the Humuya or Ulúa
River, and on the southern border of the wide and fertile valley
of Comayagua. From its position, upwards of 2,000 feet above the
sea-level, surrounded by high mountains, its temperative is mild
and equable. The political disturbances of the country have reduced
Comayagua to a low condition,[XXVII-32] and the loss of its standing as
the capital has tended to bring it down still lower. Most of the houses
are of a single story, and built of sundried bricks. The former fine
fountains, monuments, and public buildings have gone to decay. The only
building still in good condition is the cathedral, which is a rather
imposing edifice.[XXVII-33] Tegucigalpa enjoys a cool temperature,
and has an excellent climate. The city is the largest and finest in
the republic. It is built with regularity, and has six churches, the
parochial edifice comparing favorably with the cathedral at Comayagua.
There are also a number of magnificent convents, and the university
also deserves mention.[XXVII-34] There are other places in the state
not entirely devoid of interest, a few particulars about which I append
in a note.[XXVII-35]

The republic of Salvador, the only one of Central America not having
a coast line on the Atlantic, is bounded on the north and east by
Honduras, on the south-east by Fonseca Bay, on the south by the Pacific
Ocean, and on the north-west by Guatemala.[XXVII-36] It possesses
the small islands called Punta Zacate, Martin Perez, Conchagüita, and
Mianguera in the bay of Fonseca.

For the purposes of government the republic is divided into fourteen
departments; namely, San Salvador, Cuscatlán, San Vicente, La
Paz, Usulután, San Miguel, Gotera,[XXVII-37] La Union, Cabañas,
Chalatenango, Santa Ana, Ahuachapan, Sonsonate, and La Libertad. The
departments are subdivided into districts, and the latter into cities,
villas, pueblos, and aldeas. The chief towns of the departments bear
the same names as the latter, excepting those of Cuscatlán, La Paz,
Gotera, La Union, Cabañas, and La Libertad, which are respectively
called Cojutepeque, Zacatecoluca, Osicala, San Cárlos, Sensuntepeque,
and Nueva San Salvador. They all have the rank of cities. Chinameca,
Jucuapa, Ilobasco, Suchitoto, Metapan, and Izalco enjoy the same
distinction. There are, besides, about 36 villas, and 176 pueblos.

[Sidenote: MUNICIPAL REGULATIONS.]

At the head of each department is placed a governor, who has a
substitute to fill the office in his absence, both being appointed
by the national executive for a constitutional term. They may be
impeached for misdemeanors in office before the senate.[XXVII-38]
The alcaldes of district head towns are the chief authorities of
their respective districts, and like the alcaldes of other towns, are
subordinate to the governor. In the event of absence or disability of
an alcalde, the regidor depositario assumes his duties pro tempore.
Alcaldes are represented in distant country places by comisionados
of their own appointment. Each town has for its internal management
a municipal corporation chosen by the direct votes of the citizens,
and consisting of one alcalde, one síndico, and from two to six
regidores, according to population.[XXVII-39] Such corporations act
under the general ordinances provided for the government of municipal
districts.[XXVII-40]

The principal cities are San Salvador, San Miguel, Santa Ana, which
has been the capital, Cojutepeque, which has also been the seat of
government, Sonsonate, Zacatecoluca, San Vicente, Sensuntepeque,
Chalatenango, Santa Rosa, Ahuachapán, and Santa Tecla or Nueva San
Salvador.

San Salvador was first founded at a place now called Bermuda, about
eighteen miles to the northward of the present site. During the
Spanish domination it was the residence of the gobernador intendente.
After the separation from the Spanish crown it became the capital of
Salvador, and for a while was the federal district, and seat of the
Central American government. The city, as I have stated elsewhere,
has been repeatedly shattered by earthquakes, but in each instance
rebuilt, notwithstanding efforts to abandon the site. Both the town
and its position are beautiful. It is in the midst of a broad elevated
plateau in the coast range, between the valley of the Lempa River and
the Pacific Ocean, 2,115 feet above the sea.[XXVII-41] The place has
a cathedral, and other churches, a national palace, a university, and
other government buildings. Excepting the central and paved park, San
Salvador is embowered in tropical fruit-trees.

San Miguel is justly considered the second city of Salvador. Its
houses have a home aspect, comfort in the interior, and elegance in the
exterior. It is supplied with water by an aqueduct. There are fountains
to refresh the air and to please the eye. Two iron bridges cross the
San Miguel River, said to have been constructed by Guzman at an expense
of $90,000 of his own money. Back of the town is the majestic volcano
of San Miguel. In the bay of Fonseca is the excellent port of La Union,
to the west that of La Libertad, and beyond that of Acajutla at a short
distance from Sonsonate and the Izalco volcano.

The republic of Guatemala is bounded on the north and west by the
Mexican states of Yucatan and Chiapas; on the east by British Honduras,
the bay of Honduras, and the republics of Honduras and Salvador; and on
the south by the Pacific Ocean.[XXVII-42]

[Sidenote: DEPARTMENTAL GOVERNMENT.]

The state is divided for the purposes of civil government into
departments; namely, Guatemala, Sacatepéquez, Amatitlan, Escuintla,
Chimaltenango, Sololá, Totonicapan, Quiché, Quezaltenango, Retalhuleu,
Suchitepéquez, Huehuetenango, San Márcos, Peten, Baja Verapaz, Alta
Verapaz, Livingston Izabal, Chiquimula, Zacapa, Jalapa, Jutiapa, and
Santa Rosa.[XXVII-43] They are subdivided into municipalidades, each
of which forms regulations or ordinances for the management of its own
affairs, subject to approbation or amendment by the supreme government.
At the head of each department is a jefe politico, and some of them
likewise have a sub-jefe.

The general government makes its administrative action felt in the
departments. Down to 1879 the laws relating to civil administration in
them were not only confused, but contained clauses which were, some
of them, opposed to the principles of modern legislation, and others
directly contrary to the liberal and progressive system the nation had
adopted since 1871.[XXVII-44] Hence the necessity of prescriptions
consonant with the existing situation.[XXVII-45] A decree was also
issued to insure common principles and rules for the municipal
corporations.[XXVII-46] Under the new order of things, the sum total
of receipts by all the municipalities in 1883 was $530,040, and of
expenditures $489,422.[XXVII-47]

Guatemala, the capital, together with the whole republic, has had
its beauties more or less extolled by every foreign traveller who has
visited it and published a book, from 1822 to late years. These praises
were well deserved; but they fall short of what they now should be,
considering the improvements introduced by the energetic administration
of President Barrios, which placed it on a level with many cities of
greater pretensions and resources.[XXVII-48]

The city stands about 5,300 feet above the sea, upon a fertile
plateau traversed by the Rio de las Vacas, being almost surrounded
by ravines. It is laid out in wide, regular, well-paved, and clean
streets, forming right angles, and has extensive suburbs. The number
of houses is probably 5,000, most of them of one story. There is,
however, a considerable number with two stories. They are mostly
constructed with solidity and comfort, and many have fountains,
gardens, and courts.[XXVII-49] Besides the cathedral, archepiscopal
palace, government house, mint, and other public buildings, there
are several beautiful churches, and a number of fine and extensive
edifices, formerly occupied by religious orders, and now devoted
to practical uses.[XXVII-50] There are many reservoirs filled with
potable water, some of them of handsome construction, and surrounded
by beautiful grounds. Water is supplied the city by aqueducts from
a distance of several miles.[XXVII-51] Most of the houses also
have wells. The city is likewise well provided with educational and
benevolent establishments, as well as places of amusement, such as the
theatre and the hippodrome.[XXVII-52] From the Jocotenango ward to the
circus there is a fine boulevard along which runs the tramway from the
Calvary. The city will soon be in communication with Port San José by
railway, as it has long been by telegraph with the other chief towns.
The monkish, funereal appearance which Guatemala presented prior to
1871 has disappeared, being succeeded by a pleasing aspect of life. The
city police has been organized and equipped in American style, and the
body of men is second to none in Spanish America.[XXVII-53]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ ISTHMUS.]

Panamá was formerly a state, but under a recent organization of the
republic of Colombia, has been reduced to the condition of a national
department. It lies partly between the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific,
and is bounded on the south-east by the state of Cauca in the same
republic, and on the west by Costa Rica.[XXVII-54]

There are a number of islands belonging to the department, among
which are the Mulatas archipelago, the Pearl group, Coiba, Taboga,
and Flamenco.[XXVII-55] The range of mountains traversing the Isthmus
is a continuation of the Andes, but the elevation in some parts does
not exceed 300 feet above the sea. From this ridge flow about 150
streams into the Atlantic, and more than double that number into the
Pacific.[XXVII-56]

The state has been hitherto divided into departments; namely,
Panamá, Colon, Coclé, Chiriquí, Los Santos, and Veragua,[XXVII-57]
which are subdivided into distritos parroquiales. At the head of
the distrito capital and departamento de Panamá is a governor, and
the other departments have prefectos. Each distrito is under an
alcalde.[XXVII-58]

[Sidenote: BUILDINGS AND POPULATION.]

The city of Panamá is laid out with regularity, on a rocky peninsula,
presenting a fine appearance from the sea, as it stands out from the
dark hills inland with an air of grandeur. The Ancona hill 540 feet
high rising a mile westward of the city—helps to render the place
conspicuous. But on entering, the visitor finds himself disappointed.
The principal streets cross the peninsula from sea to sea, intersected
by the Calle Real, running east and west. The place has a quiet and
stately appearance, without promising comfort. The houses are mostly
of stone built in the Spanish style, the larger ones having heavy
balconies in the upper stories, with court-yards or patios. There is
little relief or variety.[XXVII-59] The smaller ones are of a single
story. The churches and public buildings, namely, the cathedral, casa
de la gobernacion, cabildo or town hall, ecclesiastical seminary,
and four convents for friars and one for nuns, were strongly built;
but years of neglect and the deteriorating effects of the climate
have brought many of them to decay; notwithstanding which some of the
ecclesiastical edifices are still used for the service of God, whilst
others, not utterly ruined, are applied to other purposes.[XXVII-60]
The place was at one time tolerably well fortified, but the
fortifications no longer exist; the south and west ramparts are,
however, in good condition forming an agreeable promenade. The drainage
is very bad; many necessary things to insure cleanliness and comfort
are wanting; good potable water being scarce and high-priced.[XXVII-61]
The city has enjoyed the benefit of gas light for several years
past, and since the construction of the canal was begun, it has
had many improvements introduced, among them a fine and spacious
hospital.[XXVII-62]

The place next in importance on the Isthmus is Colon, otherwise known
as Aspinwall, on the island of Manzanilla. It is the Atlantic port
of the Isthmus, and contains the stations, offices, and wharf of the
railway company, as well as those of the several steam-ship companies,
and likewise a number of buildings of the ship-canal enterprise. The
town was progressing rapidly, and had a number of fine modern buildings
other than those before mentioned, but it was ruined by the vandalic
act of revolutionists, which event has been elsewhere described in this
volume.[XXVII-63]

The official census of population in the Isthmus of Panamá for 1880
showed the number of inhabitants to have been 307,598.[XXVII-64] The
report laid by the state government before the assembly in September
1882 stated that the population had increased since 1880 to 343,782,
which was due to the influx of men employed on the canal-works. There
have been many fluctuations since. The proportion of negroes and
mixed breeds has ever been larger than the pure whites in the city
of Panamá and on the Caribbean Sea coast, and after the opening of
the canal-works it became greatly increased with laborers from the
coast to the south, Jamaica, etc., almost all being negroes. In the
interior departments the case is quite different, the majority of the
inhabitants being of pure whites.

Efforts made from time to time to develop foreign colonization
through land grants have never led to any advantageous acquisition of
immigrants.[XXVII-65]

[Sidenote: ISTHMUS SOCIETY.]

The number of American indigenes on the Isthmus is computed at about
10,000.[XXVII-66] The chief of the Savaneries claimed the sovereignty
over the land they occupied, and their rights thereto were recognized
by the authorities of Veraguas.[XXVII-67]

The Manzanillos occasionally visit Portobello and neighboring villages,
and at one time, if not always, were in a state of warfare with the
Bayanos. The latter hate the Spaniards and their descendants, but are
friendly to the English.[XXVII-68]

In 1873, a law was enacted to compel the wild Indians to adopt the
usages of civilized life, and prompt action was recommended by the
executive of Panamá in 1874, but nothing came of it.[XXVII-69]

There are but few families of the higher class in Panamá, and time is
required to establish a footing of intimacy with them. Considerable
has been said in Europe against the character of the women of Panamá,
which is not borne out by fact. Much real worth exists among them.
Indeed, the native women of the Isthmus generally, possess the best
qualifications. They are not only pretty, graceful, and refined,
but are dutiful daughters, and excellent wives and mothers. Those
in the higher positions, even while laboring under the disadvantage
of a limited education, which during a long time was the case with a
majority of them, have, as a rule, been of industrious and economical
habits. In later years the young girls of the better class have been
enabled to acquire an education. The same cannot be said of the women
of the lower classes, whose moral scale is quite low, marriage with
them being the exception rather than the rule. For this state of things
the upper class is partly responsible, inasmuch as from a misguided
feeling of charity it looks upon the practice with indifference instead
of frowning upon it.[XXVII-70]

The women of Panamá, since the early days of railway travelling,
have abandoned their former ways of dressing and of arranging
their beautiful hair, adopting European fashions and putting on
hats. The women of the lower order, till very recently, wore the
polleras;[XXVII-71] but this is becoming a thing of the past. These
women are very untidy; they move about their houses slipshod and
stockingless. The dress of the native laboring man is a pair of cotton
or linen trousers and a shirt.

The young men of the educated class are well-mannered, and most of
them have an average share of ability, but application and steadiness
of purpose are wanting. Like their sisters, they are kind and
affectionate to their families and relatives.[XXVII-72] Nearly all the
male inhabitants speak English as well as their native language, and
a number, who have been abroad, are conversant with French and even
German.

In their domestic life, notwithstanding their constant intercourse
with people of other nations, the Panamanians keep themselves secluded,
much as they did before the railway was constructed. They still hug a
portion of their old opinions and prejudices. Nevertheless, the fullest
liberty of conscience and of religion being recognized by the Colombian
laws, all forms of worship may be publicly practised.[XXVII-73]

[Sidenote: EDUCATION.]

The government of Panamá has not always manifested a proper interest in
the diffusion of knowledge among the masses. It must be acknowledged,
however, that during the existence of the central régime, prior to
1860, the children throughout the Isthmus had a better opportunity
to acquire instruction, there being schools with paid teachers in
nearly all the towns.[XXVII-74] After the revolutionary period became
inaugurated, the funds of the government hardly ever satisfied the
greed of political leaders, or sufficed to meet the cost of a large
military force, and public instruction suffered. This occurred more
particularly in the interior, and even the capital has seen its public
schools closed for the want of funds.[XXVII-75] The legislators in
1871 gave a new organization to this branch of the public service,
but for various reasons nothing was accomplished until 1873, when the
philanthropic Manuel J. Hurtado undertook the task of getting some
light out of the existing chaos. His efforts soon began to yield good
results, though more satisfactory ones might have been obtained had
the state government afforded larger means.[XXVII-76] Normal schools
have been also established for training teachers, and several other
educational institutes have been founded, one for females under women
of a religious order. Nevertheless, the majority of young men possessed
of means go abroad or to Bogotá to complete their education.

The Isthmus has not produced any notable literary or scientific men,
properly so-called, though there are and have been among its people
bright intellects. In political and diplomatic life, however, may
be mentioned as notabilities Justo Arosemena, José Obaldía, Pablo
Arosemena, and Jil Colunje.

The newspaper press has been during many years represented on the
Isthmus by the _Star and Herald_,[XXVII-77] which is the vehicle for
the communication of news between Europe and the United States on the
one side, and the countries in Central and South America on the other.
It has been for many years, and continues to be, entitled to rank as a
first-class newspaper. Its local edition now appears daily in English,
Spanish, and French; the edition for Europe and the United States,
to leave by each departing steamer, is in English; and the one for
Central and South America is in Spanish, the publication then bearing
the name of _La Estrella_.[XXVII-78] Several other newspapers have been
published, besides the official organ, from time to time in English and
Spanish, or wholly in Spanish, but they have been short-lived.

* * * * *

Bull-worrying is a popular amusement among all classes.[XXVII-79]
Cock-fighting is also much patronized on Sundays and
holidays.[XXVII-80] Horse-riding, and in later years driving, are
recreations of the better classes. Public and private balls, and an
occasional play, concert, or circus, when artists cross the Isthmus,
help to break the monotony of life.[XXVII-81]

[Sidenote: HEALTH AND DISEASE.]

The Isthmus has suffered, not only from revolutions, but from
calamitous visitations in the form of epidemics, particularly
small-pox; also by convulsions of nature, and devastating
fires.[XXVII-82]

Asiatic cholera visited Panamá in 1849,[XXVII-83] at a time when the
Isthmus was crowded with strangers, early in the California gold fever.
The destruction of life was heart-rending, as it spared no class or
condition.[XXVII-84] Malignant fevers, pulmonary and throat diseases,
and other maladies do their work of destruction, and yellow fever often
carries off its victims from among unacclimated strangers.[XXVII-85]
The tablon, a disease imported in 1873 from Cartagena, assumed an
epidemic form, and carried off many of the aged and children.[XXVII-86]

Few, if any, precautions are taken to improve the sanitary condition
of the capital, and much less of any other town. In fact, any partial
efforts will be of little avail so long as drainage is so bad, and
the habits of the lower classes continue so filthy. The necessity
of sanitary measures is generally admitted, and ordinances have been
enacted to that effect;[XXVII-87] but their observance is spasmodic at
best.

The public hospital of Panamá city in 1865 was a poor affair.[XXVII-88]
In late years, through the efforts of the private charity, improvements
have been introduced, and greater pains taken in the care of the sick
poor. The canal company has likewise made ample provision for the
attendance of its sick employés and laborers.

Hurricanes and floods have helped to destroy life and property, and
cause general distress. Fire has on several occasions left large
numbers of people without shelter and utterly ruined.[XXVII-89]

CHAPTER XXVIII.

THE PEOPLE OF COSTA RICA, NICARAGUA, AND SALVADOR.

1800-1887.

CENTRAL AMERICAN POPULATION—ITS DIVISIONS—GENERAL
CHARACTERISTICS AND OCCUPATIONS—LAND GRANTS—EFFORTS
AT COLONIZATION—FAILURE OF FOREIGN SCHEMES—REJECTION
OF AMERICAN NEGROES—CHARACTER OF THE COSTA RICAN
PEOPLE—DWELLINGS—DRESS—FOOD—AMUSEMENTS—NICARAGUAN MEN AND
WOMEN—THEIR DOMESTIC LIFE—HOW THEY AMUSE THEMSELVES—PEOPLE OF
SALVADOR—THEIR CHARACTER AND MODE OF LIVING.

The total population of the five states of Central America in 1883 was
set down at about 2,831,847 souls,[XXVIII-1] divided as follows: in
Costa Rica, 182,073; Nicaragua, 400,000; Salvador, 612,813; Honduras,
360,000; and Guatemala, 1,276,961. The figures for Costa Rica and
Guatemala are the results of actual count, the others by computation.
The census of August 10, 1885, showed Costa Rica's population to be
189,425; that for Guatemala, January 1, 1884, exhibited 1,278,311, to
which must be added an increase during that year of 6,293.[XXVIII-2]
The population of the last-named state on June 30, 1885, has been
computed at 1,303,009.[XXVIII-3]

[Sidenote: COLONIZATION COMPANIES.]

The republic of Central America, as well as the several states
that formed it, has from the earliest days of its national autonomy
endeavored to encourage foreign immigration, offering inducements, such
as liberal grants of land, exemption from taxes and military service,
and the privileges of citizenship. At the same time care has been had
to respect the property and other rights of foreigners. Colonization
decrees were passed in 1831, 1834, and 1836,[XXVIII-4] the legislators
feeling as sanguine of good results as they were earnest and sincere
in their purpose. An English company, called the Eastern Coast of
Central America Commercial and Agricultural Company, organized in
London, was the first to enter the field, having obtained from the
state of Guatemala a grant of land which included the whole department
of Vera Paz.[XXVIII-5] Dishonesty presided over the operations of the
company.[XXVIII-6] About 300 persons, many of them from the refuse of
the population of London, were sent out, without proper preparations or
knowledge of the country, to places in or near the hot and insalubrious
coasts, where the unhappy creatures wandered, suffered, and almost all
perished. Meanwhile, the directors of the company labored in vain to
induce the British government to sanction their proceedings.[XXVIII-7]
The whole project ultimately failed, the directors being in their turn
deceived by the men in whom they had reposed most confidence. After
wasting many lives, and misappropriating some £40,000, lost of course
by the share-holders, the charter became forfeited for non-fulfilment
of its terms.[XXVIII-8]

Another colonization scheme was started in May 1842, and ratified
in a further convention of October 1843, between a Belgian company
established in Brussels, and the government of Guatemala.[XXVIII-9] The
company, under that contract, assumed the obligation of introducing at
least 100 families of five members each, annually, till 1,000 families
had been settled. The colonists were to be catholics, and from the
moment of their landing were to be considered Guatemalan citizens, with
all the rights and duties of such.[XXVIII-10]

All the articles of the agreement were most favorable to Guatemala,
and yet the company, which was under the patronage of the king of the
Belgians, signed it without his approval being first obtained. It is
known that his government disapproved many parts of it. It would seem
as if the Belgians were bent on getting possession of the district on
any terms, hoping afterward to retain it by negotiation as a Belgian
colony. The company fulfilled the conditions for the first two years,
but the great mortality of colonists at Santo Tomás made it impossible
to induce others to emigrate; and though the Belgian government
rendered pecuniary aid to the amount of $200,000, the settlement shared
the fate of the one attempted by the British in 1836. The company was
dissolved, and the government of Guatemala resumed possession of the
district, including the port of Santo Tomás.[XXVIII-11]

[Sidenote: IMMIGRATION AND COLONIZATION]

Since that time Guatemala has not failed to pass laws for the
encouragement of foreign immigration, and the protection of foreign
settlers.[XXVIII-12] In 1883 the government entered into a contract
with F. F. Millen to introduce 10,000 immigrants from Europe or the
United States, the former agreeing to give each immigrant, of upwards
of 21 or under 50 years of age, a grant of 45 hectáreas of land,
upon his complying with the terms of it.[XXVIII-13] Vain efforts had
been made by the American government prior to the civil war to obtain
permission from the Central American republics for the colonization,
under its patronage on their waste land, of negroes voluntarily
emigrating from those states. The scheme was opposed in toto by the
leading men.[XXVIII-14]

In 1867 and 1868 a considerable number of immigrants, many of whom were
Americans and some Cubans, settled in Honduras, the government by its
liberal laws and other facilities encouraging foreign immigration. This
policy it has continued to pursue, and in late years many foreigners
have been drawn to the country by the discovery of valuable gold
placers.[XXVIII-15]

Salvador has done little or nothing toward increasing her population
by immigration; but foreigners of good moral character and industrious
habits are always welcomed and protected in their rights. They can also
become naturalized after five years' residence, or at the end of three
years by contracting marriage with a native of the state.

In Nicaragua the executive was authorized on the 6th of May, 1853, to
enter into colonization contracts.[XXVIII-16] One such was made with
James Welsh May 11, 1859, and another with Adolph Adlesberg May 11,
1861, neither of which had effect.[XXVIII-17]

A colonization decree was issued by President Rivas, November 23, 1855,
granting each immigrant 250 acres of public land, and 100 additional to
each family.[XXVIII-18] The liberality of the grants, together with the
facilities then afforded by the Transit route brought a rapid increase
of immigration. In 1861 a contract to foster colonization was made with
Gottel.[XXVIII-19] Again, on the 7th of March, 1865, an immigration
law was enacted granting a number of privileges to persons availing
themselves of it. A number of Americans came, and in March 1867 the
town of Guzman was founded.[XXVIII-20]

The government of Costa Rica has often offered inducements, in the
way of land grants, for European immigration.[XXVIII-21] It must be
said, however, that the Costa Ricans are jealous of foreign influence,
and though willing to have the benefits of foreign capital, are
not disposed to share with foreigners the wealth which that capital
develops. Nevertheless, foreigners are permitted to hold real and other
kinds of property, and to become citizens of the country.[XXVIII-22]

[Sidenote: LAND GRANTS.]

In 1849 a grant of land of 20 leagues in length by 12 in breadth
was made to a French company for 1,000 colonists.[XXVIII-23] The
conditions of the contract were not carried out, though a considerable
number of immigrants formed under it an establishment. The project
failed.[XXVIII-24] In the fall of 1850, 51 persons, after two months'
sail from Bremen, arrived at San Juan del Norte, and underwent great
hardships and privations to reach San José. After three years only
three families remained.[XXVIII-25]

A similar grant to that of the French company was made on the Atlantic
coast to a British company,[XXVIII-26] which had no effect.

Still another concession was made May 7, 1852, to a German company,
organized at Berlin, who seemed to be actuated by a desire to carry
out their obligations, even though the people and government of
Costa Rica early showed a disposition to look upon their scheme with
disfavor.[XXVIII-27] Baron Bülow was the director of the company. He
died in 1856, and in all probability his enterprise died with him.
Another attempt was made by Crisanto Medina, to whom a large grant of
land was made for colonization purposes, at Miravalles, at the foot
of the volcano of that name. The grant embraced a fine plateau about
2,500 feet above the sea.[XXVIII-28] In 1852 thirty-seven Germans were
settled there, and possibly a few more came afterward, but the project
was abandoned.[XXVIII-29]

In 1856 there was an arrival of French immigrants.[XXVIII-30] On the
23d of April, 1858, another colonization law was passed.[XXVIII-31] The
idea of augmenting the population by offering inducements to foreign
immigrants has not been abandoned. Thus we see further contracts
entered into with private parties to that end.[XXVIII-32]

[Sidenote: CLASS DISTINCTIONS.]

The most numerous class of population in Central America, next to
the pure Indians, are the ladinos, most of whom are half-breeds,
which include the mestizos, mulattoes, quadroons, octoroons, and
zambos.[XXVIII-33] The mestizos are of a light yellow hue; numbers of
them, however, are found as white as the natives of southern Europe.
They are generally a fine-looking race of men, resembling in bodily
and mental features the creoles or pure native whites, though more
hardy. In temperament they are passionate, revengeful, treacherous, and
cowardly, ambitious and yet lazy, sensuous, and in a majority of cases,
at least in the lower class, devoid of moral principle. The pure Indian
is more reliable than the mestizo, the latter having all the vices of
the two races out of which he sprang.

The ladino class furnishes the domestic servants, muleteers, small
farmers and tenants, herdsmen, and not a few beggars and robbers. In
revolutionary times many of its numbers have been banditti, preying,
under the garb of guerillamen, upon both friend and foe. A considerable
number of ladinos, however, become mechanics and traders, and many
have attained high positions in the church and the state, and become
distinguished for their talents and abilities.[XXVIII-34] The zambos
and other mixtures of the negro race, like most of the negroes and
mulattoes, reside in the coast districts. They do the heaviest work in
the towns, and often engage in agriculture.

The Creoles, or pure native whites, calling themselves Americans,
though less numerous, form the ruling class. In the towns they are
the leading element, filling the most desirable positions, such as
those of land and mine owners, merchants, manufacturers, lawyers,
physicians, mechanics, officials, and higher clergy.[XXVIII-35] The
creole is generally well built, and of about medium height, with a
pleasing expression of countenance. His eyes are usually black like
his hair and beard. He lacks the steadfastness of the Anglo-Saxon,
and the trustworthiness of the German, often allowing himself to
be swayed by passion and caprice. There are, nevertheless, many
honorable exceptions, which are probably the result of education and
contact with the people of other and older nations. Indeed, whatever
may have been the defects of character of the creole, when he lived
comparatively isolated from the world, and entertained the conceit of
his own excellence and superiority, a great change for the better is
noticeable in many individuals in after years, since Central America
has been enjoying facilities of communication with other peoples, which
has enabled her sons and daughters to study their ways, and to adopt
whatever is good in them, not to mention the bad ways which have also
taken root.

* * * * *

The population of Costa Rica is represented to be nearly all white,
the Indians not being numerous, and the negroes and mixed breeds
living on the coast.[XXVIII-36] The Costa Ricans are a well-formed
people. There is, perhaps, not as much manly dignity and female grace
as are yet to be found in Spain; nor is the color of their females,
as a rule, to be compared with that of their European sisters; but
what is lacking in that is fully compensated by elegance of form,
regularity of features, splendid eyes, and an abundance of glossy
hair,[XXVIII-37] and not least by their affability and sweetness of
manner. The people are generally intelligent, and noted for the absence
of hauteur in their manner.[XXVIII-38] They are sedate, industrious,
economical, fairly honest,[XXVIII-39] and peaceable. Upon occasions
they have shown themselves possessed of good soldierly qualities when
their independence or rights have been in peril, as during Walker's
filibuster war; but they cannot be called a warlike people.[XXVIII-40]
They are not ambitious, aspiring to a moderate independence to be
attained without an excessive effort. Indigence is almost unknown. All
Costa Ricans own property of some kind, and even the humblest of them
has the ambition of possessing a piece of land.

[Sidenote: DOMESTIC AFFAIRS]

The houses of the wealthy and well-to-do are quite comfortable.
They are built with ordinary doors and windows, and of one or two
stories.[XXVIII-41] Window-glass is only used in the better houses of
the principal cities. In the smaller towns windows are dispensed with
as superfluous. Carpets are to be found in a few houses of the wealthy,
or of foreigners. Instead of them, floors are covered with matting. The
rich exhibit paintings or engravings on their walls. The houses of the
poor are comfortless.[XXVIII-42]

The higher classes enjoy the pleasures of the table. In the populous
cities inns are kept for the better class of travellers, at which
a tolerably good table is provided. The usual food of the peasants
and other poor people consists of tasajo, or jerked beef, black
beans, corn, rice, tortillas, plantains, and other fruits.[XXVIII-43]
Intoxication is prevalent among the lower classes. Guaro, or
aguardiente, and gin are deemed a necessity for the peasant and
laborer. With the action of the heat and the poor food, liquor soon
overpowers him.[XXVIII-44]

Saturday is the day upon which the cities are supplied with comestibles
and other commodities for the week. Natives of both sexes and all
ages throng the market-places, particularly in San José,[XXVIII-45]
bringing vegetables, fruits, and other food for the table. Others
bring manufactured articles, like earthen-ware, hammocks, charcoal,
hats, rebozos, etc.[XXVIII-46] From sunrise till noon the market-places
are crammed with sellers and buyers. The ladies of all ranks do their
own marketing, and are seen, basket on arm and bareheaded, strolling
about and driving bargains. The market-women move rapidly, carrying
goods on their heads or in strings. The better class of women follow
in their dress the fashions of Europe, except that they wear no hats.
The females of the lower classes have their own mode of dress, which is
generally more studied than in other places of Central America. Some
of them wear ear-rings and expensive collars, a jipijapa hat costing
$16. The gowns are of muslin, printed calico, or some other light
material, and cover half a dozen embroidered petticoats. The hair is
divided into two tresses hanging down behind, and in the braids runs
a bright-colored ribbon. Others wear on the head a rebozo, which like
the hat is significant of the taste or wealth of the wearer.[XXVIII-47]
Only a few among them complete this studied toilet with shoes or
boots. The men bring their mules, or carts, or merely their machetes.
They generally wear a coarse cloth coat and a pair of drill or cotton
trousers. The hat varies; it is either of straw, otter, or felt.
Most of the people of the interior go barefooted, but carry plenty
of pesos in their pockets and make them jingle. After purchasing
in the market-place such articles as they need, which go under the
general term habilitaciones, and selling their products, they seek the
vinaterías or pulperías, and invite one another to drink.

The great amusement of Costa Rica is gambling. The people have a
command of money, and their only ways of spending it, to afford them
entertainment, are the church, the bottle, and gambling.[XXVIII-48]
On Sundays and feast-days after the church service[XXVIII-49] the men
resort to the cockpit, many staking from $200 to $500 on the result of
a fight between two cocks.[XXVIII-50]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: NICARAGUAN SOCIETY.]

The Nicaraguan women of pure Spanish stock are quite fair, and have
the embonpoint characterizing the sex under the tropics. Many of them
are handsome, having an oval face, regular features, large and lustrous
black eyes, small mouth, good teeth, small hands and feet; and withal
a low but clear voice. Some of the descendants of white and Indian
of the higher class are also quite beautiful. The Indian girl with
her full lithe figure, long glossy hair, and erect walk should not
be overlooked.[XXVIII-51] Nicaraguan society has a peculiar charm and
grace, with little conventionality. Both men and women of all classes
are extremely courteous.[XXVIII-52] Strangers are well received, if
decently clad, well-mannered, and of good behavior. They will find
it rather difficult to obtain the privilege of visiting respectable
families. When a young man desires to pay his addresses to a young
lady, he applies for the permission of her parents, guardian, or
relations, as the case may be. Marriages are invariably according to
the rites of the catholic church. Burials of members of rich families
are in churches.[XXVIII-53]

The Nicaraguans of the higher order—there is no middle one—cannot be
credited with industrious habits. Life is easy with them, and the
climate is enervating. So they spend much of their time lying in a
hammock and smoking cigarettes.[XXVIII-54] The lower order in the towns
follow the example, at least the male portion. The peasantry, however,
is docile and fairly industrious, and may be called an excellent rural
population. The peon system is unknown in Nicaragua.

The Nicaraguan people have a fine muscular development, and a
mild soft expression. Though not warlike, they are brave, and will
fight desperately when reduced to it by necessity. The masses are
not so demoralized as some travellers would have us believe them.
Crimes are relatively rare, and the public roads are safe from
highwaymen.[XXVIII-55] A servant may steal a small amount, or some
object thrown in his way, and yet will convey a large sum of money to
a long distance without thinking of running away with it. It must be
confessed that there is too much proneness to condone offences against
morality and honor.[XXVIII-56]

[Sidenote: DRESS AND DWELLINGS.]

There is no national costume. The wealthy follow to some extent
to European fashions, generally suppressing the silk hat, which
is replaced with any hat that is broad-brimmed and suited to the
climate.[XXVIII-57] Men of the lower class go barefooted, or wear the
caite, which is a species of sandal. The rest of their dress is a pair
of cotton trousers, frequently not reaching lower than the knees, a
shirt, its lower part often outside the trousers, and a palm-leaf hat.

There are many fine horsemen in Nicaragua, as well as in all Central
America. A caballero is in his element when mounted on a spirited,
champing horse, with a pellon thrown over the saddle, which is the
Mexican saddle modified and with high peaks. He carries also to
complete his equipment a pair of bolsters and pistols.[XXVIII-58]
Women imitate the European summer costumes, but use no hat except when
riding on horseback. They generally appear in a loose and flowing
dress, with neck and arms exposed. A light shawl is thrown over the
shoulders, or worn over the head at church. A red or purple sash may
be wound around the waist, and a narrow golden band, or a string of
pearls extending around the forehead and binding the hair, which often
falls in luxuriant waves over the shoulders. The usual way of dressing
the hair is to have two braids knotted behind the head, and to place
a few natural flowers in it. The feet are incased in satin slippers.
The women of the lower class use a petticoat without waist, covering
the undergarments. A floating short shirt quite open in the upper
part, and almost sleeveless hardly concealing the bust. In the street
they wrap themselves in a rebozo. Stockings and shoes are worn only in
cities.[XXVIII-59]

The dwellings of the poor in the country are usually of canes thatched
with palms, many of them open at the sides, and with the bare earth for
floors. Some of them have the canes plastered over, and whitewashed,
with tile roofs, or otherwise improved. Those of large proprietors are
strongly built, neat, comfortable, and generally cool. In the towns
there are many dwellings of the same character; but the residences
of the wealthier class are built of adobes, of one story, enclosing
large courts which are entered under archways, these being frequently
constructed with much beauty.[XXVIII-60] The interior is divided into
large rooms around the gallery or corridor. The walls are whitened
on both sides. One of the rooms is used as a parlor, the others for
different purposes.[XXVIII-61] The furniture is generally of home
manufacture and simple enough.[XXVIII-62] The house is lighted with
stearine candles, imported or common tallow dips. Petroleum and lamps
have also been introduced.[XXVIII-63]

[Sidenote: FOOD AND DRINK.]

The characteristics of Nicaraguan life are sobriety and uniformity of
food.[XXVIII-64] Families make a practice of not laying in supplies,
but purchase what they need from day to day. Some buy their food
already cooked.

The custom of extending invitations to dinner with one's family, so
common in other countries, does not obtain in Nicaragua, except among
relatives or very intimate friends. Men are asked to eat only on
special occasions, when banquets are given, at which the English custom
of giving toasts is followed.

Amusements are few in Nicaragua. However, the upper classes have their
tertulias and balls, often improvised, at which the polka, waltz,
bolero, and other well-known Spanish dances are performed with grace
and spirit. The lower classes frequently have fandangoes and other
characteristic dances. There is no place of general resort for the
better classes, unless it is the billiard-room, which serves alike as a
gambling-den.[XXVIII-65] The cockpit is in full operation every Sunday,
the people being fond of the amusement, and even the most respectable
indulge in it.[XXVIII-66] Gambling at monte and other games of hazard
is common enough, but the vice has not attained the development noticed
in other parts of Spanish America.[XXVIII-67] It is certainly conducted
with less publicity.

There are neither bull-pits nor professional bull-fighters. Now and
then a performance of the kind takes place in some plaza; the bull is
much worried, but not killed.[XXVIII-68]

* * * * *

After describing the manners and customs of the Nicaraguans, there is
but little left to say of their neighbors the Salvadorans, who resemble
them in most characteristics. It must be acknowledged, however, that
the people of Salvador are entitled to the first rank in Central
America for their industry, general intelligence, and love of order.
Individual rights are respected among them, and well-behaved foreigners
are at all times made welcome. The Salvadorans seem to understand what
are the duties of republicans.[XXVIII-69]

The population of Salvador consists of Indians, ladinos, and zambos.
The ladinos comprise the whites, of which class the proportion is
small, and the several mixtures of white and Indian. The mode of living
of the latter scarcely differs from that of the Nicaraguans or other
Central Americans of the same standing.

[Sidenote: SALVADORAN SOCIETY.]

The aboriginal peoples have undergone considerable modification from
the three centuries of contact with the white men, and of subjugation
to the Spanish rulers. But there are towns, even near San Salvador, the
capital, which have retained many of their primitive customs, and where
the aboriginal blood has suffered but little, if any, intermixture. The
native language has fallen into disuse in most places, and only a few
words, also accepted by the whites, are retained.[XXVIII-70] The region
known as costa del bálsamo[XXVIII-71] is entirely occupied by Nahua
nations, whose habits have scarcely changed since the conquest. They
are not absolutely hostile to the Europeans, but certainly dislike any
intrusion on their part. They are an industrious people.

The aboriginal Salvadoran is, as a rule, slender in form but muscular.
Some of the women have fine figures and graceful carriage; they walk
with a firm step and body erect. They are, both men and women, gentle,
affable, and rather hospitable; their temperament is melancholy and
dreamy. They are well-disposed toward foreigners, and though they will
not tolerate any doubt as to the purity of their blood, yet consider
themselves insulted by being called indios. They also look upon the
whites and ladinos as usurpers in the land. They are much given to
boasting of their courage and generosity, and wish to be taken for
a brave people. The Indian possesses a certain quantum of honesty,
but will fulfil his contracts faithfully when his interests do not
suffer by it; otherwise, he will find a loop-hole of escape. He cannot
understand the value put by others on capital; his present needs being
covered, he cares nothing for the superfluous.[XXVIII-72]

The men are quite reserved in their manner; the women are different.
Their desire to have children by white men promotes looseness. They do
not see any dishonor in having foreign lovers, and children born out
of wedlock. Nearly all the Indians can read and write, and have some
knowledge of arithmetic.

The dress of the Salvadoran Indians is extremely simple; probably the
same as that worn by their ancestors. The women use a piece of blue
cotton wrapped round the waist, and reaching only a little below the
knees; the upper part of the body being scantily covered with a sort
of chemise with an aperture at the top for the head, and open at the
sides.[XXVIII-73] The head-dress consists of two long tresses of their
own black hair, interlaced with a red ribbon, and wreathed round the
head like a turban. They wear neither shoes nor stockings. The men
generally have caites to their feet. Their dress is a light suit of
cotton, a straw hat or colored kerchief on the head, and a chamarra of
coarse cloth, which answers all the purposes of cloak, blanket, carpet,
and bed.

The dwellings are simple and comfortless; indeed, they seem to have
been put up with the expectation of their being tumbled down at any
moment by earthquakes.

[Sidenote: MUSIC AND SKY-ROCKETS.]

The men leave to the women all the cares of the house; the latter,
consequently, lead a laborious and hard life. Their food consists
of eggs, venison, tortillas, beans, rice, and fruit. They are fond
of coffee, and the men indulge freely in the use of chicha, rum, and
every other alcoholic drink that comes in their way. The women, on the
contrary, are strictly sober.[XXVIII-74] Like all other christianized
Indians, they devote much of their time and substance to religious
feasts, which are generally followed by carousals and gambling,
cock-fighting being a prevalent amusement. They have a decided liking
for music, accompanying their sad strains with the guitar, accordion,
marimba, or dulcema. The practice of burning fire-crackers and letting
off sky-rockets is quite common upon every occasion, whether of
rejoicing or mourning. At funerals they let off rockets as they march
along to the cemetery.[XXVIII-75]

CHAPTER XXIX.

THE PEOPLE OF HONDURAS AND GUATEMALA.

1800-1887.

AMALGAMATION IN HONDURAS—POSSIBLE WAR OF
RACES—XICAQUES AND PAYAS—ZAMBOS OR MOSQUITOS—PURE
AND BLACK CARIBS—DISTINGUISHING TRAITS—LADINOS—THEIR
MODE OF LIFE—GUATEMALA AND HER PEOPLE—DIFFERENT
CLASSES—THEIR VOCATIONS—IMPROVED CONDITION OF THE
LOWER CLASSES—MESTIZOS—PURE INDIANS—LACANDONES—WHITE
AND UPPER CLASS—MANNERS AND CUSTOMS—PREVAILING
DISEASES—EPIDEMICS—PROVISION FOR THE INDIGENT.

In Honduras, the amalgamation of races has almost obliterated the line
distinguishing whites from blacks. The mixture of white, negro, and
Indian has brought about a population ranging in hue from chocolate
to cream color. Now and then a pure white descendant of the old
aristocratic families may be seen; but such instances are quite rare,
as few families have escaped the amalgamation.

A war of races is among the possibilities. In former times some
families were wont to enlist blacks and Indians in the deadly feuds
of the country; now they stand in dread of elements which will
overshadow or exterminate them, unless a timely influx of whites from
the United States and Europe shall counter-balance the ever-increasing
preponderance of the black race.[XXIX-1] However, there are a number
of respectable negro families, some of whose members have occupied high
positions in the government.

[Sidenote: WHITE, RED, AND BLACK.]

The Indian or aboriginal element predominates here as in all Central
America. In some districts it is difficult to say whose habits of
life prevail, the white or the Indian. In the eastern portion of the
state,[XXIX-2] the population is almost entirely of Xicaques and Payas,
portions of which native tribes have accepted the catholic religion and
live at peace with the white inhabitants; the rest, living among the
mountains, conform more to their original mode of life, but maintain
friendly relations with the white race.

The coast around Carataska Lagoon, and as far to the westward as Brewer
or Brus Lagoon, was at one time occupied by zambos, or Mosquitos, but
the Caribs spreading rapidly eastward from Trujillo and Black River
have displaced them. The zambos have of late years lost their former
activity, and surrendered to the besetting vice of drunkenness, which,
together with other causes, is hastening their extinction. Most of them
having been driven by the Caribs into territory belonging to Nicaragua,
the proportion of them still remaining in Honduras must be small.

The Caribs are the descendants of the original inhabitants of the
leeward island of Saint Vincent.[XXIX-3] The presence of negro blood
among the Caribs is explained by the foundering, when they were still
dwelling in Saint Vincent, of an African slave ship, on one of the
small islands of the vicinity.[XXIX-4] The Caribs, both the pure
and the black, are active, industrious, and provident, and far more
civilized than the zambos, living in well-constructed huts, which are
kept clean and comfortable. They still retain their original language,
though most of them can speak Spanish and a little of English. While
professing to be catholics, they retain many of their old rites
and superstitions. Being a good, frugal, intelligent, and useful
laboring population, much aid may be expected from them in the future
development of the country.

In Comayagua and Choluteca there are several towns wholly occupied by
Indians, who retain their ancient language and many of their primitive
customs. They are industrious, provident, and peaceable; but if left
to their own unaided efforts, will never bring about the development
of the country; but with the introduction of an intelligent and
enterprising people their good qualities could be rendered useful.

Among the ladino class the men are all polite; the educated are
well-bred; and even in the lowest walks of life courtly language and
manners prevail.[XXIX-5]

The women of the higher class are rather tall, but straight; their
every movement is elegant and modest. The brunettes with raven hair
prevail as to numbers; yet a fair complexion, with light hair, blue
eyes, and ruddy cheeks is found, particularly in the highlands. Pretty
hands and arms are common. The women of the lower classes are generous
and kind-hearted, hospitable, gentle, frank, and patient. Upon them
falls a large share of the work done.[XXIX-6] This does not, of course,
apply to women of wealthy families, but the fact stands that the women
of the lower orders are mere slaves, albeit they appear cheerful and
happy. The practice of men and women living together without being
married prevails here, as elsewhere in Central America, chiefly among
the lower order.[XXIX-7]

[Sidenote: DOMESTIC AFFAIRS.]

Women of the higher class are taught but little beyond reading,
writing, and a few rules of arithmetic, playing on the guitar or
piano, dancing, and presenting a good appearance in society. This
done, they are soon taken to the altar, and their matronly duties
begin. A few young women, however, are sent to the United States for an
education.[XXIX-8]

Dwellings in Honduras are mostly of one story; the Hondureños,
not having the excuse of earthquakes, say that it was the mode
established by their ancestors. The sala, or parlor, is the room
where the family pass the greater part of the day, doing nothing in
the forenoon.[XXIX-9] The construction of the house is very much like
that described for Nicaragua. The residences of the wealthier classes
are cleanly and cool, and have neat gardens in the rear, adorned with
beautiful flowers and birds in cages. There is no excess of furniture.
A bedstead, one or two chairs, and a clothes-press form the ordinary
furnishing of a bedroom. But in the houses of the wealthier families,
and where several women reside, the rooms are more generously supplied.

Breakfast and dinner are substantial meals with the wealthy.[XXIX-10]
The manners observed at table are very sedate, and always courteous.
When wine or other beverage is drank, the health of the master and
mistress of the house is pledged with the first glass. The poor,
especially in eastern Honduras, are badly fed, and though generally
fleshy and well formed, are not constitutionally strong. In the cattle
districts of Olancho they fare better, getting all the beef they need.
Yet even the former make patient and enduring soldiers, capable of
travelling twenty leagues a day through the mountains.[XXIX-11]

The upper classes adopt American and European fashions, and costly
articles of wearing apparel are in demand. Women, as a rule, wear white
dresses the year round, or those of a light pink or blue gauzy stuff.
At parties or balls the dress is usually white and very light. Little
jewelry is worn. In the street a woman always wears a mantilla or a
shawl covering her head. The hair is oftener worn plaited, and put up
behind the head. Ringlets are seldom seen. Women are rarely seen out
except in the morning and toward sunset.

Men of means travel on fast mules worth at least $150 each; the
trappings being silver mounted, and some of the bridles and head-stalls
adorned with plates of virgin silver. The Hondurans are fine riders.
Many of the females are graceful and fearless horsewomen. The habit of
riding on the right side prevails. Sometimes the bottom of the rider's
dress is loaded with small silver coins fastened through holes in the
skirt.[XXIX-12]

All classes of the people, from the clergy down—or up—indulge in bull
and cock fights, horse-racing, dancing, and the excitements of the
monte-table, all of which amusements generally follow the services of
the church on great civic or religious festivities.[XXIX-13] Gambling
is quite general, and thousands have been ruined by this vice; however,
there is less of it here than in other parts of Central America.
Begging is a prevalent practice throughout the country, and various
devices are resorted to by the halt, maimed, blind, and others to
obtain alms.[XXIX-14] Good domestic servants are not easily procured
in Honduras; they are generally mulattoes of poor intelligence, and
exceedingly indolent.[XXIX-15]

[Sidenote: CASTES AND CLASSES.]

The population of Guatemala is set down at about 750,000 Indians,
430,000 ladinos or mestizos, 10,000 persons white or nearly so, 8,000
negroes or colored, and 2,000 foreigners.[XXIX-16] The white men are
mostly owners of estates, and several of them belong to the learned
professions; others are engaged in trade, or keep shops.[XXIX-17]
The mestizos are mechanics, retail shop-keepers, or servants. The
Indians are the cultivators of the soil, and generally speaking, the
agricultural laborers. Many mestizos, and not a few pure Indians,
however, belong to the learned professions, and for that reason are
counted among the gentry, though not among the so-called nobles,
supposed to be descendants of the Spaniards who in colonial times held
positions under the government, or were connected with them.

Until the liberal régime became established in 1871, a régime which
did away with the privileges of class, there were two castes in the
country; namely, the laboring and producing class, and the governing
one which was wholly made up of consumers. Between the two classes
custom and the rulers had built up a Chinese wall, an almost impassable
barrier. That distinction has been rapidly disappearing under the
influence of liberal laws.

The Guatemalans of the educated class are noted for their kindly
disposition, simplicity of manners, and high sense of justice. Both
sexes are amiable, courteous, and attentive to strangers.[XXIX-18]
Notwithstanding their good intellectual powers, owing to the effects
of climate, habit, educational and religious training, bad government,
and perhaps the combination of those causes, they have been inclined
to indolence, and have lacked in vigor of thought, energy, and
enterprise; punctuality could not be counted among their good traits,
but a most confirmed religious bigotry prevailed for years among all
classes.[XXIX-19] An enlightened public opinion, in both government and
religious matters, has been, however, growing from the time that the
detestable old system was overthrown, it is hoped forever.

The youth of Guatemala are made conversant with the etiquette of
society. The higher class are quiet, reticent, grave, and seemingly
impassible, but as a rule make good husbands, fathers, and neighbors.
They are studiously polite and punctilious, expecting a full return
from others. The women are more free, impressive, and impressible than
the other sex, gracious in speech, unaffected and winning. They also
rank high for morality.[XXIX-20] Many of them are blondes; many have a
white skin, with dark eyes and hair.[XXIX-21]

The mestizos, who are the issue of white fathers and Indian mothers,
and of the promiscuous intercourse,[XXIX-22] habitually seek the
towns. They are, as a class, much the superior intellectually of the
pure Indian, better educated, and less superstitious, as well as less
loyal to church and government, and too often wicked, treacherous, and
dissolute. When not injured by early excesses the mestizos are finely
built. The younger and uncorrupted females are distinguished by the
voluptuous swell of their busts, fine lithe forms, erect and graceful
carriage. They walk with an elastic footstep and inimitable grace and
freedom.

[Sidenote: PHYSIQUE AND DWELLINGS.]

The Indians mostly dwell by themselves in villages, many on the
estates of planters, and a few in the cities and towns.[XXIX-23] They
are supposed to be intensely catholic, but they mix in with their
christianity many heathen rites; and being partially educated by the
clergy, nearly all understand and can speak the Spanish language. When
not corrupted by military service the aboriginal is industrious, mild,
and temperate. Those who dwell apart in their villages raise most of
the fruits and produce marketed, and make most of the domestic articles
sold in shops. Nearly all, and particularly those of the departments of
Los Altos, have a fine physical development.

The race has been from the time of the conquest oppressed and kept in a
state of barbarous ignorance and superstition. The régime, established
since 1871, energetically enforced by the late President Barrios, has
done much to bring about a change for the better.[XXIX-24]

The Lacandones have been specially spoken of by several authors who
have written on Guatemala. The Spaniards, after attempting in the
latter end of the seventeenth century to pacify the warlike Indian
provinces, including the Lacandon region, resolved upon forcibly
removing the Indian towns. The Indians of the town of Dolores were
generally quiet, but as an expensive garrison would be required to make
sure of their continuing at peace, the inhabitants were removed first
to Aquespala, next for some unknown reason to San Ramon, and finally
to Santa Catarina de Retalhuleu.[XXIX-25] These changes caused much
suffering; a large number died, others became scattered, but most of
them returned to their native mountains.[XXIX-26] The government of
Guatemala tried in 1831 and 1837 to bring the Lacandones under its
authority, but all its efforts failed, and they have since retained
their independence, though seemingly they have abandoned their
old predatory habits, contenting themselves with preserving their
isolation.[XXIX-27]

The above remarks refer to the western Lacandones, who live on or near
the Pasion River, and its tributaries. The eastern Lacandones are a
harmless tribe who hold no relations with and fear the others.[XXIX-28]

The dwellings of the citizens of Guatemala are generally of only one
story, but the capital and other cities present fine houses of two
stories; as a rule the houses are commodious, and abundantly supplied
with water. Those of the wealthy are elegantly furnished, and the
rest tolerably well provided, the floors being covered with mattings.
The habitations of the poor and Indians are mere thatched huts and
altogether comfortless.

[Sidenote: DRESS AND FOOD.]

The upper or educated class follow in their dress the fashions of
Europe and the United States. The women, however, wear a mantilla or
shawl and veil when going to church, and appear without any covering
of the head when walking out or on a visit. They like to adorn their
hair with flowers.[XXIX-29] The men are rather modest in their apparel,
and only when equipped for travelling do they exhibit some ostentation.
At such times, their weapons, the trappings of their horses or mules,
and other ornaments are expensive, provided their means will allow the
indulgence.

The following was the dress worn in the first quarter of the present
century by the women of the lower order, not included in the wealthy
class. Short red petticoats, with deep plain white flounces round the
bottom, gathered up in very thick plaits over their hips with a white
border; thence upwards, they had only a chemise to cover them.[XXIX-30]
The hair in front was in the madonna form, and the hinder part, being
of great length, was divided into tightly plaited cords, which were
twisted round the head in various devices. A pink satin shoe, without
stockings, completed the costume. Most of the Guatemala damsels
of the lower classes dressed in that style, excepting that more
frequently they went without shoes, this being specially noted in the
servant class.[XXIX-31] Some changes have occurred since then, and
a considerable number of the lower order have adopted the custom of
dressing like the wealthy, but as a rule a marked difference exists
between the two classes.

Men of the mechanic class generally dress like the upper class; the
laborers rarely have more than a shirt and trousers; and occasionally
a round jacket. Many go barefooted or wear the caite. A common palm
or straw hat covers the head. The village or agricultural Indians
go scantily clad. The best wear of a male consists of a straw hat, a
short-sleeved shirt, short breeches, and caites. The females rarely
sport more than a loose waistcoat, and a short petticoat, or a cloth
wrapped round the waist, reaching a little below the knees. Children of
both sexes run nude.

The food of the Guatemalans is about the same as that of other Central
Americans of their respective classes. Travellers will find mesones to
provide shelter and refreshments for man and beast at certain distances
on their journey.[XXIX-32] At places where no inns exist, the traveller
will be accommodated by the priest, or by the alcalde in the town hall.

The Guatemalans, like all Central Americans, are fond of bull and cock
fighting,[XXIX-33] as well as of games of chance, which are indulged
in with great frequency.[XXIX-34] The government endeavors to provide
amusements of a more intellectual and refined character. It built a
fine theatre in the capital, and from time to time subsidizes musical
and dramatic troupes.[XXIX-35]

Begging is common. The sight of a crowd of beggars in rags, many
of them exhibiting their sores, is very repulsive. Those beggars
are supported by public charity and are rarely sent away without
relief.[XXIX-36]

[Sidenote: DISEASES AND HOSPITALS.]

The several states of Central America have often been visited with
calamities in the form of storms and hurricanes, freshets, and fires,
causing heavy losses of property, and at times of life also. Disease
causes its destruction as elsewhere, and often maladies in an epidemic
form have decimated the population. Fevers are rare, except on the
coasts, where they prevail during the hottest months.[XXIX-37] The
small-pox has on several occasions done havoc among the population.
The invasions of the malady in 1851 in Costa Rica, 1862 in Guatemala
and Honduras,[XXIX-38] and in 1883 in Costa Rica, have been specially
recorded in those countries.[XXIX-39]

Leprosy prevailing in several parts of Central America, special
hospitals have been established in some of the republics for the
reception and care of persons thus afflicted.[XXIX-40] Syphilis exists
in Central America, but is not so prevalent as in Mexico. In some parts
laws have been enacted to regulate the social evil.[XXIX-41]

That great scourge of the present century in Europe and America,
Asiatic cholera, has repeatedly invaded the Central American states,
carrying vast numbers to destruction. In 1836 it desolated the largest
cities, and everywhere created the utmost consternation.[XXIX-42] It
again made its appearance in the early part of July 1855. A soldier
died in Fort San Juan. A few days later a boat-load of cholera patients
came to Granada, and forthwith the malady spread throughout Nicaragua
and the rest of Central America, its heart-rending effects not ceasing
in Salvador and Guatemala till toward the latter part of 1857.[XXIX-43]
The disease broke out again epidemically in Nicaragua toward the end
of 1866, and continued its ravages there and in Honduras in 1867 and
1868, and it appears that some cases occurred in Honduras even as late
as 1871.[XXIX-44]

The several republics have provided hospitals for the care of the
indigent poor, as well as other benevolent establishments for the
comfort of orphans and others needing public support. There are also
charitable societies affording great relief to the sick and destitute.

CHAPTER XXX.

INTELLECTUAL ADVANCEMENT.

1800-1887.

PUBLIC EDUCATION—EARLY EFFORTS AT DEVELOPMENT—COSTA RICA'S
MEASURES—SMALL SUCCESS—EDUCATION IN NICARAGUA—SCHOOLS
AND COLLEGES—NICARAGUAN WRITERS—PROGRESS IN SALVADOR
AND HONDURAS—BRILLIANT RESULTS IN GUATEMALA—POLYTECHNIC
SCHOOL—SCHOOLS OF SCIENCE, ARTS, AND TRADES—INSTITUTE
FOR THE DEAF, DUMB, AND BLIND—UNIVERSITY—PUBLIC
WRITERS—ABSENCE OF PUBLIC LIBRARIES—CHURCH HISTORY IN
CENTRAL AMERICA AND PANAMÁ—CREATION OF DIOCESES OF SALVADOR
AND COSTA RICA—IMMORALITY OF PRIESTS—THEIR STRUGGLES FOR
SUPREMACY—EFFORTS TO BREAK THEIR POWER—BANISHMENTS OF
PRELATES—EXPULSION OF JESUITS—SUPPRESSION OF MONASTIC
ORDERS—SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE—RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.

During the last years of colonial rule the government displayed some
interest on behalf of public education in Central America. It was,
however, religious rather than secular, and the consequence was that
liberal ideas were not countenanced. After the establishment of the
republic, and while the liberal system prevailed, this important
branch was not neglected.[XXX-1] Later, after the dissolution of
the confederation, some of the states, having fallen under the rule
of a despotic oligarchy, were lukewarm, to say the best. Costa Rica
cannot be accused of neglect.[XXX-2] In 1856 she had public schools in
all the towns, supported by the government, and in the chief places
others receiving aid from the municipalities.[XXX-3] The university
of Santo Tomás, at San José, has chairs of Spanish and Latin grammar,
philosophy, mathematics, law, medicine, and pharmacy, and confers
diplomas.[XXX-4]

The efforts of general and local authorities, as well as of private
individuals, for the spread of instruction among the masses were
never discontinued, education being more or less under ecclesiastical
control till August 1881, when it was placed under the supervision
of the national executive. Thus far educational results were far from
satisfactory, the statistics in November 1883 showing, that throughout
the republic only 14.70 per centum of the population could read and
write.[XXX-5] Nevertheless, there are many well-educated men, who
received their instruction in the schools, colleges, and university,
and have attained good standing in the several learned professions, and
in political life.

The labor to enlighten the masses continues unabated, with hopes of
better success. No works of literary importance have been issued from
the press in Costa Rica, and only a few newspapers, other than the
official journal, are published.

[Sidenote: EDUCATION IN NICARAGUA.]

The advantage to Nicaragua of possessing an educated people has not
been unknown, and efforts to that end have been made since early times,
though without the desired results.[XXX-6] The general supervision was
finally given the executive, and local boards in the departments. Since
that time some progress has been made. The number of primary schools
has been increased; and schools of agriculture, arts, and trades, new
colleges, and a national library have been established. Teachers of
both sexes have been brought from the United States and Europe. It is
hoped that these efforts, persistently sustained, will yield the better
fruits. Indeed, President Cárdenas' message of January 15, 1885, gave
a hopeful account, though primary instruction still is quite backward
for want of competent teachers.[XXX-7]

There are no data as to the number of those who can read and write,
or as to the mental condition of the population. There is no national
literature. Persons assuming to write for the public generally do it
through a newspaper or loose sheet. Among this class are some who wield
powerful pens.[XXX-8] Occasionally there appears a work in book form
from the pen of Tomás Ayon, Gerónimo Perez, and others on history or
politics.[XXX-9]

The Spanish language was introduced in Nicaragua, as in the rest of
Spanish America, but a great number of Indian words are in daily use
even by the educated classes.

Salvador, from the earliest days of her autonomical life, has been a
warm advocate and supporter of public instruction.[XXX-10] As early as
1846 it was already progressing considerably under President Aguilar's
administration.[XXX-11] Attendance having been made compulsory, and
schools established to fill the requirements, primary instruction has
been brought within the reach of nearly all Salvadorans.[XXX-12] The
republic has a large number of educational establishments, to wit,
three universities,[XXX-13] a seminary, a botanic garden, schools of
agriculture, design, medicine, and military academy. There is also
a national library at the capital.[XXX-14] A school of mechanics was
ordered founded in 1885.

Salvador does not lack for men of good attainments in science and
literature, nor for writers possessed of power and elegance, especially
in diplomacy and other political topics.[XXX-15]

[Sidenote: EDUCATION IN HONDURAS.]

The spread of education among the masses in Honduras was until late
years sadly neglected.[XXX-16] The state has two universities, one in
Comayagua and another in Tegucigalpa, both having, nominally, chairs
of law, medicine, and theology.[XXX-17] Most of the educated men of
Honduras have received their instruction in foreign countries, or at
the universities of the other states.[XXX-18]

The Lancasterian system of education was introduced in Honduras, as in
the rest of Central America, early during the confederation system, and
has been continued with some modifications. There may, possibly, be 400
schools in all the state, each with an average attendance of 25 pupils,
making an average of 10,000 pupils of all classes in a total population
of 350,000 to 400,000 souls. There are no libraries in the country
worthy of mention, and hardly any newspapers other than the official
journal.[XXX-19]

Greater interest has been manifested in public education in late
years.[XXX-20] Larger appropriations have been made, and competent
teachers procured.[XXX-21]

The retrogressive government which ruled over Guatemala for more than
thirty years, down to 1871 when it was overthrown, not only failed to
make adequate provision for the education of the masses, but endeavored
to keep them in a state of ignorance and fanaticism. The new régime
hastened to bring on a change, being convinced that without an educated
people, democratic institutions would be impossible. Primary schools
were accordingly established as fast as circumstances and the condition
of the treasury permitted, in every town and village. In 1876 their
number had already reached 600, and progress was uninterrupted after
that.[XXX-22] Secondary and professional education have also been
fostered. There are three national institutes of secondary instruction
for males and two for females, a normal school for training teachers;
also several of special instruction, namely, agriculture, design, arts,
and trades; one for the deaf and dumb and two of law, one of medicine,
and one of engineering. Since 1882 schools of music and elocution and
a mercantile academy[XXX-23] have been added. Special mention should
be made of the Politécnica, or military academy, in which a liberal
education is afforded, comprising English and French, a thorough course
of science, including mathematics and drawing, in addition to the
specialties of the military profession.[XXX-24]

The national university, which during the old régime had been governed
by the ordinances of Cárlos II., the Bewitched, who ruled in the
latter part of the seventeenth century, was placed under regulations
more in consonance with modern ideas. The establishment has been since
imparting the highest order of instruction. The old Sociedad Económica,
whose mission is to advance agriculture, and the fine and mechanic
arts, likewise has undergone improvements.[XXX-25] The expenditure for
public instruction has increased from year to year, as appears in the
note below.[XXX-26]

Notwithstanding the retrogressive policy of the oligarchic rule,
Guatemala was not devoid of men of ability and learning. Several works
have issued from Guatemalan pens, the writers deserving special mention
being José Valle, Domingo Juarros, Alejandro Marure, Pedro Molina
and his sons, Francisco Barrundia, Lorenzo Montúfar, José Milla, and
others, including the brothers Dieguez as poets.[XXX-27]

Newspapers as a rule have had a precarious life, though several of
them often contained productions from able Central American pens. The
government has at times afforded aid with subsidies.

[Sidenote: RELIGION AND THE CLERGY.]

It is hardly necessary to mention the fact that the catholic religion
was the only form of worship recognized or tolerated in Central
America during the Spanish domination. Its clergy enjoyed here the same
privileges, and were subject to the same duties and restrictions, as in
Mexico. In the short period that the country was an appendage of the
Mexican empire, no change took place in the relations between church
and state. But soon after the establishment of the Central American
confederation, and while the liberal democratic party was in power,
efforts were made to do away with the privileges of the clergy, and to
bring them under subjection to the civil authority.[XXX-28] Pursuant
to this policy several laws and measures were adopted against the
clergy in general, and Archbishop Casaus in particular,[XXX-29] which
irritated the anti-liberals and roused the ire of the clericals, who
at once gave utterance to the most fanatical language; and there were
even liberal-minded men who took up the cause of the friars and abused
in the press some of the wisest measures.[XXX-30] Serious troubles
ensued; but during several years the legislative action was sustained,
and still more radical resolutions were adopted. In 1829 the archbishop
and a portion of his clergy being detected in plotting against the
government were forthwith sent out of the country. Two months later
the general congress declared religious orders at an end in the
republic.[XXX-31]

[Sidenote: RELIGIOUS FREEDOM.]

Finally, in 1832, religious freedom was proclaimed,[XXX-32] and
it was moreover declared that the appointment to church dignities
pertained to the nation, and should be made by the executive.[XXX-33]
The church was thus brought low; but a reaction came erelong, and
with the practical dissolution of the confederation, the serviles,
then in power, undid what their opponents had done, and among other
acts restored the privileges of the clergy, and also the monastic
orders.[XXX-34] For all that, the church had been struck blows from
which it never fully recovered. It is true that the masses still
cherished a portion of their former religious bigotry, but from year to
year it has been giving way to move liberal sentiments, and foreigners
never encountered any difficulty to remain on the score of religion,
so long as they respected the prejudices of the people.[XXX-35] The
shameless immorality of the priests has tended to develop a feeling
of indifference to religion, and to weaken the reverence formerly
felt toward its ministers. Being shielded by the fuero eclesiástico
from trial by the common courts, the clergy were practically exempt
from deserved punishment, provided they were submissive to their
superiors.[XXX-36] Superadded to which was the repeated interference
of the clergy in political affairs, which had been so baneful that
the people came to learn what was the proper orbit of church and state
respectively.

Archbishop Casaus died November 10, 1845, aged eighty years.[XXX-37]
During his absence, the archdiocese of Guatemala was in charge
of Francisco de Paula Pelaez, archbishop of Bostra in partibus
infidelium and coadjutor with right of succession, who became Casaus'
successor[XXX-38] and held the office till his death, on the 25th
of January, 1867.[XXX-39] The next occupant of the see was Bernardo
Piñol y Aycinena, late bishop of Nicaragua, from September 1868. The
expulsion by the provisional government, in 1871, of the jesuits,
together with the confiscation of their estates, and the apprehension
of further action against the clergy, prompted the archbishop and many
of his subjects to promote a counter-revolution; their plans failed,
and the archbishop, together with Mariano Ortiz y Urruela, bishop of
Teya in partibus infidelium, was expelled from the country; neither of
them ever returned.[XXX-40] The Guatemalans have been since without a
pastor.

[Sidenote: THE CHURCH STRIPPED.]

The government soon after concluded to adopt radical measures in order
to crush the power of the clergy,[XXX-41] which being accomplished, the
government has since provided for the support of public worship and of
the benevolent establishments. But freedom of conscience and of worship
is fully recognized and protected by law.[XXX-42]

Bishop Barranco occupied the see of Honduras from 1811 to 1819.[XXX-43]
It was then vacant until 1841, when Francisco de P. Campoy, a
Spaniard, was made bishop. The tithes were restored for the support
of the church; they amounted to a large sum, especially in Olancho.
Campoy's death occurred on the 24th of September, 1849.[XXX-44] The
next incumbent was Hipólito Casiano Flores, appointed in 1854, and
consecrated in 1855.

Since the abolition of the monastic orders by President Morazan in 1829
there have been no convents in Honduras.[XXX-45] The clergy are mostly
negroes, mulattoes or mestizos; their power for evil has been greatly
curtailed.[XXX-46] The authorities and people are neither intolerant
nor bigoted; on the contrary, they are very liberal in regard to
religion. Freedom of worship exists by law, but the catholic is the
religion of the state.[XXX-47]

The aristocrats, who in the early days of the Central American
confederation, opposed the creation of a bishopric in Salvador,
concluded, in 1842, upon its creation with a bishop who should uphold
their ideas. Jorge Viteri y Ungo went to Rome on this mission, and
its object was granted.[XXX-48] Viteri himself was made the first
bishop[XXX-49] and took possession of his office on the 25th of
September, 1843, after swearing allegiance to the state of Salvador.
His career has been detailed elsewhere, as well as the cause of
his banishment. After his departure the pope, at the request of the
Salvadoran government, made Tomás Miguel Pineda y Zaldaña, bishop of
Antígora, in partibus infidelium, guardian of the diocese, and upon
Viteri's translation to the see of Nicaragua, he became the real
bishop.[XXX-50] Zaldaña had troubles with the government, and left the
diocese, but after the overthrow of President Gerardo Barrios returned,
and ruled till his death on August 7, 1875.[XXX-51] His successor, José
Luis Cárcamo y Rodriguez is represented to be intolerant and hostile to
the supremacy of civil over ecclesiastical authority. However, freedom
of thought and of religion has existed in the country since 1872, and
in 1881 marriage was declared to be a civil contract.

The diocese of Nicaragua has had, from its creation till the present
time, 41 bishops, though only 37 have ruled over it.[XXX-52] It was
originally a suffragan of the archbishopric of Lima, but in 1743 was
transferred to that of Guatemala. Since the decree of 1829, suppressing
the monastic orders, there have been none in Nicaragua. There never was
any nunnery.[XXX-53]

The government allows for the support of the church a sum exceeding
$14,000 yearly.[XXX-54]

[Sidenote: CHURCH AND STATE.]

According to the national constitution, the Roman catholic is the
state religion, but there is no law against other creeds. Treaties
with foreign nations guarantee to their subjects or citizens the most
perfect religious liberty, and worship in private houses, chapels, etc.
They may also have their own cemeteries.[XXX-55] The relations between
church and state are held under a concordat with the holy see of August
29, 1862. Since then there have been dissensions, but they were settled
at Rome.[XXX-56] After several vain attempts, Costa Rica was finally
made a separate bishopric by a bull of Pius IX., dated March 1, 1850,
and since that time the see has been ruled by only two bishops.[XXX-57]

Under the concordat with the pope of October 2, 1882, the government
of Costa Rica is bound to make the church an allowance of $9,000
yearly,[XXX-58] but it has almost invariably paid more than double that
sum.[XXX-59]

The concordat places the clergy under restrictions. There exists in
Costa Rica but little bigotry, except in the lower people. In fact,
the educated classes merely acquiesce in the pretensions and formulas
of the church.[XXX-60] The most perfect freedom of religion exists,
and those not professing the catholic are protected in the exercise of
their own forms of worship.[XXX-61]

[Sidenote: INQUISITION ABOLISHED.]

Harmony had prevailed for years in the relations of the state with the
church, until Bishop Thiel and some of his priests undertook to assume
a superiority over the government. Their attempts failed. President
Fernandez expelled the bishop in August 1884,[XXX-62] and Vicar Antonio
C. Zamora, who took charge of the diocese, restored friendly relations.
After the death of President Fernandez, Bishop Thiel was recalled.

Before bringing the ecclesiastical subject to an end, I must add some
remarks on church affairs of the Isthmus of Panamá. The diocese of
the Isthmus has had, from its creation in 1514 till 1884, 45 bishops
appointed.[XXX-63]

The inquisition was abolished in 1821. The bishop and his clergy
were partly supported from the tithes, which at that time yielded
about $25,000 a year. The number of clergy was then 89 secular and
25 regular.[XXX-64] Panamá had been well provided with religious
buildings, most of which have since been completely ruined.[XXX-65]

There existed from the earliest days of the republic an intimate
alliance between the national government and the ecclesiastical
authorities, and they aided one another.[XXX-66] The clergy were quite
wealthy, possessing many valuable estates, and mortgages on almost all
the landed property in Colombia.[XXX-67] In the course of centuries the
church became, if not the sole owner, the co-owner of all estates. It
also derived a large revenue from first-fruits, tithes, fees, etc.

The republican government from a very early time understood that the
immense power wielded by the church was incompatible with the spirit
of the age, and began gradually, almost year by year, to curtail
it, and to loosen the ties formerly existing between the civil and
ecclesiastical authorities. In the decade from 1851 to 1860, the church
lost much of its political sway, but still held the powerful lever of
its great wealth. It was afterward deprived of that wealth, and its
much-abused power ceased. This occurred during the war begun in 1860
by the liberal party under General Mosquera against the conservatives,
in which the clergy took sides with the latter. Mosquera triumphed;
and his first measure was to destroy the power of the church. He
issued decrees confiscating its whole property.[XXX-68] That was, of
course, accompanied with banishments of bishops and priests.[XXX-69]
But afterward, when affairs became more settled, they returned poor
and submissive to live on fees for the ministration of religious
rites.[XXX-70] From all accounts the people had not lost much by the
absence of the priests. The clergy, taken all in all, did not deserve
any consideration, and with a few honorable exceptions, do not deserve
it now, for they have taken no pains to enlighten the masses, and their
discipline and morals have not been and are not exemplary.

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ CHURCH AFFAIRS.]

It was made unlawful to settle property on the church. Religious
communities, such as friars, or monks, nuns, etc., were strictly
forbidden.[XXX-71] Church and state have been since that time
independent of one another, but by law no person can become a bishop or
the guardian of a diocese who is not a native citizen of the republic.
All religious sects not indulging in immoral practices are recognized
and protected by the laws.[XXX-72] In Panamá the cemeteries are in
charge of a commission deriving its powers from the civil government.

CHAPTER XXXI.

JUDICIAL AND MILITARY.

1887.

JUDICIAL SYSTEM OF GUATEMALA—JURY TRIALS IN THE
SEVERAL STATES—COURTS OF HONDURAS—ABSENCE OF CODES
IN THE REPUBLIC—DILATORY JUSTICE—IMPUNITY OF CRIME IN
HONDURAS AND NICARAGUA—SALVADOR'S JUDICIARY—DILATORY
PROCEDURE—CODIFICATION OF LAWS IN NICARAGUA—COSTA
RICAN ADMINISTRATION—IMPROVED CODES—PANAMÁ COURTS—GOOD
CODES—PUNISHMENTS FOR CRIME IN THE SIX STATES—JAILS
AND PENITENTIARIES—MILITARY SERVICE—AVAILABLE FORCE OF
EACH STATE—HOW ORGANIZED—NAVAL—EXPENDITURES—MILITARY
SCHOOLS—IMPROVEMENTS.

During the Spanish rule the administration of justice in Central
America was vested in the real audiencia, composed of a regente,
several oidores, a fiscal, and secretary, the governor, captain-general
of the provinces, being ex-officio the president. The courts of first
resort were filled by alcaldes mayores.[XXXI-1]

One great step taken early in the nineteenth century was the abolition
of torture of prisoners and witnesses.[XXXI-2] The córtes had
previously, in September 1813, decreed the abolishment of flogging for
crime, or in houses of correction, seminaries, schools, etc.[XXXI-3]

Soon after the establishment of the Central American confederation,
the national constituent assembly organized a supreme court of justice
for the state of Guatemala. Since the dissolution of the confederation,
the judicial system of the several states has undergone many changes,
which it would occupy too much space to detail here.[XXXI-4] I will
therefore confine myself to the present organizations, giving such
other particulars as are of general interest.

[Sidenote: PRESENT JUDICIAL SYSTEM.]

In Guatemala the administration of justice is intrusted to a supreme
court, four chambers or sections of second resort in the capital, and
one court of second resort in Quezaltenango.[XXXI-5] There are also
courts of first resort and lower courts for the adjudication of petty
civil cases, or the correction of trivial offences. The jury system was
formally established by the liberal government in 1872.[XXXI-6]

The legislature, recognizing the necessity of amending the existing
codes, authorized the executive to issue laws conducive thereto,
which was done.[XXXI-7] The government has caused the construction
of two penitentiaries, one in the city of Guatemala, and the other in
Quezaltenango.[XXXI-8]

Under the late organization justice is administered with fair
regularity and promptness.[XXXI-9] During Barrios' rule an efficient
police was organized in the capital.

In Honduras the absence of a penal code caused delays in the
prosecution of criminals, and there being no good jails or prisons,
their offences often went unwhipped of justice.[XXXI-10] Hence the
numerous robbers and assassins then infesting the frontiers. However,
we are assured that in the well-settled portions of the country life
and property were secure. Capital punishment being abolished by
the constitution, the severest punishment that could be inflicted
was that of 500 blows with a heavy withe of the consistency of
India-rubber.[XXXI-11]

The government in 1876 and succeeding years introduced reforms in the
police department. The political disturbances, which had nullified the
action of the courts, being now at an end, the supreme and lower courts
were at once reorganized, and permitted to exercise their functions.
But the non-existence of suitable penal establishments, and the
antiquated legislation, were powerful drawbacks. The minister-general
was directed by the president to procure the best works on legislation,
and the most noted codes on civil and criminal matters, as well as
on mining, commerce, etc., with the view of placing the materials in
the hands of competent persons, who were to form codes suited to the
requirements of the country.[XXXI-12] Such work demands careful study,
and time to accomplish it. I am not aware that it is even commenced.

[Sidenote: SALVADOR AND NICARAGUA.]

The laws of Salvador were codified in 1875.[XXXI-13] The judiciary is
vested in a supreme court, tribunals, juries,[XXXI-14] and inferior
judges established by the constitution and the laws.[XXXI-15]
The president in his message of 1878 to congress stated that the
administration of justice was not yet as expeditious as it should
be, owing chiefly to confusion in the laws, to obviate which he had
appointed commissioners to study them, and introduce harmony in the
legislation.[XXXI-16] During the year 1878 the chamber of third resort
issued 188 decisions, comprising final sentences and decrees in civil
and criminal causes.[XXXI-17]

The administration of justice in Nicaragua is vested in a supreme
court and a variety of lower courts.[XXXI-18] The supreme court is
divided into two sections, one residing at Leon, and the other at
Granada.[XXXI-19] The alcalde of each town has cognizance of civil
cases not exceeding $100 in value, and of simple infractions of police
ordinances. Cases of greater importance must go before the judge of
first resort.[XXXI-20]

The laws have never been collected and revised to form one body of
legislation. The only ones published, to my knowledge, are the code of
commerce, on March 12, 1869; the civil code, on March 31, 1871; that
of civil procedure, in May 1871; and lastly, the laws on hacienda, in
1872.[XXXI-21] The executive in his message of 1871 complained that
the legislation was defective, and that it was almost impossible to
terminate suits at law.[XXXI-22] In criminal causes the constitution
enjoined the greatest precautions and restrictions for inflicting the
death penalty, which was by shooting the prisoner. But that penalty
was finally abolished on the 31st of March, 1873.[XXXI-23] Trial
by jury for grave offences was established on the 31st of March,
1871. Punishments for other offences are, under the penal code of
1839,[XXXI-24] detention for a long or short term, with or without
pecuniary fines, in chains or without them, and with hard labor,
or none. Women sentenced for serious crime are made to work in the
hospitals. Incorrigible criminals of the male sex may be sentenced to
receive a number of blows on the bare back, even as many as 500, as
elsewhere.[XXXI-25]

The number of criminal prosecutions initiated from December 1, 1880,
to Nov. 30, 1882, throughout the republic, were 1,976 of men and 161 of
women, a total of 2,137.[XXXI-26]

[Sidenote: COSTA RICA JUDICIARY.]

Costa Rica, as soon as she became a member of the Central American
confederation, organized a judiciary of her own, consisting of a
superior court, several tribunals of first resort in the provinces,
and the alcaldes of towns, who were justices of the peace, with
jurisdiction over petty affairs both civil and criminal. The supreme
court has since undergone many changes, which would occupy too much
space to detail. Its members have been sometimes appointed by the
executive, and at others chosen by the people or the legislative
body.[XXXI-27] At present, they are elective, the court being formed
with the following personnel: president of the full court, presidents
of the first and second sections, six justices, secretary, and the
requisite clerks, etc.[XXXI-28] The administration of justice in the
first instance is vested in courts sitting in each province, and
having civil and criminal jurisdiction, except in the province of
San José, which has a civil and a criminal court, distinct from one
another.[XXXI-29]

Costa Rica adopted in or about 1841 a civil and penal code, and
likewise a code of procedure, with which she rid herself of the old
cumbersome and expensive legislation.[XXXI-30] But nothing was done
toward improving this work. Indeed, the administration of justice
in Costa Rica is not what it should be, not for lack of honesty,
ability, or laboriousness on the part of the courts, but because
of the antiquated and inadequate civil legislation and mode of
procedure.[XXXI-31]

The government, after obtaining the authorization of the national
congress, appointed a commission to form new codes.[XXXI-32] No
difficulties were apprehended in regard to the civil code; but the
penal code, involving the manner of dealing with criminals, has
required a more careful study, with the view of abandoning the old
vindictive system.[XXXI-33]

Under the new penal code there were to be three separate presidios
for different grades of criminals; but owing to scarcity of funds
only two were established, one on Coco Island, and the other on San
Lúcas.[XXXI-34] But later, under an executive order of November 6,
1882, the prisoners on Coco were removed to San Lúcas, and thus were
the three presidios which should have been separate merged into one.

Under the latest constitution of the state of Panamá, the judiciary
was comprised of the following: a superior court in the state
capital;[XXXI-35] one district court for civil and one for criminal
affairs in the same city; in the other departments the district judge
has jurisdiction over civil and criminal causes. In each ward of the
capital there is an alcalde, and in the country a regidor for each
canton.[XXXI-36]

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ MATTERS.]

A penal code was adopted by the constituent assembly in July 1863,
under which capital punishment was abolished, and the highest penalty
established was that of ten years in chains with hard labor.[XXXI-37]
A contract was entered into with Justo Arosemena in 1868 to revise
some codes and form others,[XXXI-38] and in general to codify all
existing laws. The contract was fully carried out, and the state became
possessed of a full and well-arranged system of legislation.

Of the criminal prosecutions initiated in 1876 only thirteen per centum
resulted in convictions, which elicited from the government secretary
some deprecatory remarks.[XXXI-39] The state had in 1880 an organized
body of police of a little over forty men including the officers. The
men are armed with a club, and on extraordinary occasions with carbines
or rifles.[XXXI-40] The prison arrangements have nothing to commend
them.[XXXI-41]

* * * * *

In regard to the military department of the Isthmus, hardly anything
can be said with certainty. It might possibly, in an emergency,
keep under arms 3,000 or 4,000 men for a short period. The force
in active service has varied with circumstances from 400 or 500 to
75.[XXXI-42] The number of commissioned officers has ever been large,
and not a few of them received pay without rendering any service worth
mentioning.[XXXI-43] The general government of Colombia usually keeps
a force of its own, varying between 150 and 500 men, with the double
object of guarding the transit from interruption, and of controlling
the political situation.

The available military force of Costa Rica for active service is close
upon 15,000 men, to which must be added a reserve of nearly 6,000,
the national guard of about 3,500, and the field and company officers
numbering 2,485. The garrisons of San José, Cartago, Heredia, Alajuela,
Liberia, and Puntarenas in 1883 aggregated less than 500, including
officers, and 85 musicians, a reduction of 128 from the preceding
year.[XXXI-44] The garrison formerly kept at the president's house
was suppressed. Schools exist for instructing the militia officers.
A good supply of arms, ammunition, and other war material is kept in
serviceable condition.[XXXI-45] Costa Rica formerly had a navy of three
steam vessels and one schooner. The latter is all she has now, besides
two small steamers used for the protection of the revenue.

[Sidenote: ARMY AND NAVY.]

In Nicaragua the army continued in the biennial period of 1881-2, as
formerly organized, in three divisions of 3,200 men each, which might
easily be increased, but that number was deemed sufficient to cover the
garrisons.[XXXI-46] The republic is provided with artillery and other
arms, as well as with the requisite ammunition. Invalided men, and
widows and orphans of the soldiers, receive pensions.[XXXI-47]

Nicaragua may in the course of time become a maritime nation. At
present there is no Nicaraguan navy. The naval service is reduced to
the mere police of the ports of San Juan del Norte, San Juan del Sur,
and Corinto.

Honduras has but a small number of men under arms in time of peace, but
all male citizens from 18 to 50 years must do military service in time
of war.[XXXI-48]

The men do not make a fine display, but will march from 50 to 60 miles
a day with no other food than a plantain and a little cheese, and when
well officered, will fight desperately.

The government has had it in contemplation to introduce some order in
the service, and to develop a sentiment of respect and appreciation
of the military profession; but I am not aware that any change for
the better has taken place. Honduras has forts at Omoa and Trujillo,
the same which existed in the Spanish domination; they could offer
resistance to scarcely any force bombarding them from the sea.

The government of Salvador, in May 1879, ordered a complete
reorganization of the army, fixing its force at 20,000 men in four
divisions,[XXXI-49] whose commander-in-chief should be the president of
the republic,[XXXI-50] who allowed himself four aides-de-camp of the
rank of colonel, four of the grade of lieutenant-colonel, and eight
others from captains to sub-lieutenants. The term of military service
was fixed at six years, each man being credited with double time for
active service. The cost of the force doing garrison duty, which in
1876 had been fixed at 1,427 men—exclusive of the general staff, other
officers of all grades, and two music bands—was computed at $31,788 per
month.[XXXI-51]

An act of congress of January 1877 suppressed pensions of officials on
retiring from service, and extended the rule to military men having
means of their own for support. The retired pension was to be paid
only to destitute ones, and in no case was it to exceed fifty dollars
a month.[XXXI-52] A new military code was promulgated on the 1st of
January, 1880.[XXXI-53]

In Guatemala military service is required of every male citizen of the
ages of 18 to 50, excepting Indians, priests, 'students,' and those who
pay fifty dollars a year for exemption.[XXXI-54] The strength of the
army is estimated at 16,000, but there is no doubt that a larger force
can be raised when needed. The following are the grades of commissioned
officers in the service: generals of division and of brigade,[XXXI-55]
colonel, lieutenant-colonel, first and second comandantes, captain,
lieutenant, and sub-lieutenant.[XXXI-56]

[Sidenote: GUATEMALA AFFAIRS.]

The government of President Barrios labored assiduously in providing
the country with a well-disciplined militia, having competent
officers, as well as with the other necessary elements of a perfectly
organized army. The military school has already furnished useful
officers.[XXXI-57] The ranks are filled without dragging men from
their usual vocations; garrisons are frequently relieved, the active
service being distributed among the several departments. Citizens have
since looked on the profession as one of honor and glory, instead of
shunning it as in former times.[XXXI-58] A well-provided hospital was
established in the capital, which went into operation on March 15,
1881.[XXXI-59]

The expenditures of the war department for the fiscal year 1883 were
$1,031,501.[XXXI-60]

CHAPTER XXXII.

INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS.

1800-1887.

EARLY AGRICULTURE—PROTECTION OF THE INDUSTRY—GREAT PROGRESS
ATTAINED—COMMUNAL LANDS—AGRICULTURAL WEALTH—DECAY OF
COCHINEAL—DEVELOPMENT OF OTHER STAPLES—INDIGO, COFFEE, SUGAR,
CACAO, AND TOBACCO—FOOD AND OTHER PRODUCTS—PRECIOUS WOODS
AND MEDICINAL PLANTS—LIVE-STOCK—VALUE OF ANNUAL PRODUCTION
IN EACH STATE—NATURAL PRODUCTS OF PANAMÁ—NEGLECT OF
AGRICULTURE—MINERAL WEALTH—YIELD OF PRECIOUS METALS—MINING IN
HONDURAS, SALVADOR, AND NICARAGUA—DEPOSITS OF GUATEMALA AND
COSTA RICA—MINTS—FORMER YIELD OF PANAMÁ—MINING NEGLECTED ON
THE ISTHMUS—INCIPIENCY OF MANUFACTURES—PRODUCTS FOR DOMESTIC
USE.

In the early part of the present century cattle were the mainstay
of the large estates in Central America; but the great staple was
indigo.[XXXII-1] Sugar and raspadura were also important crops, but the
most valuable was that of Indian corn. Some tobacco was also grown. The
cacao plantations had ceased to exist. The cultivation of jiquilite,
cochineal, and vanilla had also declined.[XXXII-2]

[Sidenote: GUATEMALA PLANTATIONS.]

Guatemala passed, from time to time, laws for the protection and
development of agriculture,[XXXII-3] and yet it made no notable
progress down to the end of the seventh decade.[XXXII-4] But
with the establishment of a more liberal system, a great change
soon became manifest. The cultivation of cochineal having become
unproductive,[XXXII-5] the government turned its attention to the
development of coffee,[XXXII-6] until it became the first source of
wealth of the country. In Antigua Guatemala coffee, and in Amatitlan
sugar, have taken the place of cochineal.[XXXII-7] Every possible
encouragement has been given to other products, such as sugar, wheat,
tobacco, cinchona, jiquilite, spices, and grapes, with good results in
some of them, and prospects of the same in others.[XXXII-8] I give in
note statistical data on the country's productions.[XXXII-9]

Honduras produces all the great staples of the tropics. The land on
both coasts is adapted for cotton.[XXXII-10] A soft, slender, and juicy
sugar-cane is indigenous; two and even three crops are taken annually.
This cane requires replanting only once in ten or twelve years.
Excellent coffee may be had in abundance if cultivated. Cochineal and
grapes were obtained in former years.[XXXII-11] The nopal is indigenous
and abundant in Comayagua. The tobacco of Honduras has a well-deserved
reputation. Indigo is produced in quantities for commercial purposes.
Food staples are varied and abundant. The country has also a wealth of
precious woods, and indeed, of every variety common to the tropics. Of
fruit-trees, there are many indigenous. Sarsaparilla, of which there
is none superior, is found in abundance, particularly on the northern
and eastern coasts. Vanilla grows in the same districts.[XXXII-12]
Agriculture is progressing. The cultivation of fruit-trees on the
northern coast has drawn the attention of capitalists. Coffee, indigo,
sugar-cane, and tobacco are the chief staples. Neat cattle were the
most obvious source of wealth, the interior country being favorable for
their increase.[XXXII-13]

Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica enjoy the same advantages as
the other two states already described, and have within the last
thirty years developed agriculture in a remarkable degree. The great
products of the first named are indigo, coffee, maize, sugar, and
rice. A variety of other articles contribute to increase the country's
wealth.[XXXII-14] The old system of communal lands prevails throughout
Central America.

The chief staples of Nicaragua are cacao, sugar, indigo, tobacco,
cotton, coffee, wheat, and other cereals, and plantains and fruits in
great profusion.[XXXII-15] The departments of Rivas, Granada, Leon, and
Chinandega supply trade with the most valuable staples. The government
has endeavored to promote agriculture, particularly the cultivation of
coffee and tobacco.[XXXII-16] Among other productions mention must be
made of the inexhaustible quantities of medicinal plants, and valuable
cabinet and dye woods.[XXXII-17] Cattle are another source of wealth,
but cattle-raising has its drawbacks.[XXXII-18]

[Sidenote: COSTA RICA AND PANAMÁ.]

Costa Rica produces indigo and sugar of excellent quality, and some
of the best cacao in the Matina Valley.[XXXII-19] Wheat, potatoes,
and other vegetables, apples, and other fruits of the temperate zone
are also found; but the republic's chief staple and source of wealth
is coffee.[XXXII-20] The plantations are small and looked to with the
utmost care. The largest one of Costa Rica would be considered small
in Guatemala; but on the other hand, men and women find occupation,
and there is no actual poverty. The production of coffee has steadily
increased, except when rains have been scanty or excessive, or locusts
have caused devastation in the fields.[XXXII-21]

Fiscal monopolies have kept back, in a great measure, the development
of the cultivation of sugar and tobacco.[XXXII-22] The country is well
supplied with livestock of all kinds, and is also rich in valuable
cabinet and dye woods as well as in medicinal plants.

The soil of the Isthmus of Panamá is well adapted for all tropical
productions. The country only needs an industrious population and peace
to develop its immense natural wealth. The chief productions are Indian
corn, sugar-cane, rice, a great variety of fruits, vegetables, and
nutritious roots, such as yam, yucca, etc. Agriculture has been limited
to the supply of edibles, and of late years to the shipment of some
fruit to the United States. The cultivation of sugar and coffee might
be made profitable, though requiring a large outlay, but for being
dependent on an uncertain supply of labor. In 1862 and 1863, cotton
culture was undertaken in the interior with fair success, and in 1864
had spread all over the country.[XXXII-23] The plant is perennial, and
yet, with this and other advantages, the natives have not become awake
to the importance of it. Cacao is another article that might be grown
to advantage. The government has tried to promote the culture of coffee
and cacao.[XXXII-24]

Coffee and sugar are cultivated, but not in sufficient quantity to
meet even the home demand. I append in a note an official account
of agricultural production for 1882, though not giving it much
value.[XXXII-25]

[Sidenote: VERAGUA AND CHIRIQUÍ.]

Veragua and Chiriquí have good plains for raising neat cattle, goats,
pigs, horses, asses, and mules.[XXXII-26] Poultry, and a great variety
of wild animals exist in abundance. The seas on the two coasts are well
stocked with fish.

The Isthmus has plenty of timber of the best kinds and of enormous
size, found in South Darien, and in all the mountains on both
coasts, and in the islands; also cabinet and dye woods, and medicinal
plants.[XXXII-27]

* * * * *

Of the five states of Central America, Honduras appears to be the
most plentifully supplied with mineral wealth. Mount Merendon was
long celebrated for its silver and gold mines. Until about thirty or
forty years ago, mining was the most prominent interest in the state,
but wars and political disturbances caused the abandonment of the
mines, and the works fell into decay, after which there was neither
enterprise, capital, nor skill to restore them. The owners of the
property afterward became owners of immense grazing estates. Some mines
were continued in operation, however, on a small scale, and in a rude
manner.[XXXII-28] In 1860 and for some preceding years the bullion
export of Honduras amounted to about $400,000 annually, most of it
being gold collected by the Indians from shallow washings.

[Sidenote: MINERALS AND METALS.]

The development of the mining wealth of Honduras is engaging the
attention of foreign capitalists.[XXXII-29] Several companies have
been organized in the United States, France, and elsewhere to work the
mines in the departments of Tegucigalpa, Santa Bárbara, Yuscaran, and
Jutigalpa.[XXXII-30]

Guatemala has not been noted for mines. However, the district in the
Alotepec mountains was rich toward the latter part of the eighteenth
century, yielding large quantities of silver.[XXXII-31] The river sands
of the department of Chiquimula are auriferous, and the Indians wash
them for gold.[XXXII-32] Recently several deposits have been reported
to the government, of lead, silver, gold, cinnabar, coal, kaoline,
marble, etc.[XXXII-33]

Nicaragua possesses an immense wealth in minerals, which has not been
developed as yet, except on a small scale, and generally, without any
intelligence. Gold and silver and several useful metals are found in
great abundance.[XXXII-34] There are also deposits of gypsum, marble,
alabaster, lime, saltpetre, etc. Sulphur is sometimes found pure. The
mining laws favor the industry by either natives or foreigners. A mint
has existed in the republic for several years.[XXXII-35]

In Salvador there can be no mines of precious metals out of that
portion of the state which is geologically dependent on the mountain
system of Honduras. The silver mines of Tabanco, Encuentros, Sociedad,
Loma Larga, Divisaderos, Capetilla, Santa Rosalía, etc., in the
department of San Miguel, on the north-eastern part, and bordering on
Honduras, have had a wide celebrity. Some of them were extensively
worked, and with great profit. The group called Minas de Tabanco,
holding the ore in combination with galena and sulphuret of zinc, are
easily worked.[XXXII-36]

Salvador has rich mines of iron near Santa Ana, and of brown coal
throughout the valley of the Lempa, and in the valleys of some
of its tributaries, over a region of 100 miles long by 20 miles
broad.[XXXII-37]

Costa Rica has been less favored than the other states in mining
wealth. Rich gold mines are supposed to exist near the border of
Panamá.[XXXII-38] In the Aguiate Mountains and at cuesta del Jocote
gold mines were worked by foreigners with a moderate profit. It
is stated that the country also possesses mines of silver, copper,
nickel, zinc, iron, lead, and coal.[XXXII-39] The republic keeps a
well-organized mint, the improvements having been first introduced
by Chief Mora; since then none of his successors has neglected that
establishment.

[Sidenote: YIELD OF PRECIOUS METALS.]

The yield of gold and silver of the five states of Central America
for the years 1804-1868 is estimated at $13,800,000 of the former, and
$7,400,000 of the latter, making a total of $21,200,000.[XXXII-40] The
yearly supply since has been roughly calculated at $300,000 in gold,
and $200,000 in silver.[XXXII-41]

The Isthmus is reputed to have a great mineral wealth. The mines of
Darien have been renowned from the earliest times after the conquest.
Vasco Nuñez de Balboa speaks enthusiastically of them.[XXXII-42] They
were not worked till the second half of the seventeenth century.
The richest of them were those of Santa Cruz de Cana, where of the
Espíritu Santo was the chief.[XXXII-43] In 1708 the king's fifths
were equivalent to $216,500. The mines had attained a high state of
prosperity, when an end was put thereto by the Indian revolt in 1726
and 1727.[XXXII-44] Since then, though the mines have been granted
from time to time to several parties, nothing has been done worth
mentioning.[XXXII-45] It is believed that the yield of these mines had
reached 18,000 to 20,000 pounds of gold yearly.[XXXII-46]

According to a report addressed to the Colombian secretary of the
treasury, and published in the Diario Oficial at Bogotá, the whole
production of gold and silver in New Granada or Colombia, from 1537
to 1800 was $414,000,000, and from 1801 to 1882, it was $216,000,000;
total, $630,000,000,[XXXII-47] of which amount $74,000,000 is credited
to the Isthmus of Panamá, four millions of them being the yield of the
present century. Cinnabar and manganese are reported to exist on the
Isthmus, and coal in Chiriquí, Bocas del Toro, and the bottom of Colon
harbor.[XXXII-48]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: MANUFACTURES.]

Manufacturers are as yet in their infancy in Central America.[XXXII-49]
Since the separation from Spain, every inducement has been offered to
develop them, and more especially after the change of governmental
régime of 1871.[XXXII-50] In later times we find in Quezaltenango
good factories for spinning and weaving textiles. In Chiquimula they
manufacture palm-leaf hats, mats, and maguey-fibre baskets. In Vera
Paz the natives make excellent hammocks, bags, rope, etc. But the fact
stands officially acknowledged that Guatemala has not made a sufficient
advancement to enable her to export any manufactures, or even to
compete in her own markets with the better and cheaper productions of
other countries.[XXXII-51]

In Honduras manufactures are at a low ebb, owing to the condition
of affairs before and after her independence, not less than to the
composition of her people.

There are in Salvador several factories at which cotton and silk
rebozos are made, which meet with easy sale in all the Central American
markets.[XXXII-52] Hammocks, earthen-ware, straw hats, cigarettes,
sweetmeats, etc., are manufactured. Rum is made, as in Guatemala, from
sugar-cane.

In Nicaragua mechanics are scarce. Manufacturing is yet in the
incipient state.[XXXII-53] However, the Indians make excellent pottery
and other articles for home consumption.[XXXII-54]

In Costa Rica there is hardly any domestic manufacturing.[XXXII-55]
Efforts are made by the government to develop the industry.[XXXII-56]

As regards Panamá, it may be said that manufactures are almost unknown,
save such as are imported.[XXXII-57]

CHAPTER XXXIII.

COMMERCE AND FINANCE.

1801-1887.

EARLY STATE OF TRADE—CONTINUED STAGNATION AFTER
INDEPENDENCE—STEAM ON THE COASTS—ITS BENEFICIAL
EFFECTS—VARIETY OF STAPLES—PORTS OF ENTRY AND
TARIFFS—IMPORTS AND EXPORTS—FAIRS—ACCESSORY TRANSIT
COMPANY—INTERNAL NAVIGATION—HIGHWAYS—MONEY—BANKING—POSTAL
SERVICE—PANAMÁ RAILWAY TRAFFIC—LOCAL TRADE OF THE
ISTHMUS—PEARL FISHERY—COLONIAL REVENUE IN FINANCES OF THE
FEDERATION—SOURCES OF REVENUE OF EACH STATE—THEIR RECEIPTS
AND EXPENDITURES—FOREIGN AND INTERNAL DEBTS.

During the first years of the present century, toward the end of
the Spanish domination, after many restrictions to trade had been
removed, and Central America had obtained leave to traffic direct with
Mexico and other Spanish American colonies, there were only 30 or 35
mercantile houses throughout the country. Merchandise to the value of
one million dollars was yearly imported from Spain through the bay of
Honduras. The returns were chiefly in indigo, coin, and bullion. There
was some trade also with Peru and Cuba.[XXXIII-1] Smuggling was carried
on quite freely, even the officers of the revenue cutters taking a hand
in it. The large amount of goods thus imported caused a drainage of
specie.[XXXIII-2]

[Sidenote: FOREIGN TRADE DATA.]

[Sidenote: FAIRS AND IMMIGRATION.]

After the separation from Spain, there was little commerce for many
years,[XXXIII-3] until the construction of the railway across the
Isthmus, and the establishment of a line of steamers making periodical
visits at the several Central American ports on the Pacific coast,
afforded facilities for the development of both agriculture and foreign
trade,[XXXIII-4] which under liberal legislation has since assumed
large proportions, commerce being free with all friendly powers. In a
note[XXXIII-5] are given copious data on the foreign trade of each of
the five republics, showing an invariable balance in their favor, which
steadily increased their wealth. As to internal trade, there is very
little to say. The several republics have regularly established fairs,
which are attended by those wishing to purchase national or foreign
products or manufactures.[XXXIII-6]

The republics, having special facilities for internal navigation,
endeavored to make them available. Guatemala granted privileges with
the view of having a steam line established between the fluvial port
of Panzós and Livingston, and also on Lake Amatitlan. In Nicaragua,
under a contract entered into on the 22d of September, 1849, and
amended April 11, 1850, between the government and an American company,
transit was formally established between the two oceans, by way of Lake
Nicaragua.[XXXIII-7] The American Accessory Transit Company, as it was
called, went into active operation and carried thousands of passengers
to and from California.[XXXIII-8] The first interoceanic trip was made
in August 1852, and the service continued successfully until February
18, 1856, when it was suddenly closed, and the company's charter
was revoked by the government of Rivas, at the dictation of William
Walker.[XXXIII-9] The transit continued for a time under Walker's
control, mainly to furnish his army with recruits, until the steamers
fell into the hands of his enemies.[XXXIII-10] Navigation on San Juan
River and Granada Lake was regulated in June 1861. In 1868 a convention
was concluded between Nicaragua and Costa Rica for the navigation of
the rivers San Juan and Colorado. In 1870 a contract was made with
Hollenbeck and his associates for steam navigation on Lake Granada, and
it was inaugurated in 1872.[XXXIII-11]

[Sidenote: ROADS AND CURRENCY.]

The national highways of Costa Rica are not all in the best condition,
which is due to the destructive force of the winter rains. The
government, however, endeavors to render them serviceable. In
Nicaragua, the public roads, prior to the construction of railways,
were only fit for mule travel, except at short distances from towns,
which wagons could traverse. In the rainy season they were impassable,
owing either to mud or swollen streams. The same is to be said
respecting those of Honduras. Much has been successfully accomplished
in late years in the improvement of roads and construction of bridges.
Salvador appropriated in 1876 funds for macadamizing the public
highways. Guatemala is well provided with roads and bridges, and
derives a considerable revenue from tolls to keep them in repair, and
to construct new ones.[XXXIII-12] Railways and telegraphs are treated
of elsewhere.

The monetary unit of Costa Rica is the peso of one hundred centavos,
with 25 grammes of silver of the standard of 0.900. The government mint
coins gold, silver, and copper.[XXXIII-13]

Gold coin became very scarce in Nicaragua. There was no copper, and
the smallest of silver was the half-real. Gold coins of the United
States, Great Britain, and France, and the silver money of those
countries, Switzerland, Belgium, Mexico, Peru, and Spain, were current
for their full value.[XXXIII-14] In Salvador nearly all foreign coins
were received for their face value. In Honduras the currency was
much vitiated by the introduction of the moneda provisional—copper
slightly alloyed with silver—of the denominations of quarter and
half dollars, of which probably $1,500,000, nominal value, went into
circulation since 1839.[XXXIII-15] Besides this coin there has been in
circulation the cut money of the old kingdom, a portion of the Honduras
government's own coinage, and that of the federal republic; all of
which, together with English and American coins, make up the bulk of
money in circulation.[XXXIII-16] In a decree of September 21, 1870,
the government of Guatemala endeavored to introduce in its coinage the
decimal system, recognizing the peso as the unit.[XXXIII-17] Another
law of November 15, 1878, provided for the coinage of gold pieces of
1, 2, 5, 10, and 20 pesos, and silver pieces of 8, 4, and 2 reales,
and half and quarter reales.[XXXIII-18] Foreign coins circulated at the
rates fixed by the government.[XXXIII-19] There have been banks in most
of the states of Central America for a number of years, several being
now in successful operation.[XXXIII-20]

[Sidenote: BANKS AND MAILS]

The states of Central America, including the Isthmus of Panamá,
maintain communications by mail, not only with one another, but
likewise with other nations of Europe and America, and through them
with the rest of the world.[XXXIII-21] The several republics use their
best endeavors to perfect the internal mail service.[XXXIII-22] They
pay subsidies to steamship companies for bringing and carrying their
mails, and are members of the Universal Postal Union.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: ISTHMUS TRAFFIC.]

The discovery of gold in California, as is well known, restored
life to the Isthmus of Panamá. In December 1849, the first emigrants
went across, bound for the new El Dorado. In 1850 there was a large
travel,[XXXIII-23] notwithstanding innumerable difficulties and
discomforts. After the construction of the railway the traffic over it
still increased; most of it was in transitu, but the local trade was
not insignificant.[XXXIII-24] The note at foot contains data mainly
procured from official sources on the amount of transportation from the
earliest days of the opening of the road to a recent date.[XXXIII-25]
It will be noticed that in the latter part of the sixth decade of
this century the transit traffic through the Isthmus became greatly
diminished. This was mainly due to the construction of the overland
railway to the Pacific in the United States, and to the establishment
of a British line of large and fleet steamers running from Europe to
ports in the south Pacific through the straits of Magellan, affording
advantages over the Panamá railroad transportation.

The transportation of passengers and merchandise to and from the
Isthmus has been mainly effected by steamship lines—American and
British during the first fourteen or fifteen years, to which were
subsequently added those of a French company; and still later those of
a German one.[XXXIII-26]

[Sidenote: GOLD AND THE ISTHMUS CANAL.]

The Isthmus traffic, from the earliest days of Spanish occupation
of South America, was carried on by pack-mules at excessive
rates.[XXXIII-27] In the early part of this century, the condition
of trade being unsatisfactory, reforms were loudly called for by
both Spaniards and Americans.[XXXIII-28] A brisk contraband trade
was constantly going on.[XXXIII-29] After the war of independence,
the traffic between Spain and South America ceased. In 1825-30 trade
was at a low ebb.[XXXIII-30] With the view of fostering it, the New
Granadan government, in 1847, decreed the suppression of custom-houses
at Panamá, Portobello, and Chagres.[XXXIII-31] I refer elsewhere to
the great improvement wrought by the influx of travellers consequent
upon the discovery of gold in California. The amount of business done
in providing conveyances, accommodations, and supplies of all kinds for
passengers was very large, and money became quite abundant. The opening
of the railway in 1855 paralyzed the local trade.[XXXIII-32]

The local trade of the Isthmus in 1865 is set down to have been
$350,000 to $400,000 of imports, and between $500,000 and $600,000 of
exports.[XXXIII-33] With a few exceptions, the chief trade in foreign
goods is carried on by foreigners, most of whom deal in almost every
kind of merchandise; the United States furnishing the greater part of
the provisions, and other commodities. With the works on the canal,
and the large increase of population, the local trade became greatly
augmented. Weights and measures and money were based on the French
decimal system.[XXXIII-34] All kinds of money were current. American
coin generally commanded a high premium. Bank notes or paper currency
of any kind could be easily passed.[XXXIII-35] Small silver coin was
generally scarce, and there was no copper currency. There were no
banks of issue, though some merchants did a banking business. Bills of
exchange on England usually commanded a premium. Those on France were
about par. The canal company sells exchange, receiving the existing
currency in payment.

The Pearl Islands, comprising sixteen islands and numerous rocks, had
a population of about 2,000 souls, about 700 of whom were engaged six
months of the year in pearl fishing, which yielded about 1,000 tons
of pearl shells valued at $70 per ton, and pearls enough to raise the
value of both to $300,000 yearly. This industry had almost ceased to
exist in 1873, owing to recklessness. Fishing for pearl oysters was
forbidden by law on the 7th of May, 1872, for the term of five years,
in order to allow the mollusk time to renew its vitality, which was
in danger of destruction; but so far the measure has had no visibly
good effects, and the fishery has not been revived. Pearl fishing was
carried on with success by the Indians of Costa Rica on the coast of
Nicoya, the shell being an established article of export.[XXXIII-36]
Pearl oysters are also found near the south of Caroon Island, but yield
so few pearls as to make it unprofitable to search for them.[XXXIII-37]

[Sidenote: REVENUE AND DEBT.]

As to finances prior to the separation from the mother country, and the
disruption of the Central American confederacy, it can scarcely be said
that the country had any.

A sketch of the revenue of the so-called reino de Guatemala, made
in 1818 for the five years 1817-1821,[XXXIII-38] shows the various
sources. The ordinary imposts yielded 462,944 pesos, and the special
256,975 pesos, making an aggregate of 719,919 pesos.[XXXIII-39] The
scale of expenditure to the day of independence had been kept down;
financial wants being few, the needed resources were easily collected,
and did not weigh heavily on the people. The ruin of the treasury began
in 1821, but was not felt till later, during the period Central America
was harnessed to the Mexican empire.[XXXIII-40]

On the 2d of July, 1822, the congress of the Provincias Unidas de
Centro América decreed the recognition of the public debt. In December
1824, the government, duly authorized by congress, contracted a loan
with Barclay, Herring, Richardson, and Company, of London,[XXXIII-41]
recognizing an indebtedness of $7,142,857, and the receipt of a
net sum of about $5,000,000.[XXXIII-42] The banking house agreed to
advance $200,000 at the end of two months, and $150,000 at the end
of seven and nine respectively. To make the story short, the federal
government received only $328,316, notwithstanding which its debt had
risen in the early part of 1830 to one million dollars.[XXXIII-43]
After the dissolution of the Central American union, the several
states assumed a share of the foreign debt, and adopted measures to
provide their governments with means to cover their expenses. Most of
them depended chiefly on receipts from customs, and the monopoly of
spirituous liquors and tobacco, stamped paper, excise, and a few other
sources.[XXXIII-44]

The gross receipts for the fiscal year 1883, including a balance of
$104,327 on hand from the preceding year, were $6,728,607.[XXXIII-45]
The expenditures amounted to $6,613,607, of which $3,027,511 was
the actual expenses of administration, and $3,586,096 went toward
extinguishing the internal debt.[XXXIII-46]

[Sidenote: GUATEMALA INDEBTEDNESS.]

The indebtedness of Guatemala at the end of 1883 was as follows:
Internal, including interest, $4,257,631. It is understood that on the
30th of September, 1885, it was estimated at $6,138,000.[XXXIII-47]
The foreign debt resulted from the loan made in March 1869, in London,
for the nominal sum of £500,000 at 6 per cent annually, and 3 per cent
for a sinking fund.[XXXIII-48] The government remitted to London from
1870 to 1876, on account of that debt, for interest and sinking fund,
$1,377,000, which was somewhat more than it had received. No further
payments were made after October 1876. Consequently, at the end of 1885
the nation was owing, on account of that loan, £468,600 of principal,
and £276,474 for interest, aggregating £745,074, which with exchange
at 20 per cent make $4,470,444. Moreover, there is due by Guatemala,
on account of her share of the federal indebtedness—she having assumed
£100,000 of it—a very large sum. The debt had been reduced in 1873 to
£70,600 to which must be added the dividends accrued to the present
time.[XXXIII-49]

The national assembly voted on the 5th of July, 1886, for the
fiscal year from July 1, 1886, to June 30, 1887, appropriations for
expenditures of administration, aggregating $2,252,471, and afterward
granted the extra sum of $326,800 for contingent expenses.[XXXIII-50]
No provision was made as regards the foreign debt.

The revenue of Honduras in 1886 has been estimated at about two
and a half million dollars, being considerably in excess of the
expenditures.[XXXIII-51]

Honduras has a foreign and a home debt. The latter is partly
consolidated and the rest floating. The consolidated, which was
one million dollars, had been in 1883 reduced to $885,000. All
treasury notes had been cancelled. The floating debt, amounting in
1880 to $578,609, had been reduced in 1883 to $244,694.[XXXIII-52]
The indebtedness to British subjects, including the portion of the
old federal debt which Honduras assumed, was finally extinguished
by the payment of $50,000 in 1882, and the country was freed from
the burden long weighing on the custom-house at Trujillo. The rest
of the foreign debt, amounting in 1876 to $29,950,540, is held in
London and Paris, having been issued at high rates of interest and at
a low valuation. Since that time the accumulated interest has never
been paid.[XXXIII-53] It is unknown what portion of the bonds issued
has been negotiated. The actual indebtedness may fall short of the
above amount after a thorough investigation of the financial affairs
connected with the railroad.

[Sidenote: RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES.]

The revenue receipts of Salvador from all sources, according to
President Zaldívar's messages of 1883 and 1884, were, for 1882,
$4,549,209, and for 1883, $4,061,020. The expenditures as stated
by the same authority were $4,416,454 in 1882, and $4,001,654 in
1883.[XXXIII-54] In 1866 the budget presented by the executive to
congress estimated the receipts at $2,211,613, and the expenditures at
$2,716,505, leaving a deficit of $501,869.

Salvador had in 1853 a foreign debt not far from $325,000.[XXXIII-55]
Between 1861 and 1863 the government made an arrangement for the
foreign debt, giving bonds to the amount of $405,260 to cover principal
and interest. They were paid in due time, and since then the republic
has kept itself free from foreign indebtedness. Her internal debt,
consolidated at the end of 1882, was $1,589,861, and became slightly
increased in 1883.[XXXIII-56] In June 1885 it was $7,147,359.

The financial condition of Nicaragua at the present time is quite
easy. Her revenue has been steadily on the increase for several years
past, except when interrupted by political disturbances, such as that
of 1875, which caused a considerable diminution. The receipts from
all sources in the biennial term of 1883-4 were $3,238,363, an excess
of $359,426 over the two preceding years.[XXXIII-57] The expenditures
in the biennial term of 1881-2 were $3,240,940, as itemized
below.[XXXIII-58]

[Sidenote: NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA.]

At the end of 1880 Nicaragua's share of the old federal indebtedness to
British creditors—£31,510,[XXXIII-59] as per adjustment made in London
on the 27th of March, 1874—had been reduced to £4,170 15_s._ 6_d._,
which remained unpaid because the holders had failed to produce their
claims. Since then the balance was further reduced to £4,011 15_s._
6_d._, and the funds were on hand to pay it off on demand. This was
the sum total of the republic's foreign liability. At the end of 1882
the internal debt was $920,258, of which $644,218 were subsequently
paid, leaving a balance due of $328,667; adding thereto balances of
special accounts, the whole debt of the republic at the end of 1884 was
$908,707; but as the amount of consolidated bonds was being met, the
whole indebtedness would really be $802,310.[XXXIII-60]

Costa Rica's financial condition is anything but an easy one. The
receipts of the treasury for the fiscal year 1883-4 amounted to
$1,586,561.[XXXIII-61] The receipts for the fiscal years 1884-5,
and 1885-6, were estimated at about $2,559,866 and $2,936,756,
respectively.[XXXIII-62] The expenditures for the fiscal years 1882-3,
and 1883-4 were respectively $2,796,468 and $1,985,426; the former
leaving a deficit of $1,246,448, and the latter of $398,865. Congress
voted for expenses of the fiscal year 1885-6, $2,936,756, and for
1886-7, $2,607,613.[XXXIII-63]

[Sidenote: FOREIGN INDEBTEDNESS.]

The following statement exhibits the financial condition of the
republic at the end of 1882, as represented by the secretary of
the treasury. It will be well to state here that until 1871 Costa
Rica was free from foreign debt, her proportion of the old federal
indebtedness in London having been paid off at an early day of her
independent life.[XXXIII-64] The government owed, on the 30th of
April, 1871, $92,878; adding thereto the disbursements of eleven
years—1871-82—$30,251,284, and $2,110,905 paid the railway, in bills
of exchange on the national agent in London, and not included in the
aforesaid outlay, we have an aggregate of $32,455,067; and deducting
therefrom the revenue of the same eleven years, a deficit results
of $6,524,516, which is made up of $1,454,086, excess of expenditure
over receipts at the end of 1882, and $5,070,430, the equivalent in
Costa Rican money of £895,221 3_s._ 11_d._, net proceeds of loans
negotiated in London at 6 and 7 per cent.[XXXIII-65] However, the
council of bondholders formed in 1883 the following statement of Costa
Rica's foreign debt, namely: outstanding of six per cent loan of 1871,
£941,200; overdue interest, £564,720, making £1,505,920. Outstanding of
seven per cent loan of 1872, £1,460,200; overdue interest, £1,073,175
10_s._, making £2,553,273 10_s._ Grand total, £4,039,193 10_s._ The
home debt was set down in 1885 at $519,000.[XXXIII-66]

In Panamá the receipts of the treasury from all sources in 1812, a few
years previous to the separation from Spain, this nation being then at
war with her American colonies, were $746,241.[XXXIII-67] In 1827, six
years after the independence, the receipts were $241,683,[XXXIII-68]
and the expenditures $238,929. Under the law suppressing custom-houses
in the ports of the Isthmus, the revenue of the province in 1847
became reduced $77,880. The amount appropriated by the provincial
legislature in October 1849, for expenses of the fiscal year 1840-59,
was $51,220.[XXXIII-69]

After the organization of the Isthmus as a state of the Colombian
confederation, there being no receipts from customs, the chief portion
of the expenses has been met with a tax assessed on merchants and
shop-keepers, estimated on the amount of business done by each, the
legislative assembly fixing annually the sum required for the next
year's expenditures, and the proportion of it to be covered by the
commercial tax. The state received $50,000 out of the annual subvention
of $250,000 paid by the railway company to the Colombian government.
Other sources of revenue have been the taxes levied on steamship
agencies, consumption, slaughter of cattle, ice, distilleries, and
several others which in the aggregate are not insignificant.

[Sidenote: DEBT OF PANAMÁ]

The republic of Colombia being on the point of changing her
organization, Panamá, consequent upon recent political events, was
at the end of 1885 under a military government, the chief of which,
exercising his extraordinary powers, ordered the continuance after
January 1, 1886, of the appropriations that had been decreed for
1885, with a few modifications.[XXXIII-70] The financial condition
of the state on the 30th of June, 1878, was an indebtedness of
$214,317.[XXXIII-71]

CHAPTER XXXIV.

INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.

1801-1887.

ANCIENT IDEAS ON THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE—FROM PERU TO
LA PLATA—CAPE HORN DISCOVERED—ARCTIC REGIONS—MCCLURE'S
SUCCESSFUL VOYAGE—CROZIER'S DISCOVERY—FRANKLIN'S
ATTEMPTS—FINDING BY NORDENSKIÖLD OF THE NORTH-EAST
PASSAGE—PROJECTS TO UNITE THE ATLANTIC AND PACIFIC OCEANS
ACROSS THE ISTHMUSES—PLANS ABOUT TEHUANTEPEC—EXPLORATIONS
FOR A SHIP-CANAL ROUTE IN NICARAGUA, PANAMÁ, AND DARIEN—THE
NICARAGUA ACCESSORY TRANSIT COMPANY—CONSTRUCTION OF THE
PANAMÁ RAILWAY, AND ITS GREAT BENEFITS—FURTHER EFFORTS FOR
A CANAL—ORGANIZATION OF A FRENCH COMPANY—A SHIP-CANAL UNDER
CONSTRUCTION ACROSS THE ISTHMUS OF PANAMÁ—DIFFICULTIES
AND EXPECTATIONS—CENTRAL AMERICAN RAILROADS AND
TELEGRAPHS—SUBMARINE CABLES.

No sooner had lands been discovered to the westward of Europe than
the minds of cosmographers became fixed in the idea of short routes to
India in that direction;[XXXIV-1] nor would they abandon it until long
after both shores of the western continent had been explored from the
Arctic sea to Cape Horn.[XXXIV-2]

[Sidenote: EARLY EXPLORATIONS.]

I have elsewhere presented a full account of explorations by land
and sea to establish communications between the Atlantic and Pacific
oceans prior to the opening of the present century.[XXXIV-3] The
most important of the earlier discoveries, since Magalhaes' time, was
that of the open polar sea south of Cape Horn, which was named by the
Dutch navigators Le Maire and Van Schouten.[XXXIV-4] The north-west
passage, so long the object of search, was at last found in 1851 by an
English expedition. The discovery was effected by Robert Le Mesurier
McClure, who, in command of the _Investigator_, sailed, together with
the _Enterprise_ under Richard Collinson, from England in 1850. Before
the close of the year, McClure passed Point Barrow, pushed along the
continent, doubled the south end of Banks Island, and sailed through
Prince of Wales' Strait, where he wintered near Melville Sound. In
1851, the west side of the peninsular part of Wollaston Island to
Prince Albert's Sound was surveyed. By finding the strait connecting
the continental channel with Melville Sound, McClure became the
discoverer of the north-west passage, and was the first navigator to
pass from Bering Strait to Baffin Bay.[XXXIV-5] Yet he gave to Captain
Crozier, second in command of Franklin's expedition, the credit of
prior discovery. McClure with the _Investigator_ was shut in during the
winters of 1851-2, and 1852-3. In the spring of 1853 he resolved to
abandon the ship and seek Mackenzie River and Lancaster Sound in two
parties, a journey which would have been disastrous. At this moment,
April 6th, Lieutenant Pym of the _Resolute_ appeared.[XXXIV-6] The
McClure party were taken to the _Resolute_, and reached England in
1854.

[Sidenote: NORTH-EAST PASSAGE.]

The north-east passage was discovered by Adolf Erick Nordenskiöld in
1879, after 326 years from the first attempt by Hugh Willoughby in
1553.[XXXIV-7]

* * * * *

[Illustration: INTEROCEANIC COMMUNICATION.]

The necessity of shorter communication between the two oceans becoming
more evident from day to day, with the increase of traffic with the
western coast of America, with China, and with the numerous islands
of the Pacific, various projects were entertained to establish such
communication either by canal or railway. At Tehuantepec, Honduras,
Nicaragua, and the isthmus of Panamá were formed the most favorable
conditions for a forced or artificial transit.[XXXIV-8]

[Sidenote: TEHUANTEPEC ISTHMUS.]

The breadth of the isthmus of Tehuantepec between the bays of
Campeche and Tehuantepec at the narrowest point is 130 miles. It
is drained by the rivers Coatzacoalcos and Tehuantepec, the former
running northward, discharging its waters into the first-named bay,
and extending over three fourths of the width of this isthmus; the
latter flowing into the bay of Tehuantepec. There are several lakes
and lagoons. At one time it was proposed to cut a canal across this
isthmus, and to improve the navigation of the Coatzacoalcos, to which
end surveys were made.[XXXIV-9] But no action having been taken
toward constructing a canal by the parties to whom franchises had
been given, the scheme of a railroad across this section has been also
contemplated,[XXXIV-10] and finally a grant was made to James B. Eads,
to construct a ship railway between the two gulfs, capable of having
transported over it the largest ships with their cargoes.[XXXIV-11]
The scheme has been declared by Eads, and by other engineers of high
repute in Europe and America, to be practicable. His opponents deride
it. He applied, without success, to the United States government for
assistance.[XXXIV-12]

[Sidenote: NICARAGUA ISTHMUS.]

The idea of uniting the two oceans, by means of a canal across the
isthmus of Nicaragua, occupied the attention of the Spanish court from
a very early day after the conquest to the last years of its occupation
of the country.[XXXIV-13] Since the separation of Central America from
the crown, the canal scheme has ever been uppermost in the minds of her
rulers and thinking men, and many scientific engineers and capitalists
of Europe and America have taken a deep interest therein. But for
divers reasons nothing was accomplished toward establishing an adequate
interoceanic communication, in any form, down to 1849.[XXXIV-14] This
year a new arrangement was made with Cornelius Vanderbilt and Joseph
L. White of New York, in which the government of the United States,
through its representative, E. George Squier, became concerned. This
arrangement gave rise to complications with Great Britain, which were
finally settled by the Clayton-Bulwer treaty to perpetually guarantee
the neutrality of the canal to be constructed. The contractors failed
to carry out their agreement as regarded the construction of a canal,
but established the Accessory Transit Company, and by means of steamers
on the two oceans, and on the river San Juan and Lake Nicaragua,
rendered valuable service in the transportation of passengers. The
matter was given in detail, in connection with the relations of that
company with the Nicaraguan government, including its history from the
date of the foundation till 1869, when it ceased to exist. However,
their engineer, O. Childs, made a survey of the route for a canal in
1851, and recommended one from the mouth of Lajas River to Port Brito,
traversing the Rio Grande Valley.[XXXIV-15] Since that time many
schemes have been contemplated, and contracts entered into, but none of
them have given the desired result.[XXXIV-16]

[Sidenote: ACROSS MOSQUITIA.]

I have yet to mention Pim's scheme, advanced in 1853, of building
a railway from Punta Mico on the Atlantic to San Miguelito, on the
eastern shore of the lake, traversing Mosquitia. A company was formed,
but the project was soon found to be impracticable.[XXXIV-17]

No efforts have been spared ever since by Nicaragua and American
citizens to bring about the accomplishment of the long-expected canal,
under the impression that it is the most desirable, feasible, and
least expensive route. The assistance of the United States government
has been solicited, and treaties made to afford facilities, but the
American congress has thus far refused to do anything, except send
commissions to explore the several lines, and their reports seem to
be favorable.[XXXIV-18] The last treaty concluded between the two
governments with reference to a canal was rejected by the United
States senate. The last survey made under the auspices of the American
government was that of Engineer Menocal, of the United States navy,
who, with other officers, visited Nicaragua in January 1885. His report
was presented in November of that year. The plan of this commission had
been at first to convert the river San Juan above its junction with
the Sarapiqui into an extension of the lake by constructing a dam 74
feet high, but it was found impracticable. The proposed route extends
from San Juan del Norte to Brito. The total length is 169.8 miles,
of which 38.98 miles will be excavated canal, and 130.82 navigation
by Lake Nicaragua, the river San Juan, the basin of the river San
Francisco, and seven locks. Lake Nicaragua will be connected with the
Pacific by a canal, and with the Atlantic by slackwater navigation in
the river San Juan, by a short section of canal from the San Juan to
the basin of the San Francisco, by navigation through this basin, and
by a canal thence to the Caribbean Sea. The route has been divided
into three divisions, the western, eastern, and middle.[XXXIV-19] The
cost was carefully estimated, including a contingent of 25 per cent, at
$64,043,697. De Lesseps is of opinion, however, that a canal with locks
would be inadequate to pass the traffic that will frequent it, and
would suffer from uncertainty of sufficient water to supply the lockage
and evaporation.[XXXIV-20]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ ISTHMUS.]

One of the four routes suggested by Antonio Galvao to the king of
Spain, for cutting a canal to join the two oceans, was the Isthmus of
Panamá.[XXXIV-21] Soon after New Granada threw off the Spanish yoke,
several surveys of Panamá and Darien were made, and canal projects
recommended;[XXXIV-22] two of them, deemed the most important, were
that of Lloyd's to build a railroad from Panamá or La Chorrera to the
Trinidad River, a tributary of the Chagres; and that of a sluiced canal
recommended in 1843 by Garella and Courtines, who studied the Isthmus
under a commission of the French government. And there were other
projects.[XXXIV-23]

The attention of the United States government was directed to the
subject of interoceanic routes as early as 1825. In 1835 the executive
was requested by the senate to enter into negotiations with the
Central American states and New Granada, conducive to treaties for the
protection of Americans who might attempt opening the communication
between the two oceans. A treaty was made by the United States with
New Granada on the 12th of December, 1846, under which the latter
guaranteed to the former "the right of way or transit across the
Isthmus of Panamá, upon any modes of communication that now exist, or
that may be hereafter constructed." The United States government on
its part guaranteed to New Granada the neutrality of the Isthmus, and
the rights of sovereignty and property over its territory.[XXXIV-24] At
last an American company, being stimulated by the great traffic across
the Isthmus, took up the matter of a railway.[XXXIV-25]

[Sidenote: PANAMÁ RAILWAY.]

The termini resolved on were Colon on the Atlantic, and on the Pacific,
a little to the eastward of the city of Panamá, quite clear of the
suburbs. The work was begun in January 1850, and finished on the 28th
of January, 1855. Its total length is 47 miles, 3,020 feet. The line
is a single one, but has four very commodious sidings; namely, Gatun,
7½ miles from Colon; one near Barbacoas, 22 miles; one at Matachin, 30
miles; and one at the summit, 37 miles. There are stations at every
four miles. The undertaking was a bold one, and was successfully
carried out under the able and energetic superintendence of George M.
Totten.[XXXIV-26] The actual cost, as per construction account, was
eight million dollars. The road has been improved from year to year.
Articles of the coarsest and heaviest description, as well as ordinary
merchandise, have been constantly conveyed over it. The road began to
yield some income since 1852, when it had reached Barbacoas. I give
in a note some statistics on receipts and expenditures.[XXXIV-27] The
company from the beginning of its operations had a line of telegraph
between Panamá and Colon. In 1881 the railway was sold to the company
organized to construct a canal for $17,500,000, being at the rate of
$250 per share. Adding other items, and interest on annual instalments,
the share-holders received about twenty million dollars.[XXXIV-28]

A survey made by United States officers in 1866, through Chiriquí,
showed that it was practicable to build a railway through the
cordillera. The harbors of Chiriquí and Sheperd on the Atlantic, and
of Golfito in Golfo Dulce, were favorably reported upon by Commodore F.
Engle.[XXXIV-29]

[Sidenote: VARIOUS SCHEMES.]

But the idea of an interoceanic canal was ever present.[XXXIV-30]
Nothing was practically done, until the whole subject was discussed
in 1875 at the congress of geographical sciences held in Paris, and a
company was organized under General Türr for effecting the requisite
explorations. Lucien N. Bonaparte Wyse, a lieutenant of the French
navy, assisted by other engineers, was sent out to the Isthmus. The
exploring commission effected their work thoroughly, and the section
from Colon to Panamá was given the preference.[XXXIV-31] The Colombian
government granted on the 18th of May, 1878, to the Civil International
Interoceanic Association, residing in Paris, the exclusive privilege
for ninety-nine years of constructing a canal between the two oceans,
at the same time establishing the neutrality of the ports at the
termini, and of the canal itself.[XXXIV-32]

De Lesseps, of Suez Canal fame, undertook in 1879 the task of
constructing the canal, and the first meeting of the company, now
called Compagnie Universal du Canal Interocéanique de Panama, took
place in 1881. It was calculated that six hundred million francs,
or be it $120,000,000, would cover the expense of construction and
completion. One of the company's first acts was to establish in
New York a branch board of directors, and another was to purchase
the Panamá railway.[XXXIV-33] The works were commenced in October
1881.[XXXIV-34] The canal in course of construction follows the route
of the railway, though keeping closer to the bed of the Chagres, which
it is to cross again and again; on the Pacific side it will descend
the Rio Grande Valley, and continue seaward to the island of Perico, a
total length of fifty-four miles.[XXXIV-35]

[Sidenote: DIFFICULTIES TO OVERCOME.]

The works have been prosecuted with more or less vigor, by the use
of powerful dredges, until the capital became exhausted, and their
operations declined for many months, seeming to confirm predictions of
failure.[XXXIV-36] However that may be, De Lesseps and his friends are
confident that the opening of the canal will become an accomplished
fact within eight years from the time of commencement.[XXXIV-37]
There can be no doubt that a large portion of the original capital
was wasted, and if rumor is not at fault much was misappropriated.
But public confidence in De Lesseps remains unshaken in France, and he
has been able to obtain by subscription abundant funds to continue the
work,[XXXIV-38] and it is now being vigorously pushed. His calculation
is that there will be business for the canal to the extent of 7,250,000
tons, yielding 6 or 7 per cent on 2,000 million francs, or 108,000,000
francs, equivalent to $21,600,000.

* * * * *

This is not the place in which to speak of the several northern
railways across the continent. The Central American states—exclusive of
Panamá, which has had that benefit since 1855—have made some progress
in late years toward establishing railway communication between the
two seas. Guatemala has one line from Port San José, on the Pacific,
to the capital,[XXXIV-39] and another from Port Champerico, also on the
Pacific, to Retalhuleu.[XXXIV-40]

[Sidenote: CENTRAL AMERICAN RAILWAYS.]

Measures had likewise been taken to communicate the capital by
railroads with the northern sea, contemplating at the same time
to build another line from Coban to the Polochic River. However,
these projects, so far as I know, have been, since President
Barrios' death, in abeyance. The Spanish court was repeatedly
urged to open communications between Puerto Caballos and the bay
of Fonseca.[XXXIV-41] Traffic on mule-back was carried on between
both seas in colonial times; but what we know of the isthmus of
Honduras is derived from the surveys made by the British Honduras
Interoceanic Railway Company, and reported by their agent, E. G.
Squier. As a practicable route for a ship canal, Honduras is out of
the question; but the construction of a railroad was begun between
Puerto Caballos or Cortés, on the Caribbean Sea, and Amapala in the bay
of Fonseca,[XXXIV-42] through the valley of the Goascoran and Humuya
rivers—232 miles. The road was graded, and a narrow-gauge track was
built from Port Cortés to San Pedro, of about 37 miles in length. The
work was suspended in 1871, and abandoned in 1873. Civil disturbances
and lack of means have prevented its resumption. Several franchises
have been granted in later years for continuing it; but nothing of a
practical nature has resulted.[XXXIV-43]

Salvador has no territory on the Atlantic slope. She has a railroad
between San Miguel and Port La Union; another line is being built
from Port Acajutla to the heart of the coffee region of Santa Ana.
It is possible that in the future the republic may be placed in
communication, by railway, with the Atlantic, through the territory of
her neighbors.

In Nicaragua the line between Corinto and Chinandega, and hence to
Leon, was in operation in 1881-2. The work steadily progressed. The
western section was opened to public service in 1884, connecting it
with the steam-ship line on the lake. Thus was Managua, the capital,
placed in rapid and cheap communication by steam with Corinto, the
chief port of the republic. The whole line from Momotombo to Corinto
was yielding six and four fifths per cent on the capital invested.
In the eastern section the work was going on rapidly at the end of
1884, and 20 miles to Masaya would soon be finished. The government
contemplated to have a direct railway line from Villa de la Paz to
Managua, thus establishing a continuous communication between Managua
and Granada.[XXXIV-44]

Costa Rica, thus far, has three lines, or rather divisions or sections;
namely, the Central, running between San Jose and the interior
provinces, via Cartago, Heredia, Alajuela, Tres Rios, and San Joaquin;
the Atlantic, from Limon to the interior, which is the route through
which most of the country's foreign trade is carried on; and the
Pacific which runs from Puntarenas to Esparta.[XXXIV-45]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: TELEGRAPH LINES.]

The five Central American republics are intersected by telegraph
lines belonging to their respective governments, and communicating
their chief towns with one another within themselves, and with the
sister republics.[XXXIV-46] The isthmus of Panamá has a communication
by submarine cable with Central America and Mexico at the port of La
Libertad and Acapulco. The cities of Panamá and Colon are in direct
communication by wire. The Isthmus is further connected by cable,
on the Pacific, with Peru, via Buenaventura, which also places it in
telegraphic communication with Bogotá and the rest of Colombia. A cable
to Jamaica affords another connection, via Cuba, with the United States
and Europe.[XXXIV-47]

The question of interoceanic communication by ship-canal across the
isthmuses of Central America occupying, as it does, general attention,
I have concluded to append hereto information on the subject by several
competent authorities; namely, the British explorer, Dr Edward Cullen,
and E. George Squier.

IGNORANCE RESPECTING DARIEN.—It is a very singular
circumstance that the coast of Darien, the first settled in
America (Santa Maria having been founded in 1509, and Acla
in Caledonia Bay in 1514), within eighteen days' steaming
from England, close also to such frequented ports as Chagres,
Carthagena, and Kingston, Jamaica, should be at the present
day as unknown as the coasts of Patagonia or of New Guinea,
and that the vast advantages of this tract of country, for
a canal, should have escaped the penetration of the great
Humboldt, who, after having examined all the maps in the
Depósito Hidrográfico of Madrid, appears to suggest the
Chuquanaqua. He says: 'On the Pacific coast, also, the deep
Golfo de San Miguel, into which falls the Tuyra with its
tributary, the Chuchunque, runs far into the Isthmus; the
river Chuchunque, too, in the upper part of its course, runs
within sixteen geographical miles of the Antillean shore of
the Isthmus, westward of Cape Tiburon.' _Views of Nature_,
Potsdam, June 1849, p. 432 of Bohn's translation.

The Atrato route labors under the disadvantage of a bad
harbor, on the Pacific side, Cupica being of very small
extent, and open to the S. W.; and the Atrato has a bar with
only five feet of water on it, while the rise of tide in the
Gulf of Darien is only two feet.

The Chagres, or Limon Bay and Panama route, surveyed in 1829
by Col Lloyd and M. Falmarc, under a commission from the
Liberator, Simon Bolívar, and subsequently by M. Garella, has
such bad harbors that the idea of a canal by that line has
been totally abandoned.

The route from Chepo mouth to Mandinga Bay, proposed by Mr
Evan Hopkins,[XXXIV-48] who attempted to survey it in 1847,
for the New Granada government, although the narrowest line
across the Isthmus, being only twenty-seven miles across from
Chepo to Carti, has the disadvantages of bad coasts, a very
high cordillera, of from 2,000 to 6,000 feet elevation, and
a large population of Indians.

The bar at the mouth of Chepo River is quite dry at low
water, as is also a sand bank which extends several miles
out into the bay of Panamá; the part of the Atlantic coast on
the other side is beset with reefs, shoals, and kays, and is
dangerous of approach.

Capt Fitzroy, R. N., in his _Considerations upon the Great
Isthmus of Central America_, suggests a line from the upper
course of the Tuyra to the Atrato, or the coast of Darien
above its mouth, as an improvement of the route proposed by
me; but this would be nearly twice the distance of the Port
Escocés, and gulf of San Miguel route; there would be the
mountain of Chacargun or the Sierra de Maly to cross, and
should the canal open into the Atrato, there would be the
very formidable obstacle of the bar to remove, while of the
coast above the Atrato mouth, the _Columbian Navigator_ says:
'All this coast from Tarena Kays to Cape Tiburon is high and
precipitous, with deep water off it; and it is very wild in
the season of the breezes. It is very advisable, therefore,
at these seasons, to shun it.' Any route, however, in this
direction, would be included in the privilege granted, on the
1st of June, 1852, by the New Granada government, to Edward
Cullen, Charles Fox, John Henderson, and Thomas Brassey, for
cutting a canal from Port Escocés to the gulf of San Miguel,
which gives power to select any place from the west mouth of
the Atrato to Punta Mosquitos, for the Atlantic entrance of
the canal.

[Sidenote: DISCOVERY OF THE SAVANA RIVER.]

DISCOVERY OF THE SAVANA RIVER AND THE ROUTE FOR THE
SHIP-CANAL. I imagine that the river Savana was not
delineated in the maps which Humboldt saw.[XXXIV-49] Such,
indeed, was the case with the map which I had on my first
journey into Darien in 1849, so that I was totally ignorant
of its existence until I actually saw it, after entering
Boca Chica, when, finding the great depth of water at its
mouth, and that it flowed almost directly from the north, I
became convinced that I had at last found the object of my
search, viz., a feasible route to the Atlantic, and thereupon
immediately ascended it, and crossed from Cañasas to the
sea-shore at Port Escocés and back, and subsequently, in 1850
and also in 1851, crossed and recrossed, at several times
and by several tracks, the route from the Savana to Port
Escocés and Caledonia Bay, notching the barks of the trees
as I went along, with a _machete_ or cutlass, always alone
and unaided, and always in the season of the heaviest rains.
I had previously examined, on my way from Panamá, the mouths
of Chepo, Chiman, Congo, and several other rivers, but found
them all obstructed by bars and sand banks, and impracticable
for a ship passage, so that upon seeing the Savana, I had not
the least hesitation in deciding that that must be the future
route for interoceanic communication for ships.

THE DARIEN CANAL ROUTE.—Port Escocés, or Scotch Harbor, and
the bay of Caledonia, on the Atlantic coast of the Isthmus
of Darien, present an extent of six nautical miles, from S.
E. to N. W., of safe anchorage in all winds. These harbors
are situated between Carreto Bay and the channel of Sassardi,
and are 140 miles E. S. E. of Limon Bay, and twenty-one miles
W. N. W. of Cape Tiburon, the N. W. boundary of the Gulf of
Darien. Port Escocés extends to the S. E. to lat. 8° 50´ and
long. 77° 41´; and Golden Island, or Isla de Oro, or Santa
Catalina, which forms the N. W. boundary of Caledonia Bay, is
in lat. 8° 54´ 40´´, and long. 77° 45´ 30´´.

The channel of Sassardi, also, extending from Caledonia Bay
N. W. five miles to the Fronton, or point of Sassardi, is
sheltered from the winds and seas of both seasons, and has
good depth of water.

Twenty-two miles S. W. of Port Escocés is the site of the
old Spanish settlement of Fuerte del Príncipe, on the river
Savana, established in 1785, and abandoned in 1790. From
thence the river Savana has nearly a S. by E. course for
fourteen miles to its mouth, which opens into the river
Tuyra, Santa Maria, or Rio Grande del Darien, three miles
above Boca Chica and Boca Grande, the two mouths by which the
latter discharges itself into the Gulf of San Miguel on the
Pacific.

Thus the distance from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, by
the route from Port Escocés or Caledonia Bay, to the gulf of
San Miguel, by way of the river Savana, would be thirty-nine
miles. In a direct line, from Port Escocés to the gulf, the
distance is thirty-three miles.

In _Considerations on the Great Isthmus of Central America_,
read before the Royal Geographical Society of London, on the
11th and 25th Nov., 1850, Captain Fitzroy, R. N., says: 'Any
route that could be made available between San Miguel Gulf
and Caledonia Bay, or the Gulf of Darien or Choco, would have
the advantage of excellent harbors at each end, and a great
rise of tide in one of them (San Miguel). The river Savana is
recommended by Dr Cullen from personal examination, as being
more navigable (for canoes[XXXIV-50]), and approaching nearer
the north coast than the Chuquanaqua does; though this does
not appear in the Spanish maps. From the head of the Savana,
a ravine, about three leagues in length, extends to Caledonia
Bay, and there (Dr Cullen says, having passed through it)
_he_ thinks a canal might be cut with less difficulty than
elsewhere, if it were not for the opposition of the natives.
He also speaks of the Indians transporting their canoes
across at this ravine, and of the comparative healthiness of
this part of the Isthmus.'

The whole work to be done, in order to make a ship-canal
communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans by this
route, would be to cut from Príncipe or from Lara mouth to
Port Escocés or Caledonia Bay, a distance of from twenty-two
to twenty-five miles, of which there would be but three or
four miles of deep cutting.

The canal, to be on a scale of grandeur commensurate with
its important uses, should be cut sufficiently deep to allow
the tide of the Pacific to flow right through it, across
to the Atlantic; so that ships bound from the Pacific to
the Atlantic would pass with the flood, and those from the
Atlantic to the Pacific with the ebb tide of the latter. Such
was the plan recommended in my report to Lord Palmerston. By
such a canal—that is, one entirely without locks—the transit
from sea to sea could be effected in six hours, or one
tide.[XXXIV-51]

For the engineering details, and estimates of the cost
of the work, I beg to refer to the valuable report of Mr.
Lionel Gisborne, C. E., who, with his assistant, Mr. Forde,
was commissioned, last April, by Messrs Fox, Henderson,
and Brassey, to survey this route, which they found to be
perfectly feasible for a ship-canal communication, and fully
as eligible as I had represented it.

[Sidenote: PASSAGE FOR THE PACIFIC TIDE.]

It is needless to say that, under the auspices of Messrs.
Fox, Henderson, and Brassey, who, with that clear discernment
and prompt decision, which have placed them in the elevated
position which they occupy, adopted this route in December
1851, after a careful examination of my statements, the
great work of an interoceanic canal is sure, erelong, to be
accomplished.

I trust that an attentive consideration of the advantages
of this route—viz., its shortness, the excellence of its
harbors, the low elevation of the land, the absence of
bars at the Savana and Tuyra mouths, the depth of water
and great rise of tide in the former, its directness of
course and freedom from obstructions, the healthiness of the
adjacent country, the exemption of the coasts from northers
and hurricanes, the feasibility of cutting a canal without
locks, and the absence of engineering difficulties—will
fully justify me in asserting it to be the shortest, the
most direct, safe, and expeditious, and in every way the most
eligible route for intermarine communication for large ships.

An examination of the physical aspect of the country from
Port Escocés to the Savana—presenting, as it does, but a
single ridge of low elevation, and this broken by gorges,
ravines, and valleys, and grooved by rivers and streams, with
a champaign country extending from its base on each side—will
prove the feasibility of making the canal entirely without
locks, a superiority which this route possesses over others,
which all present insurmountable physical obstacles to the
construction of such a canal.

In fact, a glance at the map ought to convince the most
sceptical that nature has unmistakably marked out this space
for the junction of the two oceans, and the breaking of the
continuity of North and South America; indeed, so narrow is
the line of division, that it would almost appear as if the
two seas did once meet here.

DETAILS OF THE ROUTE PROPOSED.—I shall now enter into a more
detailed description of this route, which I discovered in
1849, and proposed for a ship-canal communication between
the Atlantic and Pacific oceans in the _Panamá Echo_ of
February 8, 1850, in the _Daily News_ and _Mining Journal_
of May 1850;[XXXIV-52] in a paper presented to the Royal
Geographical Society, and read at the Edinburgh meeting of
the British Association in July 1850; and in a report to Lord
Palmerston, of January 15, 1851.

PORT ESCOCÉS.—Of Port Escocés, Caledonia Bay, and the channel
of Sassardi, the _Columbian Navigator_, vol. 3, p. 218, says:

'Port Escocés, or Caledonia, lat. 8° 51´, long. 77° 44´, is
a noble harbor; very safe, and so extensive that a thousand
sail of vessels may enter it.

'Punta Escocés is the S. E. point of Caledonia Bay, the
greater islet of Santa Catalina, or de Oro (gold), being the
N. W. Between point and point the distance is four miles, and
the points lie N. W. and S. E. (N. 40° W., and S. 40° E.),
from each other; and in respect to this line the bay falls
in one mile and two thirds. In the S. E. part of this bay is
Puerto Escocés (or Scottish Harbor), which extends inward two
miles in that direction, and forms good shelter. There are
various shoals in it, which are represented in the particular
plan of the harbor, by which plan any vessel may run in, for
the depths are five, six, seven, and eight fathoms of water
over a bottom of sand.

'Between Piedras Islet to the north, the west point of
Aglatomate River to the south, and that of San Fulgencio to
the S. W., is formed the Ensenada, or bay of Caledonia, and
the channel of Sassardi.

CALEDONIA BAY.—'The Ensenada, or cove of Caledonia, is,
strictly speaking, formed by the points already mentioned,
which lie with each other N. N. W. ¾ W., and S. S. E. ¾ E.
(N. 25° W., and S. 25° E.), one mile distant. This bay is
clean, and has good deep water; the greater part of its coast
is a beach, and near the middle of it disembogues the river
Aglaseniqua. The point of San Fulgencio is salient, scarped,
and clean, and it also forms an indent with little depth of
water, bordered by mangroves and various kays at its western
part.

THE CHANNEL OF SASSARDI.—'Between San Fulgencio point, the
great Oro Island, Piedras Islet, and the Mangrove Kays, which
are to the west of them, the channel of Sassardi is formed;
the S. E. entrance to this channel is off and on, with four
cables' length in extent, from edge to edge, and with from
nine to twelve fathoms depth on oaze; and farther in, from
eight to ten fathoms; as also between the turn of the bank
off Piedras Islet, and the bay of Caledonia, the depth is
from seven to fifteen fathoms; and the piece of sea which
intervenes between this bay and the Puerto Escocés is of a
good depth of water; but at a short mile S. E. by E. ½ E. (S.
55° E.), from Piedras Islet the sea breaks when the breeze
blows fresh.'

From its entrance the channel of Sassardi extends N. W. five
miles.

The engineer has here, then, a wide scope for selecting a
locality for the Atlantic mouth of the canal, which may thus
open anywhere from the S. E. end of Port Escocés to the N.
W. entrance of the Channel of Sassardi, an extent of eleven
nautic. miles.

Along a great extent of Port Escocés and Caledonia Bay,
vessels can lie so close in shore that no boats would be
necessary in the taking in or discharging cargo; the same
great advantage also presents itself at several points in the
channel of Sassardi.

[Sidenote: SOURCES OF FRESH WATER.]

Good fresh water may be obtained in abundance from any of the
numerous streams which fall into these harbors, particularly
from the Aglaseniqua or Aglatomate.

Port Escocés is entirely uninhabited, nor is there any
settlement in and of it; at Caledonia, near the mouth of the
Aglaseniqua, there are five huts, inhabited by a few Indians
of the Tule tribe, and about two leagues up the river is
another small settlement; this, however, is at a considerable
distance westward of the projected line of canal.

From the sea-shore a plain extends for nearly two miles to
the base of a ridge of hills, which runs parallel to the
coast, and whose highest summit is about 350 feet. This
ridge is not quite continuous and unbroken, but is divided
by transverse valleys, through which the Aglaseniqua,
Aglatomate, and other rivers have their course, and whose
highest elevations do not exceed 150 feet.

The base of this ridge is only two miles in width; and from
its south side a level plain extends for thirteen miles to
a point on the river Savana, called Cañasas, which is about
twenty miles above its mouth.

The river Savana, at Cañasas, has a depth of six feet
of water, but is obstructed by ledges of a slate, called
_pizarra_, or _killes_, for four miles, down to the mouth
of La Villa, up to which the tide reaches. At Cañasas,
there is a forest of a species of bamboo, so dense as to be
impenetrable; and above it there is a fall of two feet, when
the river is low, but after rains this entirely disappears.
The first fall, in ascending the river, occurs at Caobano, a
little above La Villa.

From La Villa, where there is a depth of ten or twelve
feet, the river is perfectly free from obstructions down to
Príncipe.

At Fuerte del Príncipe, two miles below La Villa, there is
a single ledge of slate, visible only in a very low state
of the river, which has here a depth of three fathoms, and a
rise of tide of six feet. The banks of the river are elevated
about ten feet above the level of the water, and are quite
free from swamp. The site of the old Spanish settlement is
here indicated by a patch of very dense scrubby bush, without
high trees, on the west bank of the river; but the only
remains to be met with are some fragments of _botijas_, or
water-jars. Príncipe is in lat. 8° 34', and long. 77° 56', by
my observations; it is only two or three hours' journey from
the mouth of the river.

The Savana River, called by the Indians Chaparti, is very
direct in its course, from Príncipe to its mouth, and free
from sinuosities, _playas_, deep elbows, shoals, rocks,
snags, or other obstructions.

Its banks, elevated several feet above the level of the
water, are quite free from swamp and malarious miasmata,
consequently the endemic fevers caused by these in Chagres,
Portobello, Limon, and Panama, would not prevail in any
settlements that may be formed in the neighborhood of the
Savana. Indeed, it cannot be inferred that the Isthmus of
Darien is unhealthy, because the towns on the Isthmus of
Panama have all been settled in swampy localities, and in
the most unfavorable positions in a sanatory point of view. A
convincing proof of the freedom from swamp of the whole tract
of country, from Port Escocés to the gulf of San Miguel, is
the total absence of musquitoes, which invariably infest all
swampy grounds in the tropics. The great longevity of the
people of Darien, and the large proportion of very old men,
also attest the healthiness of the climate.

From Príncipe to the mouth of Matumaganti, one mile S. S.
W., the river increases greatly in width and depth; there are
some islands in this reach; and on the west bank a very large
cuipo-tree stands conspicuous, towering above the adjacent
forest.

From Matumaganti to the mouth of Lara, two miles, the river
has a depth of four fathoms, and a rise of tide of ten feet.

From Lara mouth to the islands in the second reach, four
miles, the river is very direct in its course, with a depth
of five or six fathoms. A ridge of hills runs parallel to
each bank, at about two miles' distance. Just below this
mouth, and above a widening of the river, called Revesa
de Piriaki, is Cerro Piriaki, a hill of about 400 feet
elevation, and above this there is no hill near either
bank of the Savana. Above the islands, Estero Corotu, Rio
Corredor, and other streams fall into this, the Calle Larga,
or Long Reach.

From the islands to Areti mouth, S. S. E., three miles, the
river has great width and depth; a ridge of hill here runs
along each bank, at about two miles' distance.

[Sidenote: RELATIVE WATER DEPTHS.]

JUNCTION OF THE SAVANA AND TUYRA.—From Areti mouth to the
junction of the Savana and Tuyra rivers, S., four miles, the
river has a uniform width of two miles, and a depth of from
eight to nine fathoms.

On the west bank of this reach is Punta Machete, with a small
shoal above it, called Bajo Grande, and one below it, Bajo
Chico. Both of these are close in shore, and oysters are
found on them.

THE SAVANA MOUTH.—From the west point of the Savana mouth,
in lat. 8° 21', long. 77° 54', the land rises into a ridge of
hills of about 309 feet elevation, running N. for about four
miles parallel to the river, from which it is separated by a
strip of level land half a mile wide. There is a quebrada, or
rivulet, in the ridge, called Laguadilla, which has plenty of
fresh water in the driest season.

Behind Nisperal, the east point of the Savana mouth, there is
a low ridge of hills; from the north bank of Iglesias, also,
a narrow ridge follows the course of the Savana for about
three miles. This is the Cerro Titichi, which gave its name
to a mission of Indians at the mouth of the Chuquanaqua, the
last survivor of whom is a man named Marcellino, who resides
at Pinogana, on the Tuyra. On the north bank of Iglesias is
Quebrada de Tigre, and on the Savana, above its mouth, is
Quebradita la Monera, where fresh water may be obtained.

At the mouth of the Savana there are nine fathoms, at low
water, and the tide rises from twenty-one to twenty-seven
feet.

Boca Chica and Boca Grande, the mouths of the Tuyra, are
perfectly safe entrances, and have a depth of thirteen to
twenty fathoms of water respectively.

The gulf of San Miguel has good depth of water, and would
hold the shipping of the world. Its mouth, between Cape San
Lorenzo on the north, and Punta Garachiné on the south, is
ten miles across, and opens into the Pacific, quite outside
the bay of Panama. Its direction inward is N. E. fifteen
miles to Boca Chica. Inside the bay of Garachiné, the shores
of the gulf approach each other, and the width diminishes
to four miles, between Punta Brava and Morro Patiño, with a
depth of from nine to twenty fathoms, but again increases,
and then diminishes to Boca Chica.

Close to Cape San Lorenzo is a small shoal, called El Buey,
which may be easily avoided. There are several islands in
the gulf, as Iguana, Cedro, Islas de San Diego, etc., etc.,
which are all safe of approach. On the north side, the
rivers Congo, Buenavista; and on the south the Moguey, Guaca,
Taimita, and Sambú, open into the gulf; while the Tuyra and
Savana fall into its eastern end, the Ensenada del Darien,
called by the Granadians 'Boca de Provincia,' or Mouth of the
Province. _Cullen's Isth. of Darien._

* * * * *

From what has been said, it sufficiently appears that
Nicaragua is a country of great beauty of scenery and
vast natural resources. She has, however, attracted the
attention of the world less on these accounts than because
she is believed to possess within her borders the best
and most feasible route for a ship-canal between the two
great oceans. The project of opening such a canal began to
be entertained as soon as it was found that there existed
no natural communication between the seas, as early as
1527. Since that period it has furnished a subject for
much speculation, but beyond a few partial examinations,
until very lately, nothing of a practical or satisfactory
character had been attempted. In 1851 a careful survey was
made of the river San Juan, Lake Nicaragua, and the isthmus
intervening between this lake and the Pacific, by Colonel O.
W. Childs, previously engineer-in-chief of the state of New
York, under the direction of the now extinct Atlantic and
Pacific Ship-canal Company. Until then, it had always been
assumed that the river San Juan, as well as the lake itself,
could easily be made navigable for ships, and that the only
obstacle to be overcome was the narrow strip of land between
the lake and the ocean. Hence, all the so-called surveys were
limited to an examination of that part of the line. One of
them was made under the orders of the Spanish government, by
Don Manuel Galisteo, in 1781; another, and that best known,
by Mr. John Baily, under the direction of the government of
Central America, in 1838. An intermediate examination, quoted
by Thompson,[XXXIV-53] seems to have been made early in the
present century. The following table will show the results of
these surveys as regards this particular section:

Greatest Greatest
Elevation Elevation
Authorities. Distance from Lake above above
to ocean. Ocean. Lake.
Galisteo, 1781 17 miles, 200 feet. 272 feet. 134 feet.
Quoted by Thompson, 17 miles, 320 feet. 296 feet. 154 feet.
1829
Baily, 1838 16 miles, 730 feet. 615 feet. 487 feet.
Childs, 1851 18 miles, 3,120 feet. 159 feet. 47½ feet.

As the survey of Colonel Childs is the only one which can be
accepted as conforming to modern engineering requirements,
it will be enough to present the detailed results to which
he arrived. The line proposed by him, and on which all his
calculations and estimates were based, commences at the
little port of Brito, on the Pacific, and passes across the
Isthmus, between the ocean and lake, to the mouth of a small
stream called Rio Lajas, flowing into the latter, thence
across Lake Nicaragua to its outlet, and down the valley
of the Rio San Juan to the port of the same name on the
Atlantic. The length of this line was found to be 194⅓ miles,
as follows:

Miles.
WESTERN DIVISION.—Canal from the port of Brito on the
Pacific, through the valley of a small stream called
Rio Grande, falling into the Pacific, into that of the
stream called Rio Lajas, to Lake Nicaragua 18.588

MIDDLE DIVISION.—Though Lake Nicaragua, from mouth of
Rio Lajas to Fort San Carlos, at the head of San Juan
River 56.500

EASTERN DIVISION.—_First Section._—Slack-water navigation
on San Juan River from San Carlos to a point on the
river opposite the mouth of the Serapiqui River 90.800

_Second Section._—Canal from opposite mouth of Serapiqui
to port of San Juan del Norte 28.505
-------
Total, as above 194.393

ORIGIN OF THE CANAL GRANT.—The charter of this company
under which Colonel Childs carried on his investigations
is dated September 22, 1849, and was obtained for a term of
eighty-five years from the completion of the proposed canal.
The surveys were to be commenced within one year, and the
whole to be completed in twelve years. The canal, by the
terms of the charter, was to be of dimensions sufficiently
great to admit and pass vessels of all sizes with speed
and safety. The company was to pay to the state, during the
period assigned for the construction of the work, the annual
sum of $10,000; to give to the state $200,000 of stock in
the canal, on the issue of stock; the state to receive, for
the first twenty years, twenty per cent annually out of the
net profits of the canal, after deducting the interest on the
capital actually invested, at the rate of seven per cent; and
for the remaining sixty-five years, twenty-five per cent of
the profits. The company, on the other hand, were to receive
fifteen per cent annually out of the net profits of the canal
for the first ten years after it should revert to the state,
provided it did not cost over $20,000,000; but if it should
cost more than that sum, the company to receive twenty per
cent for twenty years. During the period of constructing the
canal (twelve years), the company had the exclusive right
of navigating the waters of the state by steam, and also the
privilege of opening a transit route through its territories,
upon the principal condition of paying ten per cent of the
net profits to the state. There were some other provisions as
to lands, tolls, etc., of no special importance.

Under this charter, the company perfected its organization.
It divided its original shares into a considerable number,
called 'canal rights,' which were sold, and their holders
brought into the organization. The first instalment was paid,
and in August 1850, just in time to meet the stipulation
providing that the surveys should be commenced within one
year from the date of the contract, a party of surveyors
was sent out to Nicaragua. They were under the direction (as
already said) of Colonel O. W. Childs as chief engineer. He
arrived in Nicaragua on the 27th of August, 1850, and so far
as his report is concerned, we are left to infer that he at
once commenced the surveys for the canal. His report is dated
March 9, 1852.

[Sidenote: DIVERSIONS OF THE CANAL.]

THE LINE OF SURVEY.—In the various projects for uniting the
two seas, the line of the river San Juan has always been
contemplated as that by which the great lake of Nicaragua is
to be reached. From that lake to the Pacific, various routes
have been suggested:

1. From Lake Nicaragua via the river Sapoa to the bay of
Bolaños, in the gulf of Salinas, on the Pacific.

2. Via the Rio Lajas to the port of San Juan del Sur, or some
point not far from it, on the Pacific.

3. Via the Rio Tipitapa into the superior lake of Managua,
and from this lake to the Pacific at the little port of
Tamarindo, the port of Realejo, or into the magnificent gulf
or bay of Fonseca.

By his instructions, Colonel Childs was limited to a survey
of the direct routes from Lake Nicaragua to the Pacific,
provided either of them should prove practicable. As a
consequence, finding a route which, in his opinion, was
practicable, he made no surveys from the superior lake of
Managua to the Pacific. He, however, made some observations
on the line of the connection between the two lakes by the
river Tipitapa—if a channel dry for most, if not all, of the
year can be called a river. This is a source of great regret,
especially in view of the deficiency, on the surveyed routes,
of a good harbor on the Pacific, while both Realejo and the
gulf of Fonseca are all that can be desired as ports.

Lake Nicaragua is estimated by Colonel Childs to be one
hundred and ten miles in extreme length by thirty-five in
(average) width. Its nearest approach to the Atlantic is at
its southern extremity, from which, on a right line, it is
about eighty miles distant. The point of its nearest approach
to the Pacific is near the middle of its length, where, by
the shortest line, the distance is about eleven miles.

The San Juan River was found by Colonel Childs to be,
following its sinuosities, 119 miles in length. It has
a great number of tributaries, generally small, with the
exception of the San Cárlos and Serapiqui, which come in
from the mountains of Costa Rica on the south. The first of
these enters the San Juan at sixty-five miles, and the second
ninety miles below the lake. These streams flow through
valleys transversely to that of the San Juan, which is
further intersected by ranges of hills, coming in both from
the north and the south, at the Rapides del Toro, Castillo,
Machuca, etc.

The lake of Nicaragua lies longitudinally, nearly parallel to
the Pacific Ocean, and is separated from it, for nearly two
thirds of the length of the lake, by hills of comparatively
moderate acclivity and elevation, in most cases capable of
cultivation to their summits. Within this distance, also,
are several transverse valleys, extending nearly (Colonel
Childs says quite) across, with summits varying in height,
and furnishing generally good opportunities for direct
communications by ordinary roads or by canal.

ROUTE VIA RIVER SAPOA.—This line lies chiefly in the
department of Guanacaste, now in dispute between Nicaragua
and Costa Rica, and actually occupied by the latter.

The examination of this line by Colonel Childs only proved
its impracticability for the purpose of a canal. He found
that to pass the summit a cut 119 feet in depth would be
required, and an up-lockage from the lake of 350½ feet, and a
down-lockage to the Pacific of 432 feet. Water to supply the
upper locks, it was ascertained, could only be obtained with
difficulty, and at great cost. Besides, a long rock cut of
three fourths of a mile would be required from low-tide mark
in the bay of Salinas to deep water. In short, the physical
difficulties on this line, if not of a nature to make the
construction of a canal impossible, were nevertheless such as
to make it impracticable.

ROUTE FROM MOUTH OF THE RIO LAJAS TO BRITO.—The line from
Lake Nicaragua to the Pacific, to which public attention has
been most directed, is one starting from the mouth of the Rio
Lajas, a few miles below the town of Rivas, or Nicaragua, to
the port of San Juan del Sur, or Concordia, on the Pacific.
As already stated, not less than three surveys had been made
over this line; one in 1781 by Galisteo, a Spanish engineer,
and the last by Mr. Baily, an Englishman, under the republic
of Central America, published in Stephens' _Incidents of
Travel in Central America_. The line pursued by both Galisteo
and Baily was governed by the circumstance of a measurably
good port on the Pacific—that of San Juan del Sur, the best
on the whole line of coast from the bay of Salinas northward
to Realejo. Baily's line is sixteen miles and 730 feet in
length, and the greatest elevation above the lake 487 feet.
That of Galisteo is seventeen miles 200 feet in length, and
the greatest elevation above the sea 272, and above the lake
134 feet. Baily's line, for half of its distance, involved
209 feet of average vertical cutting; that of Galisteo,
for half of its length, an average vertical cutting of 108
feet. These facts, and others, among which the absolute
impossibility of supplying the summit levels with water, and
the necessity of tunnels, combined to make the construction
of a canal on this line wholly impossible.

[Sidenote: EXPLORING FOR A LINE.]

Colonel Childs seems to have been satisfied of the
impracticability of this line, after a very rapid
examination, and to have devoted himself to the discovery
of one more feasible. In doing this, however, it was
found necessary to abandon San Juan del Sur as the western
terminus.

Starting at the point on the lake to the eastward of Rivas,
levelling westward, through a transverse, moderately
undulating plain, he ascended, on a distance of six and
a half miles, 326 feet, to the summit of a broad valley,
passing between the hills (which are here of moderate
height), and connecting with another valley on the west side,
which extends to a place on the Pacific called Brito, where
a stream, named Rio Grande, flows into the sea. The quantity
of water available for this summit being entirely inadequate,
and the cut altogether too formidable, on the plan of
carrying through the level, this route was abandoned. Another
line, not far from this, was attempted, with very nearly the
same result.

Colonel Childs next started from the mouth of the Rio Lajas,
the same point with his predecessors, and carried a line
of levels to the summit of a transverse valley lying about
six and a half miles south of Rivas, and reaching between
the valley of Rio Lajas and that of the Rio Grande, already
mentioned as flowing into the Pacific at Brito. This summit
was found to be only forty-seven and a half feet above the
surface of the lake, as it stood on the 23d day of December,
1850, at which time it was three and a half feet above its
lowest stages, and one and a half feet below the level at
which it ordinarily stands at the height of the rainy season.
The length of this line from lake to sea is about twenty
miles. This is the route, and the only direct one, between
the lake and sea, regarded by Colonel Childs as feasible, and
upon this all his calculations respecting the proposed canal
are based. In his own language: 'The conclusion was arrived
at that the line leading from the lake, at the mouth of the
river Lajas to the Pacific at Brito, presented more favorable
conditions for the construction of the canal than any other;
it was therefore determined to survey and carefully to locate
a line across upon this route.'

This line, then, runs through the valley of the river Lajas,
the waters of a principal branch of which interlock with
those of the Rio Grande, and, through the valley of the
latter, reaches the sea. The stream first named has its
origin about ten miles south-westerly from its entrance into
the lake, on the eastern slope of the dividing ridge, and
after running north-westerly two miles, along the base of
the hills, takes a northerly direction through comparatively
level savannas, a distance of six miles or eight miles, when
it bends to the east, and in a mile and three fourths enters
the lake. The Rio Grande rises on the eastern slope of the
same range of hills, and two or three miles north-west from
the sources of the Lajas, and, after flowing some three or
four miles at the foot of their slope, bends to the west, and
by a narrow and somewhat irregular valley passes through the
ridge, and thence, in a more capacious and uniform valley,
into the Pacific.

WESTERN SECTION OF PROPOSED CANAL BETWEEN LAKE NICARAGUA AND
THE PACIFIC.—The entire line of the canal proposed by Colonel
Childs, and upon which all his calculations and estimates are
based, is therefore through the valley of the river San Juan
into Lake Nicaragua, across Lake Nicaragua to the mouth of
the Rio Lajas, through the valley of that stream, and across
the summit of forty-seven and a half feet which separates it
from that of the Rio Grande, and down the valley of the Rio
Grande to Brito, where that stream enters the Pacific.

Now, in order to understand Colonel Childs' conclusions, and
appreciate the data which he gives, we must know what kind
of a work he proposes. He contemplates a canal but seventeen
feet deep; and as he intends to supply the western section,
from the lake to the sea, by water from the lake, it would
be necessary to commence construction in the lake at a point
where the water is seventeen feet deep at mean stage. This
point is opposite the mouth of the Lajas, and twenty-five
chains from the line of the shore. From this point, for
a mile and a half, partially along the river Lajas, the
excavation will be principally earth; but beyond this, for
a distance of five and a half miles, which carries the line
beyond the summit, three fourths of the excavation will be
in a trap rock. That is to say, the deepest excavation, or
open cut, will be sixty-five feet, and involve the removal of
1,879,000 cubic yards of earth, and 3,378,000 cubic yards of
rock. The excavation and construction in this five and a half
miles alone are estimated at upward of $6,000,000.

The summit passed, and the valley of the Rio Grande reached,
the excavation, as a general rule, will be only the depth of
the canal. Colonel Childs found that the lake, at ordinary
high water, is only 102 feet 10 inches above the Pacific at
high and 111 feet 5 inches above it at low tide, instead
of 128 feet, as calculated by Mr. Baily. This descent he
proposes to accomplish by fourteen locks, of eight feet
lift each, placed at proper points in the valley of the
Rio Grande, thus bringing us to Brito, the terminus on the
Pacific.

The harbor of Brito, as it is called, or the point where
the Rio Grande enters the sea, is at best only a bad
anchorage. There is here a small angular indentation of
the land, partially protected by a low ledge of rock, but
nothing adequate for the terminus of an important work like
the proposed canal, or capable of answering the commonest
requisites of a port. To remedy this deficiency, Colonel
Childs proposed to construct an artificial harbor, of
thirty-four acres area, by means of moles and jetties in
the sea, and by extensive excavations in the land. If, as
he supposes, the excavations here would be in sand, it is
obviously almost impossible to get proper foundations for
the immense sea-walls and piers that would be necessary for
a work of this kind. On the contrary, if these excavations
should be chiefly in a rock, as seems most likely, the cost
and labor would almost surpass computation. Assuming the
excavations for the purpose to be in earth and sand, Colonel
Childs estimates the cost of making a harbor at a little over
$2,600,000.

MIDDLE SECTION OF PROPOSED CANAL—LAKE NICARAGUA.—Proceeding
from seventeen feet depth of water in the lake, opposite to
the river Lajas, in the direction of the outlet of the lake
at Fort San Cárlos, there is ample water for vessels of all
sizes for a distance of about fifty-one miles, to a point
half a mile south of the Boacos Islands. Here the depth of
water diminishes rapidly to fourteen feet. For the remaining
five and a half miles to the fort, the water is variable,
averaging only about nine feet at low and about fourteen
at high water. For this distance of five and a half miles,
therefore, an average under-water excavation of eight feet
would be required to make the channel, at low water, of the
depth of the canal, or seventeen feet. But if the lake were
kept at high level, the under-water excavation would be but
an average of three feet.

Colonel Childs proposed to protect this portion of the
channel by rows of piles driven on each side, along its
whole extent, and thinks, after the excavation were made, a
sufficient current would be established to keep the channel
clear.

[Sidenote: THE RIVER SAN JUAN.]

EASTERN SECTION—THE RIVER SAN JUAN.—We come now to the
section between Lake Nicaragua and the Atlantic, through or
along the river San Juan. Excepting a small settlement at
the Castillo Viejo, at the Castillo Rapids, thirty-seven
miles from the lake, the valley of the San Juan is wholly
uninhabited. This section, hitherto supposed the easiest, is,
nevertheless, by far the most difficult part of the proposed
enterprise.

Colonel Childs carried a line of levels from the lake at San
Cárlos to the port of San Juan, on the northern bank of the
stream. The whole distance from San Carlos to seventeen feet
depth of water in the harbor of San Juan is 119⅓ miles; and
the whole fall, from the surface of high lake to the surface
of highest tide in the harbor, is 107½ feet—to lowest tide,
108¾ feet.

Of the above distance, the first ninety-one miles, or from
San Carlos to half a mile below the Serapiqui River, Colonel
Childs proposed to make the river navigable by excavating
its bed, and by constructing dams, to be passed by means of
locks and short canals; the remaining twenty-eight miles of
the canal to be constructed inland, or independently of the
river. Of the whole fall, sixty-two and a half feet occurs
on that portion which it is proposed to improve by dams,
and on which there were to be eight locks, and the remaining
forty-six and a quarter feet occurs on the inland portion of
the canal, on which were to be six locks—fourteen locks in
all.

Colonel Childs proposed to place the first dam at the head
of the Castillo Rapids, a distance of upward of thirty-seven
miles from the lake, and to pass the rapids by means of a
lateral canal. By means of this dam he proposed to raise the
water, at that point, twenty-one and a half feet, and the
entire level of Lake Nicaragua five feet above its lowest
stages, or in other words, to keep it at high-water mark. The
fall at this dam would be sixteen feet. He proposed also six
other dams, four of eight feet fall, one of fourteen and a
half feet, and one of thirteen and a half feet. Between all
of these there would be more or less excavation in the bed of
the stream, sometimes in earth, and often in rock.

Colonel Childs proposed further to improve the harbor of San
Juan by moles, etc., and to construct an artificial harbor in
connection with it of the capacity of thirteen acres.

In respect of the amount of water in the San Juan, we have
some interesting statistics. This amount, of course, varies
greatly with the different seasons. The quantity of water
that passed from the lake at its lowest stage, on the 4th of
June, 1851, was 11,930 cubic feet per second. The greatest
rise of the lake is about five feet. When it stood at 3.43
feet above its lowest level, the flow of water was 18,059
cubic feet per second, being an increase of about fifty per
cent. Supposing the same ratio of increase, at high lake the
amount of water in the river would be doubled.

The river receives large accessions from its tributaries.
Below these, and above the point of divergence of the
Colorado, flowing direct into the sea from the San Juan,
which falls into the harbor of the same name, the flow of
water was 54,380 cubic feet per second, of which 42,056
passed through the Colorado branch into the ocean, and 12,324
through the San Juan into the port.

DIMENSIONS OF THE PROPOSED CANAL.—Where the excavation is
in earth, Colonel Childs proposed (and all his estimates
are founded on these dimensions) that the canal shall have
a depth of 17 feet; that it shall be 50 feet wide at the
bottom, 86 feet wide at 9 feet above the bottom, and 118 feet
wide at the surface of the water. Where the excavation is in
rock, the canal is to be 50 feet wide at bottom, 77 feet at 9
feet above bottom, and 78⅓ feet at the surface of the water.

LENGTH OF PROPOSED CANAL.—The total length of the line
proposed by Colonel Childs, from San Juan del Norte on the
Atlantic, to Brito on the Pacific, is 194⅓ miles, as follows:

Miles.

Canal from port of San Juan to its point of intersection
with the river, near the mouth of the Serapiqui 28.505

Slack-water navigation on the San Juan River, from the
above point to San Cárlos, at the outlet of the lake 90.800

From San Cárlos, across Lake Nicaragua, to the mouth
of the Rio Lajas 56.500

From mouth of Rio Lajas to Brito 18.588
-------
Total, as above 194.393

ESTIMATED COST.—The cost of the work is estimated by Colonel
Childs in detail. The recapitulation, by divisions, is as
follows:

Eastern Division (i. e., from port of San Juan to $12,502,346
lake)
Middle Division (through lake) 1,025,676

Western Division (from lake to Pacific) 13,896,603
-----------
$27,424,625

Add, for contingencies, 15 per cent 4,113,693
-----------
Total estimated cost of canal $31,538,318

The canal company published a pamphlet, in which the
estimates for the canal were made at New York prices, and
in which the total was put down at $13,243,099. 'The prices
adopted in the estimate of $31,500,000,' says Colonel Childs,
'are made up with reference to the completion of the work
within six years from the time of breaking ground, and a
commencement of the settlement of the country in the vicinity
of the line previous to letting the contracts.'

CAPACITY OF THE PROPOSED CANAL.—The charter of the canal
company provided that the capacity of the work should be
sufficiently great 'to admit vessels of all sizes.' And
it is obvious that a work which will not pass freely the
largest vessels can but imperfectly answer the purposes
of its construction, or meet the requirements of commerce.
But Colonel Childs proposed only one 17 feet deep, 50 feet
wide at bottom, and 118 feet wide at top—a capacity wholly
inadequate to pass the larger classes of vessels, and one
which fails to meet the stipulations of the charter. The
larger merchant-ships, such as are generally employed in
the eastern trade, have a draught of from 20 to 25 feet,
and would require, to say nothing of war vessels and large
steamers, a canal of from 25 to 30 feet in depth, which would
involve more than double the amount of excavation proposed,
and probably treble the amount of cost, and carry it up from
$31,500,000 to $100,000,000. Here is the fatal deficiency in
the whole proposition of Colonel Childs.

To make the canal capable of passing vessels drawing 20 feet
of water, Colonel Childs says, would increase to a very great
degree the amount of the excavation on the river section,
and still more the expense. 'Any considerable increase
in the depth proposed (17 feet) would require under-water
excavations between the lake and the Toro Rapids, a distance
of 27 miles, to be almost continuous; it would very much
lengthen the cuts on the other portions of the river, and the
liability of these artificial channels to receive deposits
of earth to such an extent as to obstruct navigation would
be very much greater. On the inland portion of the canal,'
continues Colonel Childs, 'a depth of 22 feet of water would,
with fifty feet bottom-width, give a transverse water-section
about 45 per cent greater than a depth of 17 feet, with the
same bottom-width; and the expense of the inland portions
would also, by reason of the greater depth of excavation, be
increased in a still higher ratio.'

[Sidenote: THE VIEWS OF COLONEL CHILDS.]

Colonel Childs seems sensible of the inadequacy of a canal
of the proposed dimensions, but thinks that by changes in
model, etc., ships of great size could be built to pass a
17-foot canal. That is to say, the world may build ships
for the canal, instead of the canal company a canal for the
ships of the world! He states that most steamers draw less
than 17 feet, and quotes from Murray's _Treatise on Marine
Engines_ to show that of 261 steam-vessels, principally
English, 15 draw over 17 feet, 21 have 17 feet draught,
and 225 less than 17 feet. But he neglects to tell us that
experience and economy point to the construction of larger
steamers than those now in use, and that such as would be
used in the eastern trade, in the event of the construction
of the canal, would be still larger than those of the Collins
line, which draw over 22 feet. Besides, a canal of 17 feet is
only adequate to the passage of vessels of 15 feet draught.
No canal ought to be contemplated with a less depth than 25
feet, and with proportionate top and bottom width.

The Chesapeake and Delaware Canal has a depth of 10 feet.

The Welland Canal is 28 miles long, 9 feet deep, 35 feet wide
at bottom, and 71 feet at top. It passes vessels of 350 tons.

The Caledonian Canal, between the eastern and western shores
of Great Britain, is 59 miles in length, of which 21½ miles
is inland and 37½ through lakes. It is 50 feet wide at
bottom, 110 feet at top, and is 20 feet deep. It is capable
of passing frigates of 32 guns, and merchant-vessels of 1,000
tons.

The canal from Amsterdam to New Dieppe, in Holland, is 50
miles long, 36 feet wide at bottom and 124 at top, and is 20
feet 9 inches deep.

In respect of navigating the canal, according to Colonel
Childs' suggestions, steamers will propel themselves, and
sail-vessels will be moved by tugs constructed for the
purpose, except on the portion west of the lake, and between
the river and port of San Juan, where the delay of the
driving steamers in passing the locks would make the use of
animal-power advisable. Calculating 24 minutes as the time
required for a vessel to pass each lock, 60 vessels, it is
calculated, could be passed in a day. The average rate of
speed with which steamers might safely move in the inland
portions of the canal is calculated at 2½ miles per hour, on
the river portions 7 miles an hour, and on the lake, 11 miles
an hour. Sailing vessels propelled by horse-power might move
on the canal at the rate of two miles an hour, and on the
river and lake with an average speed of 4 miles per hour. For
steamers, therefore, the passage from sea to sea is estimated
at 46½ hours, or about two days; for sailing vessels, 77
hours, or 3¼ days.

FACILITIES FOR CONSTRUCTING THE CANAL.—There are many
considerations connected with an enterprise of this kind
besides its feasibility in a mere engineering point of view,
such as labor, materials, etc., etc. To all of these Colonel
Childs seems to have devoted some attention.

_Timber._—As compared with those of the United States,
the original forests of Nicaragua are inferior in size,
and the kind and quantity of timber proper for use less
in proportion. The tree called the 'cedro,' or cedar, is
produced in considerable abundance, and can be usefully
applied. It grows to a great height, and will produce timber
36 to 40 feet long, and 12 to 18 inches square. The 'roble,'
a species of oak, is also a tall tree, and furnishes timber
equal to the cedar in size. The 'níspero,' 'laurel,' 'madera
negra,' and others, answer a very good purpose. The 'níspero'
is 29 per cent stronger than white oak, and may be procured
in sufficient quantities, in the opinion of Colonel Childs,
to be relied on as a substitute for all the purposes in
which oak is required. He thinks that, in the aggregate, the
forests of Nicaragua, in the sections traversed by the canal,
will probably produce all the lumber required.

_Stone._—Along the river San Juan, the rock is chiefly trap,
graywacke, and shale; in many localities too friable for
use, but in others, Colonel Childs thinks, it may be found
fit for the purposes required. On the west side of the lake
limestone quarries were found, capable of producing good
lime in abundance. The stone, generally, between the lake
and Pacific, on the proposed canal line, is not good, but it
was thought that in case of need it might be obtained from
Granada, sixty miles to the north-west, and from a lower
point on the Isthmus. Very good and abundant clays were
found, and a stone from which water-lime of a fair quality
may be obtained.

_Labor._—Colonel Childs concedes that the prosecution of the
works of the canal would be attended with vast difficulties,
resulting from a lack of all the essential requisites in the
shape of mills, roads, carriages, etc., etc. He thinks the
oxen of the country may be obtained in sufficient numbers to
do all the necessary hauling of materials. But there is yet a
consideration of vastly more importance, viz., labor. Colonel
Childs apprehends that it would be necessary to rely chiefly
on foreigners. He says that, although the laboring population
of the country, when under compulsory circumstances, are
capable of great activity and of enduring much fatigue, in
their ordinary avocations they are tardy and irregular in
their labor. An exception is, however, made in favor of a
class of boatmen employed on the river, some 400 in number,
in whom we have an example of physical labor and exposure
to the elements scarcely equalled in any country, endured
by them with no perceptible prejudice, but apparently with
advantage to their health. These men sleep on a narrow plank
across their boats, with no other protection than a single
blanket; yet there is probably in the world no class of men
of more athletic forms, and notwithstanding their indifferent
attention to the conditions of health, more capable of hard
service. So far as can be gathered from Colonel Childs'
observations, it seems that he would rely chiefly on foreign
labor for the construction of the proposed work.

[Sidenote: CLIMATIC TRIALS.]

He seems to think it is not unlikely that foreigners,
already accustomed to hard labor, may, when thoroughly
acclimated, and under no unnecessary exposure, be capable
of a fair amount of labor in this country, although not as
great an amount as in higher latitudes. He states that of
the party engaged in the survey west of the lake, nine were
unaccustomed to the climate. After a few months, a slight
fever, followed by ague, prevented some of the number from
continued daily exercise; but being in all cases under the
control of medicine, it was of short duration. During seven
months in this part of the state, illness in the party
at no time interrupted a daily prosecution of the survey.
Upon the San Juan River, the surveying party consisted of
twelve persons, exclusive of native citizens. The survey
occupied six and a half months, from March to September. 'The
party generally enjoyed good health, and no individual was
prevented by indisposition, beyond a day or two, from full
service. Of those engaged as axemen in clearing the line,
two were northern men, whose daily exercise exceeded that
usual to men in canal-work, without detriment to health or
constitution.'

_Soil._—From San Juan Harbor to where the proposed canal
would strike the river, the soil is vegetable mould, coarse
sand, and sandy loam. Along the river it is of a more mixed
character, clay and loam predominating in the valleys, and a
gravelly clay, with detached stones, on the hills. West of
the lake, the central portion of the summit is principally
clay; the remainder, together with the soil through the
valley to Brito, has a very nearly uniform and equal
intermixture of clay, sand, and gravel. The surface soil is
generally fine, and contains enough of vegetable mould to
render it capable of great production.

_Food._—Among the staple articles of food that would,
during the construction of the canal, be most required for
consumption, may be named maize, plantains, and beans. Of
the former and latter two crops are annually raised on the
same ground, and the supply of plantains is constant. Besides
these are bananas, oranges, lemons, pineapples, cocoanuts,
squashes, melons, tomatoes, and other garden vegetables.
Colonel Childs, while considering these sources of supply in
food, is nevertheless of opinion that salt meat and flour
would have to be brought in large quantities from abroad.
Fresh beef, pork, and poultry are abundant in the country.

OPINION OF COLONEL ABERT AND LIEUTENANT-COLONEL
TURNBULL.—Although a different impression has been sought
to be produced in the public mind, yet the government of the
United States had no direct interest in the proposed canal,
nor manifested any other than might naturally attach to
any enterprise of supposed general importance. The surveys
of Colonel Childs seem, nevertheless, to have been sent
to the secretary of war, with a request for the opinion of
the government engineers. Mr Conrad politely referred it to
Colonel Abert and Lieutenant-colonel Turnbull, of the bureau
of topographical engineers, who give their opinion in a brief
letter, dated March 20, 1852. Proceeding upon Colonel Childs'
data, they think his plan practicable, that his estimates
for a canal of seventeen feet are liberal, and that some
reductions might possibly be made. They think that a shorter
line might be traced between the port of San Juan and the
point of intersection with the river, and recommend another
survey of that portion.

OPINION OF ENGLISH ENGINEERS.—The American minister
in England, at the request of the company, appears to
have transmitted Colonel Childs' surveys to the earl of
Malmesbury, with a wish that he would submit it to competent
English engineers for their opinion. James Walker, Esq.,
civil engineer, and Edward Aldrich, captain of the royal
engineers, were named for this service. They seem not only to
have examined Colonel Childs' survey, but to have subjected
that gentleman, who was then in England, to a very close
personal examination. Taking his plans, measurement, and
statements to be correct, their opinion is, on the whole,
favorable. They think that his estimates for work are ample,
but regard the amount set down for 'contingencies' (fifteen
per cent) too small by at least ten per cent, that is to
say, that it should have been twenty-five instead of fifteen
per cent. Of all the works of the proposed navigation, they
regard the Brito or Pacific harbor as least satisfactory.
To use their own language: 'Presuming Colonel Childs'
statements and conclusions to be correct, the Brito harbor
is in shape and size unworthy of this great ship navigation,
even supposing the Pacific, to which it is quite open, to
be a much quieter ocean than any we have seen or have any
information of.'

They also object to the proposed size, and suggest a canal
twenty feet deep instead of seventeen, sixty feet wide at the
bottom instead of fifty, and the locks 300 feet instead of
250, as being one 'more efficient for the general purposes of
trade, by steam or sailing vessels.' This would, of course,
be attended with great additional cost; but, as they truly
observe, 'if the junction of the Pacific with the Atlantic be
worth doing at all, it is worth doing well.' They conclude
that, judging from the data, without presuming to vouch for
their accuracy, the work is practicable, 'and would not be
attended with engineering difficulties beyond what might
naturally be expected in a work of this magnitude;' that
the surveys have every appearance of accuracy, and they are
satisfied of the perfect fairness and candor of Colonel
Childs; that the works are generally sufficient for the
purpose they are intended to answer; and 'that the estimates
upon the present value of money are adequate, in a general
way, so far as judgments can be formed from the documents
produced and the explanations of Colonel Childs.'

OPINION OF BRITISH CAPITALISTS.—We come now to a point not
indicated in the report of Colonel Childs, viz., the refusal
of the leading capitalists of England to engage in the
projected work.

It is well known that at least two expeditions or missions to
England were undertaken by agents of the canal company. At
their first visit in 1851, they were unable to present any
specific data upon which to solicit the aid of capitalists;
they, however, made out a hypothetical case, which they
submitted, and received for answer, 'Substantiate your
statements by facts, and no difficulty will be experienced in
securing the financial aid which you desire; until then, we
can return you no definite answer.' This reply was not made
public in terms, but the agents, on their return, proclaimed
that the 'great European capitalists had engaged to furnish
half the capital for the enterprise.' A few, and it is
believed only a few, persons, considering the precise source
whence this vaunt came, attached the slightest importance to
it.

[Sidenote: REASONS FOR DECLINING.]

The second expedition was made in 1852, and this time
the agents took out with them both Colonel Childs and his
surveys. The opinion of certain British engineers (as we have
seen) was procured, and the whole matter resubmitted to the
great capitalists, who now, for the first time, thought it
sufficiently advanced to merit their serious attention. The
result of their examination was communicated to the company
in a letter from Mr Bates, head of the house of Baring
Brothers, in August 1852, and consisted in a declension to
embark in the enterprise, for a variety of reasons, chiefly,
of course, financial.

1. The dimensions of the canal were not such as, in their
opinion, to meet the requirements of commerce, and the work
could not be used except by medium-sized steamers and small
vessels.

2. That the proposed dimensions were not in conformity with
those required by the charter of the company, and that
it could not be built of the proposed dimensions without
securing a modification of the charter, which, in the
existing state of feeling in Nicaragua, it was not likely
could be effected.

3. That, supposing the work not to exceed the estimated
cost of $31,000,000, the returns, to meet the simple
interest of the investment at six per cent, must be at least
$1,860,000 over and above its current expenses; or, to meet
this interest, and the percentage to be paid to Nicaragua,
it must reach, over and above its expenses, $2,269,200.
Estimating the expenses of repairs, superintendence, cost of
transportation, etc., at $400,000 a year (a sum regarded as
too small), then the gross returns to make the work pay must
be $2,670,000.

4. But it is found, by inquiry and calculation, that little,
if any, of the European trade with the Orient would pass
through the canal, inasmuch as the passage by the way of Cape
Good Hope is, on an average, 1,500 miles nearer than by way
of the proposed work.

5. That even if the distance were in favor of the proposed
canal, its small size would prevent nearly, if not quite,
two thirds of the vessels engaged in the Indian trade from
passing it; and this objection would equally lie against most
of the vessels employed in the trade with western America,
the only trade in which the canal would prove serviceable to
Europe.

6. That the heavy toll of $3 a ton on ships would prevent
such vessels as could pass the canal from doing so, inasmuch
as on a vessel of 1,000 tons the toll would be $3,000, or
more than the average earnings of such vessels on their
voyages.

7. That a canal of the proposed size could only be used by
small passenger-steamers, the returns from which would not be
adequate to pay the current expenses of the enterprise.

While unhesitatingly conceding the immense local advantages
of a canal to the United States, these capitalists confessed
themselves utterly unable to discover how it could prove
of compensating value to the men who should invest their
money in the enterprise. They therefore, for these and other
reasons, declined to meet the views of the projectors and
their agents.

GUARANTEE OF THE UNITED STATES, ETC.—By the convention of
1850 between the United States and Great Britain, a qualified
guaranty was extended to this enterprise, in common with
several others. There was also a clause inserted with
direct reference to this company, which provided that it
should 'have a priority of claim over every other company
to the protection of the United States and Great Britain,'
on condition that it should, within 'one year from the
date of the ratification' of the convention, 'conclude its
arrangements and present evidence of sufficient capital
subscribed to accomplish the undertaking.' The treaty was
ratified, and the ratifications exchanged July 5, 1850. No
subscription of stock having taken place, and no evidence
of capital having been presented in the time specified, or
indeed at any other time, the company forfeited this special
protection in July 1851; and as the twelve years within which
the work was to be constructed will expire in 1861, it may be
assumed that its prosecution will depend upon new conditions
and combinations. Indeed, it may be questioned if the opening
of railways between the oceans may not indefinitely postpone
the project of a canal; for, however desirable such a work
may be, its realization will depend upon precisely those
practical considerations which apply to the simplest works
of public utility. It will not do to foot up the commerce
between Europe and Asia, and assume, as has generally been
the case, that the totals will pass through the canal, if
constructed. Now, the simple truth is, that, so far as Europe
is concerned, that part of her trade which goes to ports on
the Pacific coast of America, to the Sandwich Islands, Japan,
the northern ports of China, to New Zealand and Australia, is
all that will be materially benefited by the construction of
a canal. As regards Australia, the principal advantage would
be in having a safer, easier, and consequently quicker and
surer means of communication than is afforded by the Cape of
Good Hope; for the Pacific Ocean is preëminently the sea of
steamers, and where steam navigation, in respect of speed at
least, is destined to achieve its most brilliant success. So
far as the United States is concerned, the advantages of such
a work would naturally be greater than to Europe.

Assuming a canal to be built across the Isthmus of Nicaragua,
the following table will illustrate the relations of
Liverpool and New York with the principal ports of the east,
in respect of distance:

Via Cape of Via Proposed Net Net
Good Hope. Canal. Loss. Gain.
From Liverpool—
To Canton 12,900 13,800 900
Calcutta 11,440 15,480 4,040
Singapore 11,880 15,120 4,240
Sydney 14,980 12,550 2,320
From New York—
To Canton 14,100 11,820 3,280
Calcutta 12,360 13,680 1,320
Singapore 12,700 11,420 280
Sydney 15,720 9,480 5,240

[The distances to Sydney are calculated via Torres Straits.]

[Sidenote: THE COURSE OF TRAFFIC.]

The following table will illustrate the relations of
Liverpool and New York in respect to the principal western
ports of America:

Via Via Gain.
Cape Horn. Proposed Canal.
From Liverpool—
To Valparaiso 8,700 7,500 1,200
Callao 10,020 6,800 3,220
Sandwich Islands 13,500 8,640 4,860

From New York—
To Valparaiso 8,580 4,860 3,720
Callao 9,900 3,540 5,360
Sandwich Islands 13,200 6,300 6,900

But it is not to be assumed that all the trade, much less
all the travel, treasure, and mails to the points which I
have indicated, will, under any circumstances, pass through
a canal. The passengers between New York and San Francisco,
amounting annually to nearly 100,000, would never consent
to make a voyage of from 1,000 to 2,000 miles out of their
way, to Nicaragua, Panamá, Darien, or Atrato, for the sake
of passing through a canal, however grand, when by a simple
transshipment at Honduras, for instance, and a transit of
209 miles by railway, they would be able to avoid this long
detour, and effect a saving of from 5 to 8 days of time;
for even if steamers were to run to any canal which might
be opened, and supposing no detention on account of locks
or other causes (calculated by Colonel Childs at 2 days),
even then it would be necessary for them to stop, for coals
and other supplies, more than quadruple the time that would
be occupied by the passengers over the railway in effecting
their reëmbarkation. And what is true of passengers is
equally true of treasure, the mails, and light freight of
small bulk and large value.

I do not wish to be understood as arguing against a canal;
what I mean to illustrate is this: that, open a canal
wherever we may, it will always stand in the same relation to
a railway as does the baggage-train to the express. A canal
would be chiefly, if not wholly, used by ships and vessels
carrying heavy and bulky freights; but as most articles of
this kind are kept in stock in all the principal ports of
the world, it is not of so much consequence to have rapidity
as constancy of supply, and hence, unless the canal shall be
constructed so economically as to admit of a moderate tonnage
rate, it is not improbable that ships of this kind would find
it more economical to follow the routes now open. _Squier's
States of Cent. America._

* * * * *

In tracing, or attempting to trace, the routes of recent
travellers in Darien, there is extraordinary difficulty,
although the locality in question does not exceed a space
of 40 miles by 30. Strange to say, the routes of the old
buccaneers, of Dampier, Ringrose, Sharp, Wafer, and Davis,
the inland journey of that remarkable man Paterson, and of
the Spanish officer Don Manuel Milla de Santa Ella,[XXXIV-54]
can be followed on the old Spanish maps, but not in our
modern ones, even the best; while there are no data hitherto
published that afford more than a guess at the tracks of
modern explorers after leaving the sea-coast. Mr Gisborne
has compiled, or rather copied, the principal part of the
map, on which he has shown, _in red_, those portions which
he himself saw and was enabled to lay down. No surveyor
who reads his _Journal_ and _Report_ can doubt that he has
given eye-sketches, aided by compass bearings and estimated
distances; but the estimation of a practised eye is not to be
undervalued. Dr Cullen can be traced up the Tuyra to Yavisa,
and up the Paya; also up the Savana, but no farther inland.

The state of our geographical knowledge of that exceedingly
interesting region is the following:

All examinations, all surveys, of the Great Isthmus were made
by Spain alone, while she held the country (till the years
1821-31). Very good maps of much of the Spanish territory
existed at that time; but they have been copied and recopied
by all manner of hands; scales and bearings have been
altered, not intentionally, but by mistake; names omitted
or misspelled; and absolute longitudes applied erroneously.
Thus good original work came to be so deteriorated by its
transmutations as to be almost useless.

No surveys need be better than some of the Spanish works
undertaken toward the end of the last and during the
beginning of this century. Methods and instruments were
used by Tofiño, Malaspina, Espinosa, Bauza, Córdova, and
others, that were not adopted, if known, by French or
English surveyors until afterward. Triangulation without
the compass, bases obtained by angular measurements of known
objects,[XXXIV-55] and the most perfect style of plan-drawing
on true principles, were practised by Spaniards before this
century commenced.

The south coast of the Great Isthmus and the interior of
Darien were not explored and mapped sufficiently, because of
the hostile Indians, and political reasons connected with
the gold mines in that district. There was also another
source of error in that particular vicinity which has only
recently been eliminated; namely, the great difference of
longitudes, according to the maps, between places on opposite
sides of the Isthmus which are really in the same meridian.
This amounted to more than 30 miles along all the coast from
Chiriquí to Darien with respect to the corresponding southern
coast-line.

Thanks to the far-seeing and indefatigable hydrographer to
the admiralty, Admiral Sir Francis Beaufort, the British
surveys have included much of the coasts of Central America,
and they are now placed in relatively correct positions
on our latest maps. Having therefore exact coast-lines,
or boundaries, we can avail ourselves more readily of much
Spanish interior detail; but it is exceedingly difficult to
get at the _original_ works.

A very neatly engraved and _apparently_ complete map of
the Isthmus has been lately published at New Orleans by
Dr Autenreith, but in reality it is only a copy of Spanish
documents and recent surveys made by England; it is not an
original work. There are in this country at present more
materials for a map of Darien than exist elsewhere. Bauza
brought copies of all the Spanish-American documents to this
country, with many original maps; but there is still a great
extent, nearly all the interior of the Isthmus of Darien,
unexamined by the eye of a surveyor.

In the last century (1780), a Spanish party of five
engineers and surveyors, under Donoso, escorted by a large
body of troops,[XXXIV-56] was stopped by the Indians in the
Chucunaque River, and obliged to return without executing
their orders to survey the region near Caledonian harbor;
and _this_ was the _last_ attempt by Spain, or by _any one_,
to make a regular survey of the interior of that part of the
Isthmus.

In the valuable collection of Mr Arrowsmith are many Spanish
documents, among which one plan, dated 1774, shows all the
Spanish establishments, military and religious, as well as
mining, at that date, in Darien. Others show details of a
previous century, and a few give the earliest settlements of
the 16th century.

[Sidenote: INJURY TO TRUTHFUL GEOGRAPHY.]

And here allow one word to be said of the injury to
_truthful_ geography, caused by copying all materials without
acknowledgment, or by adding imaginary topography without
explanation. The map by Dr Autenreith has much the appearance
of an exact survey; there is no distinction made between
those parts for which there is authority and those which are
partly the results of imagination (the interior hill-work).

The public in general being unaware of the _authorities_ for
a map, the mere copyist is often supposed to be the _author_
of the work. Maps or charts that are not original ought
always to show from what data they have been compiled.

In order to assist in now forming a correct opinion of
Darien, a retrospective historical glance at a few points is
necessary.

The first settlement in all America was founded in 1509 at
the mouth of the Atrato. It was called Santa Maria de la
Antigua. The next settlement on the Isthmus was at Acla, or
Agla, in 1514, a few miles inland[XXXIV-57] from that port
or bay now famed in history and romance, called by Paterson
Caledonian Harbor. It was from Agla that Balboa crossed to
the South Sea, and that the earliest expeditions to Peru were
despatched.

In 1532 these two settlements were abandoned, and their
population transferred to Nombre de Dios and Panamá. This is
said to have been done on account of the unhealthy site of
Santa Maria de la Antigua, surrounded by marshes and mangrove
jungles; but why Agla was abandoned does not appear, except
by Paterson's narrative, whence it may be inferred that the
settlers there were harassed by the Indians, and were too far
from the sea-shore. Besides which, as intercourse increased
with places on the Pacific coasts it became, no doubt, more
convenient to have a principal rendezvous on the southern
shore more accessible from the Pacific.

In those early days so famed was Darien for gold, that the
province was called 'Golden Castile'[XXXIV-58] (Castilla del
Oro). It was the principal portion of that 'tierra firme,' so
famed afterward as the 'Spanish Main,' the real 'El Dorado'
to which Sir Walter Raleigh went in 1517-18, Sir Francis
Drake in 1557, troops of buccaneers in the 17th century, and
the Scotch colony in 1698.

Repeated aggressions on this auriferous district, where
abundance of gold was procured by black slave labor, after
the aborigines had been diminished in numbers by oppressive
cruelties, induced Spain to close and abandon the mines for
a time (early in the 18th century)—even those famous ones
in the mountains of Espíritu Santo near Cana, from which
alone more gold went through Panamá in a year than from all
the other mines of America taken together. These Cana mines
were sacked in 1702 and 1712 by English, in 1724 by French,
and by the Indians in 1727. Nevertheless, in 1774 the mining
operations were again going on, having been reëstablished a
few years previously.

When Cana was taken by the expedition (as narrated by
Davis) sent from Jamaica by Colonel Beckford in 1702, there
were about '900 houses' (probably most of them mere huts);
therefore, the population could hardly have been less than
3,000 at that time. From 1719 to 1727 there was a great and
general resistance of the Indians, who attacked the Spaniards
in all directions, and drove them out of all the detached
settlements. Some years afterward peace was made (in 1740),
missions of the Jesuits advanced among the natives, and by
their aid not only much topographical knowledge was acquired,
but Spanish settlements in the interior were renewed and
mines worked. But the Indians again rebelled; therefore,
small forts were reëstablished at Yavisa, Molineca, and Santa
Maria Real, with a new post (in 1780) at _El Príncipe_, or
Ocubti, from which a road was cut by Arisa, leading toward
Caledonian Harbor. The fort El Príncipe does not appear in
the Spanish MS. map of 1774; it was built about 1785, when
the Spaniards had again advanced into the interior Indian
territory.

In 1788 Milla de Santa Ella, an officer of Spain, went from
Caledonian Harbor to El Príncipe direct by the road then
recently opened by the Spaniards; but as he did not think it
advisable to return the same way, he went down the Savana,
and up the Chucunaque to the Tubuganti and Chueti rivers,
whence he crossed to his station at Caledonian Harbor by the
same route, undoubtedly, that Paterson traversed on his visit
to the Indian great chief at Ponca in 1698.

The examination of no traveller, except Humboldt, previous
to 1850, induced a belief that a canal might be cut directly
through Darien. Dr Cullen's personal inspection of Caledonian
Harbor, and of the Savana River, with their neighborhood,
added to the information he obtained orally and by reading,
led him to the conclusion that the lowest summit level
between those places did not exceed 300 or 400 feet, while it
might be very much less. Feeling so confident that a lower
level existed, he went there again to explore; but while
collecting further information and arranging preliminaries,
at Bogotá, the seat of government in New Granada, Mr Gisborne
(an engineer employed by Messrs Fox and Henderson) made short
excursions from each side of the Isthmus, which satisfied him
that the lowest summit level does not exceed 160 feet above
the sea.

According to the most authentic map of this district, Mr
Arrowsmith's last printed, not yet published, the distance
across in a direct line—between deep water on each side—is
about 33 miles. The windings of a canal may require nearly
a third more, and if so, the whole distance to be canalized
is about 40 miles—_a shorter distance than can be found
elsewhere_.

Mr Gisborne's examination of the principal features of this
line across Darien, however incomplete, is a material advance
toward certainty. We have his two bases of operations,
at Caledonian Harbor and San Miguel (entrance), nearly
determined by recent government surveys, and we have his
character as a guaranty for the value of those details which
he has given in his _Report_. There may be a few miles
of distance to settle, and there may be doubts whether
the river near his watershed, or summit level, called by
him _Caledonia_, may not be another river, perhaps the
Chucunaque, or one of its tributaries; and moreover, that the
range of heights supposed by him to separate those rivers is
not truly placed, while his river Caledonia (otherwise the
Golden River, or Aglatomate) winds through a more northerly
area. But these are trifles compared with his barometric
measurement of the summit level, and his own overlapping
eye-views of the country which he did not traverse.

If indeed the mouth of the Savana be not accurately laid
down, or assumed by him, if it be much farther west than he
supposed, his surveys may not have overlapped; and he may
have looked across two different plains; in which case there
may be yet another ridge or watershed beneath the rivers
which he actually touched. The expedition employed by our
government to survey this coast did not examine the mouths
of rivers running into San Miguel. Only the western part of
that gulf was examined in continuing the coast line. Hence
the position of the Savana may be less accurately known than
is generally supposed.

[Sidenote: A HASTY SCRAMBLE.]

It is hardly necessary to remark here that to make
independent observations for latitude, longitude, distance,
and accurate triangulation requires more time and instruments
than can be carried in a hasty scramble through a wild
country.

Mr Gisborne's examination of the geology and mineralogy is
valuable. Far from discovering any remarkable impediments
to cutting a canal, he states that there are _no_ particular
engineering difficulties with respect to the _ground_; that
there is much stratified shale-rock, easy to quarry, and fit
to line a canal. There is abundance of fine timber. Mangrove
forests, rather than jungles, surround the waters of the
gulf. Densely matted underwood follows on drier ground;
and then, on the elevated country, there are magnificent
timber-trees very little encumbered by underwood.

Having thus endeavored to take a general view of this
question, we may perhaps ask ourselves what are the greatest
impediments to the excavation of a canal—impediments
exceeding those that would attend any corresponding work in
Europe.

Supposing that political arrangements are satisfactorily
completed, the claims of other parties compromised or
barred, and adequate funds disposable, the only peculiar
and important impediments will be two—the natives and the
climate. The native or Indian question, as connected with
the independence and rights of the aborigines, should be
considered deliberately. That the Indians may be overawed
and conciliated by proper management, there is no doubt;
but their reasonable claims must be satisfied, irrespective
of all jurisdiction assumed over them by New Granada—a
jurisdiction which the natives of Darien repudiate. Fair
dealing, while an overpowering force is in sight, will
prevent any attempt to have recourse to arms, or to molest
the parties employed about a canal, and would therefore
obviate any irritating and probably prolonged guerrilla
hostilities.

It is estimated that there are about 5,000 independent
Indians on the Isthmus east of Costa Rica. Of these, it may
be presumed that there are not 2,000 capable of bearing arms;
a small number when dispersed in the highlands between Costa
Rica and Chocó, but quite enough to molest small parties of
workmen very seriously.

For defensive purposes, as well as for the general order
and discipline of very large bodies of laborers, in a
wild country, some degree of military organization and
an acquiescence in military discipline would seem to be
indispensable.

Whether convicts might be employed advantageously may be a
subject for grave consideration. In clearing the wood of a
tropical forest, and exposing ground to the sun's rays for
the first time, much pestilential sickness may be caused,
as has been repeatedly proved (at Pulo Penang, Fernando Po,
and many other places). It cannot be doubted that convicts
would be peculiarly liable to the influence of such diseases,
and therefore it might be unwise to make such an experiment.
Natives of tropical climates, or Chinese, would probably be
able to stand the malaria of newly cleared ground far better
than Europeans.

The most formidable, because permanent and irremediable,
obstacle is unquestionably the climate. There is no doubt
that rain prevails about two thirds of the year, even on the
higher grounds of Darien; while it is no less certain that
in the gulf of San Miguel (where mangrove jungles bound low,
muddy shores, and the great fall of tide exposes extensive
mud-banks) there is a continued succession of rains, more
or less heavy, except during short intervals. Examine any
travellers' accounts, read their narratives—they themselves
bear witness to the undeniable fact, although in _general_
terms they may say there is not _so much_ rain, and it is not
_so_ unhealthy, as has been supposed.

Many Europeans state they did not suffer, although much
and continuously exposed to the rains and heat. Active and
temperate men have not found the climate very detrimental.
Persons who have had many years' experience there assert
that care and regularity will ward off such attacks of
fever or dysentery as are common among thoughtless Europeans
unaccustomed to tropical regions.

It is possible that the great rise of tide on the south side
of the Isthmus may tend to purify the air on its shores, and
this effect, in such a place as San Miguel Gulf, may be very
beneficial.

On the Atrato, at Chagres, at Portobello, and other
notoriously unhealthy places, there is little or no rise
of tide; and the air among the mangrove jungles becomes at
times pestilential. Seemann, in his _Voyage of the Herald_,
recently published, gives so correct a description of such
places that it deserves attention. He says (vol. i. p. 249):
'The sea-coast, and those parts influenced by the tides
and the immediate evaporation of the sea, produce a quite
peculiar vegetation, which is generally characterized by a
leathery, glossy foliage, and leaves with entire margins.
In all muddy places, down to the verge of the ocean, are
impenetrable thickets formed of mangroves, which exhale
putrid miasmata, and spread sickness over the adjacent
districts. Occasionally, extensive tracts are covered with
the "Guagara de puerco," its fronds being as much as 10 feet
high. Myriads of mosquitoes and sand-flies fill the air.
Huge alligators sun themselves on the slimy banks, lying
motionless, blinking with their great eyes, and jumping
into the water directly any one approaches. To destroy these
dreaded swamps is almost impossible.'

Again (pp. 251, 252), he says: 'Forests cover at least two
thirds of the whole territory. The high trees, the dense
foliage, and the numerous climbing plants, almost shut
out the rays of the sun, causing a gloom which is the more
insupportable as all other objects are hidden from view. Rain
is so frequent, and the moisture so great, that the burning
of these forests is impossible.' 'From reading the highly
colored accounts with which many travellers have endeavored
to embellish their narratives, the European has drawn, in
imagination, a picture of equinoctial countries which a
comparison with nature at once demolishes.'

Speaking of the 'vegetable ivory,' and referring to the
climate, Mr. Seemann says (p. 222): 'It grows in low, damp
localities, and is diffused over the southern parts of Darien
and the vicinity of Portobello, districts which are almost
throughout the year deluged by torrents of rain, or enveloped
in the thick vapor that constantly arises from the humidity
of the soil and the rankness of the vegetation.'

Describing the appearance of one of these mangrove forests,
as they may be called, the same author observes (p. 73):
'The trees were actually in the water. The tall mangroves,
with roots exposed for 12 or 14 feet, formed a huge tangled
trellis-work, from which the tall stems rose to a height
of 60 or 70 feet.' _Fitzroy's Further Considerations on the
Great Isthmus of Cent. Am._ March 1853, in _Jour. Roy. Geog.
Soc._, xxiii. 176-87.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: THE LONG-SOUGHT WAY.]

The project of uniting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans by a
canal large enough to permit the passage of sea vessels has
attracted the attention and enlisted the earnest sympathies
and efforts of the Old and New World, from the discovery of
the Isthmus of Panamá down to the present time. The great
historian Prescott says: 'The discovery of a strait into
the Indian Ocean was the burden of every order from the
government. The discovery of an Indian passage is the true
key to the maritime movements of the fifteenth and the first
half of the sixteenth centuries.' The desire to discover
this passage, which was confidently believed to exist, and
thus give to Spain the dominion of the seas, and pour into
her treasury all the wealth of that marvellous land of
exaggeration, the Spice Islands, sent Columbus, Pizarro,
Cortés, Balboa, Gil Gonzalez, and the other Spanish mariners
and adventurers, upon their long, arduous, and eventful
voyages, and resulted in the discovery, conquest, and
settlement of the American continent.

However long the voyage; however great the discovery; however
boundless and rich the new countries that were subjected
to the Spanish crown; however brilliant the prowess of a
chivalrous soldiery—the emperor always asked, 'Have you
discovered the way to the Spice Islands?' If not, he was
unsatisfied, and the discovery and conquest were robbed of
half their value. He was constantly reminding his brave and
adventurous mariners that he desired above all things to
discover the way to the Spice Islands, and promised great
honors and rewards to the fortunate adventurer who should
make the discovery. In 1523 the Emperor Charles the Fifth
wrote to Cortés, earnestly urging him to search for a shorter
way to the 'Indian Land of Spice,' and for a shorter and
more direct passage between the eastern and western coasts
of Central America. In answer to the emperor, Cortés wrote:
'It would render the king of Spain master of so many kingdoms
that he might consider himself lord of the world.' In 1524,
in obedience to the emperor's wishes, he fitted out an
expedition to discover it. Columbus wrote to the emperor:
'Your Majesty may be assured that as I know how much you
have at heart the discovery of the great secret of a strait,
I shall postpone all interests and projects of my own for
the fulfilment of this great object.' It was for the purpose
of making this discovery that Gil Gonzalez fitted out the
expedition that resulted in the discovery of Nicaragua.

The interest in the interoceanic communication was not
confined to the Spanish emperor, or his adventurous mariners.
It extended to the learned men of Spain, and seriously
engaged their attention. Francisco Lopez de Gomara, one
of the earliest writers on America, in his chapter on 'the
possibility of a shorter passage to the Moluccas,' in his
work on the _Two Indies_, published in 1551, says: 'The
passage would have to be opened across the mainland from
one sea to the other, by whichever might prove the most
profitable of these four lines; viz., either by the river
Lagartos (Chagres), which, rising in Chagres, at a distance
of four leagues from Panamá, over which space of territory
they proceed in carts, flows to the sea-coast of Nombre de
Dios; or by the channel through which the lake of Nicaragua
empties into the sea; up and down which (the Rio San Juan)
large vessels sail; and the lake is distant only three or
four leagues from the sea; by either of these two rivers the
passage is already traced and half made. There is likewise
another river which flows from Vera Cruz to Tecoantepec,
along which the inhabitants of New Spain (Mexico) tow and
drag barks from one sea to the other. The distance from
Nombre de Dios to Panamá is seventeen leagues, and from
the gulf of Urabá to the gulf of San Miguel twenty-five,
which are the two most difficult lines.' Cortés was in favor
of the first of these routes, Gil Gonzalez of the second,
and Pizarro of the third. Herrera, royal historiographer
of Spain, writing of the events of 1527, refers to the
routes via Nicaragua and Panamá, and the possibility of
other connections between the two oceans. Martin Behaim, a
geographer of Nuremberg, Germany, was probably the first who
suggested the possibility of a natural communication between
the Atlantic and Pacific. So Magellan stated in his memorial
of November 28, 1520, to the court of Valladolid, asking
permission to search for such a channel. It was granted, an
expedition was fitted out, and he discovered the Straits of
Magellan, bearing his name.

Soon after the discovery of Nicaragua by Gil Gonzalez, it was
declared and believed by many that there existed a navigable
channel, connecting Lake Nicaragua with the Pacific, and
that vessels would be enabled to pass from one ocean to the
other. But no systematic attempt was made to ascertain the
truth of this conjecture until 1529, when Pedrarias de Ávila,
then governor of Nicaragua, sent an expedition of soldiers
and Indians, under Martin Este, to explore lakes Nicaragua
and Managua; when they had penetrated into a province called
Voto, a little north of Lake Managua, they were attacked
by a large body of Indians, and compelled to return. They
reported that they saw from a mountain top a large body of
water (doubtless the gulf of Fonseca), which they supposed to
be another lake. Don Diego Machuca soon afterward fitted out
another expedition in the same year, which he accompanied and
commanded. It resulted in the discovery of the river San Juan
as the true outlet of the lakes. He sailed down that river to
the Atlantic. Machuca Rapids take their name from him.

[Sidenote: OVIEDO'S ACCOUNT.]

Oviedo says that in 1540, at St Domingo, he met Pedro Cora, a
pilot who had been attached to the expedition of Martin Este,
and subsequently to that of Captain Diego Machuca. He gives
a long and interesting account of the second expedition, as
narrated to him by Cora. Cora said that at the port of Nombre
de Dios he met with some old friends who had built a felucca
and brigantine on the shores of Lake Nicaragua at an expense
of several thousand dollars. Among them was Diego Machuca,
who had been commandant of the country of the Tenderí, and
of the district about Lake Masaya. They embarked on these
vessels on Lake Nicaragua for the purpose of exploring it.
Captain Machuca, with two hundred men, advanced along the
shore, keeping in sight of the boats, which were accompanied
by several canoes. After some days they entered the San Juan
River, and passed down to where its waters appeared to flow
into the sea. Being ignorant of their locality, they followed
the sea-coast in an easterly direction, and finally arrived
at Nombre de Dios, where the pilot Cora met them. They were
arrested at this place by Doctor Robles, who desired to
found a colony at the mouth of the San Juan River, and thus
reap the benefit of their labor and discoveries, 'as is the
custom,' says Oviedo, 'with these men of letters; for the use
they do make of their wisdom is rather to rob than to render
justice.' For this outrage he was deprived of his office.
The pilot, though strongly importuned, refused to tell Oviedo
where the river emptied into the ocean.

Oviedo says: 'I do not regard the lakes as separate, because
they connect, the one with the other. They are separated from
the South Sea by a very narrow strip of land.... This lake
(Nicaragua) is filled with excellent fish. But what proves
that they are both one lake is the fact that they equally
abound in sea fish and turtles. Another proof is, that in
1529 there was found in the province of Nicaragua, on the
banks of this lake, a fish never seen except in the sea, and
called the sword-fish. I have seen some of these fish of so
great size that two oxen attached to a cart could hardly draw
them.... The one found on the shores of this lake was small,
being only about twelve feet in length.... The water of the
lake is very good and healthful, and a large number of small
rivers and brooks empty into it. In some places the great
lake is fifteen or twenty fathoms deep, and in other places
it is scarce a foot in depth; so that it is not navigable in
all parts, but only in the middle, and with barks specially
constructed for that purpose.... It has a large number of
islands of some extent, covered with flocks and precious
woods. The largest is eight leagues in circumference, and
is inhabited by Indians. It is very fertile, filled with
deer and rabbits, and named Ometepec, which signifies _two
mountains_. It formerly contained a population much more
numerous than now, divided into eight or ten villages. The
mountain in this island toward the east (Madeira) is lowest;
the other (Ometepec) is so high that its summit is seldom
seen. I passed a night at a farm belonging to a gentleman
called Diego Mora, situated on the mainland'—probably near
the site of Virgin Bay. 'The keeper told me that during the
two years he had been in that place he had seen the summit
but once, because it was covered with clouds.'[XXXIV-59]
There are many evidences that the channel of the San
Juan River was once much deeper and freer from rapids
and obstructions than it is at present. At one time, sea
vessels passed regularly up and down the river. It would be
impossible for them to do so now. The river is too shallow,
and the rapids are too many and difficult. In 1648 a Spanish
brig from Carthagena (de la Indias) arrived at Granada, and
discharged her cargo, reloaded, and started on her return.
On her voyage back, the river was found unnavigable at
one point, and the vessel returned to Granada; the cargo
was taken out, and the ship laid up, and finally broken to
pieces. Thomas Gage, an English monk, who visited Nicaragua
in 1665, says that vessels often arrived at Granada, from
South America, Spain, and Cuba, and reloaded and returned
to those countries by way of the San Juan River and Lake
Nicaragua.

In 1781 Manuel Galisteo, by order of the Spanish government,
examined the country, and carefully surveyed a route for a
canal between Lake Nicaragua and the Pacific. He estimated
the level of the lake above the Pacific to be one hundred
and thirty-four feet. The route selected by him was from the
mouth of the Rio Lajas in the lake to San Juan del Sur. Early
in the present century, a survey was made by an engineer name
Thompson, of which we have no details, further than that he
adopted the report made by Galisteo.

In 1837 Mr Baily was employed by the federal government of
Central America, and made a careful survey of a route for
the canal. He spent much time and a considerable sum of money
in making the surveys, but was never paid for his services.
Dr Andreas Örsted, of Copenhagen, made a survey in 1848,
and published a map of the country. He selected the bay of
Bolaños, thirteen and a half miles from Lake Nicaragua, as
the Pacific terminus of the canal. In 1851 Colonel Childs, an
Englishman, made a thorough survey and estimate of the whole
work. He selected Brito as the Pacific terminus. According
to his estimates, the actual length of water navigation,
including the San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua, would be one
hundred and ninety-four and one half miles. He submitted his
plan and surveys to the British government, by which it was
referred to James Walker and Edward Aldrich, royal engineers,
who reported unfavorably. The plan and reports were then laid
before a committee of English capitalists, with the purpose
of raising the necessary capital for the work. But after a
careful investigation, the committee declined to recommend
the enterprise, believing it would be unprofitable, and more
for the benefit of the United States than of Great Britain.
This survey, and the action of the British government upon
it, furnish strong confirmation of the general opinion, as
to the purpose of that government, in seizing Greytown and
the bay of Fonseca. A survey was made in 1850 by the Central
American Transit Company.

After the independence of the Central American states had
been established, Manuel Antonio de la Cerda, afterward
governor of Nicaragua, represented to the federal congress,
in July 1823, the urgent necessity for opening the canal
without delay. But no action was then taken in the matter.
During the next year several propositions relative to
the construction of the canal were made to the federal
government by parties in Europe. Barclay & Co., of London,
made a proposition, on the 18th of September, 1824, to open
a canal, between the Atlantic and Pacific, by way of the
San Juan River and Lake Nicaragua, at their own cost, if
the government would assist them in certain particulars.
On the 2d of February, 1825, Charles Bourke and Matthew
Llanos addressed a communication to the government, stating
that in the preceding December they had sent an armed brig
with a party of engineers to Greytown, to survey the route,
and praying that they might be granted: 1. An exclusive
proprietorship and control of the canal; 2. An exclusive
right to navigate the lakes and dependent waters by steam;
3. Free permission to use all natural products of the country
necessary for the work; 4. Exemption from duty for the goods
and materials introduced by the company during the pendency
of the work. They offered to pay the government twenty per
cent on the tolls received, and to surrender the work at the
end of a certain number of years.

[Sidenote: MR. CLAY'S ASSURANCE.]

On the 8th of February, 1825, Don Antonio José Cañas, then
minister from the federal government to the United States,
addressed a communication to Henry Clay, then secretary
of state, upon the subject of the canal, soliciting the
coöperation of our government in the work, upon the ground
that 'its noble example had been a model and protection to
all the Americas,' and entitled it to a preference over any
other nation in the 'merits and advantages of the proposed
undertaking.' He proposed by means of a treaty to effectually
secure its advantages to the two nations. Mr Clay instructed
Colonel John Williams, U. S. chargé d'affaires in Central
America, to assure that government of the great interest
taken by the United States in an undertaking 'so highly
calculated to diffuse a favorable influence on the affairs
of mankind,' and to carefully investigate the facilities
afforded by the route, and transmit the intelligence acquired
to our government. Colonel Williams never made any report of
his action under these instructions.

During the year 1825, many other propositions for the
construction of the canal were received by the federal
government from Europe. The attention of the government was
thus strongly attracted to the importance and value of the
proposed canal, both as affording a considerable revenue to
the government, and aiding in the settlement of the country,
and development of its resources. In June 1825, the federal
congress passed a decree defining the terms and conditions
upon which the canal might be constructed. Another decree,
published at the same time, fixed the period of six months
for receiving proposals for the work. The time was much
too short, and but few offers were received. Among them was
one from Mr Baily, the surveyor, as agent for the English
house of Barclay, Herring, Richardson, & Co., which was
conditional, and one from Charles Beninske for Aaron H.
Palmer, of New York, which was accepted. The contractors,
under the name of 'The Central American and United States
Atlantic and Pacific Canal Company,' agreed to open a canal
through Nicaragua, which should be navigable for large ships,
and to deposit two hundred thousand dollars in the city of
Granada, within six months, for the preliminary expenses of
the work; to erect fortifications for its protection; and
to commence work within one year. The contractors were to
receive two thirds of the tolls from the canal until they had
been reimbursed for the full cost of the work, with ten per
cent interest; afterwards to have one half of the proceeds
for seven years, with the right to introduce steam-vessels.
The government agreed to place at their disposal all the
documents in its possession relating to the canal; to furnish
laborers at certain wages; and to permit the cutting and use
of the timber in the country. If the canal was not completed,
all the work done was to be forfeited to the government.
This contract was dated June 14, 1826. The contractors had
not sufficient capital for the construction of the canal,
and failing to obtain it in New York, addressed a memorial
to the United States congress, praying the assistance of
the government in their work, which they represented to
be of national importance. The memorial was referred to a
committee, but never reported on. The enterprise excited
considerable attention in New York, and the grant obtained
from the federal government of Central America was believed
to be valuable. Mr Palmer executed a deed of trust to De
Witt Clinton, Stephen Van Renssalaer, C. D. Clinton, Phillip
Hone, and Lynde Catlin, constituting them directors of the
company which was being organized for the construction
of the canal. Mr Palmer went to England in 1827, and
endeavored, but without success, to obtain the coöperation of
English capitalists. All his efforts were ineffectual, the
necessary capital could not be raised, and the enterprise
was abandoned. Mr Clay, then secretary of state, earnestly
advocated the construction of the canal, believing it would
be of great advantage to this country.

In 1828 an association of capitalists in the Netherlands,
under the patronage of the king of Holland, undertook the
construction of the canal. In 1829 the king sent General
Verveer, as plenipotentiary to Guatemala, with special
instructions relative to the canal. In October of the same
year, commissioners were appointed by the federal government
to confer with General Verveer, and on the 24th of July,
1830, they agreed upon a plan, which was to be laid before
the federal congress for its approval. The conditions
were much the same as in the contract with Mr Palmer.
The revolution in Belgium, and the separation of Holland,
terminated this enterprise. The federal congress had been
stimulated to greater anxiety for the construction of the
canal by these various proposals and contracts, and believing
that there was more likelihood of its being made by the Dutch
company than any other, in 1832 made ineffectual efforts to
renew negotiations with Holland for reviving that company,
and enabling it to complete its contract.

In the mean time, the efforts and representations of Mr Clay,
De Witt Clinton, and other distinguished men had awakened
public interest in the people and government of the United
States in the proposed canal, and convinced them that it was
important that our government should, if possible, control
the work, and reap the benefits and advantages which it was
believed would result to our commerce from it. On the 3d of
March, 1835, the United States senate adopted a resolution,
requesting the president to consider the expediency of
opening negotiations with the Central American states and
New Granada for protecting by treaty stipulations companies
undertaking to open a canal across the Isthmus, connecting
the two oceans, and of securing its free and equal navigation
to all nations. By virtue of this resolution, President
Jackson appointed Charles Biddle, and directed him to go
to San Juan del Norte, and thence across the Isthmus to the
Pacific, by the proposed route; to proceed to Guatemala, the
capital, and with the aid of Mr De Witt Clinton, U. S. chargé
d'affaires, obtain all public papers, and copies of the laws
passed, and all papers and information relating to the canal.
He was also to go to Panamá, and ascertain all about that
route. Mr Biddle did not go to Nicaragua, and died soon after
his return to the United States. His mission was a failure.

[Sidenote: ACTION OF THE GOVERNMENT.]

The government of Central America now determined to survey
the route for the canal, and thus demonstrate to the world
its practicability. In 1837 President Morazan employed Mr
John Baily to survey the route, which he did, as already
stated. In 1838 a convention between Nicaragua and Honduras
authorized Peter Bouchard to make an agreement in France
for the organization of a company to construct the canal. He
did not succeed in accomplishing anything. Don Jorge Viteri,
bishop of San Salvador, was sent as ambassador to Rome, and
make like efforts, but without success. In the same year,
a company of Americans in New York and New Orleans sent Mr
George Holdship to Central America. He made a contract with
Nicaragua, which had seceded from the federal republic, for
the construction of a canal, the establishment of a bank, and
the introduction of colonists. This scheme was extensive, but
amounted to nothing, as the enterprise was soon abandoned.

In 1838, Aaron Clark, Herman Leroy, William A. Duer, Matthew
Carey, and William Radcliff, citizens of New York and
Philadelphia, addressed a memorial to congress, representing
the necessity for the opening of the interoceanic canal. It
was referred to a committee, of which Hon. Charles F. Mercer
was chairman, who, upon the 2d of March, 1839, reported upon
it, recommending the following resolution, which was adopted:

'_Resolved_, That the president of the United States be
requested to consider the expediency of opening or continuing
negotiations with the governments of other nations; and
particularly with those the territorial jurisdiction of
which comprehends the Isthmus of Panamá, and to which the
United States have accredited ministers or agents, for the
purpose of ascertaining or effecting a communication between
the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, by the construction of
a ship-canal; and of securing forever, by suitable treaty
stipulations, the free and equal rights of navigating such
canal to all nations, on the payment of reasonable tolls.'
The president and senate, acting under this resolution,
negotiated and made a treaty between the United States
and New Granada, by which our government guaranteed the
neutrality of the Isthmus, and New Granada conceded a free
transit across it. The Panamá Railroad Company was organized
by virtue of this treaty; and, as we all know, the existing
railroad across the Isthmus was built by them; with what
labor, and cost in money and human life, it is foreign to our
purpose to inquire.

Between the years 1838 and 1844, Central America was
distracted by civil wars, and all action relative to the
canal was suspended. In 1844, Don Francisco Castellon,
minister from the republic of Nicaragua to France, made a
contract with a Belgian company, acting under the patronage
of the king of Belgium, for the construction of the canal.
But this contract was as unsuccessful as its predecessors. In
1846, Mr Marcoleta, Nicaraguan chargé d'affaires to Belgium,
made a contract with Louis Napoleon (the present French
emperor), then a prisoner at Ham, for its construction. With
his characteristic vanity, he stipulated that it should be
called 'Canal Napoleon de Nicaragua.' Napoleon wrote and
published a pamphlet in London, upon the subject, and made
a feeble attempt to awaken the attention of capitalists, but
without success. His pamphlet had only a limited circulation,
but was afterward republished by M. Belly. On the 16th of
February, 1849, William Wheelright made a proposition in
behalf of an English company for the construction of the
canal, but it was not acted upon.

On the 14th of March, 1849, Mr D. T. Brown, in behalf of
certain citizens of New York, and General Muñoz, commissioner
for Nicaragua, entered into a contract for the construction
of a canal, but it was neither ratified by the executive of
that republic nor by the company in New York, within the
stipulated time. The seizure of Greytown by the English,
in 1848, and the pretext of a Mosquito protectorate, were
rightly regarded by the Nicaraguan government and our own,
as directed to obtaining command and permanent control and
dominion over the only possible route for an interoceanic
canal.

On the 21st of June, 1849, Mr Hise, U. S. chargé d'affaires
to Nicaragua, concluded a convention with commissioners
appointed by that republic, giving the United States a
perpetual right of way through that republic, of erecting
forts, and protecting the transit. This convention was not
approved by our own government, or by that of Nicaragua.
On the 4th of March, 1850, General Taylor was inaugurated
president of the United States, and soon after sent Mr E. G.
Squier to Central America to supersede Mr Hise, as chargé
d'affaires to Guatemala, with special commissions to the
other states of Central America, "with full power to treat
with them separately on all matters affecting their relations
with this republic." Upon his arrival in Nicaragua, Mr
Squier found an agent of Cornelius Vanderbilt, and others of
New York, who was endeavoring to obtain a grant from that
government for the construction of a canal. The government
was at first indisposed to listen to his overtures, until
assured by Mr Squier that the United States government would
guarantee any charter, not inconsistent with our public
policy, that might be granted by Nicaragua.

On the 27th of August, 1850, a contract was signed between
the government of Nicaragua and the agent of the New York
company, and afterward ratified on the 23d of September
following, containing the following provisions, viz.:

1. That the American Atlantic and Pacific Ship Canal Company
may construct a ship-canal, at its own expense, from San
Juan to Realejo, or any other point within the territory of
Nicaragua, on the Pacific, and make use of all lands, waters,
or natural materials of the country for the enterprise.

2. The canal shall be large enough to admit vessels of all
sizes.

3. The grant is for eighty-five years from the completion
of the work; the surveys to be commenced within twelve
months; the work to be completed within twelve years, unless
interrupted by unforeseen events. If not completed within the
stipulated time, the charter will be forfeited, and all work
done shall revert to the state. At the end of eighty-five
years the canal shall revert to the state; the company,
nevertheless, shall receive fifteen per cent annually of the
net profits for ten years thereafter, if the entire cost of
the canal does not exceed twenty million dollars; but if it
does, then it shall receive the same percentage for twenty
years thereafter.

4. The company to pay the state ten thousand dollars per
annum, during the progress of the work, and to give it two
hundred thousand dollars of the capital stock, and to pay
twenty per cent of the net profits for twenty years, and
twenty-five per cent thereafter.

[Sidenote: FURTHER CONTRACT PROVISIONS.]

5. The company to have the exclusive right to navigate the
interior waters of Nicaragua by steam, and within twelve
years to open any land or other route, by means of transit
or conveyance across the state, and pay ten per cent of the
net profits of such transit to the state, and transport on
such transit, and the canal, when finished, the officers and
employés of the republic free of charge.

6. The canal to be open to the vessels of all nations.

7. The contract and the rights and privileges conceded by
it to be held inalienably by the individuals composing the
company.

8. All disputes shall be settled by commissioners appointed
in a specified manner.

9. All machinery and other articles introduced by the company
into the state, for its own use, to enter free of duty; and
all persons in its employ to enjoy all the privileges of
citizenship, without being subject to taxation or military
service.

10. The state concedes to the company, for purposes of
colonization, eight sections of land, on the line of the
canal, in the valley of the river San Juan, each six miles
square, and at least three miles apart, with the right of
alienating the same under certain reservations. All settlers
on these lands to be subject to the laws of the republic,
being, however, for ten years exempt from all taxes and from
all public service so soon as each colony shall contain fifty
settlers.

On the same day Mr Squier negotiated a treaty with Nicaragua,
which provided that citizens, vessels, and merchandise of
the United States should be exempt from duty in the ports
of Nicaragua; and that citizens of the United States should
have a right of way through the republic. The government of
the United States agreed to protect the company in the full
enjoyment of its rights from the inception to the termination
of its grant. The rights, privileges, and immunities granted
to the government and citizens of the United States shall not
accrue to any other government, unless it first enter into
the same treaty stipulations with Nicaragua as the United
States has done. This treaty was ratified by the Nicaraguan
legislative chambers on the 23d of September following, but
was not acted upon by the United States senate, to which it
was sent by President Taylor. This treaty was opposed by the
British minister at Washington, who energetically exerted
himself to secure its defeat.

The Clayton-Bulwer treaty between the United States and
England guaranteed the neutrality of the canal, and both
governments agreed to protect any company undertaking the
work. The object of our government in this convention was to
put an end to the Mosquito protectorate.

In August 1850 the company sent a party of engineers from
New York to Nicaragua to survey a route from Lake Nicaragua
to the Pacific, near the line taken by Galisteo and Baily.
Soon afterwards the steamer _Director_ was sent from New York
to Lake Nicaragua, and smaller boats were sent to the San
Juan River. A new road was opened to the Pacific from Virgin
Bay on the lake to San Juan del Sur. A line of steamers was
established from New York to Greytown, and from San Juan del
Sur to San Francisco.

The new contract made with United States citizens, and
ratified and enforced by treaty with our own government, was
not consistent with the wishes or policy of Great Britain,
but the generosity of our government in throwing open the
proposed canal to all nations disarmed hostile criticism, and
deprived Europe of any pretext for opposition or protest.
It quickened England into new energy, in the assertion of
her claims under the Mosquito protectorate. On the 15th of
August, 1850, the British consular representative in Central
America addressed a note to the Nicaraguan government, in
which he stated the boundary claimed by his government as
follows: 'The undersigned, her Britannic Majesty's chargé
d'affaires in Central America, with this view, has the
honor to declare to the minister of foreign relations of the
supreme government of Nicaragua, that the general boundary
line of the Mosquito territory begins at the northern
extremity of the boundary line between the district of
Tegucigalpa in Honduras, and the jurisdiction of New Segovia;
and after following the northern frontiers of New Segovia
it runs along the south-eastern limits of the district of
Matagalpa and Chontales, and thence in an easterly course,
until it reaches the Machuca Rapids, to the river San Juan.'
If this boundary line had been allowed, as claimed, it would
have placed the only possible route for the proposed canal
in the occupation and control of Great Britain. _Daniel
Cleveland's Across the Nicaragua Transit_, MS., 118-42.

INDEX.

Aa, P. V., works of, ii. 745-6.

Abibeiba, Cacique, domain of, invaded, 1512, i. 352.

Ábrego, F., bishop of Pan., 1569-74, ii. 474-5.

Acajutla, battle of, 1524, i. 670-3.

Acala, province, Dominicans in, 1550-5, ii. 360;
invasion of, ii. 365.

'Accessory Transit Company,' mention of, iii. 341-2; iii. 667-8.

Acla, name, i. 418;
founding of, 1515, i. 418;
massacre at, 1516, i. 441;
town of, laid out, i. 441;
abandoned, ii. 396.

Acosta, J., 'Compendio,' ii. 62.

Agriculture, in Cent. Amer., iii. 650-5.

Aguado, J., commissioner of inquiry, 1494, i. 176.

Aguilar, E., president of Salv., 1846, iii. 291-2.

Aguilar, Friar G. de, shipwreck, etc., of, 1512, i. 350;
rescue, 1519, i. 350.

Aguilar, G. de, bravery of, i. 688-9.

Aguilar, M., revolt of, 1811, iii. 12-13;
mission of, 1828, iii. 180;
jefe of C. R., 1837-8, iii. 183.

Aguilar, V., revolt of, 1811, iii. 12-13;
vice-president of C. R., 1859, iii. 373.

Ahuachapan, siege of, 1876, iii. 403-5.

Ahzumanche, Prince, death of, i. 637.

Aillon, L. V. de, exped. of, 1520, i. 138;
1523, i. 142-3.

Alarcon, H. de, exped. of, 1540, i. 153.

Albites, D. de, mission to Nicuesa, 1510, i. 331-3;
exped. of, 1515, i. 404-5;
battle with Darien Indians, 1516, i. 425;
further expeditions, i. 429-30, 471;
founds Nombre de Dios, i. 471;
in command at Natá, i. 508;
gov. of Hond., 1532, ii. 155;
death, ii. 155.

Albuquerque, A. de, voyage of, 1503, i. 121.

Alcaine, M., intercession of, 1855, iii. 261.

Alcalde, office of, i. 297-8.

Alcántara, M. de, death of, ii. 41.

Alcazaba, S. de, exped. of, 1534, i. 150.

Alcedo y Herrera, D. de, gov. of Pan., ii. 584.

Alderete, ——, gov. of Pan., 1725-30, ii. 583.

Alfaro, F., revolt of, 1842, iii. 219.

Alfaro, J. M., jefe of C. R., 1842, iii. 224, 226;
1846, iii. 227-8.

Almagro, D. de, joins Pedrarias' exped., 1514, i. 391;
character, etc., of, ii. 3-4;
Pizarro's exped. to Peru, ii. 4-8, 19, 35-40;
death, ii. 40.

Almagro, D. de jun., assassination of Pizarro, ii. 40-1;
execution of, ii. 42.

Almansa, F., mention of, iii. 38.

Altamirano, Friar D., advice to Cortés, i. 580-1.

Altamirano, J. C., bishop of Guat., 1611-15, ii. 664.

Alvarado, D. de, exped. of, 1530, ii. 121.

Alvarado, G. de, battle of Tacuxcalco, 1524, i. 673;
capture of Mixco, 1525, i. 687;
conquest of the Mames, 1525, i. 695-702;
revolt caused by, ii. 79-80.

Alvarado, J. de, gov. of Guat., 1527, ii. 95, 104-5;
executor of P. de Alvarado, ii. 207-8.

Alvarado, P. de, conquest of Guat., 1522-4, i. 617-62;
of Itzcuintlan, 1524, i. 663-5;
invasion of Salv., i. 669-76;
the Cackchiquel revolts, 1525-6, i. 681-92; ii. 74-85;
conquest of the Mames, i. 695-702;
exped. to Peru, ii. 38-9, 122-30;
return to Mex., ii. 85-6;
trial of, ii. 100-4;
marriage, ii. 102;
return to Guat., 1530, ii. 116-17;
residencia, etc., of, ii. 131-2;
exped. to Hond., 1535-6, ii. 160-5;
1539, ii. 296-9;
departs for Spain, ii. 165;
crown grant to, 1538, ii. 203;
exped. of, 1539-41, ii. 203-7;
death, ii. 207;
will, ii. 207-9;
character, ii. 209-11;
offspring, ii. 211-12.

Álvarez, Gen. M., capture, etc., of Walker, 1860, iii. 364.

Alzayaga, J. de, exped. of, 1696, ii. 685-6.

Alzuru, Col, revolt, etc., of, 1831, iii. 514.

Amar y Borbon, A., viceroy of New Gran., 1803, iii. 491.

Amatique Bay, discovery of, ii. 650.

Amedzaga, J. H. de, gov. of Pan., 1711-16, ii. 583.

America, aborigines of, i. 59-68;
sighted by Biarne, 986, i. 76;
discovery of claimed by Arabs, 1147, i. 78;
name of, i. 291-2.

'American Coast Pilot', ii. 758.

Amézqueta, B. de, exped. of, 1696, ii. 686-7.

Anacaona, Queen, execution of, i. 259-60.

Añaquito, battle of, 1546, ii. 254.

Andagoya, P. de, exped. to Birú, 1522, i. 139, 502-3;
joins Pedrarias, i. 391;
works, etc., of, i. 503-4; ii. 247.

Andrés, Cacique, guide to Sharp's exped., 1680, ii. 520-3.

Angel, Doña M., imposture, etc., of, 1712, ii. 697-701.

Angulo, Father, bishop of Vera Paz, 1559, ii. 374.

Añino, U., gov. of Pan., 1854, iii. 518;
protest of, iii. 518-19.

Aniñon, F. de, memorial of, ii. 398-9.

Anson, Capt. G., exped. of, 1739-44, ii. 592-3.

Antigua, founded by Enciso, 1510, i. 327-8;
Balboa in command at, i. 328-30, 338-57;
Nicuesa at, i. 334-5;
factions in, i. 338-40;
growth of, i. 341;
prosperity of, i. 385;
ranked as a city, 1514, i. 391;
scarcity at, i. 396;
Indian outbreaks near, 1522, i. 476;
abandoned, 1521-4, i. 499.

Antonelli, Surveyor J. G., rept of, ii. 399.

Apaneca, battle of, 1876, iii. 403-4.

Apochpalon, Cacique, meeting with Cortés, etc., 1524, i. 547-50, 557.

'Appendix to Sharp's South Sea Waggoner,' MS., ii. 758.

Aquino, A., revolt of, 1833, iii. 168.

Arada, battle of, 1850, iii. 279-80.

Arana, Licentiate T. I. de, rept of, ii. 707.

Aransivia y Sasi, S. de, gov. of Nic., 1721, ii. 607.

Arbolancha, P. de, Balboa's envoy to Spain, 1514, i. 384-5;
delay of, i. 392;
reception, i. 393.

Arce, M. J., imprisonment of, iii. 20;
defeats Padilla, iii. 58;
president of Nic., 1825, iii. 80;
rule, iii. 82-94;
'Memoria,' iii. 107;
defeat of, 1832, iii. 113;
pacification of Nic., 1825, iii. 172;
invasion of Salv., 1844, iii. 190-1.

'Archives of the Indies,' i. 195-6.

Arellano, J. R. de, bishop of Guat., 1601, ii. 663-4.

Argüello, F. de, aids Balboa, i. 441, 450;
execution of, 1517, i. 457-9.

Argüello, J., vice-jefe of Nic., 1825, iii. 173;
contest with Cerda, iii. 174.

Aguilar, V., execution of Mora, 1860, iii. 376;
death of, iii. 376.

Arias, C., provis. president of Hond., 1872-4, iii. 457-60.

Arias, G., exped. of, 1529, ii. 109.

Aristocrats, attitude, etc., of, in Guat., 1848, iii. 274-6, 281.

Ariza, Don A. de, 'Comentas,' ii. 481;
gov. of Pan., 1774, ii. 582.

Ariza y Torres, Capt. R., revolt of, 1823, iii. 72-3.

Aizpuru, Gen. R., revolt of, 1873, iii. 538;
revolution of, 1875, iii. 541-2;
1878, iii. 543;
president of Pan., iii. 542;
occupation of Pan., 1885, iii. 554;
arrest, etc., of, iii. 554-5.

Armies, of Cent. Amer., iii. 645-9.

Arosemena, M., works, etc., of, iii. 489.

Arrazola, affair at, 1827, iii. 91.

Arteaga, B. de, storming of Mixco, 1525, i. 691.

Arteaga y Avendaño, J. de, bishop of Chiap., etc., 1538, ii. 330;
death, ii. 330.

Arzú, Brigadier M., exped. of, 1822, iii. 60-1;
operations of, 1828, iii. 94.

Asamblea Nacional Constituyente, see Congress, Central American.

Aspinwall, see Colon.

Astaburuaga, F. S., 'Repúblicas de Centro-América,' iii. 361.

Atahualpa, Inca, Pizarro's invasion, ii. 19-20;
capture, etc., of, ii. 21-32;
ransom, ii. 32-6;
execution, ii. 36-8.

Atiquipac, Alvarado at, 1524, i. 666.

Atitlan, enslavement of natives in, ii. 234-5.

Atlacatl, King, submission of, 1524, i. 674.

Audiencias, description of, i. 270-3.

Audiencia of the Confines, establd. 1543, ii. 241;
jurisd. ii. 241;
personnel, ii. 301;
seat of the, ii. 301, 310, 370, 400; iii. 326;
dispute with Las Casas, etc., ii. 303-7;
dissensions, 1696-1702, ii. 661-3.

Audiencia of Los Reyes, establd. 1543, ii. 241;
jurisd. ii. 241.

Audiencia of Panamá, establd. 1533, ii. 57;
jurisd., etc., ii. 57-8, 585;
abolished, 1533, ii. 241;
reëstabld. ii. 464.

Audiencia of Santo Domingo, establd. 1526, i. 269;
personnel, i. 269-70;
jurisd. i. 270.

Aury, Commodore, capture of Trujillo, 1820, iii. 24-5.

Ávalos, J. de, exped. of, 1525, i. 571-2.

Avendaño, Father A. de, mission to the Itzas, 1695, ii. 689-90.

Avendaño, D. de, president of Guat., 1642-9, ii. 653.

Aycinena, M., jefe of Guat., 1827, iii. 150-2.

Aycinena, P., acting president of Guat., 1865, iii. 413.

Ayora, J. de., exped. of, 1514, i. 396-402;
outrages of, i. 399-402;
escape, i. 402.

Ayuntamientos, functions, etc., of, iii. 8-10;
votes of on union with Mex., 1821, iii. 53-4.

Ayza, J. de, gov. of Nic., ii. 608.

Azmitia, J. A., cabinet minister, 1845, iii. 268-9, 272.

Bacalar, fort built at, ii. 625.

Bachicao, H., exped. to Pan., ii. 254-5.

Bachiller, definition, etc., of word, i. 297.

Badajoz, Capt. G. de, joins Pedrarias' exped. 1514, i. 390;
exped. of, 1515, i. 412-17;
defeat, i. 415-17;
meeting with Espinosa, i. 420-1.

Badillo, J. de, exped., etc., of, 1537, ii. 54-7.

Balboa, V. N. de, character, i. 324, 454-5;
early career, i. 324-5;
gov. of Antigua, i. 329-30, 338-56;
diplomacy, etc., of, i. 338-40;
exped. against Careta, i. 354-6;
visit to Comagre, i. 347-9;
Panciaco's story, i. 347-8;
exped. to Dabaiba, 1512, i. 351-2;
defeats confederated tribes, i. 353;
charges against, i. 356-7;
crosses the Isthmus of Darien, i. 358-74;
defeats Porque, i. 363-4;
discovers the South Sea, etc., 1513, i. 129, 364-73;
encounter with Chiapes, i. 369;
canoe voyage of, i. 374-5;
Tumaco's story, etc., i. 375-7;
return to Antigua, i. 378-84;
pacifies Teoca, i. 378;
cruelty to Poncra, i. 379-80;
Pocorosa's statement, i. 381;
captures Tubanamá, i. 381-3;
sickness at Comagre, i. 383;
spoils of exped., i. 384-5;
superseded by Pedrarias, 1514, i. 393-4;
trial of, i. 395;
exped., 1515, i. 406-7;
feud with Dávila, i. 432-3, 437;
capt.-gen. of Coiba and Pan., i. 435;
betrothal, i. 439;
reëstablishes Acla, 1516, i. 441;
ship-building on the Balsas, 1517, i. 441-5;
at the Pearl Islands, i. 445-52;
fate of, forecast, i. 447-8;
arrest of, i. 452-3;
trial, i. 456-7;
execution, 1517, i. 457-9.

Balsas, Rio de las, ship-building on the, 1517, i. 442-5.

Barahona, Admiral J. de, naval combat off Pan., 1680, ii. 535-7.

Barbacoas, Morgan at, 1671, ii. 499.

Barillas, M. L., president of Guat., 1886, iii. 451-2;
cabinet, iii. 452.

Barker, A., exped. to Hond., 1576, ii. 637-8.

Barranco, ——, bishop of Hond., 1811-19, iii. 631.

Barrientos, Vicar P. de, mention of, 1576, ii. 374.

Barriere, P., proceedings of, iii. 45.

Barrionuevo, Capt. F. de, gov. of Castilla del Oro, ii. 46, 51.

Barrios, Gen. G., defence of Leon, 1844, iii. 199;
at San Miguel, iii. 201;
operations of, 1857, iii. 300;
pronunciamiento, etc., of, iii. 301;
coup d'état, iii. 302;
president of Salv., iii. 302;
operations, 1863, iii. 304-6;
besieged at San Salv., iii. 306;
capture and execution, 1865, iii. 307.

Barrios, J. R., revolution of, 1871, iii. 419-24;
president of Guat., 1873-85, iii. 429-49;
invasion of Salv., 1876, iii. 402-5;
1885, iii. 409-10;
efforts for confed. of Cent. Amer., 1883-5, iii. 442-9;
quarrel with Soto, 1883, iii. 467-8;
character, iii. 431-2;
attempted assassination of, iii. 443-4;
death, 1885, iii. 410, 449.

Barrios y Leal, president of Guat., 1688-95, ii. 659-61;
exped. of, 1695, ii. 682-4;
death, ii. 685.

Barroeta, R., vice-president of C. R., 1872, iii. 381-2.

Barrundia, J. F., imprisonment, etc., of, iii. 18-19;
revolutionary measures, iii. 33, 86-7;
jefe of Guat., 1824, iii. 146;
rule, iii. 146-8;
president, 1829, iii. 102;
rule, iii. 102-12;
negotiations with Carrera, iii. 129-30.

Baskerville, Sir T., defeat of, 1595, ii. 422.

Bastidas, R. de, exped., etc., of, 1500-2, i. 114, 183-94;
biog., i. 195.

Battles, Tonalá, 1524, i. 628;
Xelahuh, 1524, i. 639-41;
Acajutla, 1524, i. 670-3;
Tacuxcalco, 1524, i. 673-4;
Iztapa, 1524, ii. 216-17;
Canales, 1526, ii. 83;
Patinamit, 1526, ii. 84;
Panamá, 1671, ii. 504-6;
Villanueva, 1838, iii. 135-6;
Arada, 1850, iii. 279-80;
Santa Ana, 1871, iii. 395-6;
Apaneca, 1876, iii. 403-4;
Pasaquina, 1876, iii. 404;
Naranjo, 1876, iii. 462.

Bay Islands, colony of, establd. 1850, iii. 319.

Bayano, ——, campaign of, ii. 387-8.

Bazan, J. de V., gov. of Pan., ii. 479;
rule, ii. 479-80.

Beatriz, Doña, grief of, ii. 311-12;
gov. of Guat., 1541, ii. 312-13;
death, ii. 317.

Becerra, F., exped. of, destroyed, 1515, i. 403.

Behaim, M., map of globe, 1492, i. 93.

Belen River, Columbus at, 1503, i. 218-19.

Belen, village, Nicuesa's exped. at, 1510, i. 305-6.

Belgium, colonization scheme in Guat., iii. 589-90.

Belize, origin of name, ii. 624;
woodcutters in, ii. 624-35;
Figueroa's exped. to, ii. 624-8;
map, ii. 627;
English claims, ii. 629-31;
treaties concerning, ii. 632-4;
O'Neill's exped. to, 1798, ii. 635; iii. 314;
rights of settlers in, iii. 313-14;
commerce, etc., of, iii. 317.

Belly, F., works of, iii. 263.

Benalcazar, Capt. S. de, joins Pedrarias' exped., 1514, i. 391;
conquest of Peru, ii. 15, 26, 38-9.

Bienvenida, Friar L. de, mission to C. R., 1540, ii. 185.

Benzoni, G., exped. to C. R., 1545, ii. 192-9;
works, etc., of, ii. 232-3.

Berenger, 'Collection,' ii. 751-2.

Berlanga, Friar T. de, alleged miracle, etc., of, 1537, ii. 59.

Bermejo, J., the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 274-86;
defeat at Pan., ii. 284-6;
death, ii. 286.

Berrospe, G. S. de, president of Guat., 1696-1701, ii. 661-2.

Betanzos, D. de, convent founded by, 1529, ii. 135-6.

Betanzos, Father P. A. de, labors of, 1555-70, ii. 432-3.

Bethlehemites, in Guat., ii. 666-7.

Biamonte y Navarra, J. B. de, gov. of Pan., ii. 480.

Birú, Andagoya's exped. to, 1522, i. 502-3.

Birues, de, exped. of, 1515, i. 407.

Blanco, M., pronunciamiento of, 1868, iii. 378.

Blewfields, population, etc., of, 1847, iii. 249.

Bobadilla, Commissioner F. de, proceedings of, at Española,
1500-2, i. 180-1, 248-9;
enslavement of natives, i. 266.

Bobadilla, Friar F. de, labors of, in Nic., ii. 184-5.

Bobadilla, J. F., gov. of C. R., 1780, ii. 622.

Bogran, Gen. L., president of Hond., 1883, iii. 468.

Bolivar, S., congress at Pan., 1826, iii. 511-12;
at Angostura, iii. 513.

Bonnycastle, R. H., 'Spanish America,' iii. 248.

Bordone, B., map of, 1528, i. 144.

Borland, S., U. S. minister, interference of, iii. 255.

Bosch, L. van der, writings of, ii. 745.

Botello, L., execution of, 1517, i. 457-9.

Boucher, G., 'Bibliothèque Universelle,' ii. 760.

Bourbourg, B. de, 'Histoire des Nations Civilisées du
Mexique,' i. 201.

Bradley, Capt., foray on the Hacha, 1670, ii. 491;
captures San Lorenzo, ii. 494-6.

Brigantine, picture of, i. 189.

Briones, Capt., exped. to Hond., 1524, i. 525;
treachery of, i. 526;
Olid's assassination, i. 531-3;
execution of, i. 534.

Briones, J. A. L. de, gov. of Nic., 1744, ii. 607.

Buccaneering, origin of, ii. 451-3.

Buccaneers, name, ii. 452;
mode of life, ii. 454-6;
excesses, etc., of, ii. 489-90.

Buena Esperanza, founding of, 1535, ii. 157;
abandoned, 1536, ii. 161-2.

Buitrago, P., director of Nic., 1841-3, iii. 238-9.

Bure, G. F. de, 'Bibliographique Instructive,' ii. 760.

Burnaby, Sir W., mission to Belize, ii. 630.

Burney, J., works of, ii. 753.

Bustamante y Guerra, Gen. J., capt.-gen. of Guat., 1811, iii. 6;
biog., iii. 6-7;
rule, iii. 6-21.

Caballon, Licentiate J. de, defeats Gaitan, 1554, ii. 425;
exped. of, 1560-2, ii. 425-6.

Caballos, Puerto de, name, i. 519;
L'Olonnois' raid on, ii. 458.

Cabañas, T., siege of Leon, 1844, iii. 199;
at San Miguel, iii. 201;
defeat at Quelepa, iii. 202;
president of Hond., 1852-5, iii. 321-2;
character, etc., iii. 321.

Cabello, D., gov. of Nic., 1766, ii. 608.

Cabezas Islands, Drake at, ii. 407-8, 414, 416.

Cabezas, R., jefe of Guat., 1830, iii. 153;
biog., iii. 153-4.

Cabot, J., voyage of, i. 98-9.

Cabot, S., voyages of, i. 98-9, 108-9, 143.

Cabral, P. A., voyage of, 1500, i. 113-14.

Cabrera, P., surprised by Verdugo, ii. 263.

Cáceres, Capt., captures Lempiras's stronghold, 1537, ii. 291-2;
treachery of, ii. 291-2.

Cackchiquel, map of, i. 629.

Cakchiquels, power, etc., of the, i. 621;
subjugation, 1524, i. 652-7;
revolt of the, 1524-5, i. 681-92;
1526, ii. 79-85;
1534, ii. 130.

Cacos, party, iii. 26-7;
revolutionary movements, iii. 33;
policy, iii. 42-3.

Caibil Balam, Cacique, submission of, 1525, i. 702.

Caicedo, J. de, mention of, i. 333.

Calancha, J. L., president of Pan., 1864-5, iii. 533.

Cáldas, S. A. A. R. de, president of Guat., 1667-70, ii. 658-9.

Cáldas, President, 'Copia de Carta,' ii. 761-2.

Calderon, A., bishop of Pan., ii. 475.

Calimaya, Conde S. de, president of Guat., 1654, ii. 657.

Calvo, B., gov. of Pan., 1856, iii. 527-8.

Camachire, Cacique, torture, etc., of, ii. 194-5.

Cámara y Raya, bishop of Pan., 1614, ii. 477-8.

Camargo, A. de, exped. of, 1539, i. 151.

Camargo, M. de, gov. of Nic., ii. 607.

Cambranes, F., bishop of Guat., ii. 378.

Campbell, Capt., the Scots' colony, ii. 578-9.

Campo, R., president of Salv., 1856, iii. 300-2.

Campoy, F. de P., bishop of Hond., 1841, iii. 631.

Camus, A. G., works of, ii. 760.

Can, M. F., embassy of, 1695, ii. 689.

Cana, sack of, ii. 586.

Canales, battle of, 1526, ii. 83.

Cañas, A. J., minister to U. S., 1825, iii. 81.

Cañas, J., ruler of Salv., 1840, iii. 143.

Cañas, Gen. J. M., mention of, iii. 345-6;
execution of, iii. 376.

Cancer, Friar L., labors in Vera Paz, etc., ii. 353-5;
exped. to Flor., ii. 355-6;
martyrdom, 1549, ii. 356;
biog., ii. 357.

Cancuc, revolt at, 1712, ii. 697-704.

Candia, P. de, conquest of Peru, ii. 11, 13.

Cano, Friar A., mission of, 1685, ii. 680.

Capac, M., inca of Peru, ii. 38;
revolt of, ii. 39;
defeat of, ii. 40.

Carabajal, D. de, naval combat off Pan., 1680, ii. 535-7.

Caravel, picture of, i. 187.

Carbajal, Friar A. de, bishop of Pan., 1605-11, i. 476-7.

Carbajal, R. de, mission to Pan., ii. 256-7;
gov. of Pan., 1779, ii. 584.

Cárcamo y Rodriguez, bishop of Salv., iii. 632.

Cárdenas, A., president of Nic., 1883, iii. 485.

Cárdenas, Father T. de, bishop of Vera Paz, 1565, ii. 374-5.

Cardona, J. de L., founds Quezaltenango, 1524, i. 638.

Careta, Cacique, capture, etc., of, 1511, i. 343-6;
friendship for Balboa, i. 359, 399;
cruel treatment of, i. 399-400.

Caribs, of Hond., iii. 609-10.

Carrillo, B., revolt at Leon, 1812, iii. 14.

Carrillo, Capt. L., Pedrarias' exped., 1514, i. 390;
Balboa's exped., 1515, i. 406;
death, i. 407.

Carranza, B., provis. president of C. R., 1870, iii. 379-80.

Carrasco, Licentiate, bishop-elect of Nic., ii. 434-5.

Carrascosa, A., mention of, ii. 15.

Carreño, J. M., intendente of Panamá, 1822, iii. 508-9.

Carrera, R., insurrection of, 1837, iii. 124-8;
biog., iii. 125;
negotiations with, iii. 129-30;
captures Guat., iii. 131-2;
defeat at Villanueva, iii. 135-6;
capitulation, iii. 137-8;
pronunciamiento of, 1839, iii. 140;
defeats Morazan, iii. 141-2;
negotiations with Guzman, iii. 203;
manifesto of, iii. 207-8;
despotism of, iii. 264-7;
president of Guat., 1844, iii. 267;
plot against, iii. 268;
attempted assassination of, iii. 269;
revolution against, 1847-8, iii. 271-3;
resignation, 1848, iii. 274;
return to Guat., 1849, iii. 277-8;
commander-in-chief, iii. 278;
proscription, iii. 279;
operations, 1850, iii. 280;
president for life, 1854, iii. 282;
rule, iii. 283;
campaigns of, 1863, iii. 304-7;
death, iii. 283-4.

Carrillo, B., jefe of Costa Rica, 1835, iii. 181;
1838, iii. 183;
rule, iii. 182-4, 215-17.

Carrillo, Capt. L., defence of Granada, 1550, ii. 277.

Carrion, Oidor J., mention of, iii. 494.

Cartagena, Ojeda's defeat at, 1509, i. 298-9;
Enciso at, 1510, i. 322-3;
Heredia at, 1532, ii. 47-8;
Drake at, 1572, ii. 407-9;
captured by Drake, 1586, ii. 420;
description of, ii. 579-80;
captured by filibusters, 1697, ii. 580;
bombarded by Vernon, 1740, ii. 591;
revolt at, 1810, iii. 493;
1812, iii. 494-5.

Cartago, description of, ii. 445;
Mansvelt's raid on, ii. 461-2;
conspiracy at, 1823, iii. 66;
revolt at, 1835, iii. 182;
1875, iii. 385.

Casa de Contratacion de las Indias, origin of, 1493, i. 168;
description of, i. 282-3.

Casas, F. de las, exped. against Olid, 1524, i. 528-34;
Olid's assassination, i. 531-3;
departure for Mex., i. 533.

Casas, B. de las, see Las Casas, B. de.

Casaos, P. de, capt.-gen. of Pan., 1545, ii. 258-9.

Casaus y Torres, R., archbishop of Guat., iii. 29-30;
biog., iii. 30.

Cascaras, Brigadier F., campaign of, 1827, iii. 92-3.

Casillas, Friar T., mention of, ii. 345.

Casillas, Father P., bishop of Chiap., 1550, ii. 373.

Casorla, J. R., president of Pan., 1878, iii. 543.

Castañeda, D. de, exped. of, 1548, ii. 186.

Castañeda, F. de, gov. of Nic., 1531, ii. 166-7;
misrule, ii. 167-9;
flight, etc., ii. 169.

Castañeda, Col V., vice-president of Guat., 1886, iii. 451.

Castañon, C., gov. of Chiap., iii. 38.

Castellanos, F. de, campaign of, 1530, ii. 111-13.

Castellanos, J. de, works of, ii. 60-1.

Castellanos, V., president of Hond., 1862, iii. 324-5.

Castellon, F., revolt of, 1854-5, iii. 259-61.

Castile, kingdom of, i. 10.

Castilla, Dr A. C. de, president of Guat., 1598-1609, ii. 649-51.

Castilla del Oro, (see also Panamá), name, i. 294-5;
Nicuesa's exped. to, 1509-10, i. 294-308;
maps of, i. 323; ii. 49.

Castillo, Friar B. del, adventures, etc., of, ii. 172-5.

Castillo, M. S. del, president of Salv., iii. 302.

Castillo, N. del, president of Nic., 1856, iii. 351-2.

Castro, J. A., mediation of, iii. 219-20;
minister-gen. of C. R., 1843, iii. 224.

Castro, J. M., president of C. R., 1847, iii. 228-30;
1866, iii. 377;
resignation, iii. 236.

Castro, V. de, mission to Peru, ii. 250-1.

Caxamalca, Pizarro at, ii. 21-38.

Cebaco, Cacique, dealings with Hurtado, 1516, i. 427.

Célis, D. G. de, mission to Alvarado, 1835-6, ii. 161-2;
complaints against, ii. 163-4.

Cemaco, Cacique, defeated by Enciso, 1510, i. 326-7;
by Pizarro, 1511, i. 344;
victory of, i. 352-3.

Central America, enslavement, etc., of natives in, ii. 232-9;
the new laws, 1543, ii. 240-4;
historical review of, ii. 733-5;
revolution in, 1818-21, iii. 23-41;
union with Mex., 1821-2, iii. 42-59;
confederation, iii. 60-78;
seal of, iii. 71;
constitution, iii. 75-7;
treaty with Colombia, 1825, iii. 81;
with U. S., iii. 81;
designs of Fernando VII., iii. 105-6;
Spaniards excluded from, iii. 106;
republic of, dissolved, 1837-40, iii. 127-44;
attempted unification of, 1883-5, iii. 442-9;
physical features, etc., iii. 560-5;
population, 1883-5, iii. 587-8;
colonization in, iii. 588-94;
castes, iii. 594-6;
diseases, etc., in, iii. 619-20;
education in, iii. 621-7;
church and clergy, iii. 627-37;
administr. of justice, iii. 638-45;
military affairs, iii. 645-9;
agric., iii. 650-5;
mining, iii. 655-60;
manufact., iii. 660-2;
commerce, iii. 663-7, 675;
navigation, iii. 667-8;
roads, iii. 669;
currency, iii. 669-70, 675-6;
mails, iii. 671-2;
finances, iii. 677-87;
debt, iii. 677-87;
railroads, iii. 700-2, 706-8;
telegraphs, iii. 708-9.

Cenú, treasure found at, ii. 48.

Cerda, C. de la, capitulation, etc., of, iii. 86.

Cerda, M. A. de la, jefe of Nic., 1825, iii. 173;
contest with Argüello, iii. 174;
execution, iii. 174.

Cereceda, A. de, gov. of Hond., ii. 146-7, 155-64;
imprisonment, etc., of, 1531, ii. 151-3;
counter-revolution of, ii. 154;
exped. to Naco, ii. 156-7;
dispute with Cueva, ii. 158-9;
appeal to Alvarado, ii. 160-1;
complaints of, ii. 163.

Cerna, V., president of Guat., 1865-71, iii. 413-23.

Cerrato, A. L. de, juez de residencia, ii. 183-4, 308-9;
president of the audiencia of the Confines, ii. 308-10;
administr., ii. 326-7.

Cervera, D., president of Pan., 1880-4, iii. 544-9.

Cesar, F., mention of, ii. 50-1;
exped., 1536, ii. 52;
1537-8, ii. 53-5;
death, ii. 56.

Chacon, J. M., president of Guat. constituent congress, 1824,
iii. 145.

Chacujal, Cortés at, 1525, i. 569-70.

Chagre River, Cueto at, 1510, i. 305.

Chahúl, capture of, 1530, ii. 112.

Chalchuapa, assault on, 1885, iii. 410.

Chamorro, F., suprema delegado, 1844, iii. 189, 194, 196.

Chamorro, F., director of Nic., 1853, iii. 256;
provis. president, 1854, iii. 258;
revolt against, iii. 259;
death, iii. 259-60.

Chamorro, P. J., president of Nic., 1875-9, iii. 481-2.

Chamula, capture of, 1524, ii. 221-5.

Charles V., the rebellion in Peru, ii. 265.

Chatfield, Consul, F., mediation of, requested, 1839-40, iii. 186-7;
the Mosquito, difficulty, iii. 251;
demands on Salv., iii. 297-8;
negotiations, etc., of, iii. 318-19.

Chaves, F. de, death of, ii. 41.

Chaves, H. de, battle of Xelahuh, 1524, i. 139;
exped. to Zacatepec, 1527, ii. 89;
capture of Copan, 1530, ii. 113-15.

Chaves, Capt. J. de, exped. of, 1836, ii. 164-5.

Chiapas, ancient inhabitants of, ii. 214;
conquest of, 1524-6, ii. 215-27;
settlement, etc., of, ii. 228-31;
church affairs in, ii. 229-30, 328-39, 373-5, 712-13;
maps of, ii. 331; iii. 39;
the new laws, ii. 332-3, 338;
prosperity of, ii. 669;
character of population, ii. 669-70;
govt, etc., of, ii. 670-1;
the Tzendal revolt, 1712-13, ii. 696-705;
population, 1813, iii. 36;
education, iii. 37;
industries, iii. 38;
revolution in, iii. 38-41.

Chiapas, city, coat of arms, ii. 330.

Chiapas de los Indios, founding of, 1526, iii. 227.

Chiapas, stronghold, capture of, 1524, ii. 217-20;
1526, ii. 226-7.

Chiapes, Cacique, encounter with Balboa, 1513, i. 369.

Chepo, Cacique, execution of, 1515, i. 404.

Cherino, D. de A., gov. of C. R., etc., 1573, ii. 430;
exped. of, 1575, ii. 430-1.

Chignautecs, defeat of the, 1525, i. 688-9;
submission, i. 690.

Chilapan, Cortés at, 1524, i. 542.

Chilun, captured by Tzendales, 1712, ii. 698.

Chinameca, treaty of, 1845, iii. 203-4.

Chinandega, pacto de, iii. 187-90;
convention of, iii. 187-8;
capture, etc., of, 1845, iii. 241-2.

Chiracona, Cacique, torture, etc., of, 1516, i. 429-30.

Chiriquí, revolt in, 1526, i. 509;
province of, organized, 1849, iii. 516-17.

Chiriquita, captured by freebooters, 1686, ii. 556.

Chirú, Cacique, capture of, i. 423.

Choles, attempted conversion of, 1675-88, ii. 679-80.

Choluteca, affair at, 1844, iii. 194.

Chroniclers, early, credibility of, discussed, i. 317-20.

Church, tithes, ii. 139-40;
affairs of in Hond., ii. 299-301, 641-2, 712-13;
in Chiap. ii. 328-39, 373, 712-13;
in Guat., ii. 341-8, 663-9, 710-12, 728-33;
in Vera Paz, ii. 353-4, 374-5;
in Soconusco, ii. 372;
in Nic., ii. 612-17;
religious orders suppressed, 1870-4, iii. 425-7;
history of the, iii. 627-37.

Cihuatlan, Cortés in, 1524, i. 542-3.

Cimarrones, depredations, etc., of, ii. 366-9;
Drake's exped., ii. 407-17;
Oxenham's exped., ii. 418.

Ciudad Real, founding, etc., of, 1528, ii. 229-30;
a cathedral city, 1538, ii. 329;
revolt, etc., at, 1712-13, ii. 705;
flood at, 1785, ii. 706;
revolution at, iii. 39-40.

Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 1850, iii. 252.

Clergy, expatriation of, 1829, iii. 103-4;
immorality of, iii. 472-3;
privileges, etc., of, iii. 627-9, 636-7.

Climate of Cent. Amer., iii. 561-2.

Coatepeque, Carrera's repulse at, 1863, iii. 304.

Coats of arms, Chiap., ii. 330;
Guat., iii. 147;
C. R., iii. 229.

Coco, affair at, 1885, iii. 410.

Cocori, Cacique, seizure, etc., of, ii. 194-5, 197.

Code, organic, iii. 8-10.

Codro, M., forecasts Balboa's fate, i. 447-8.

Coiba, reported wealth of, i. 343-5.

Cole, B., mention of, iii. 328.

'Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos,' i. 200.

Colindres, M., mention of, iii. 339.

'Collection of Voyages and Travels,' ii. 746.

Colmenares, R. E. de, exped. to Veragua, 1510, i. 331;
relieves Nicuesa, i. 331-2;
exped. to Dabaiba, 1512, i. 351-2;
mission to Spain, 1514, i. 388.

Colombia, insurrection in, 1820, iii. 24-5;
treaty with, 1825, iii. 81;
C. R. boundary question, iii. 233-5;
Pan. annexed to, 1821, iii. 506-8;
republic of, organized, 1819, iii. 513;
severed, iii. 519.

Colon, disturbances at, 1885, iii. 551-3;
destruction of, iii. 553.

Colon, D. de, mention of, i. 174-5;
gov. of Española, 1509, i. 268;
rule, etc., i. 268-9, 273;
death, 1526, i. 274.

Colon, L., suit, etc., of, 1538-40, ii. 64.

Columbus, B., adelantado, 1494, i. 173;
character, i. 175-6.

Columbus, C., voyages of, i. 86-97, 109-11, 119-20;
theory of, i. 92-3;
biog., etc., i. 155-7;
character, i. 156-7, 171-2, 181, 232-8;
agreement with the crown, i. 157-8;
exped. of, 1492-3, i. 158-64;
1493-5, i. 168-76;
1498-1500, i. 177-82;
1502-4, i. 202-31;
charges against, i. 176;
arrest, etc., of, i. 181-2;
enslavement of natives, i. 253-5, 262, 265-6;
death, 1506, i. 231.

Columbus, F., biog., i. 203-4;
'La Historia,' i. 204.

Colunje, J., president of Pan., 1865-6, iii. 533-4.

Comagre, Cacique, Balboa's visit to, 1512, i. 347-9.

Comayagua, founding of, 1539, ii. 293-4;
capture of, 1827, iii. 162;
description of, iii. 570-1.

Commerce, of Guat., ii. 383-4;
of Pan., ii. 390-3, 587, 594;
Asiatic, ii. 391-2;
of Nic., ii. 438;
contraband, ii. 473-4;
of Cent. Amer., iii. 663-7.

Compañon, F., mention of, ii. 442-5;
at the Pearl Islands, 1517, i. 452, 467;
gov. of Natá, i. 508-9;
dispute with Córdoba, i. 586.

'Compendium of Authentic and Entertaining Voyages,' ii. 750.

Concepcion, founding, etc., of, ii. 67, 70.

Concepcion, convent, founded at Granada, 1528, ii. 184.

Concepcion, R. de la, conspiracy of, iii. 18.

'Confederacion Centro Americana,' established 1844, iii. 188-9.

Congress, Central American, installed, 1823, iii. 67-8;
measures, iii. 68-78;
parties, iii. 69-70.

Congress, federal, measures, iii. 79-85, 118-19;
dissolved, iii. 88;
reassembled, iii. 102;
last session, 1838, iii. 134.

Contreras, H. de, revolt of, 1550, ii. 274-88;
death of, ii. 287-8.

Contreras, Brigadier J. T. de, defection of, 1821, iii. 46;
revolution against, iii. 46.

Contreras, P. de, revolt of, 1550, ii. 274-88.

Contreras, R. de, gov. of Nic., ii. 169-71;
exped. to El Desaguadero, ii. 170-1, 175-6;
arrest, etc., of, ii. 177;
residencia of, ii. 178-9, 183-4;
charges against, ii. 180-2;
dispute, etc., with Gutierrez, ii. 190.

Copan, capture of, ii. 113-15.

Córdoba, F. H. de, voyage of, 1517, i. 132;
exped. to Nic., 1524, i. 512-14.

Córdoba, G. F. de, bishop of Nic., 1535, ii. 435;
of Guat., 1574, ii. 378-80.

Córdoba, H. de, defection of, i. 578-80, 584;
Pedrarias' exped. against, i. 587-9;
execution of, 1526, 589.

Cornejo, J. M., intrigues of, iii. 115-16;
rebellion, 1832, iii. 116;
defeat of, iii. 117-18;
jefe of Salv., 1829-32, iii. 167.

Coronado, A. de, gov. of Pan., 1604, ii. 464.

Coronado, F. V. de, exped. of, 1540, i. 152.

Coronado, J. V., exped. of, ii. 427-30;
gov. of C. R., 1565, ii. 430.

Corpus, affair at, 1844, iii. 310.

Corral, D. del, mission to Nicuesa, 1510, i. 331-3;
intrigues, etc., of, i. 341;
gov. of Antigua, 1522, i. 476.

Corral, Gen., negotiations of, 1855, iii. 260;
capitulation with Walker, 1855, iii. 335;
execution of, iii. 337-8.

Corregidor, jurisd., etc., of, i. 297.

Corregimientos, suppression of, 1660-1790, ii. 715-16.

Correoso, B., president of Pan., 1868-72, iii. 537-8;
1878, iii. 543;
works of, iii. 559.

Cortereal, G., voyage of, 1500, i. 114;
1501, i. 117.

Córtes, decree of, iii. 5;
memorial to, iii. 7;
proceedings, iii. 30-1.

Cortés, H., exped. of, 1519, i. 133-4;
popularity, etc., of, i. 522-3;
Olid's exped., i. 524-8;
exped. to Hond., 1524-6, i. 537-81;
rumored death of, i. 544;
machinations against, i. 572-5, 580-1;
return to Mex., i. 582;
Alvarado's exped., 1523-4, i. 627;
Pizarro's, ii. 12, 14, 40.

Cortés, Archbishop, administr. of, 1778-9, ii. 726.

Cortés y Larraz, Dr P., archbishop of Guat., 1768, ii. 730-2.

Corzo, Pilot, explorations of, ii. 246.

Cosa, J. de la, map of, i. 115-16;
friendship for Ojeda, i. 294;
death of, 1509, i. 299.

Cosigüina, volcano, eruption of, 1835, iii. 176-7.

Cosío y Campa, T. J. de, president of Guat., 1712-16, ii. 703-6;
the Tzendal campaign, 1712-13, ii. 704-5.

Costa Rica, Gutierrez exped. to, 1540-5, ii. 187-99;
maps of, ii. 188; iii. 184, 234;
Franciscans in, 1555-90, ii. 432-3;
secession, 1821, iii. 49;
union with Mex., iii. 66;
assembly, iii. 178-9, 217-18, 224-5, 228, 374, 378-86;
Nicoya incorporated with, 1825, iii. 179;
location of capital, iii. 181;
a state, iii. 183-4;
secession, 1848, iii. 208-9;
Morazan's invasion, 1842, iii. 216-17;
Alfaro's revolt, iii. 219-22;
constitution, iii. 225, 228, 374, 378, 381;
arms of, iii. 229;
a republic, iii. 230;
treaties, iii. 230;
boundary question, iii. 231-6;
Walker's exped., 1855, iii. 342-5;
1856-7, iii. 354-61;
war with Nic., 1857, iii. 362;
Mora's invasion of, iii. 387;
independence of, threatened, 1885, iii. 389-90;
difficulty with Nic., 1873-5, iii. 478-82;
extent, iii. 565-6;
polit. divisions, etc., iii. 566;
cities, iii. 566-7;
population, iii. 587-8;
colonization schemes, iii. 593;
character of population, iii. 596-7;
dwellings, iii. 597;
food, etc., iii. 597-8;
markets, iii. 598;
dress, iii. 598-9;
amusements, iii. 599;
education, iii. 622;
church affairs, iii. 634-5;
administr. of justice, iii. 643-4;
army, iii. 646;
agric., iii. 653-4;
mining, iii. 658;
revenue, etc., iii. 683-4;
debt, iii. 684-5;
railroads, iii. 708.

Council of the Indies, description of the, i. 280-2;
decree of the, 1519, ii. 237.

Coxon, Capt., commander-in-chief of pirates, 1680, ii. 527;
defection of, ii. 537-8.

Creoles, condition, etc., of the, iii. 595-6.

Crowe, F., 'The Gospel in Cent. Amer.,' iii. 709.

Cruces, pillage of, 1550, ii. 281;
captured by Drake, 1572, ii. 413-14;
Morgan at, 1671, ii. 500.

Cruz, Gen. S., rebellion of, 1867-70, iii. 414-18.

Cruz, Brigadier V., vice-president of Guat., 1845, iii. 269;
revolt of, 1848, iii. 276-7;
death, 277.

Cruz, Col V. M., revolt of, 1872, iii. 428-9.

Cuba, Columbus at, 1492, i. 162-3;
character of inhabitants, i. 165-6.

Cueva, C. de la, exped. to Hond., 1535, ii. 157-8;
dispute with Cereceda, ii. 158-9.

Cueva, F. de la, lieut.-gov. of Guat., 1541, ii. 312-13;
gov., 1542, 319.

'Curious Collection of Travels,' ii. 750.

'Curious and Entertaining Voyages,' ii. 755.

Cuzcatlan, Alvarado's occupation of, 1524, i. 675-6.

Dabaiba, name, i. 351;
fabled temple of, i. 351, 406-7; ii. 51;
Balboa's exped. to, 1512, i. 351-2;
other expeds., 1515, i. 406-7;
cacique, ii. 51;
sierra of, ii. 52.

Dalrymple, A., works of, ii. 754.

Dampier, Capt. W., defection of, ii. 541;
march across the Isthmus of Pan., 1681, ii. 544-8;
raid on Realejo, 1684, ii. 548;
off coast of South Amer., 1684-5, ii. 549-50;
'A New Voyage round the World,' ii. 568-9.

Dardon, J. P., campaign of, 1529, ii. 107-8.

Darien, discovered by Bastidas, 1501, i. 190-2;
maps of, i. 362, 400, 405;
mining in, iii. 659-60.

Darien River, see Atrato River.

Dávila, G. G., see Gonzalez, G.

Dávila, P., see Pedrarias.

Davis, C. H., 'Report,' iii. 709.

Davis, Capt. J., raid on Realejo, 1684, ii. 548;
off coast of South Amer., 1684-5, ii. 549-50;
out-manœuvred off Pan., ii. 551-3;
capture of Leon, ii. 554.

De Brosse, 'Histoire des Navigations,' ii. 754.

De Bry, T., works of, ii. 741-2.

Debt of Cent. Amer. states, iii. 677-87.

De Costa, B. F., 'The Pre-Columbian Discovery,' i. 70.

Delaporte, M. l'Abbé, works of, ii. 754.

De Lesseps, F. de, the Panamá canal, iii. 704-6.

Delgado, J. M., revolt of, 1811, iii. 12-13;
party leader, iii. 27;
president of congress, iii. 67.

'Derrotero de las islas Antillas,' ii. 759.

Despard, Col, exped. to Mosquitia, 1782, ii. 605-6.

Diaz, B., joins Pedrarias' exped., 1514, i. 390;
Cortés' exped. to Hond., 1525-6, i. 540, 549; ii. 78;
Marin's exped. to Chiap., 1524, ii. 215-19, 224.

Diaz, J. J., president of Pan., 1868, iii. 535-6.

Diaz, M., imposture, etc., of, 1712, ii. 701.

Diaz, President P., correspondence with Barrios, 1885, iii. 448-9.

Diaz, Father P., quarrel with Córdoba, ii. 379-80.

Diego, Father D., martyrdom of, 1623, ii. 675.

Diriangen, Cacique, meeting with Gonzalez, 1522, i. 490-1;
battle with, i. 491-2.

'Documentos para la Historia de México,' i. 201.

Domas y Valle, J., president of Guat., 1794-1801, ii. 728.

Dominguez, V., defeat, etc., of, 1832, iii. 114.

Dominicans, in Española, i. 275;
in Cuba, i. 276;
in Guat., ii. 135-7, 344-5, 666;
in Nic., ii. 168-71, 436-7, 180-2;
in Chiap., ii. 339;
rivalry with Franciscans, ii. 347-8;
provincia establd. by, etc., 1551, ii. 376-7;
missionary labors, ii. 672, 680.

Dovalle, G., exped. to Lacandon, 1559, ii. 363.

Drake, E. C., works of, ii. 751.

Drake, Admiral Sir F., early career of, ii. 404-5;
attack on Nombre de Dios, 1572, ii. 405-6;
on Cartagena, 407-9;
captures Cruces, ii. 413-14;
captures treasure-train, ii. 415;
return to England, ii. 417-18;
voyage round the world, 1577-80, ii. 418-19;
exped. of, 1585-6, ii. 419-21;
1595, ii. 422;
death, 1596, 423.

Dueñas, F., president of Salv., 1852, iii. 299, 308;
1868-71, iii. 393-6;
biog., iii. 392-3;
surrender of, iii. 396;
exile, iii. 397.

Dunlop, R. G., 'Travels in Cent. Amer.,' iii. 223.

Dururua, Cacique, defeats Gutierrez, etc., ii. 68-9.

Eads' ship railway, iii. 694.

Earthquakes in Guat., 1575-87, ii. 384-5;
1607-89, ii. 656;
1751, 1757, ii. 719;
1773, ii. 720-3;
at Santiago, 1830, ii. 707-8; iii. 154;
in Nic., 1835, iii. 175-6;
in Salv., 1854, iii. 300;
1873, iii. 399-400;
in Cent. Amer. 1575-1885, iii. 563-5.

Echever y Suvisa, P. A. de, president of Guat., 1724, ii. 709.

Education, in Pan., iii. 583-4;
in C. R., iii. 622;
in Nic., 622-4;
in Salv., 624;
in Hond., 624-5;
in Guat., 625-7.

El Desaguadero, exped. to, ii. 170-1, 175-6.

El Espinal, affair at, iii. 58.

El Infierno de Masaya, adventure at, 1537, ii. 172-5;
eruption of, 1670, ii. 444.

El Sauce, affair at, 1855, iii. 330.

Encinas, D. de, compilations of, i. 286-7.

Encinasola, P. de, exped. to Veragua, 1535-6, ii. 65-71.

Enciso, Bachiller M. F. de, Ojeda's exped., i. 297-8;
at Cartagena, i. 322-3;
defeats Cemaco, i. 326-7;
founds Antigua, 1510, i. 327-8;
deposed, i. 329-30, 339;
works of, i. 339-40;
denounces Balboa, i. 357, 386-7;
alguacil mayor of Antigua, 1514, i. 390.

Encomendero, system, description of, i. 262-6.

England, the Scots' colony, 1695-1700, ii. 570-9;
trading factories of, ii. 587;
reprisals, ii. 587-8;
war with, 1739-44, ii. 588-93;
treaties with Spain, 1670-1721, ii. 598-600;
1783, ii. 606;
war with Spain, 1769-80, ii. 608-11;
claims of, in Belize, ii. 629-31;
mediation of, sought, 1839-40, iii. 186-7;
claims on Nic., iii. 239-40;
protectorate over Mosquitia, iii. 244-51;
hostilities with Nic., 1848, iii. 251-2;
Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 1850, iii. 252;
Zeledon-Wyke treaty, 1860, iii. 252-3;
difficulty with Salv., iii. 297-8;
relations with Hond., iii. 317;
claims on Hond., iii. 317-19;
usurpation in Hond., iii. 319-20;
treaty with Hond., 1859, iii. 320;
difficulty with Guat., 1874, iii. 433-4;
MacGregor's exped. to Panamá, 1818-20, iii. 498-501;
difficulty with New Gran., 1836, iii. 518.

Epidemics in Guat., 1558, ii. 360;
1565, ii. 369-70;
1601, 1686, ii. 656.

Escobar, J. B., president of Guat., 1848, iii. 276-7.

Espino, Missionary F. de, labors of, 1667-8, ii. 644.

Española, Columbus at, 1492-3, i. 164-5;
1493-5, i. 169-77;
1498, i. 179;
1502, i. 203-6;
character of inhabitants, i. 165-6;
natives of, destroyed, i. 276.

Esparza, sack of, 1680, ii. 541.

Espínola, Capt., capitulation, etc., of, iii. 86.

Espinosa, Licentiate G. de, alcalde mayor of Antigua, 1514, i. 390;
exped. to the South Sea, 1516-17, i. 418-31;
atrocities of, i. 422-3, 429-30;
spoils, i. 431;
trial of Balboa, 1517, i. 457;
promotion of, i. 461;
jealousy of Pedrarias, i. 464-5;
other expeds., i. 468-9, 472, 504-5;
founds Natá, i. 505-6.

Espíritu Santo, name, i. 642.

Esquivel, A., president of C. R., 1875, iii. 384-5.

Esquivel, J. de, cruelty of, i. 260.

Estachería, Brigadier J., gov. of Nic., 1783-89, ii. 608.

Estete, M., expeds. of, i. 667-8, 611; ii. 113.

Estrada, J. M., provis. president of Nic., 1855, iii. 260;
negotiations, etc., of, iii. 260-1;
appeal to Carrera, iii. 339;
death, 1856, iii. 351.

Estrada, T. D. de, gov. of Nic., 1728, ii. 607.

Europe, condition of, 1475-1525, i. 1-5.

Exquemelin, A. O., works of, ii. 567-8.

Fábrega, F., gov. of Pan., 1855, iii. 526-7.

Fábrega, J. de, comandante of Pan., 1821, iii. 504, 508-9.

Fería, P. de, bishop of Chiap., 1575, ii. 373.

Fernandez, J., exped. to Peru, ii. 126-7.

Fernandez, Gen. P., president of C. R., 1882-5, iii. 388-90;
biog., iii. 388-9;
death, iii. 390.

Fernando VII., manifestoes, etc., of, iii. 20-22;
designs on Cent. Amer., iii. 105-6.

Ferrera, F., president of Hond., 1841, iii. 309;
biog., iii. 309.

Figueredo y Victoria, Dr F. J. de, archbishop of Guat., 1753-65,
ii. 728-30;
death, ii. 730.

Figueroa, P. P. de, bishop of Guat., 1736, ii. 711-12;
consecration, ii. 711;
biog., ii. 711;
archbishop, 1745, ii. 712;
death, 1751, ii. 712.

Figueroa y Silva, A. de, exped. to Belize, ii. 624-8.

Figueroa, Gen. F., acting president of Salv., 1876, iii. 411.

Filisola, Brigadier V., exped. of, 1822, iii. 56-7;
operations against San Salv., iii. 62-4.

Findlay, A. G., works of, ii. 759.

Fine, O., map of, 1531, i. 149.

Fitoria, B. G., gov. of Nic., 1730, ii. 607.

Flores, C., vice-jefe of Guat., 1824, iii. 146;
jefe, iii. 148;
administr., iii. 148-9.

Flores, H. C., bishop of Hond., 1854, iii. 631.

Flores, J., gov. of C. R., ii. 622.

Florida, missionary exped. to, 1549, ii. 355-6.

Fonseca, C., defence of Leon, 1844, iii. 199.

Fonseca, J. R. de, patriarch of the Indies, i. 168.

Forster, J. R., works of, ii. 752-3.

Franciscans, in Española, i. 275;
in Guat., 1535, ii. 345-8;
rivalry with Dominicans, ii. 347-8;
in C. R., 1555-70, ii. 432-3;
in Itza, ii. 673-6.

Francos y Monroy, C., archbishop of Guat., 1779, ii. 726, 732.

Frederick, G., biog., etc., iii. 245-7.

Frederick, R. C., mention of, iii. 248.

Fröbel, J., 'Aus Amerika,' iii. 709.

Fuensalida, Friar B., mission to Itza, 1618, ii. 673-5.

Fuentes y Guzman, F. A. de, works, etc., of, ii. 86, 736-7.

Gainza, Brigadier G., command, etc., of, iii. 25-6;
measures, iii. 32-6;
capt.-gen., 1821, iii. 44;
manifesto of, iii. 54-5;
edict, iii. 55.

Gaitan, J., revolt of, 1554, ii. 424-5;
execution, ii. 425.

Galarza, D., revolt of, 1812, iii. 14.

Galdo, A., bishop of Hond., 1613-45, ii. 641-2.

Galeaza, picture of, i. 188.

Galindo, V. O., president of Pan., iii. 534-5.

Gallegos, J. R., jefe of C. R., 1833, iii. 181;
1845, iii. 227.

Galleon, picture of, i. 188.

Galley, picture of, i. 188.

Galvano, A., works, etc., of, ii. 738-9.

Galvez, Don M. de, exped. to Mosquitia, 1782, ii. 604-5;
capture of San Fernando de Omoa, 1779, ii. 647;
president of Guat., 1778-83, ii. 725-8.

Galvez, M., Cornejo's revolt, 1831-2, iii. 116-17;
deposed, 1838, iii. 128-31;
jefe of Guat., 1831, iii. 155-6.

Gama, A. de la, gov. of Castilla del Oro, ii. 45-6.

Gamez, P. de, captures Quema, 1516, i. 426.

Garabito, A., exped. to Cuba, 1516, i. 434, 437;
treachery of, i. 449-50.

Garabito, Cacique, exped. against, ii. 427-8.

Garay, F. de, expeds. of, i. 134, 140, 625.

García, L., campaign of, ii. 580-1.

García, Father W. P. M., 'Sublevacion de los Zendales,' MS.,
ii. 705-6.

Garro, P. de, exped. of, 1525, i. 578.

Gasca, P. de la, character, etc., ii. 265-6;
power intrusted to, ii. 266;
reception at the Isthmus, 1546, ii. 266-9;
negotiations with Mejía, ii. 267;
with Hinojosa, ii. 269-70;
despatches, etc., of, ii. 270-2;
exped. to Peru, ii. 272-3;
the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 278-83.

Gazistas, party, iii. 26-7.

Geography, ancient, i. 70-4.

Germany, difficulty with Nic., 1876, iii. 256.

'Gobierno político de Guatemala,' iii. 28-9.

Godoy, D. de, exped. to Chiap., 1524, ii. 216, 221.

Goitia, P., president of Pan., 1863, iii. 532-3.

Golfo Dulce, name, i. 190;
Bastidas at, 1501, i. 190;
Pedrarias at, 1522, i. 484-5.

Gomara, F. L. de, biog., i. 314;
works of, 315-16.

Gomera, Conde de la, president of Guat., 1611-26, ii. 651-2.

Gomez, C., acting president of Hond., 1876, iii. 463.

Gomez, E., exped. of, 1525, i. 142.

Gomez, Licentiate I., mission of, 1848, iii. 296.

Gonzalez, G., voyage of, 1522, i. 139-40;
contador of Española, 1511, i. 267;
character of, i. 479;
dispute with Pedrarias, i. 481-3;
exped. of, 1522-3, i. 483-94;
escape to Santo Domingo, i. 516;
exped. to Hond., 1524, i. 518;
encounter with Soto, i. 519-20;
meeting with Olid, i. 527-8;
Olid's assassination, i. 531-3.

Gonzalez, Padre P., mention of, ii. 328.

Gonzalez, Gen. S., acting president of C. R., 1873, iii. 383;
victory at Santa Ana, 1871, iii. 395-6;
president of Salv., 1872-5, iii. 396-401;
war with Guat., iii. 401-6.

Goodrich, F. B., 'Man upon the Sea,' ii. 757.

Gottfriedt, J. L., works of, ii. 742.

Gracias á Dios, founding of, 1536, ii. 165;
audiencia of the Confines at, 1545, ii. 301.

Gracias á Dios, cape, rounded by Columbus, 1502, i. 211.

Granada, founding of, 1524, i. 527;
the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 275-8;
description of, ii. 438-41;
captured by pirates, 1665, ii. 441;
1686, ii. 557-9;
revolt at, 1811, iii. 14;
junta at, iii. 48, 170;
besieged by Jerez, 1854-5, iii. 259;
captured by Walker, 1855, iii. 332;
Zavala's assault, 1856, iii. 353-4;
recapture of, iii. 356-7.

Granados, M. G., opposition to Guat. ministry, 1869; iii. 416-17;
exile, iii. 419;
revolution of, 1871, iii. 419-24;
president of Guat. 1871-3, iii. 423-30.

Granda y Balbin, L. A. de, exped. to Talamanca, ii. 618-19.

Green, I., works of, ii. 747.

Greenland, sighted by Gunnbjörn, 876, i. 75-6;
named by Eric the Red, i. 76.

Grijalva, J. de, map of, 1518, i. 132;
death, 1526, i. 591;
character, i. 591-2.

Grogniet, Capt., joins Davis' freebooters, 1685, ii. 550;
capture of Pueblo Viejo, ii. 556;
of Chiriquita, 1686, ii. 556;
defeat at Pueblo Nuevo, ii. 557;
capture of Granada, ii. 557-9;
journey to the North Sea, ii. 563-6.

Grynævs, 'Novvs Orbis,' i. 148-9.

Guadalupe, affair at, 1827, iii. 91.

Gualcince, Salvadoran's surrender at, 1823, iii. 64.

Guanacaste, disturbance at, 1875, iii. 383-4.

Guarda Viejo, convention at, 1838, iii. 128-9.

Guardia, S. de la, gov. of Pan., 1860, iii. 528-30;
death, iii. 530.

Guardia, T., president of C. R., 1870-6, iii. 380-4;
1877-82, iii. 386-8;
death, 1882, iii. 388.

Guardiola, Gen. S., operations, etc., 1845, iii. 200, 202, 205-6;
victory of, 1844, iii. 310;
honors paid to, iii. 311;
pronunciamiento of, iii. 313;
president of Hond., iii. 322-3;
character, iii. 323;
defeat at El Sauce, 1855, iii. 330;
at La Vírgen, iii. 331.

Guatemala, Alvarado's conquest of, 1522-4, i. 617-62;
maps of, ii. 91, 320; iii. 191;
slavery in, ii. 234-6;
the new laws, ii. 323-5;
church affairs in, 1541-8, ii. 341-8;
1601-82, ii. 663-9;
1753-1886, ii. 728-33; iii. 630-1;
epidemics in, 1558, ii. 360;
1565, ii. 369-70;
1601, 1686, ii. 656;
mining, ii. 383; iii. 656-7;
commerce, ii. 383-4;
earthquakes, etc., in, 1575-87, ii. 384-5;
1607-89, ii. 656;
1830, iii. 154;
prosperity of, 1650-1700, ii. 653-4;
terr., 1750, ii. 713-14;
provinces subject to, ii. 714;
army, ii. 727-8; iii. 648-9;
society, iii. 1-2;
loyalty of, iii. 2-3;
capitán general, iii. 20-1;
archbishops of, iii. 29-30;
union with Mex., iii. 50-1;
war with Salv., 1827-9, iii. 90-100;
assembly, iii. 101-4, 145-8, 207, 273-6, 281-2, 416-17, 438-41;
rebellion in, 1837, iii. 128-9;
state govt dissolved, 1838, iii. 134;
arms of, iii. 149, 269-70;
medal, iii. 151;
an independent state, 1839, iii. 160-1;
Malespin's invasion of, 1844, iii. 191-3;
secession of, 1847-8, ii. 207-8;
council convoked, iii. 267;
independence recognized, iii. 270;
foreign relations, iii. 270-1;
revolutions in, 1847-8, iii. 271-3;
1871, iii. 419-24;
war with Salv. and Nic., 1850-3, iii. 279-80;
with Hond., 1850-6, iii. 279-81;
1871-2, iii. 398-9;
1872-6, iii. 428, 457-62;
with Salv., 1876, iii. 401-5;
1885, iii. 409-10;
constitution, iii. 281-2, 438-9;
Walker's exped., 1856-7, iii. 350-61;
revolts in, 1867-70, iii. 414-18;
1872, iii. 428-9;
suppression of religious orders, 1871-4, 425-7;
difficulty with England, 1874, iii. 433-4;
with Spain, 1875, iii. 434;
attempted unification of Cent. Amer., 1883-5, iii. 442-9;
boundaries, iii. 574;
departments, iii. 574;
govt, iii. 574-5;
population, 1883-5, iii. 588;
1885, iii. 613;
colonization in, 589-91;
classes, etc., iii. 613-16;
dwellings, iii. 616-17;
dress, iii. 617-18;
amusements, iii. 618;
education, iii. 625-7;
administr. of justice, iii. 638-40;
agric., iii. 650-1;
manufact., iii. 661;
currency, iii. 670;
revenue, etc., iii. 677-80;
debt, iii. 678-80;
railroads, iii. 706-7.

Guatemala City (see also Santiago City), description of, 1773,
ii. 717-18;
1886, iii. 575-7;
earthquakes in, 1751, 1757, ii. 719;
1773, ii. 720-3;
site of, removed, ii. 723-6;
occupation of, by Salvadorans, iii. 74;
captured by Morazan, 1829, iii. 99-100;
by Carrera, 1838, iii. 130-2;
recaptured by Morazan, iii. 141;
outbreak at, 1844, iii. 266;
revolt at, 1845, iii. 268;
plot at, 1877, iii. 437.

Guatusos, attempted pacification of the, ii. 613-17.

Guerra, C., voyage of, 1499, i. 186.

Guerrero, J., director of Nic., 1847, iii. 244.

Guill, A., gov. of Pan., 1758, ii. 584.

Gutierrez, D., exped. to C. R., 1540-5, ii. 189-99.

Gutierrez, F., exped. to Veragua, 1535-6, ii. 65-73.

Gutierrez, J., capture, etc., of, ii. 50-1.

Gutierrez, M. P., quells revolt, 1812, iii. 15.

Gutierrez, P., the Tzendal campaign, 1712, ii. 701-3.

Guzman, Gen. A., operations, 1849, iii. 277-8.

Guzman, A. T. de, exped. to Pan., 1515, i. 403-6;
outrages of, i. 404.

Guzman, F., president of Nic., 1867-71, iii. 369, 470-5.

Guzman, J. de, proposed exped. of, ii. 256;
joins Hinojosa, 1545, ii. 260-1;
president of Guat., ii. 652.

Guzman, J. E., vice-president of Salv., 1844, iii. 195;
administr., iii. 201-4;
biog., iii. 202.

Guzman, J. E. de, capt.-gen. of Chiap., 1529, ii. 230-1.

Guzman, J. J., president of Salv., iii. 287.

Guzman, Don J. P. de, gov. of Pan., ii. 493;
forces, etc., of, 503-5;
defeated by Morgan, 1671, ii. 504-6.

Guzman, N. de, exped. of, 1530-1, i. 145-6.

Guzman, R., defeat, etc., of, 1832, iii. 113-14.

Hacha, Rio, Bradley's foray on the, 1670, ii. 491.

Hacke, Capt. W., 'A Collection of Original Voyages,' ii. 569.

Hakluyt, R., works, etc., of, ii. 739-41.

Haro, F. de, battle of Panamá, 1671, ii. 505.

Harris, J., works of, ii. 744-5.

Harris, Capt. P., raids off coast of South Amer., 1684-5, ii. 549-50.

Hayti, see Española.

Henderson, G., 'British Honduras,' iii. 247.

Henningsen's operations under Walker, 1856, iii. 355-7.

Heredia, A., exped. of, ii. 49-50.

Heredia, A. F. de, gov. of Nic., ii. 607-8.

Heredia, P. de, province of, ii. 46-7;
expeds., ii. 47-8, 52-3.

Hermosillo, J. G. de, rept of, 1856, ii. 397-8.

Hernandez, Gen., defeats Pineda, 1855, iii. 332.

Herrera, A. de, biog., i. 316;
works of, 316-17.

Herrera, D., jefe of Hond., 1824, iii. 161-2;
of Nic., 1830, iii. 174-6.

Herrera, Oidor, juez de residencia, ii. 179;
opposition to Contreras, ii. 182.

Herrera, Col T., defeats Alzuru, 1831, iii. 514;
jefe, etc., of Pan., 1840, iii. 515;
gov., iii. 516.

Herrera, V., president of C. R., 1875-7, iii. 385-6.

Herrera, V. de, gov, of Hond., ii. 144-5;
stratagem of, ii. 147;
exped., 1531, ii. 149-50;
plot against, ii. 150-1;
assassination of, ii. 151.

Herrera, V. de, regent of audiencias, 1778, ii. 715.

Hinojosa, Friar A. de, bishop of Guat., ii. 380.

Hinojosa, P. de, conquest of Pan., 1545, ii. 255-61;
defeats Verdugo, ii. 263-4;
negotiations with Gasca, ii. 269-70;
defection of, ii. 271-2.

Hinostrosa, Capt. D. M. de, arrest, etc., of, ii. 144-5.

'Historia de la Marina Real Española,' ii. 757.

'Historical Account of the Circumnavigation of the Globe,' ii. 752.

Hodgson, Col R., mission of, ii. 601-2.

Holguin, G., exped. to Peru, ii. 125-7.

Hollins, Commander, bombards San Juan del Norte, 1854, iii. 255.

Honduras, maps of, i. 518; ii. 148; iii. 110, 205;
colonization, etc., in, 1524-5, i. 522-36;
Cortés' exped. to, 1524-6, i. 537-81;
Alvarado's, 1535-6, ii. 160-5;
1539, ii. 296-9;
slavery in, ii. 233-4, 302;
roads, ii. 293-4;
settlements, 1547, ii. 294, 637-40;
mining, ii. 295;
church affairs, ii. 299-301, 641-2, 712-13; iii. 361;
the new laws, ii. 301-7;
piratical raids, 1576-95, ii. 636-9, 645;
Gage's description of, 1636, ii. 639-40;
annexation to Mex., 1821, iii. 46;
revolutions in, 1829-30, iii. 109-11;
1844, iii. 310;
assembly, iii. 161-2, 309-10;
disturbances in, iii. 162-3;
independence declared, 1838, iii. 164;
war with Nic., 1844, iii. 194-200;
with Salv., iii. 202-6, 393-9, 455-8;
union with Salv. and Nic., iii. 209-11;
war with Guat., 1850-6, iii. 279-81;
1872-6, iii. 398-9, 428, 457-62;
relations with Gt Britain, iii. 317;
British claims on, iii. 317-19;
British usurpation in, iii. 319-20;
treaty with Gt Britain, 1859, iii. 320;
Walker's exped., 1856-7, iii. 350-64;
boundaries, iii. 570;
departments, etc., iii. 570;
cities, iii. 570-1;
population, 1883, iii. 588;
immigration, iii. 591;
races, iii. 608-10;
women of, iii. 610-11;
dwellings, iii. 611;
food, etc., iii. 611-12;
dress, iii. 612;
amusements, iii. 612;
education, iii. 624-5;
administr. of justice, iii. 640-1;
army, iii. 647;
agric., iii. 651-2;
mining, iii. 655-6;
manufact., iii. 661;
currency, iii. 670;
revenue, iii. 680;
debt, iii. 680-1;
railroads, iii. 707.

Hore, A. de, gov. of Pan., 1815, iii. 497;
oppression of, iii. 497-8;
recaptures Portobello, 1819, iii. 500-1;
death, 1820, iii. 502.

Huascar, defeat of, 1532, ii. 19;
death, ii. 34.

Huistlan, besieged by Tzendales, 1712, ii. 702.

Humboldt, A. von, works of, i. 69.

Hurtado, B., exped. to Dabaiba, 1512, i. 352-3;
arrest, etc., of, i. 354-5;
atrocities of, i. 401, 417;
exploration of, 1516, i. 426-8;
exped. to Olancho, 1526, i. 589-91;
death, i. 591.

Hylacomylus, 'Cosmographiæ Introdvctio,' i. 123.

Ibañez, Col P., gov. of Nic., 1759, ii. 607.

Icazbalceta, collection of, i. 201.

Iguala, plan of, accepted in Hond., iii. 46;
in Nic., iii. 47-8.

Illanes, J. de, proposed exped. of, ii. 256;
joins Hinojosa, 1545, ii. 260-1.

Illustrations, caravel, i. 187;
galley, i. 188;
galeaza, i. 188;
galleon, i. 188;
navío, i. 189;
brigantine, i. 189.

Indians, treatment of, i. 253-66; ii. 232-9;
of Hond., iii. 608-10;
of Guat., iii. 615-16.

Infante, Father H., mission of, 1646-7, ii. 677-8.

Inquisition, in Spain, i. 32.

Interoceanic communication, projects, etc., for, 1534, ii. 246-7;
1539, ii. 293;
1616, ii. 471-2;
1801-87, iii. 688-709.

Interoceanic road, project for, 1514, i. 396-7;
termini, i. 465;
completed, 1519, i. 471-2.

Irving, W., works of, i. 69, 200, 239-43.

Isabela, founding of, 1493, i. 169.

Isla de Pinos, visited by Columbus, 1502, i. 207-10;
Drake at, 1572, ii. 405-7.

Isla Rica, named by Balboa, 1513, i. 377;
cacique of, 408-10.

Iturbide, A., designs of, iii. 51;
instructions to Filisola, iii. 62;
downfall of, iii. 65.

Itzas, attempted conversion of the, ii. 673-6;
attempted subjugation, ii. 682-95.

Itzcuintlan, Alvarado's conquest of, 1524, i. 663-5.

Izaguirre, B. de, bishop of Pan., 1655, ii. 479.

Izalco, Indian outbreak at, 1875, iii. 400.

Izancanac, Cortés at, 1524, i. 557.

Irazu, Volcano, eruption of, 1723, ii. 620.

Iztapa, Guat., ship-building at, 1539, ii. 205.

Iztapa, Chiap., battle at, 1524, ii. 216.

Iztapan, Cortés at, 1524, i. 543.

Jocote, convention of, 1842, iii. 216-17.

Jalisco, insurrection in, 1541. ii. 206-7.

Jamaica, coasted by Columbus, 1494, i. 171.

Jaraguá, Bastidas shipwrecked at, 1501, i. 192.

Jerez, M., pronunciamiento of, 1869, iii. 472.

Jerez, Bishop N. G., revolt at Leon, 1812, iii. 14.

Jeronimites, mission of the, 1515-18, i. 277-80.

Jesuits, in Nic., 1616-21, ii. 442-3;
in Talamanca, 1684, ii. 447;
expulsion of the, 1767, ii. 730-1;
1871, iii. 425-6;
1881, iii. 476, 484-5;
1884, iii. 389;
revolts caused by, 1881, iii. 476, 484-5.

Jews, mediæval brutality toward, i. 27-9.

Jimenez, J., president of C. R., 1863, iii. 377;
1868, iii. 378-9;
arrest, etc., of, 379-80.

Jocoro, convention of, 1845, iii. 203.

Juan de Dios, order of, in Pan., ii. 477-8.

Juarros, D., works of, ii. 142, 737.

Junta, suprema central gubernativa, iii. 4;
suprema de censura, iii. 26;
consultiva, iii. 35-6, 42-5, 50, 52, 57.

Justice, administr., etc., of, in Cent. Amer., iii. 638-45.

Jutiapa, Malespin's forces at, 1844, iii. 191-2.

Kunstmann, 'Munich Atlas,' i. 69-70.

Kerr, R., works of, ii. 756.

Kinney, J. L., exped of, iii. 327-8.

Kohl, J. G., works of, i. 69.

La Antigua, revolt in, 1828, iii. 96;
assembly installed at, 1824, iii. 145;
affair at, iii. 420.

La Concepcion, convent, establd. in Guat., 1546-8, ii. 343-4.

La Gloria, S. G. de, imposture, etc., of, 1712, ii. 699-700.

La Harpe, works of, ii. 748-9.

La Navidad, fortress of, built, 1492, i. 164;
abandoned, 169.

La Union, blockade of, 1849, iii. 297-8.

La Vírgen, affair at, 1855, iii. 331.

Lacandones, depredations, etc., of, ii. 361-2;
exped. against, 1559, ii. 362-6;
independence, etc., of, iii. 615-16.

Ladinos, condition, etc., of the, iii. 594.

Lafond, G., works of, ii. 755.

Lagares, P. de, labors of, in Tologalpa, ii. 450.

Lamilla, Father A. de, bishop of Guat., ii. 378.

Landa, Capt., cruelty of, ii. 282;
execution of, 1550, 287.

Landecho, J. M. de, gov., etc., of Guat., ii. 366-9.

Lara, Friar D. de, bishop of Chiap., 1574, ii. 373.

Lara, J. C. de, gov. of Nic., ii. 607.

Lara, Father S. de, priest of Cancuc, 1712, ii. 697.

Lara y Mogrobejo, A. de, president of Guat., 1649-54, ii. 653.

Lardner, D., 'Cabinet Cyclopædia,' iii. 709.

Las Casas, B. de, character of, i. 274-5;
labors in Cuba, i. 276;
protector of the Indians, i. 277;
efforts in Spain, i. 279-84;
works of, i. 309-10;
dispute with Quevedo, i. 462-3;
mission to Peru, etc., ii. 136-7;
arrival in Nic., etc., 1532, ii. 169;
opposition to Contreras, ii. 170-1;
the new laws, ii. 239-40;
dispute with the audiencia of the Confines, 1545, ii. 303-7;
bishop of Chiap., 1543, ii. 330-1;
administr., ii. 332-5;
retirement, etc., ii. 335-6;
works of, ii. 336;
pacification of Vera Paz, ii. 348-54;
death, 337;
character, 337-8.

Las Charcas, federal defeat at, 1829, iii. 97.

Lawrie, Col, supt. of Mosquitia, ii. 603-4.

Leiva, P., provis. president of Hond., 1873-6, iii. 460-2.

Lempira, Cacique, valor of, ii. 290-1;
stronghold of, captured, 1537, ii. 291-2;
death, ii. 291-2.

Leon, founding of, 1527, i. 513;
butchery of natives at, 1528, i. 610;
convent founded at, 1532, ii. 168-9;
the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 275-6;
Gaitan's defeat at, 1554, ii. 425;
new city of, ii. 439-40;
captured by freebooters, 1685, ii. 553-5;
cathedral of, 1743, ii. 613;
revolts, etc., at, 1811-12, iii. 14-16;
junta gubernativa at, 1823, iii. 170-1;
sack of, 1824, iii. 171;
siege of, 1824-5, iii. 171-2;
1844, iii. 197-200;
revolts at, 1845, iii. 241;
1853-4, iii. 258-9;
1869, iii. 471-3;
1881, iii. 484-5;
seat of govt at, 1847, iii. 244;
description of, iii. 568-9.

Lepe, D. de, voyage of, 1499, i. 113, 186.

Lévy, P., 'Notas,' iii. 255.

Liaño, Pilot, exped. to Veragua, 1535-6, ii. 66.

Liberals, Guat., party, iii. 69-70;
attitude of, iii. 85-7;
operations of, 1826-7, iii. 148-50;
prosecution of, iii. 151;
division among, iii. 275.

Lindo, J., jefe of Salv., 1841, iii. 286;
coup d'état, iii. 286;
president of Hond., 1847-51, iii. 311-21.

Literature, of C. R., iii. 622;
of Nic., iii. 623;
of Salv., iii. 624;
of Guat., iii. 627.

Llamas y Rivas, Dr F. J. de, gov. of Pan., ii. 583.

Llano, Capt. A. del, deputy to córtes, iii. 5.

Llano, Col M. del, deputy to córtes, iii. 5.

Loarca, A. L. de, storming of Mixco, 1525, i. 690-2.

L'Olonnois, F., character, etc., of, ii. 456-7;
atrocities, 457-8;
expeds., ii. 458-60;
death, 460.

Lopez, Father T., explorations, etc., of, 1778, 1782, ii. 614-16.

Lorca y Villena Vivas, M. V. de, gov. of Nic., 1757, ii. 607.

Lorenzana, Marqués de, president of Guat., ii. 652-3.

Los Altos, state organized, 1838, iii. 156-7;
assembly, iii. 157;
maps of, iii. 157, 275;
incorporated with Guat., 1840, iii. 158.

Los Santos, surprised by freebooters, 1686, ii. 561;
revolution at, iii. 505-7.

Loyola, P. de, gov. of Nic., ii. 607.

Luque, Padre, Pizarro's conquest, ii. 3, 8, 12, 14, 36.

M'Donald, A., usurpation of, in Yuc., iii. 315.

Macdonald, regent of Mosquitia, iii. 248;
arrest of Quijano, 1841, iii. 249-51.

MacGregor, G., exped. of, 1818-19, iii. 498-501.

McClure, R. Le M., discoveries of, iii. 689-91.

Madriz, Licentiate, disturbances incited by, 1699-1701, ii. 662.

Magellan, F. de, voyage of, 1519, i. 134-6.

Mail service, of Cent. Amer., iii. 671-2.

Maiollo, map of, i. 136.

Major, R. H., 'Life of Prince Henry of Portugal,' i. 70.

Malacatan, capture of, 1525, i. 697-9.

Maldonado, A., alcalde mayor of Española, i. 250.

Maldonado, A., compilation of, i. 286.

Maldonado, A. de, visitador, 1535, ii. 131;
juez de residencia, ii. 132;
president of the audiencia of the Confines, ii. 301;
dispute with Las Casas, 1545, ii. 304-7;
residencia of, ii. 308-9;
provis. gov. of Guat., 1542, ii. 323;
exped. to Talamanca, 1660, ii. 446.

Malespin, president of Salv., iii. 190;
defence of Salv., 1844, iii. 190-1;
invasion of Guat., iii. 191-3;
of Nic., iii. 194-5;
capture of Leon, iii. 197-200;
dispute with Guzman, iii. 202-3.

Malespin, Col F., revolution of, 1842, iii. 289;
president of Salv., iii. 290;
defeat of, iii. 293-4;
death of, iii. 294.

Malinche, see Cortés, H.

Mames, Alvarado's conquest of the, 1525, i. 695-702.

Managua, revolt at, 1833-4, iii. 175-6;
1845, iii. 240-1;
seat of govt at, 1845, iii. 241;
cholera at, 1855, iii. 330;
description of, iii. 568.

Manches, Christianization, etc., of, ii. 672-3.

Mañosca y Murillo, J. de, president of Guat., 1670, ii. 659;
bishop of Guat., 1668-75, ii. 668.

Mansvelt, buccaneer, raids, etc., of, ii. 460-3.

Manufactures, of Cent. Amer., iii. 660-2.

Maps, the world, i. 73;
Zeno's chart, 1390, i. 82;
Behaim's globe, 1492, i. 93;
Cosa's map, 1500, i. 115;
Ruysch's, 1508, i. 126;
Peter Martyr's, 1511, i. 127;
Ptolemy's, 1513, i. 130;
in Munich Atlas, 1518, i. 133;
Schöner's globe, 1520, i. 137;
Bordone's, 1528, i. 144;
Ribero's, 1529, i. 146;
the New World, 1530, i. 147;
Ruscelli's, 1544, i. 148;
Fine's, 1531, i. 149;
Castillo's, 1541, i. 153;
manuscript, 1532-40, i. 154;
Castilla del Oro, i. 323; ii. 49;
Darien, i. 362, 400, 405, 416, 427;
Nic., i. 513; ii. 175; iii. 258;
Hond., i. 518; ii. 148; iii. 110, 205, 198;
Quiché and Cackchiquel, i. 629;
Peru, ii. 9;
Alvarado's march, ii. 82;
Guat., ii. 91, 320; iii. 191;
C. R., ii. 188; iii. 184, 234;
Chiap., ii. 331; iii. 39;
Lacandon war, ii. 363;
Mosquitia, ii. 603; iii. 246;
Belize, ii. 627;
defeat of Padilla, iii. 58;
Los Altos, iii. 157, 275;
Salv., iii. 191, 205;
Walker's exped., iii. 343;
interoceanic communication, iii. 692.

Maracaibo, plundered by Morgan, ii. 490-1.

Marchena, Treasurer R. de, mention of, ii. 280-1.

Marin, E., acting jefe of Salv., 1842, iii. 286-7.

Marin, Gen. E., execution of, 1877, iii. 464.

Marin, Capt. L., character of, ii. 215;
exped. to Chiap., 1524, 215-25.

Marquez, D., contador at Antigua, 1514, i. 390.

Marquez, G., acting jefe of Guat., 1830, iii. 154-5.

Marroquin, F., biog., etc., ii. 134;
bishop of Guat., 1533, ii. 135;
administr., ii. 135-40;
Alvarado's executor, etc., ii. 207-9;
dispute with Las Casas, ii. 303-6, 343;
gov. of Guat., 1542, ii. 319;
Indian policy, ii. 325-6;
poverty of, ii. 342-3;
convent, etc., founded by, ii. 343-4;
death of, 1563, ii. 375.

Martin, A., first Spaniard to sail on South Sea, 1513, i. 369-70.

Martinez, B., bishop of Pan., 1583, ii. 475.

Martinez, Friar C., bishop of Pan., 1625, i. 478.

Martinez, J. A., president of Guat., 1848, iii. 274.

Martinez, Gen. T., operations of, 1855, iii. 261;
1856-7, iii. 352, 356, 360;
member of junta, 1857, iii. 365;
president of Nic., 1857-67, iii. 365-9;
biog., iii. 366;
death, iii. 370.

Martyr, P., map of, 1511, i. 127-8;
biog., i. 312;
works of, i. 312-14.

Marure, M. A., works of, iii. 17-18;
imprisonment of, iii. 19-20.

Masaya, revolt at, 1812, iii. 15;
Walker's attack on, 1856, iii. 353;
destruction of, 1856, iii. 355-6.

Mata, Brigadier J. A. de la, gov. of Pan., 1805, iii. 489.

Matagalpa, insurrection in, 1881, iii. 484.

Mayorga, M. de, president of Guat., 1773-8, ii. 717-25.

Mazariegos, D. de, conquest of Chiap., 1526, ii. 226-7;
meeting with Puertocarrero, ii. 227-8;
administr. of, ii. 229-30;
residencia of, ii. 230.

Mazariegos, M. R., exped. of, 1695, ii. 682-5.

Mazatecs, submission of the, 1524, i. 557-8.

Mazatenango, capture of, 1525, i. 696-7.

Medina, Alcalde, in charge at Trujillo, 1525, i. 535.

Medina, F. de, mention of, ii. 220-1.

Medina, J. M., president of Hond., 1836-72, iii. 453-8;
revolt of, iii. 461-3;
execution, 1878, iii. 464;
biog., iii. 464-5.

Medrano y Solórzano, E., exped. of, 1699, ii. 695.

Mejía, G., prosecution of Alvarado, ii. 100.

Mejía, H., surprised by Verdugo, ii. 263;
defection, etc., of, 1546, ii. 267-8, 271.

Mejicanos, Arce's defeat at, 1823, iii. 64;
surrender of, iii. 95.

Melendez, Gov. P., defence of Portobello, 1602, ii. 467.

'Memorias,' iii. 107.

Mencos, M., exped. of, 1699, ii. 694-5.

Mencos, M. C. de, president of Guat., 1657-67, ii. 657-8.

Mendavia, Dean P. de, disturbance caused by, ii. 177-8.

Mendez, D., in Verag., 1503, i. 222-4;
plot of, ii. 150-3;
execution of, ii. 154.

Menendez, Gen. F., revolution of, 1885, iii. 411.

Mendez, H., procurator to Spain, etc., 1545, ii. 323-4.

Mendez, M., murder of, 1872, iii. 399.

Mendinueta y Muzquiz, P. de, viceroy of New Granada, 1801, iii. 489.

Mendoza, H. de, exped. of, 1532, i. 148.

Meneses, Capt., joins Pedrarias' exped., 1514, i. 390;
garrison of, besieged, i. 402, 404.

Mercado, J. N. de, assassination of Olid, i. 531-3.

Mercado, Friar M. de, bishop of Pan., 1578, ii. 475.

Merced, order of, establd. in Guat., 1537, ii. 140-1;
convent founded at Ciudad Real, ii. 328-9.

Merlo, R. de, exped. of, 1525, i. 577.

Mestizos, characteristics of the, iii. 594-5.

Mexico, union of Cent. Amer. with, 1821-2, iii. 42-59;
war with Salv., 1822-3, iii. 62-4.

Mexico City, machinations against Cortés, i. 572-5, 580-1.

Meyner, C., gov. of Pan., 1812, iii. 495.

Milla, J. J., vice-jefe of Hond., 1824, iii. 161;
defeats Herrera, iii. 162.

Millen, F. F., colonization scheme of, 1883, iii. 590-1.

Mining, in Hond., ii. 295;
in Guat., ii. 383;
in Pan., ii. 395-6, 585-6;
in Cent. Amer., iii. 655-60.

Miro, G., president of Pan., 1873, iii. 541.

Mitla, insurrection in, 1837, iii. 124-5.

Mixco, capture of, 1525, i. 686-92;
federal victory at, 1829, iii. 97.

Moderados, Guat., party organized, 1848, iii. 275.

Molina, Col M. A., jefe of Los Altos, 1838, iii. 157-9;
execution of, 1842, iii. 218.

Molina, P., 'El Editor Constitucional,' iii. 27-8;
biog., iii. 27-8;
revolutionary movements, iii. 33;
envoy to Bogotá, 1825, iii. 81;
jefe of Guat., iii. 104;
downfall of, iii. 105.

Mollinedo y Saravia, G., capt.-gen., 1801, iii. 3;
rule, iii. 3-6;
death, iii. 6.

Monasteries, suppression of, 1829, iii. 104.

Monasterio, Capt. J. de, operations, etc., of, 1603-9, ii. 650-1.

Montaiglon, M. de, works of, i. 54.

Montalboddo, 'Paesi Nouamente retrouati,' i. 123.

Montalvo, F., viceroy of New Granada, 1813, iii. 495.

Montealegre, J. M., president of Costa Rica, 1859-63, iii. 373-7.

Montejo, F. de, gov. of Hond., 1537-9, ii. 289-99;
negotiations with Alvarado, 296-9.

Monterroso, F. de H., acting gov. of Pan., 1708, ii. 583.

Montes, F., arrest, etc., of, 1810, iii. 493.

Montes, J. F., president of Hond., 1863, iii. 324-5.

Montfraisier, Du P. de, 'Histoire Universelle,' ii. 748.

Montiano, M. de, gov. of Pan., 1749-55, ii. 584.

Montúfar, Col M., surrender of, iii. 95.

Mora, F., invasion of C. R., iii. 387.

Mora, J., jefe of C. R., 1822-33, iii. 179-81;
biog., iii. 180.

Mora, J. F., president of C. R., 1849-53, iii. 236-7.

Mora, Gen. J. J., operations of, 1856, iii. 358.

Mora, J. R., president of C. R., 1859, iii. 372;
revolt against, iii. 372-3;
exile, iii. 373; revolt of, iii. 374-5;
execution, 1860, iii. 375-6.

Morales, Capt. G. de, joins Pedrarias' exped., 1514, i. 390;
exped. to the Pearl Islands, 1515, i. 408-11;
atrocities of, i. 411.

Morales, M. R., director of Nic., 1847, iii. 243.

Morazan, Gen., victory at Gualcho, 1828, iii. 95;
campaign in Guat., 1828-9, iii. 96-100;
harsh measures of, iii. 100-3;
operations in Hond., iii. 111;
president, 1830, iii. 112;
rule, iii. 112-42;
departure, 1840, iii. 142-3;
invasion of C. R., 1842, iii. 216-17;
measures, iii. 217-18;
provis. jefe, iii. 218;
capture of, iii. 219-20;
execution, iii. 221-2.

Moreno, Fiscal P., exped. to Hond., 1525, i. 535-6.

Morgan, H., early career of, ii. 482-3;
plunders Puerto Príncipe, ii. 483;
captures Portobello, 1668, ii. 483-9;
atrocities of, ii. 484-7, 510-12;
encounters gov. of Pan., ii. 488-9;
forces, etc., of, ii. 491-2;
captures Santa Catarina, ii. 493;
lands at Chagre, ii. 496-7;
march across the Isthmus, ii. 497-502;
captures Panamá, 1671, ii. 504-7;
plot against, ii. 512;
return to San Lorenzo, ii. 512-13;
division of spoils, ii. 514;
knighted, etc., ii. 515;
imprisonment of, ii. 515.

Morillo, Mariscal P., exped. of, 1815, iii. 496.

Moscoso, L., exped. of, 1530, ii. 121.

Mosquitia, description of, ii. 595-8, 600-1;
buccaneers in, ii. 598;
British rights in, ii. 598-9;
British aggression in, ii. 601-2;
maps of, ii. 603; iii. 246;
Galvez' exped. to, 1782, ii. 604-5;
Despard's exped. to, 1782, ii. 605-6;
British protectorate over, iii. 244-52;
kings of, iii. 245-8;
attempts at colonization, iii. 248-9.

Motolinia, Fray T. de, labors in Nic., 1528, ii. 184;
in Guat., ii. 345-7.

Mourgeon, Mariscal J. de la C., capt.-gen. of New Granada, 1821,
iii. 503;
exped. of, iii. 504.

Moya, R., jefe of C. R., 1844, iii. 227.

Muñoz, F., execution of, 1517, i. 457-9.

Muñoz, J. B., 'Historia del Nuevo Mondo,' i. 197-8.

Muñoz, Gen. J. T., siege of Leon, 1844, iii. 197;
promotion of, iii. 240;
operations, etc., of, 1845, iii. 241-3;
revolt of, 1851, iii. 256;
negotiations, iii. 260;
death, 1855, iii. 330.

Murillo, Lieut-col A., victory at Tecuaname, 1855, iii. 261.

Nacaome, diet of, 1848, iii. 208.

Naco Valley, exped. to, ii. 145, 147, 156-7.

Nancintlan, burning of, 1524, i. 668.

Napoleon I., usurpation of, iii. 2.

Naranjo, battle of, 1876, iii. 462.

Narragansett Bay, settlement founded at, 1000, i. 76.

Narvaez y la Torre, Brigadier A., gov. of Pan., 1801, iii. 489.

Natá, surprised by Espinosa, 1516, i. 423;
settlement founded at, i. 505-9.

Natá, Cacique, capture of, 1515, i. 414;
surrender of, 1516, i. 423-4;
exped. against, i. 424-5;
revolt of, 1517, i. 431.

Nava, J. de, gov. of C. R., 1773, ii. 622.

Navarrete, M. F. de, works of, i. 69, 198-200;
biog., 198.

Navas y Quevada, A. de las, bishop of Nic., 1667, ii. 443-4.

Navigation, internal, iii. 667-8.

Navío, picture of, i. 189.

Nebah, capture of, 1530, ii. 111-12.

Negroes, importation of, ii. 386-7;
regulations concerning, ii. 389-90.

Neira, G., president of Pan., 1872-3, iii. 538-41.

Nelson, H., exped. to Nic., 1780, ii. 609-11.

'New Collection of Voyages,' ii. 750.

Newfoundland, Leif lands at, 1000, i. 76.

New Granada, rebellion in, 1810-13, iii. 493-6;
state of, organized, 1831, iii. 513;
revolution in, 1840, iii. 515-16;
difficulty with England, 1836, iii. 518;
with U. S., 1855, iii. 519;
1856-7, iii. 520-2;
mining in, iii. 659-60;
treaty with U. S., 1846, iii. 700-1.

New laws, publication of the, 1543, ii. 240;
provisions, ii. 240-1;
opposition to the, ii. 242-3, 301-2, 323;
repealed, 1545, ii. 325;
opposition to, ii. 334-5, 338.

New St Andrew, founding of, 1698, ii. 576.

Newspapers, iii. 27-8, 273, 288, 290, 559, 584, 622, 627.

'New Universal Collection,' ii. 750.

'New Voyages and Travels,' ii. 751.

Nicaragua, Dávila's exped. to, 1522-3, i. 483-94;
maps of, i. 513; ii. 175; iii. 258;
church affairs in, ii. 168-9, 443-4, 612-17; iii. 632-3;
revolts in, ii. 274-8; iii. 240-2, 259-61;
settlements, etc., of, ii. 434, 437-8;
Dominicans in, ii. 436-7;
commerce of, ii. 438;
piratical raids in, 1685-6, ii. 553-62;
diputacion provincial in, iii. 47;
annexation to Mex., 1821, iii. 47-8;
internal strife in, 1833-7, iii. 170-7;
juntas gubernativas, iii. 170-2;
assembly, iii. 172-3, 243, 257-60, 367, 475-8;
earthquake, etc., in, 1835, iii. 176-7;
secession, 1838, iii. 178;
British mediation requested, 1839-40, iii. 186-7;
war with Hond., 1844, iii. 194-200;
union with Salv. and Hond., iii. 209-11;
C. R. boundary question, iii. 231-3;
British claims, iii. 239-40;
British aggressions in Mosquitia, iii. 244-51;
hostilities with England, 1848, iii. 251-2;
Zeledon-Wyke treaty, 1860, iii. 252-3;
treaty with Spain, 1850, iii. 253;
concordat, iii. 253;
foreign relations, iii. 254;
difficulty with U. S., 1854, iii. 254-5;
with Germany, 1876, iii. 256;
declared a republic, 1852-4, iii. 257;
war with Guat., 1850-3, iii. 279-80;
Walker's campaign in, 1855-6, iii. 328-46;
cholera in, 1855, iii. 330;
war with C. R., 1857, iii. 362;
junta de gobierno in, 1857, iii. 365;
revenue, iii. 366-7;
constitution, iii. 367;
rebellion in, 1869, iii. 471-4;
difficulty with C. R., 1873-5, iii. 479-82;
jesuitic seditions, iii. 484-5;
opposition to Barrios, 1885, iii. 486;
boundaries, iii. 567;
departments, etc., iii. 567-8;
cities, iii. 568-9;
population, 1883, iii. 588;
colonization in, iii. 591-2;
character of population, iii. 599-601;
dress, etc., iii. 601-2;
dwellings, iii. 602;
mode of life, iii. 603;
amusements, iii. 603-4;
education, iii. 622-4;
administr. of justice, iii. 641-3;
army, iii. 646-7;
agric., iii. 652-3;
mining, iii. 657-8;
manufact., iii. 661;
revenue, etc., iii. 683;
debt, iii. 483, 683;
railroads, iii. 708.

Nicaragua, Cacique, Dávila's visit to, 1522, i. 486-9;
attacks the Spaniards, iii. 493.

Nicaragua, isthmus, project for canal, iii. 694-8.

Nicaragua, Lake, discovery of, 1522, i. 489.

Nicoya, Cacique, Dávila's meeting with, 1522, i. 485-6.

Nicoya, province, incorporated with C. R., 1825, iii. 179.

Nicoya, town, the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 277-8.

Nicuesa, D. de, biog., etc., of, i. 292-4;
gov. of Castilla del Oro, i. 294-6;
quarrel with Ojeda, i. 296-7;
exped. to Veragua, 1509, i. 296-308;
relieved by Colmenares, i. 331-2;
reception at Antigua, i. 334-5;
deposal, i. 335;
fate of, i. 335-6.

'Niña,' voyage of the, 1492-3, i. 159-64.

Nindiri, volcano, eruption of, 1775, ii. 608.

Niño, Pilot A., exped., etc., of, 1522-3, i. 478-93.

Niño, P. A., voyage of, 1499, i. 186.

Nito, Cortés' arrival at, 1525, i. 565-7;
sickness, etc., at, i. 567-8;
site of, abandoned, i. 568, 570.

Niza, Friar M. de, exped. of, 1539, i. 151-2;
rept of, ii. 205.

Nombre de Dios, name, i. 307;
Nicuesa at, i. 307-8;
fort of, built, 1510, i. 307-8;
departure of garrison, i. 337-8;
abandoned, i. 331-3; 412-13;
refounded, 1519, i. 471;
trade, etc., of, ii. 248-9;
Nombre de Dios, Verdugo's invasion of, ii. 263-4;
Gasca at, 1546, ii. 267-9;
1550, ii. 282-3;
the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 278, 281-3;
removal of site, etc., ii. 396-9;
Drake's attack on, 1572, ii. 405-6;
destroyed by Drake, 1595, ii. 422.

Norí, Cacique, execution of, ii. 55-6.

North-west passage, discov. of, iii. 689-91.

'Notes de Voyage en Centre Amérique,' iii. 676-7.

'Nouvelle Bibliothèque des Voyages,' ii. 757.

Nueva Andalucía, name, i. 294;
Ojeda's exped. to, 1509-10, i. 294-301.

Nueva Jaen, founding of, ii. 186.

Nueva Segovia, freebooters at, 1687, ii. 563-4.

Nueva Valladolid, growth, etc., of, 1557-74, ii. 640-1;
earthquake in, 1774, ii. 640.

'Nuevo Viajero Universal,' ii. 758.

Nuñez, A., Nicuesa's exped., 1509-10, i. 307-8.

Nuñez, J., vice-jefe of Nic., 1835, iii. 177.

Nuñez, Capt. V., capture, etc., of, ii. 257-8.

Nutibara, Cacique, defeat of, ii. 54.

Oajaca, city, capture, etc., of, iii. 6.

Obaldía, J. de, gov. of Pan., 1858, iii. 528.

Obaldía, Col A., revolt of, 1868, iii. 537-8.

Occhuc, Tzendales repulsed at, 1712, ii. 703-4.

Ococingo, massacre at, 1712, ii. 699.

Ojeda, A. de, voyage of, 1499-1500, i. 111, 186;
1502, i. 118-19;
early career, etc., of, i. 292-4;
gov. of Nueva Andalucía, i. 294-6;
quarrel with Nicuesa, i. 296-7;
exped. of, 1509, i. 296-301;
death, i. 301.

Olancho, sedition in, 1829, iii. 109-11;
revolt at, 1844, iii. 310.

Olancho Valley, occupation of, 1526, i. 589-90.

Olano, L. de, Nicuesa's exped., 1509-10, i. 301-7;
ill treatment of, i. 332-3;
death, i. 441.

Olarte, V., see Galindo, V. O.

Olaziregui, V., gov. of Pan., 1769, ii. 584.

Olid, C. de, exped. to Hond., 1524, i. 524;
character, i. 525;
treachery of, i. 526-7;
meeting with Gonzalez, i. 527-8;
fight with Casas, etc., i. 529-30;
assassination, i. 531-3.

Olmos, P. de, defeat of, ii. 109-10.

Omoa, bombardment of, 1873, iii. 320.

O'Neill, Gen., exped. to Belize, 1798, iii. 314.

Orbita, Friar J. de, mission to Itza, 1618, ii. 673-5.

Ordoñez, Col C., commandant at Granada, iii. 59;
revolt of, 1824, iii. 171-2.

Orduña, F. de, juez de residencia, 1529, ii. 105-6;
exped. of, ii. 110-11;
prosecution, etc., of, 1530, ii. 117-18.

Oreamuno, F. M., jefe of C. R., 1844, iii. 226-7;
vice-president, 1853, iii. 237.

Orosco, Presbyter L. de, assassination of, ii. 709.

Ortega, J., president of Pan., 1878, iii. 543-4.

Ortiz, A., exped. of, ii. 148.

Orueta y Irusta, J. B. de, gov. of Pan., 1709, ii. 583.

Osorio, D. A., bishop of Nic., 1531, ii. 168-9.

Ostuncalco, Indian outbreak at, iii. 123.

Osuña, J. V. de, capture of Copan, 1530, ii. 115.

Ovalle, Missionary P. de, labors of, ii. 644.

Ovando, N. de, gov. of Española, 1502, i. 249;
instructions to, i. 249-50;
exped. of, i. 250;
administr. i. 250-2, 256, 259-61, 266-8.

Oviedo, G. F. de, biog., i. 310;
works of, i. 150, 310-12;
veedor at Antigua, 1514, i. 390;
efforts in Spain, 1515, i. 463-4;
1523, i. 511-12;
regidor perpetuo de Antigua, i. 473;
rule, i. 474-5;
deposed, i. 476;
departure, etc., 1528, i. 477;
capt.-gen. of Cartagena, i. 593.

Oxenham, J., exped. to Pan., 1575, ii. 418.

Oxib Quieh, King, accession of, 1524, i. 645;
plot of, i. 646;
capture, etc., of, 648.

Orozco y Berra, 'Cartografía Mexicana,' i. 70.

Pacheco, Gen., defeat of, 1829, iii. 97.

Pacific Ocean, see South Sea.

Paiz, Brigadier G., cabinet-minister, 1845, iii. 268-9.

Palahunoh Pass, Alvarado's victory at, 1524, i. 634-6.

Palomar, J. M., in command at Trujillo, 1820, iii. 24.

Palomino, J. A., exped. to Nic., ii. 262.

Panaguali, Cacique, execution of, ii. 91.

Panamá (see also Castilla del Oro), audiencias of, ii. 57-8,
370-1, 585;
slavery, etc., in, ii. 232-3;
commerce, etc., in, ii. 390-3, 587, 594; iii. 672-5;
shipping, ii. 392;
pearl fisheries, ii. 394-5, 585;
mining, ii. 395-6, 585-6; iii. 659-60;
Drake's raids in, 1572, ii. 405-17;
Oxenham's exped., 1575, ii. 418;
officials of, ii. 471;
smuggling in, ii. 473-4; iii. 491-2;
church affairs, i. 500-1, ii. 474-80; iii. 635-7;
Morgan's raids in, 1668-71, ii. 483-515;
Indian raids in, 1745-74, ii. 581-2;
incorporated with New Gran., 1718, ii. 584;
revenue, iii. 490, 686-7;
industrial depression in, iii. 490;
population, etc., iii. 490-2, 580-1;
viceregal seat at, 1812, iii. 494;
Macgregor's invasion of, 1818-19, iii. 498-501;
revolution in, 1821, iii. 602-7;
1831, iii. 514;
1840, iii. 514-15;
1868, iii. 536-7;
annexed to Colombia, 1821, iii. 506-8;
slavery abolished in, iii. 509;
subjugation of, iii. 515-16;
declared a state, 1855, iii. 525, 529;
constitution of, iii. 526, 540, 542, 544;
disturbances in, 1883-4, iii. 546-8;
a national department, iii. 559;
boundaries, etc., iii. 577-8;
departments, iii. 578;
cities, iii. 578-9;
women of, iii. 581-2;
education in, iii. 583-4;
literature, iii. 584;
amusements, iii. 584-5;
epidemics, etc., iii. 585-6;
administration of justice, iii. 644-5;
army, iii. 645-6;
agric., iii. 654-5;
currency, iii. 675-6;
telegraphs, iii. 708-9.

Panamá, city, name, i. 404;
post established on site of, 1517, i. 429;
founding of, 1519, i. 468;
progress, etc., of, i. 495-500;
arms of, i. 500;
slave market at, i. 608-9;
Pizarro's exped., ii. 1-15;
proposed removal of site, 1531, ii. 247;
prosperity, etc., of, ii. 249-50;
pillage of, ii. 255;
Hinojosa's conquest of, 1545, ii. 255-61;
Gasca at, 1546-7, ii. 269-72;
captured by Contreras, 1550, ii. 279-81;
Bermejo's defeat at, ii. 284-6;
sickness at, ii. 399-400;
official embezzlement at, ii. 401-2;
defences of, ii. 402-3;
decadence of, 1610, ii. 470;
convent establd. at, 1592-8, ii. 475-6;
fires at, 1644, ii. 479;
1737-71, ii. 582;
prosperity of, 1645-70, ii. 480-1;
descriptions of, ii. 502-3; iii. 578-9;
captured by Morgan, ii. 504-7;
destruction of, 1671, ii. 507-8;
site of, removed, ii. 517-18;
rebuilding of, ii. 517-19;
naval combat off, 1680, ii. 534-7;
freebooters defeated off, 1685, ii. 552-3;
revolution at, 1821, iii. 504-8;
gen. congress at, 1826, iii. 510-12;
disturbances at, 1856, iii. 520-1;
1859-60, iii. 528-30.

Panamá Isthmus, infested with criminals, iii. 518-19;
guard of the, 1854, iii. 519;
transit refused, iii. 522-3;
order restored at, iii. 524;
protection of the, iii. 539-40, 551-8;
disturbances at, 1885, iii. 550-7;
canal, iii. 698-700, 703-6;
railroad, iii. 700-2.

Panciaco, story of the South Sea, i. 348;
kindness to the Spaniards, i. 383.

Parada, J. G. de, bishop of Guat., 1729-36, ii. 710-11.

Paredes, A. G. de, exped., etc., of, 1695, ii. 687-90.

Paredes, M., president of Guat., 1849, iii. 277;
treachery of, iii. 277-8.

Paris, Cacique, defeats Badajoz, 1515, i. 415-17;
tomb of, plundered, i. 468.

Parker, Capt. W., exped. of, 1602-3, ii. 465-8.

Pasamonte, M. de, treasurer-general at Santo Domingo, 1508, i. 266-7.

Pasaquina, battle of, 1876, iii. 404.

Pastora, F. F. de la, gov. of C. R., 1746, ii. 622.

Paterson, W., the Scots' colony, 1695-9, ii. 570-7.

Patinamit, description of, i. 655-6;
Alvarado's reception at, 1524, i. 656-7;
abandoned by natives, 1524, i. 683-4;
sack, etc., of, 1525, ii. 77;
battle of, 1526, ii. 84.

Patzicia, pronunciamiento at, 1871, iii. 420-1.

Paul III., bull of, 1531, ii. 239.

Pavon, M. F., minister of relations, etc., 1844, iii. 192;
death of, 1855, iii. 283.

Paz, M. J., jefe of Guat., 1838, iii. 159.

Paz, R., president of Guat., 1840-4, iii. 266-7.

Pazaco, Alvarado attacked at, 1524, i. 669.

Pearl fisheries, of Pan., ii. 394-5, 585;
condition of, iii. 676.

Pearl Islands, named, 1513, i. 377-8;
Morales' exped. to, 1515, i. 408-11;
Balboa at, 1517, i. 445-52;
yield, etc., of, iii. 676.

Pedrarias, D., character, etc., i. 387, 615-16;
capt.-gen. of Castilla del Oro, 1514, i. 387;
armament, i. 389;
retinue, etc., i. 389-91;
instructions to, i. 391-2, 397-9;
voyage, i. 392;
landing at Antigua, i. 393-4;
exped. to Cenú, 1515, i. 417;
founds Acla, i. 418;
feud with Balboa, i. 432-3;
fraud of, i. 435-6;
duplicity, i. 452, 455;
Balboa's trial and execution, 1517, i. 456-9;
founds Panamá, 1519, i. 468;
residencia of, i. 474, 594-6;
resignation, i. 474;
dispute with Gonzalez, i. 481-3;
exped. against Urracá, i. 507-8;
exped. to Nic., 1526, i. 587-92;
1528, i. 605;
Pizarro's exped., i. 612-13;
death, 1530, i. 614.

Pedraza, Licentiate C. de, arrival in Hond., 1538, ii. 292;
intercession of, ii. 298;
bishop, ii. 299;
administr., ii. 299-308.

Peinado, J. M., intendente of San Salv., ii., 13-14.

Pelaez, F. de P. G., 'Memorias,' ii. 732-3, 737;
archbishop of Guat., iii. 630.

Pelham, C., 'The World,' ii. 751.

Peñalver y Cardenas, L., archbishop of Guat., iii. 29.

Peralta, F. de, naval combat off Pan., 1680, ii. 535-7.

Peraza, Friar V. de, bishop of Pan., i. 501; ii. 59.

Perez, A., insurrection of, 1512, i. 355-6;
captures Natá, 1515, i. 414.

Perez, B., viceroy of New Gran., 1812, iii. 494-5.

Perez, J., works of, iii. 345-6.

Perez, M., director of Nic., 1843, iii. 239.

Perie, J., gov. of C. R., 1779, ii. 622.

Perks, W., command, etc., of, iii. 93-4.

Peru, Pizarro's conquest of, ii. 1-42;
map, ii. 9;
traditions, ii. 16-17;
annals, ii. 17-18;
Alvarado's exped. to, ii. 38-9, 122-30;
rebellion in, 1544-7, ii. 252-73.

Peten, capture of, 1697, ii. 692-3.

Peten, lake, Cortés at, i. 559-61.

Piedrahita, Bishop L. F., works of, ii. 62.

Pierzon, Col J., operations of, 1826, iii. 148-9;
execution, iii. 150.

Pineda, D. de, juez de comision, ii. 178.

Pineda, Gen. J. L., director of Nic., 1851-3, iii. 256;
revolt against, iii. 256;
defeat of, 1855, iii. 332.

Piñeda y Zaldaña, T. M., bishop of Salv., iii. 632.

Pinelo, A. de L., works of, i. 287-8; ii. 762.

Pinkerton, J., works of, ii. 755-6.

Piñol y Aycinena, B., archbishop of Guat., 1868, iii. 630.

'Pinta,' voyage of the, 1492-3, i. 159-64.

Pinta, A., capture of San José, 1842, iii. 219-20;
biog., iii. 219;
execution of Morazan, iii. 222;
comand.-gen., iii. 224;
dismissal, iii. 225-6.

Pinto, J. A., vice-president of C. R., 1872, iii. 381-2.

Pinzon, M. A., voyage, etc., of, 1492-3, i. 158-63.

Pinzon, V. Y., voyage of, 1492-3, i. 112, 158-63;
1499, i. 186;
1506, i. 122, 289.

Pisa, A. de, captures Dururua, ii. 68;
exped. to C. R., ii. 192-9.

Pizarro, F., joins Ojeda's exped., 1509, i. 298;
at San Sebastian, i. 321-3;
defeats Cemaco, i. 344;
Balboa's exped., 1514, i. 376;
Tabira's, i. 407;
exped. to the Pearl Islands, 1515, i. 408-11;
arrests Balboa, 1517, i. 452-3;
exped. against Urracá, i. 504-5;
character, etc., ii. 1-3;
conquest of Peru, ii. 3-38;
commission, ii. 13;
assassination of, ii. 40-2.

Pizarro, G., conquest of Peru, ii. 13;
gov. of Quito, ii. 251;
revolt of, 1544, ii. 252-4;
conquest of Pan., ii. 254-61;
defeat of, ii. 272;
execution, ii. 273.

Pizarro, H., conquest of Peru, ii. 22-40;
death, ii. 40.

Pizarro, J., conquest of Peru, ii. 13.

Pizarro, Friar J., martyrdom of, 1586, ii. 433.

Pizarro y Orellana, F., works of, ii. 273.

Pocoa, Cacique, attack on Natá, etc., 1527, i. 510.

Pocorosa, Cacique, meeting with Balboa, etc., 1513, i. 381-2;
captures Santa Cruz, 1515, i. 403;
attacks Guzman, i. 405-6.

Ponca, Cacique, exped. against, 1512, i. 346;
welcomes Balboa, i. 361-3.

Ponce, Gen. F., president of Pan., 1868, iii. 536.

Poncra, Cacique, Balboa's cruelty to, i. 379-80.

Pontaz, Friar, labors of, ii. 133.

Pontaza, Friar F. M. de, hermitage establ. by, 1524, i. 638.

Porque, Cacique, defeat of, 1513, i. 363-4.

Portobello, Columbus at, 1502, i. 216;
Nicuesa at, 1510, i. 307;
fair, etc., at, ii. 48-9;
site of Nombre de Dios removed to, 1597, ii. 399;
captured by Parker, 1602, ii. 466-8;
description of, ii. 468-70;
treasure fleet at, ii. 468-9;
captured by Morgan, 1668, ii. 483-9;
sacked by pirates, 1679, ii. 519;
captured by Vernon, 1739, ii. 588-91;
by MacGregor, 1819, iii. 498-9;
recaptured, iii. 501.

Poveda, A., gov. of Nic., 1722, ii. 607.

Prado, M., vice-president, Cent. Amer. republic, 1830, iii. 112-13;
jefe of Salv., 1832-4, iii. 122, 167;
rule, iii. 167-8.

Prescott, W. H., works of, i. 242-6.

Press, freedom of, established, iii. 44-5.

Prestan, P., outrages of, 1885, iii. 551-3.

Prévost, Abbé A. F., works of, ii. 746-8.

Prior, P., 'Informe,' ii. 762.

'Provincias Unidas del Centro de América,' established, 1823, iii. 68;
debt of, iii. 667-8.

Ptolemy, maps of, i. 130, 147.

Pueblo Nuevo, pirates defeated at, 1680, ii. 539;
1686, ii. 557.

Pueblo Viejo, captured by freebooters, 1686, ii. 556.

Puente, A. de la, treasurer at Antigua, 1514, i. 390.

Puerta, C. M. de la, labors of, in Tegucigalpa, ii. 642;
martyrdom of, ii. 643.

Puerto de Caballos, Alvarado at, 1539, ii. 204;
raids on, 1595-6, ii. 639;
1603, ii. 650;
site of, removed, ii. 650.

Puerto Dulce, founding of, ii. 651.

Puerto Príncipe, captured by Morgan, ii. 483.

Puertocarrero, P., battle of Xelahuh, 1524, i. 639;
character, ii. 87-8;
exped. to Zacatepec, ii. 88-91;
capture of Sinacam's stronghold, ii. 93-5;
invasion of Chiap., 1526, ii. 227-8.

Purchas, S., works of, ii. 742-4.

Qat, King, Alvarado's embassy to, i. 622-3.

Quadra, V., president of Nic., 1871-5, iii. 475-81.

Quarequá, Balboa at, 1513, i. 363-4.

Quauhtemotzin, King, execution of, 1524, i. 551-4.

Quema, Cacique, capture, etc., of, 1516, i. 426.

Quesada, Dr A. R. de, president of the audiencia of the Confines,
1555, ii. 358;
administr., ii. 358-60.

Quevedo, J. de, bishop of Darien, 1514, i. 390;
mediation, etc., of, i. 436-9;
departure for Spain, i. 461;
dispute with Las Casas, i. 462-3;
memorials of, i. 463;
death, i. 463.

Quezada, convention of, 1844, iii. 193.

Quezaltenango, founding of, 1524, i. 638;
riot at, iii. 88-9;
state congress at, 1826, iii. 148;
captured by Pierzon, iii. 149;
revolt at, iii. 283;
affair at, 1871, iii. 422.

Quiché, power, etc., of, i. 620-2;
map of, i. 629;
conquest of, i. 634-6, 643-51.

Quijano, Lieut-col, protest, etc., of, iii. 250.

Quiñones, F., revolt at Leon, 1812, iii. 14.

Quintana, works, etc., of, ii. 42.

Quiroga, M. de, gov. of Nic., 1780, ii. 608.

Rábago, J. de E., exped. of, ii. 425-6.

Rada, J. de, assassination of Pizarro, ii. 40-1.

Railroads in Cent. Amer., iii. 700-2, 706-8.

Ramirez, D., mission to Chiap., 1543, ii. 338.

Ramirez, Friar H., bishop of Pan., 1644, ii. 479.

Ramirez, J., bishop of Guat., 1600, ii. 381.

Ramirez, M., director of Nic., 1849, iii. 256.

Ramirez, N., jefe of Salv., 1841, iii. 286.

Ramirez, P., exped. to Lacandon, 1559, ii. 363-5.

Raon, J., gov. of Pan., 1762, ii. 584.

Raoul, N., commander of artillery, etc., 1825, iii. 83;
arrest, iii. 85-6.

Reactionists, Guat., choice of president, 1848, iii. 274;
efforts of, 1872, iii. 427-9;
1873, iii. 433.

Realejo, the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 277;
piratical raid on, 1684, ii. 548;
1685, ii. 555;
1686, ii. 560;
blockade of, 1846, iii. 240.

'Recopilacion de Leyes de las Indias,' i. 257-8.

'Recueil de Voiages au Nord,' ii. 749-50.

Regent of Audiencias, office of, created, 1776, ii. 714-15.

Remesal, Friar A. de, works of, ii. 339-40, 736-7.

Repartimiento, system, description of, i. 262-6.

'República de Colombia,' name adopted, iii. 558.

Residencia, explanation of term, i. 250.

Revenue, of Cent. Amer. states, iii. 677-87.

Revolutions, Carrera's Guat., 1837-40, iii. 127-44;
Alfaro's C. R., iii. 219-22;
against Carrera, 1847-8, iii. 271-3;
Menendez', 1885, iii. 411;
Granados-Barrios, 1871, iii. 419-24;
in Pan., 1821, iii. 502-7;
1840, iii. 515-16;
1868, iii. 536-7;
1875, iii. 541-2.

Ribera, Dr, defeats Verdugo, ii. 263-4.

Ribera, Duque de, bishop of Pan., 1594, ii. 475.

Ribera, P. E. de, bishop of Guat., 1659-68, ii. 667-8.

Ribero, D. de, Nicuesa's exped., 1509-10, i. 302-4.

Richardson, J., 'Polar Regions,' iii. 709.

Rincon, Gen. B. T. M. del, president of Guat., 1789-94, ii. 728.

Ringrose, B., adventure of, 1680, ii. 530-2;
naval combat off Pan., ii. 535-7;
works, etc., of, ii. 568.

Rios, P. de los, gov. of Castilla del Oro, 1526, i. 592-3;
rule, i. 593-4;
exped. to Nic., i. 602-4;
Pizarro's conquest, ii. 6-8, 12;
character, etc., ii. 44-5;
usurpation of, ii. 177-8.

Riotte, Gen. C. N., intervention of, 1869, iii. 474.

Rivas, Friar, mission to Lacandon, 1685, ii. 680-1.

Rivas, F. R. de, president of Guat., 1716-24, ii. 706.

Rivas, President P., denounces Walker, iii. 349;
govt of recognized, iii. 350;
colonization decree of, 1855, iii. 592.

Rivas, city, Walker's defeat at, 1856, iii. 344-5;
siege of, 1857, iii. 358-60.

Roads, in Pan., 1541-56, ii. 247-8;
in Hond., 1539-47, ii. 293-4;
of Cent. Amer., iii. 669.

Roatan, island, captured by pirates, etc., ii. 647-8;
restored, iii. 113;
British seizure of, iii. 319.

Roberts, O. W., 'Narrative of Voyages,' iii. 247-8.

Robertson, W., works of, i. 196-7.

Robles, Dr, exped. to El Desaguadero, ii. 176;
gov. of Castilla del Oro, ii. 245;
oidor, 1538, ii. 245;
residencia of, ii. 245-6.

Rodriguez, J. M., revolt of, 1811, iii. 13.

Rojas, D. de, capture, etc., of, 1530, ii. 113.

Rojas, G. de, in charge at Acla, 1515, i. 418;
exped. of, 1525, i. 577-8;
1526, i. 589-92.

Ruano, Capt. J., mention of, i. 536.

Rueda, P. M. de, president of Guat., 1589-93, ii. 382.

Ruiz, Pilot B., exped. to Peru, ii. 5-8.

Runnels, R., chief of isthmus guard, iii. 519.

Ruscelli, map of, 1544, i. 148.

Ruysch, J., map of, 1508, i. 126.

Saavedra, H., capt.-gen. of Hond., 1525, i. 574, 582;
Pedrarias' exped. against, 1526, i. 589-92.

Sacasa, Col C., general order of, iii. 47;
comand.-gen. of Nic., iii. 48;
measures, iii. 48-9.

Sacasa, J., deputy to córtes, iii. 26.

Sahquiab, Cacique, defeat of, 1525, i. 699-700.

Salaya, H. de, death of, i. 501.

Salaya, Licentiate S. de, alcalde mayor of Antigua, 1522, i. 475.

Salazar, A. de, the Zacatepec revolt, 1525, i. 694.

Salazar, Gen. C., revolt at Leon, 1812, iii. 14;
biog. iii. 131-2;
victory at Villanueva, 1838, iii. 135-6.

Salazar, Factor G. de, proceedings of, 1530, ii. 16;
usurpation, etc., of, ii. 75-6.

Salazar, L., pronunciamiento of, 1868, iii. 378.

Salcedo, D. L. de, gov. of Hond., 1525, i. 598;
rule, i. 599-600;
exped. to Nic., i. 600-5;
imprisonment, etc., of, i. 605-7;
return to Trujillo, 1529, ii. 145;
death, ii. 146.

Salguero, R., the Contreras revolt, 1550, ii. 274-86;
death, ii. 286.

Salinas, Minister, suggestions to Nic. assembly, 1847, iii. 243-4.

Salvador, Alvarado's invasion of, i. 669-76;
independence proclaimed in, 1821, iii. 45;
protest of, 1822, iii. 57;
war with Guat., iii. 57-8, 90-100, 278-80, 401-5, 409-10;
with Mex., 1822-3, iii. 62-4;
secession of, iii. 116-17, 168;
departments, iii. 165;
state govt organized, 1824, iii. 165-6;
church affairs in, iii. 166, 632;
maps of, iii. 191, 205;
war with Nic., 1844, iii. 196-200;
with Hond., iii. 202-6, 393-9, 428, 455-62;
union with Nic. and Hond., iii. 209-11;
assembly, iii. 285-7, 397-8, 407;
constitution, iii. 286, 308, 397-8, 407-9;
invasion of, iii. 295;
difficulty with England, 1849, iii. 297-8;
declared a republic, iii. 300-1;
seal of, iii. 301;
Walker's exped., iii. 350-61;
earthquake in, 1873, iii. 399-400;
prosperity of, 1874, iii. 400;
disturbances in, 1875, iii. 400-1;
revolution in, 1885, iii. 411-12;
boundaries, etc., iii. 571-2;
polit. divisions, iii. 572;
govt, iii. 572-3;
cities, iii. 573-4;
population, etc., iii. 588, 604-6;
immigration, iii. 591;
dress, iii. 606;
mode of life, iii. 606-7;
education in, iii. 624;
administr. of justice, iii. 641;
army, iii. 647-8;
agric., iii. 652;
mining, iii. 658;
manufact., iii. 661;
revenue, etc., iii. 681;
debt, iii. 681-2;
railroads, iii. 707-8.

'Salvador,' ship, case of the, 1864, iii. 522.

Sámano, viceroy of New Gran., 1821-2, iii. 503.

Samayoa, J. M., minister of war, Guat., 1876, iii. 402;
exile of, iii. 419.

San Bartolomé Island, capture of, 1780, ii. 609-10.

San Buenaventura, Father J. de, mission of, 1695, ii. 690.

San Cárlos, fort, capture of, 1665, ii. 441;
1812, iii. 14;
attack on, 1769, ii. 608-9.

San Cristóbal, freebooters at, 1625, ii. 453-4.

San Fernando, seat of Nic. govt at, iii. 240.

San Fernando de Omoa, fort, building of, ii. 645;
captured by English, 1779, ii. 646;
recaptured, ii. 647.

San Gil de Buenavista, site of, transferred, i. 565.

San Jorge de Olancho, founding of, 1530, ii. 121.

San José, Morazan besieged at, 1842, iii. 219-20;
treaty of, 1858, iii. 232-3;
pronunciamiento at, 1868, iii. 378;
émeute at, 1870, iii. 379.

San Juan, J. N., deputy to córtes, iii. 26.

San Juan de Puerto Rico, Drake defeated at, 1595, ii. 422.

San Juan del Norte, British aggression at, iii. 249-52;
bombardment of, 1854, iii. 254-5.

San Juan, fort, capture of, 1780, ii. 611.

San Juan River, exploration of, 1528, i. 607-8.

San Lorenzo, fortifications of, ii. 494;
captured by Bradley, 1670, ii. 494-6;
castle, etc., of, destroyed, ii. 514;
captured by Vernon, 1740, ii. 59.

San Lúcas, affair at, 1871, iii. 423.

San Miguel, federal defeat at, 1828, iii. 95;
sack, etc., of, 1875, iii. 400-1;
occupied by Solares, 1876, iii. 404;
description of, iii. 574.

San Miguel, gulf of, named by Balboa, 1513, i. 373.

San Martin, J. M. de, president of Salv., iii. 299.

San Pedro, L'Olonnois' raid on, ii. 458-9.

San Salvador, revolt at, 1811, iii. 13-14;
1814, iii. 20;
1844-5, iii. 200-1;
junta at, 1821, iii. 45;
Arzú's attack on, 1822, iii. 60-1;
1828, iii. 94;
Filisola's exped. against, iii. 62-4;
aid sought from U. S., iii. 64;
Arce's repulse at, 1827, iii. 91;
captured by Morazan, 1832, iii. 117-18;
a federal district, 1835, iii. 120;
convention at, 1840, iii. 143-4;
seat of federal govt, iii. 152, 168-9;
earthquake at, 1854, iii. 300;
siege of, 1863, iii. 306;
description of, iii. 573-4.

San Sebastian, founding of, 1510, i. 299-300;
abandoned, i. 321-5;
rebuilt, ii. 50.

Sanabria, Alcalde, mention of, ii. 71-2.

Sanchez, Pilot B., in Verag., 1503, i. 225-6.

Sandé, Dr F., president of Guat., 1593-6, ii. 382;
gov. of Nueva Galicia, 1596, ii. 382-3.

Sandoval, J. L., director of Nic., 1845-7, iii. 240-2.

Santa Ana, captured by Arce, 1826, iii. 92;
affair at, 1827, iii. 93;
battle of, 1871, iii. 395-6;
treaty of, 1876, iii. 406.

Santa Catarina, buccaneer colony at, i. 461-3;
captured by Morgan, 1670, ii. 493, 496.

Santa Clara, B. de, treasurer at Santo Domingo, i. 267.

Santa Coloma, Gen. P., president of Pan., 1863, iii. 533.

Santa Cruz, settlement of, founded, 1514, i. 400;
destroyed, 1515, i. 403.

Santa Fé de Bogotá, revolt at, 1810, iii. 493.

Santa María, piratical raid on, 1680, ii. 520-8.

'Santa María,' voyage of the, 1492, i. 159-62.

Santa Marta, viceregal seat at, 1813, iii. 495.

Santa Rosa, insurrection in, 1871, iii. 424-5.

Santa Tecla, insurrection at, 1883, iii. 408.

Santiago, city (see also Guatemala, city), founding of, 1524,
i. 678-81;
site of, removed, 1527-8, ii. 96-9;
1542, ii. 321-2;
disorders in, 1530, ii. 118-19;
distress at, ii. 120;
church affairs at, ii. 136;
cathedral of, ii. 137-8, 341-2, 668;
flood, etc., at, 1541, ii. 314-18;
decree of cabildo, 1543, ii. 323;
prosperity of, 1650-1700, ii. 653;
Gage's sketch of, ii. 654-5;
office-holding in, ii. 655-6;
ayuntamiento of, ii. 657;
convents, etc., of, ii. 645;
earthquakes at, 1702-17, ii. 707-8.

Santiago del Príncipe, founding of, 1570, ii. 388.

Santillan, Fiscal P. de M., imprisonment, etc., of, 1669, ii. 658.

Santo Domingo, founding of, i. 179;
gold-hunting near, i. 252;
sovereign tribunal at, 1511, i. 269;
audiencia of, establd., 1526, i. 269-70;
captured by Drake, 1586, ii. 420.

Santo Tomás, colonization at, iii. 589-90.

Serna, Capt. H. de la, explorations of, ii. 246.

Serviles, Guat., party, iii. 69;
attitude of, iii. 85;
downfall of, iii. 100;
plot of, 1831, iii. 113-14;
disturbances created by, iii. 123-4;
league with Carrera, iii. 140-1;
elections, iii. 150-1;
persecution of, iii. 152-3.

Sharp, Capt. B., raid on Santa María, 1680, ii. 520-8;
further operations, ii. 533, 541-2;
trial of, ii. 542.

Silva, Doña B. de, mention of, ii. 344.

Simon, P., works of, ii. 61.

Sinacam, King, Alvarado's meeting with, 1524, i. 652-3;
capture, etc., of, i. 661-2; ii. 92-5.

Sinibaldi, A., provis. president of Guat., 1885, iii. 449-50.

Santo Tomás de Castilla, founding of, ii. 650;
Dutch raid on, 1607, ii. 651;
abandoned, ii. 651.

Saravia, J. M., minister of state, 1842, iii. 217;
capture of, iii. 219-20;
death, iii. 220-1;
biog., iii. 221.

Sawkins, Capt., raid on Santa María, 1680, ii. 523-5;
naval combat off Pan., ii. 535-7;
reply to gov., ii. 538-9;
death of, ii. 539.

Schlessinger, L., envoy to C. R., 1855, iii. 342;
defeat of, 1856, iii. 343-4.

Schöner, J., map of, 1520, i. 137.

Scots' Colony, the, 1695-1700, ii. 570-9.

Seals, Cent. Amer., iii. 71;
Salv., iii. 301.

Segovia, N. de, campaign of, 1712, ii. 703-4.

Sensenti, treaty of, 1845, iii. 206.

Slavery, Indian and African, i. 253-66;
in Pan., ii. 232-3;
in Hond., ii. 233-4, 302;
in Guat., ii. 234-6;
in Vera Paz, ii. 355.

Soberanis, R. de, gov. of Yuc., etc., 1695, ii. 688, 691.

Society, mediæval, in Spain, i. 15-57.

Soconuscans, subjugation of, 1524, i. 628.

Soconusco, church affairs in, ii. 335, 372.

Solares, Gen. G., invasion of Salv., 1876, iii. 403-4;
coöperation with Granados, iii. 420-2.

Solis, J. D. de, voyages of, i. 131, 289.

Soltero, B. G., bishop of Guat., 1650, ii. 664-5.

Sosa, J. de, exped. to Veragua, 1535-6, ii. 65-73.

Sosa, Lope de, capt.-gen. of Castilla del Oro, 1517, i. 460;
arrival at Antigua, i. 472;
death, 1520, i. 472-3.

Soto, B., president of C. R., 1885, iii. 390-1;
biog., iii. 390.

Soto, F. de, exped. of, 1538, i. 151.

Soto, H. de, joins Pedrarias' exped., 1514, i. 391;
exped. against Urracá, i. 504;
encounter with Gonzalez, i. 519-20;
dispute with Córdoba, i. 586;
journey to Natá, i. 586-7;
conquest of Peru, ii. 20-5.

Soto, M. A., president of Hond., 1876-83, iii. 463-8;
quarrel with Barrios, 1883, iii. 467-8.

Sotomayor, A. de, gov. of Pan., 1601, ii. 464.

Soto-Mayor, V., works of, ii. 761.

South Sea, discov. of, 1513, i. 364-8;
Balboa takes possession of, i. 370-3.

Spain, origin of inhabitants, i. 5-7;
the Iberian element in, i. 5-6, 15-16;
the Celtic, i. 5-6, 15-17;
the Phœnician, i. 5-6, 16-17;
the Roman, i. 6-7, 15-16;
the Gothic, etc., i. 6-7, 16-18;
the Moorish, i. 7-10, 16-19;
language of, i. 7-9;
greatness of, 1474-1516, i. 11;
decadence, i. 11-12;
climate, i. 14-15;
inquisition in, i. 32;
slavery in, i. 33;
sumptuary laws, i. 55-7;
voyages of Columbus, i. 157-82;
title to new world, i. 166-8;
extension of new world privileges, i. 183-4;
currency of, 1475-1525, i. 192-3;
administr. of the Indies, 1492-1526, i. 247-85;
colonization of Tierra Firme, i. 290-2;
effect of Balboa's discov., i. 386;
colonial policy, i. 514-15, 597-8; ii. 251-2;
commercial policy, ii. 391-3;
war with England, 1739-44, ii. 588-93;
1769-80, ii. 608-11;
treaties with England, 1670-1721, ii. 598-600;
1783, ii. 606;
affairs in, iii. 1-4;
measures for protection against, iii. 105-6;
C. R. boundary question, iii. 235-6;
treaty with Nic., iii. 253;
exped. of, 1815, iii. 496-7.

Spaniards, race elements and evolution, i. 15-19;
character, i. 12-24, 29-32, 57-8;
castes, etc., i. 25-6;
occupations, i. 26-7;
pastimes, i. 34-5, 49-50;
dwellings, i. 35-9;
markets, etc., i. 37;
women, i. 39, 51-4;
dress, i. 39-45;
religion, i. 45;
food, etc., i. 45-8;
hospitality, i. 49;
treatment, etc., of women, i. 51-4.

Squier, E. G., biog., iii. 261-2;
works of, iii. 262-3.

Sterling, Vice-admiral C., mention of, iii. 494-5.

Stevens, H., 'Historical and Geographical Notes,' i. 70.

Stout, P. F., 'Nicaragua,' iii. 247.

Strangeways, T., 'Sketch of the Mosquito Shore,' iii. 247.

Swan, Capt., raids off coast of South Amer., 1684-5, ii. 549-50;
capture of Leon, ii. 554.

Tabira, J. de, factor at Antigua, 1514, i. 390;
exped. of, 1515, i. 407.

Tobaga, island, Pedrarias at, 1519, i. 467;
pirates at, 1680, ii. 538.

Tacuxcalco, battle of, 1524, i. 673-4.

Tacuylula, Alvarado at, 1524, i. 667.

Tafur, Licentiate, mention of, ii. 7.

Talamanca, revolt in, 1610, ii. 445-6;
Maldonado's exped. to, 1660, ii. 446;
Franciscans in, ii. 447;
attempted subjugation of, ii. 617-20.

Talavera, B. de, piracy of, i. 300;
execution, 1510, i. 301.

Tapia, G. de, capture, etc., of, 1550, ii. 282.

Tarragona, Maestre de Campo, execution of, 1554, ii. 425.

Tatahuitlapan, Cortés at, 1524, i. 544-5.

Tataracherubi, Cacique, Badajoz' dealings with, 1515, i. 413-14.

Tayasal, pueblo, Cortés at, i. 559-61.

Tecum Umam, King, defeat of, 1524, i. 639-41.

Tegucigalpa, missionary labors in, ii. 642-3.

Tegucigalpa, city, capital of Hond., 1880, iii. 465;
description of, iii. 571.

Tehuantepec, city, Alvarado's reception at, 1524, i. 627.

Tehuantepec, isthmus, project for canal, iii. 693-4.

Telegraphs, in Cent. Amer., iii. 708-9.

Tenango, captured by Tzendales, 1712, ii. 698.

Tenciz, pueblo, Cortés at, 1525, i. 564.

Teoca, Cacique, encounter with Balboa, 1513, i. 378.

Teotilac, Cortés at, 1524, i. 550-7.

Terci, J., gov. of C. R., 1785, ii. 622.

Terminos, bay of, buccaneer settlement at, ii. 623.

Ternaux-Compans, H., works of, i. 200; ii. 759.

Tetlepanquetzal, execution of, 1524, i. 551-4.

Thévenot, M., 'Relation de Divers Voyages,' ii. 744.

Thevet, A., works of, ii. 233.

Thiel, Bishop, mention of, iii. 389;
expulsion, etc., of, iii. 635.

Tiac, Cortés at, 1524, i. 558.

Tierra Firme, name, i. 290-1;
proposed colonization of, i. 290-2;
partition of, i. 294;
subject to viceroy of Peru, 1571, ii. 400-1.

Tiger Island, British seizure of, 1849, iii. 318.

Tizapetlan, Cortés at, 1524, i. 549-50.

Tlascaltecs, enslavement of, ii. 234.

Toledo, M. de, claim of, ii. 64.

Tologalpa, missionary labors in, ii. 447-50.

Tolosa, Father D. de, martyrdom of, 1549, ii. 356.

Tonalá, battle of, 1524, i. 628.

Torre, Friar T. de la, mention of, ii. 345;
provincial, ii. 376.

Torres, Friar J. de, mention of, ii. 133.

Tortuga, freebooters at, ii. 453-4.

Totonagua, Cacique, surprised by Badajoz, 1515, i. 413.

Totonicapan, natives muster at, 1524, i. 633.

Townley, Capt., joins Davis' freebooters, 1685, ii. 550-1;
capture of Leon, ii. 554;
of Granada, 1686, ii. 557-9;
surprise of Los Santos, ii. 561;
defeat of, ii. 561;
death, ii. 561.

Treasure fleet, regulations, etc., for, ii. 468-9, 473.

Treaties, Anglo-Spanish, 1670-1721, ii. 598-600;
1783, ii. 606;
1786, ii. 632-4;
of Zatoca, 1844, iii. 196-7;
Chinameca, 1845, iii. 203-4;
Sensenti, 1845, iii. 206;
San Jose, 1858, iii. 232-3;
Clayton-Bulwer, 1850, iii. 252;
Zeledon-Wyke, 1860, iii. 253;
of Santa Ana, 1876, iii. 406.

Triana, R. de, mention of, i. 160.

Triunfo de la Cruz, founding of, 1524, i. 520, 527.

Trota, Cacique, exped. against, 1527, i. 509-10.

Trujillo, founding of, 1525, i. 535;
Cortés at, 1525-6, i. 571-82;
Mendez' revolt at, 1531, ii. 150-3;
destitution at, ii. 155-6;
partial abandonment of, ii. 156, 289;
demands of colonists, ii. 159-60;
raid on, 1596, ii. 639;
1643, 1797, ii. 645;
description of, ii. 639;
capture of, 1820, iii. 24-5;
British occupation of, 1849, iii. 317.

Tubanamá, Cacique, captured by Balboa, 1513, i. 381-2.

Tuero, J. N., deputy to córtes, iii. 26.

Tumaco, Cacique, meeting with Balboa, 1513, i. 375-7.

Tumbez, Pizarro at, 1532, ii. 18.

Tuxpan, Cortés at, 1522, i. 624.

Tuzulutlan, see Vera Paz.

Tzendales, revolt of the, 1712-13, ii. 696-705.

Ubilla, Don F. A. de, bishop of Chiap., 1592, ii. 373.

Ugarte y Saravia, A. de, bishop of Guat., 1630-41, ii. 664.

Ulloa, A. de, 'Noticias Americanas,' ii. 760-1.

Ulloa, F. de, exped. of, 1539, i. 152.

United States, Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 1850, iii. 252;
difficulty with Nic., iii. 254-5;
with New Gran., 1855, iii. 519;
1856-7, iii. 520-2;
treaty with New Gran., 1846, iii. 700-1.

United States of Colombia, organized, 1860, iii. 529;
govt of, centralized, 1885, iii. 558.

Uraga, Gen. L., operations of, 1876, iii. 403.

Urbina, Col J. de M., gov. of Pan., 1803, iii. 489.

Urracá, Cacique, exped. against, i. 504-5;
attack on Natá, i. 506;
conflict with Pedrarias, i. 507-8;
capture, etc., of, 509;
death, 510.

Urrutia, C., capt.-gen., 1818, iii. 23;
rule, iii. 23-32.

Ursua, M., enterprise of, 1692, ii. 681-2;
Soberanis' opposition to, ii. 688, 691;
campaigns of, 1697-9, ii. 691-5.

Ursua, P. de, campaign of, ii. 387-8.

Uspantan, exped. against, 1529, ii. 108-10;
capture of, 1530, ii. 112-30.

Utatlan, description of, i. 643-5;
burning of, 1524, i. 649-50.

Vaena, J., labors of, in Tegucigalpa, ii. 642-3;
martyrdom of, ii. 643.

Vallarino, J., biog., iii. 513.

Valderas, Friar, mission to Spain, ii. 346.

Valderrábano, A. de, execution of, 1517, i. 457-9.

Valderrama, F. de, gov. of C. R., ii. 621.

Valdivia, Regidor, mission to Española, 1511, i. 342;
fate of, i. 349-50.

Valdivieso, A. de, bishop of Nic., 1544, ii. 179-80;
biog., ii. 179;
feud with Contreras, ii. 180-3;
dispute with the audiencia of the Confines, 1545, ii. 303-7;
assassination of, 1550, ii. 276.

Valencia, Capt.-gen. P. de O., campaign of, ii. 388.

Valenzuela, joins Espinosa, i. 425;
exped. of, 1516, i. 426.

Valladolid, junta at, 1541, ii. 239-40.

Valle, J. del, leader of gazistas, iii. 26;
biog., iii. 26-7;
death of, iii. 121.

Valtonado, B., bishop of Nic., 1621, ii. 443.

Valverde, G. de, president of Guat., 1578-89, ii. 380-1.

Valverde, V. de, conquest of Peru, ii. 27-9, 37-8.

Vara, R. de la, archbishop of Guat., iii. 29.

Vargas, Capt. A de, exped. of, 1527, i. 509-10.

Varnhagen, F. A. de, 'Le Premier Voyage de Amerigo Vespucci,' i. 70.

Vasco y Orosco, J., gov. of Pan., 1764, ii. 584.

Vasconcelos, D., defeat of, 1850, iii. 279-80;
president of Salv., iii. 294-9.

Vazquez, F., works of, ii. 142-3, 736-7.

Vela, Viceroy V. N., measures of, in Pan., 1544, ii. 242-3;
arrival in Peru, 1544, ii. 252;
revolt against, ii. 252-3;
death of, 1546, ii. 254.

Velasco, D. F. de, gov. of Castilla del Oro, 1616, ii. 471.

Velasco, J. D. de, exped. of, 1695, ii. 682-5;
1696, ii. 686.

Vera Paz, pacification of, ii. 348-54;
slavery, etc., in, ii. 355;
church affairs in, ii. 374;
colonization in, iii. 122-3, 589.

Vera y Villaquiran, D. O. de, exped. of, 1646-8, ii. 677-9.

Veragua, Columbus' explorations, etc., in, 1503, i. 218-31;
quibian of, i. 219-28;
colony founded in, i. 221-2;
abandoned, i. 229-30;
Nicuesa's exped. to, 1509-10, i. 302-8;
description of, ii. 63;
Gutierrez' exped. to, 1535-6, ii. 65-73;
secession of, 1840, iii. 515.

Verdelete, E., labors in Tologalpa, ii. 448-50;
martyrdom, 1612, ii. 450.

Verdugo, M., arrest, etc., of, ii. 261-2;
invasion of Pan., 1545, ii. 262-3;
defeat of, ii. 263-4;
rebuked by Gasca, ii. 269.

Vernon, Capt. E., exped. of, 1739-42, ii. 588-93.

Verrazano, G., exped. of, 1524, i. 140-1.

Verveer, Gen., mediation of, iii. 98.

Vespucci, A., voyages of, i. 99-107, 112-13, 117-18.

Vetancur, Don R. V., gov. of Yuc., ii. 631;
exped. to Belize, ii. 631-2.

Vetancur, Father de S. J., founds Bethlehemite order in Guat.,
ii. 666.

Vila, Gen. R. S., president of Pan., 1885, iii. 549-50, 559.

Villa Hermosa, Marqués de, gov. of Pan., 1730-5, ii. 583-4.

Villa de Nicaragua, revolt at, 1812, iii. 14.

Villa Real, see Ciudad Real.

Villa Rocha, Marqués de, gov. of Pan., 1708, ii. 582.

Villacorta, J. V., jefe of Salv., 1824, iii. 166-7.

Villalpando, B. de, bishop of Guat., 1564, ii. 375-8.

Villanueva, battle of, 1838, iii. 135-6.

Villar, A. del, prosecution of conspirators, iii. 18-19.

Villaseñor, Col V., defection of, 1842, iii. 216-17;
execution, iii. 221-2.

Villasis, Friar S. de, mission of, 1646, ii. 677-8.

Viteri, Bishop, mention of, iii. 190, 193, 202;
revolution of, 1842, iii. 289;
intrigues of, iii. 291-3.

Vivero, R. de, gov. of Castilla del Oro, ii. 472.

Votan, tradition of, ii. 213.

'Voyage Pittoresque,' ii. 754-5.

'Voyages round the World,' ii. 752.

'Voyages and Adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp,' ii. 568.

Voyages of discovery, early, i. 68-154.

Wafer, 'A New Voyage,' ii. 569.

Walckenaer, C. A., works of, ii. 749.

Walker, W., campaign in Nic., 1855-6, iii. 328-46;
biog., iii. 329;
plan of exped., iii. 343;
president of Nic., iii. 350;
surrender, iii. 360-1;
second exped. to Nic., iii. 363;
exped. to Hond., iii. 363;
execution, 1860, iii. 364.

Wappäus, J. G., 'Geographie und Statestif,' iii. 709.

Warner, T., exped. of, 1625, ii. 453.

Weatherhead, W. D., works of, iii. 502.

Wells, W. V., works of, iii. 323.

Wheeler, Amer. minister, relations with, discontinued, 1855, iii. 340.

'World Displayed,' ii. 250.

Xalpatlahua, Peñol, capture, ii. 82-3.

Xatruch, Gen., invasion of Hond., 1871, iii. 455-6.

Xelahuh, city, Alvarado's occupation of, 1524, i. 638;
battle of, i. 639-41.

Xequiqel, river, named, 1524, i. 636.

Xicaques, missionary labors among the, 1667-98, ii. 643-4.

Xumay, outbreak at, 1529, ii. 107-8.

Yucatan, Valdivia's shipwreck, etc., off, 1512, i. 350;
buccaneers in, ii. 622-3;
British usurpation in, iii. 315;
population, iii. 316;
products, iii. 316-17.

Zacaha, fortifications of, i. 633.

Zacatepecs, revolt of the, 152, i. 692-5;
1527, ii. 88-91.

Zacatula, ship-building at, 1522, i. 623.

Zaclunes, revolt of the, 1624, ii. 676.

Zatoca, treaty of, 1844, iii. 196-7.

Zakuléu, capture of, 1525, i. 700-2.

Zaldívar, R., president of Salv., 1876-84, iii. 406-11;
biog., iii. 406-7;
negotiations with Barrios, iii. 446-7.

Zamora, A. C., bishop of C. R., 1884, iii. 635.

Zamora, J., revolt of, 1826, iii. 179-80.

Zamudio, M., gov. of Castilla del Oro, 1511, i. 335;
cruelty to Nicuesa, i. 335-6;
outdone by Balboa, i. 339-40.

Zapata y Sandoval, J., bishop of Guat., 1621-30, ii. 664.

Zapotitlan, capture of, 1524, i. 629-31.

Zavala, Gen. J., president of Nic., 1879-83, iii. 482-5.

Zavala, Gen. V., operations of, 1856, iii. 353-6;
disturbances caused by, iii. 361-2;
revolt in favor of, 1869, iii. 416-17.

Zelaya, G., jefe of Hond., 1827, iii. 162.

Zeledon-Wyke treaty, 1860, iii. 253.

Zeno, chart of, 1390, i. 82.

Zepeda, Father, explorations of, 1750-1, ii. 613-14.

Zepeda, J., jefe of Nic., 1835, iii. 177.

Zipangu, fabled realm of, i. 160-1.

Zorita, Oidor, measures of, in Guat., 1555, ii. 359.

Zuazo, Licentiate, despatch to Cortés, i. 572-3.

Zubiaur, P. de, exped. of, 1695, ii. 690.

Zutugils, subjugation, 1524, i. 657-60.

FOOTNOTES

[I-1] See _History of Mexico_, this series. The masses
of the people were kept in utter ignorance, to be used,
if necessary, as the blind tools of the ruling oligarchy.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 6.

[I-2] I have told in my _History of Mexico_ how Cárlos IV.
was forced to abdicate, and his son Fernando raised to the
throne.

[I-3] There were the governor, archbishop, oidores of the
real audiencia, Marqués de Aycinena, high officials of the
treasury, dean and chapter of the archdiocese, alcaldes and
regidores of the 'muy noble ayuntamiento,' officers of the
university, prelates of the religious orders, prior and
consuls of the real consulado, intendente of Comayagua,
temporarily sojourning in the city, secretary of the
audiencia, commandant of the artillery, and colonels of the
militia regiments. _Diario Méx._, ix. 316-18; _Guat. por
Fern. VII._, 2-6, 83-94; _Saravia_, _Manif._

[I-4] His last position in Europe had been that of teniente
de rey of Palma, in the island of Majorca. _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 273.

[I-5] _Guat. por Fern. VII._, 50. In 1866 their descendants
were living in Guatemala.

[I-6] Dec. 13, 1808.

[I-7] The acts were performed with great solemnity and
magnificence, the people manifesting much joy. This evidence
of loyalty was warmly acknowledged, May 27, 1809, by the
Junta Suprema Gubernativa of Spain, sitting at Seville and
acting for the imprisoned king. Most glowing descriptions of
the ceremonies appear in _Diario Méx._, xi. 279-80; _Guat.
por Fern. VII._, 7-82, 94-101, 158-9.

[I-8] 'No son propiamente colonias, ó factorías, como los de
otras naciones, sino una parte esencial é integrante de la
Monarquía Española.' _Guat. por Fern. VII._, 163-6; _Dublan_
and _Lozano_, _Leg. Mex._, i. 326-7.

[I-9] Ayuntamientos of head towns were to choose three
honorable and competent men, from among whom each
ayuntamiento had to draw by lot one elector, whose
name, country, age, profession, and political and moral
qualifications must be at once made known to the president
of the audiencia. After the names of all the nominees were in
his possession, he, jointly with the electors, had to select
by secret ballot three candidates of the highest recognized
character and ability, out of which three the audiencia,
presided over by the governor-general, was to choose the
deputy, to whom all the ayuntamientos must forthwith send
their powers and instructions. The deputy, duly provided
with means to journey decorously, was required to embark for
Spain, his yearly pay being fixed at $6,000. _Alaman_, _Hist.
Méj._, i. 291-2. A later order of Oct. 6, 1809, required the
deputy to be a native of Spanish America and a resident of
the province choosing him; he was not to be the holder of any
of the chief offices therein, such as governor, intendente,
oidor, etc., nor a debtor to the royal treasury. The right
of election was also given to minor ayuntamientos; and for
the choice by plurality from among the candidates of cities a
board was constituted, with two members of the audiencia, two
canons, and two citizens named by the ayuntamiento. _Guat.
por Fern. VII._, 165-6.

[I-10] His competitors were José de Aycinena and Lieut-col
Antonio Juarros.

[I-11] He was not to give assent to the transfer of the
Spanish dominions to any foreign power; the nation's rights
must be upheld at all hazards; and the last drop of blood
shed for the catholic religion, and for king and country.

[I-12] Feb. 14 and June 26, 1810. _Diario Méx._, xiii.
549-51.

[I-13] The American suplentes were lawyers or ecclesiastics
seeking preferment at court, or military officers with a
long residence there. _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, iii., ap. 4;
_Bustamante_, _Defensa_, 16; _Dispos. Varias_, ii. fol. 10;
_Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, viii. 450-1. The second named proxy
in Nov. 1811 gave up his seat to the regularly chosen deputy.
_Córtes_, _Diario_, 1811, 93.

[I-14] October 15, 1810. _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, iii. 10;
_Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, viii. 458-9.

[I-15] Installed June 9, 1810. Its first members were the
Spaniards José Mendez, an artillery officer, Oidor Joaquin
Bernardo Campuzano, and Auditor de Guerra Joaquin Ibañez.
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 5.

[I-16] Saravia died like a soldier, and his fate was deplored
even by the enemies of his cause. _Hist. Mex._, iv. 486,
this series. The Mexican writer Bustamante, who was not
prone to praise Spanish officers, said of Saravia, 'hombre de
bien, humano, religioso, de un corazon recto, digno de mejor
fortuna.' _Cuadro Hist._, ii. 217; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._,
iii. 325. He was accused, however, though it is believed the
charge was slanderous, of having connived at smuggling by the
treasury officials. The charge appears in _Cancelada_, _Tel.
Mex._, 107-9.

[I-17] One was a cruise round the world under Malaspina,
being the next in rank and commanding the corvette
_Atrevida_. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii., adv. ix.; _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 6; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._,
vi. 134; viii. 569; _Los Anales_, Sept. 1872, 30; _Salv._,
_Diario Ofic._, 1874, ap. 1.

[I-18] These were restrictions enforced by the crown
against agriculture, mining, fisheries, manufactures, and
commerce, despotism of rulers, and disregard of the merits of
Americans, in keeping them out of public offices. See _Hist.
Mex._, iv. 441-67, this series.

[I-19] In the first half of the 18th century.

[I-20] In the matter of appointments to office, an early
royal order prescribed that American descendants of
Spaniards should have the preference for the position of
curate; and yet, during the last thirty years, the most
lucrative curacies were given to European Spaniards. Of
the 170 viceroys that ruled in America, four only were of
American birth, and those were reared or educated in Spain.
Out of 602 captain-generals, governors, and presidents,
only 14 were Americans. Of 982 bishops and archbishops, 703
were Europeans, and 279 Creoles. Most of the latter were
nominated in early times, when Europeans were few, navigation
difficult, and mitres afforded more work than money.
_Guerra_, _Rev. N. Esp._, i. 278-85.

[I-21] We are assured that Antonio Larrazábal, a clergyman,
Antonio Juarros, and José M. Peinado were the chief authors
of the instructions for Central American deputies in Spain.
The Central American deputies whose names were appended to
the constitution were: Larrazábal for Guatemala; José Ignacio
Ávila for Salvador; José Francisco Morejon for Honduras;
José Antonio Lopez de la Plata for Nicaragua; and Florencio
Castillo for Costa Rica. _Córtes_, _Col. Dec._, ii. 158-62;
iii. 201-2; _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xvii. 240; _Pap.
Var._, ccx. no. 1, 109-17; _Const. Polít. Monarq._, 1-134.
Larrazábal ably defended in the córtes the rights of the
Americans, specially of the aborigines, and above all, the
national sovereignty. For this, after Fernando VII. returned
to Spain in 1814, he was denounced by the absolutists, Conde
de Torre Muzquiz and Marqués de Mata Florida, and confined
in a fort in Spain. Pineda de Mont, in _Guat. Recop. Leyes_,
iii. 348.

[I-22] _Méx._, _Col. Ley. Fund._, 34-91.

[I-23] The junta preparatoria, Nov. 12, 1812, designated
only 12 deputies to the Spanish córtes from Central America
(Chiapas included), based on the inaccurate census of 1778,
which gave the whole country—with 101,506 for Chiapas—949,015
inhabitants in 881 towns. It was fixed that the 12 provinces
of Guatemala, Chimaltenango, Quezaltenango, Ciudad Real de
Chiapas, Vera Paz, San Salvador, San Miguel, Chiquimula,
Sonsonate, Leon, Costa Rica, and Comayagua should each choose
one deputy; and Guatemala, Ciudad Real, Leon, and Comayagua
the four suplentes. Only two diputaciones provinciales were
at first established, one in Guatemala and one in Leon.
_Córtes_, _Act. ord._, i. 1813, Oct. 12, 62; _Mendez_,
_Mem. in Pap. Var._, ccxv. no. 17, 16-17; _Conder's Mex.
and Guat._, ii. 310; _Modern Traveller's Mex. and Guat._,
ii. 309-10. Later, under the constitutional régime, Chiapas
was represented in the Spanish córtes, and had a diputacion
provincial. _Larrainzar_, _Discurso_, 12. In 1812 a census
was formed to ascertain how many deputies Chiapas should have
in the córtes. Pineda, in _Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin_, iii.
400.

[I-24] Quezaltenango had already, by its ayuntamiento of
Aug. 12, 1812, expressed approval of the provisions of the
instrument, promising loyal obedience to it. In Honduras
Gov. Juan Antonio Tornos granted leave for the erection of
a monument in the plaza of Comayagua, which was carried out.
_Córtes_, _Diario_, ii., March 17, 18, 1822.

[I-25] Some authors give the 19th as the date of this defeat.
_Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, iii. 343-4; _Bustamante_, _Cuad.
Hist._, ii. 269-73; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, ix. 9-10,
110-11. The last-named authority asserts that Dambrini again
invaded and took the town of Tehuantepec, February 1814.
During the revolutionary wars of Mexico, Chiapas, owing to
her isolated position, was not a seat of war; and even when
Morelos' troops from Oajaca visited Tonalá, as above stated,
there was no resistance. This country enjoyed peace during
the struggle in New Spain. _Larrainzar_, _Chiapas_, in _Soc.
Mex. Geog. Boletin_, iii. 100.

[I-26] Letters were constantly sent to the Spanish
government, and to private persons, which were published in
the newspapers friendly to the Spanish cause, representing
the independents as banditti and murderers, and the Spaniards
as exemplars of moderation. It was the emissaries of
Bonaparte who had induced the Americans to rebel, they said.
Trumped-up miracles and punishments from heaven, anathemas,
and every means suggested by foul fanaticism were used to
make the friends of freedom odious. Archbishop Casaus granted
80 days' indulgences to Guatemalans not participating in the
revolutionary movements of Mexico. _Puerto_, _Convite_, pt
iii., 2-3.

[I-27] The invitations sent the people of San Miguel to
coöperate were burned in the plaza by the hands of the public
executioner. Nor were these towns left without the usual
cheap reward of monarchs. San Miguel received the title
of 'muy noble y leal;' San Vicente was made a city, which
title was confirmed Jan. 15, 1812. According to Juarros,
_Guat._ (Lond. ed., 1823), 257, many noble families dwelt in
the place, and among its founders were some descendants of
Gonzalo and Jorge Alvarado, brothers of Pedro, the conqueror.
Santa Ana was raised to the rank of villa. The parish priests
of the several places were promoted to be canons of the
chapter of Guatemala. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1812, xiv. 38, 167;
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 8.

[I-28] The archbishop sent priests to preach against
the insurgents. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 9.
Bustamante, _Cuadro Hist._, ii. 270, says that the whole
country would have been driven into rebellion but for
the advice of the able secretary of government, Alejandro
Ramirez.

[I-29] Aycinena was, on the 7th of Feb., 1812, made by the
Spanish córtes a councillor of state, and in Aug. 1813,
entered upon his duties at Cádiz. _Córtes_, _Diario_,
1812, xvi. 16; 1813, xxii. 216. According to Zamacois,
the appointment was made only after the adoption of the
constitution; it is possible that the appointment was then
renewed or confirmed. _Hist. Méj._, viii. 557; _Ayon_,
_Apuntes_, 15-16; _Rev. Cent. Am._, 2-3; _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Feb. 11, 1875; _Valois_, _Mex._, 213-16.

[I-30] In 1813 he was elected a deputy to the Spanish córtes,
but declined the position on account of ill health. _Córtes_,
_Diario_, 1813, xxii. 216.

[I-31] A person writing from Guatemala, and referring to a
document issued August 1811, in secret session held in London
by 33 Spanish Americans, after registering his disapproval
of its purpose, positively asserted that the masses were well
disposed, fond of peace, and respectful to authority, if some
agent of Satan did not turn their heads and make them believe
they were superior beings, who needed no ruler over them.
_Cancelada_, _Tel. Mex._, 438.

[I-32] Before the attack the city was visited by Father
Benito Soto, as pacificator and commissioner from the bishop
governor. He tried to fulfil his mission without degrading
his countrymen; but seeing the object of the war was to crush
liberal Americans, he made common cause with the Granadinos.
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 11-12. Ayon, _Apuntes_,
17, gives the attack as occurring in August, which is an
error.

[I-33] Miguel Lacayo, Telésforo and Juan Argüello, Manuel
Antonio de la Cerda, Joaquin Chamorro, Juan Cerda, Francisco
Cordero, José D. Espinosa, Leon Molina, Cleto Bendaña,
Vicente Castillo, Gregorio Robledo, Gregorio Bracamonte,
Juan D. Robledo, Francisco Gomez, and Manuel Parrilla were
to suffer death. Among those sentenced to hard labor for
life were Juan Espinosa, the adelantado of Costa Rica,
Diego Montiel, and Pio Argüello. _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 17-18;
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 12-14; _Rev. Cent.
Am._, 3.

[I-34] One of them, Manuel Antonio de la Cerda, refused
to accept the pardon unless coupled with leave to prefer
charges against Bustamante. But an influential friend of
the general's prevented its being granted, and Cerda, to
get out of the country, escaped on a vessel bound to Sweden;
thence he went to Cuba, and lived there several years under
an assumed name. _Los Anales_, Sept. 1, 1872, 30. The noted
Nicaraguan statesman, Tomás Ayon, justly bewails the seeming
ingratitude of some of his country's writers in saying that
Nicaragua's independence had cost nothing. The history of
that period, 1811-21, it is true, records no bloody fields,
no brilliant feats of arms; but it presents an array of
victims to the cause, of men who sacrificed their lives,
liberty, and fortunes to secure their country's freedom; and
these sacrifices, Ayon claims, should be remembered, and the
sufferers' memory held in reverence. _Apuntes_, 18. Squier,
in _Travels_, ii. 378, speaks of a suppressed revolution in
Leon in 1815, giving that city the whole credit of the first
impulse to liberal sentiment in Central America. There was no
such movement in that year, and he probably had reference to
that of 1811, though to Salvador certainly belongs the honor
of the first attempt for independence. _Pim's Gate of the
Pac._, 38, prints the same error.

[I-35] More empty rewards for Leon. In 1812 the córtes
acceded to the bishop's petition for the creation of a
university in this town. It was long delayed, however. The
ayuntamiento had conferred on it the title of 'muy noble
y leal;' and that of Nueva Segovia was similarly honored.
The dean of Nicaragua was much commended in the córtes,
Aug. 1813, for his loyal and judicious conduct. _Córtes_,
_Diario_, 1811-12, xi. 198; 1813, xvii. 247, xxi. 45-6;
_Córtes_, _Col. Dec._, ii. 47-8, iii. 177; _Juarros_,
_Guat._ (Lond. ed., 1823), 335-8; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 227;
_Conder's Mex. and Guat._, ii. 309. Bishop Jerez had written
the captain-general a warm letter on behalf of the Leonese,
for whom he had a special predilection, and said, 'Si me
desterrasen un Leones dejo de ser obispo.' _Perez_, _Biog.
Sacasa_, 7.

[I-36] This bitterness originated bloody wars, and did much
harm to Nicaragua. _Rev. Cent. Am._, 3; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_,
15, 18-19; _Registro Ofic._, Nov. 21, 1846, 381.

[I-37] The $43,538 went on the ship _Venganza_ to Cádiz, and
the arrival was announced, Feb. 15, 1813, to the córtes by
the deputies of Guatemala. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xvii.
239-40.

[I-38] Marure, on the authority of the _Gaceta de Guatemala_,
xiii. no. 112, and xiv. no. 191, assures us that nearly
one and a half million dollars had been remitted by Central
America to Spain, from donations and other sources, to cancel
royal warrants. _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 18. This work,
that I have occasion to quote so often, bears the title
_Bosquejo Histórico de las Revoluciones de Centro América
desde 1811 hasta 1834_. Its author, Alejandro Marure, who
was a professor of history and geography in the university
of Guatemala, and otherwise a prominent citizen, issued in
Guatemala his 1st volume, sm. 4to, 295 pp., with designs on
the frontispiece, in 1837; containing events to 1826 only.
The publication of the other two volumes, it is understood,
he was obliged to withhold by order of his government.
Montúfar, _Reseña, Hist. Cent. Am._, i., preface pp. iii. and
iv., tells us the circulation of the 2d vol. was not allowed;
'un solemne auto de fé devoró la edicion entera.' One copy
escaped, however, from which another edition was printed in
later years. It scathes the so-called conservative party,
more properly entitled to the appellations of fanatical
and servile, for the infamous acts of its men that for many
years misgoverned the country. Its contents have been fully
used by Montúfar. The 3d volume has not been published,
and the author's heirs long refused to allow any one to
see the manuscript. This work furnishes an interesting
account of political affairs in Guatemala from the first
attempt at separation from the mother country in 1811 to
its accomplishment in 1821, from an American standpoint; the
intrigues by which Central America was yoked to Iturbide's
Mexican empire, and subsequent events culminating in the
second and final enforcement of independence, followed by
the organization of the federal government; rupture between
Guatemala and the general government, and victory of the
latter; church and military affairs; intrigues of parties;
authorities being freely quoted to sustain statements.
The author does not enter into much detail on military
operations, but is quite full in his description of party
workings, which affords a clear understanding of their
antagonistic interests. Under the title of _Efemérides de
los hechos notables ... de Centro América_, the same writer
gave to the press at Guatemala, in 1844, a 12mo of 77 pp.,
furnishing a very brief synopsis of the chief events that
occurred from 1821 to 1842, with tabular lists; quite useful
as a chronology.

[I-39] Among the implicated were a number of military
officers whose role was to win over the troops, and gain
possession of their arms.

[I-40] The plan was to seize Bustamante, Auditor de Guerra
Ibañez, Archbishop Casaus, and all the high military
officers; after which the Granadan prisoners were to be
liberated, and the country's independence proclaimed. The
royal officials chose to add that the parties had harbored
'incendiary and horrible schemes of plunder and devastation.'

[I-41] _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 16; _Romero_,
_Bosq. Hist._, 42; _Mem. Hist. Cent. Am._, 2, 3.

[I-42] Julian Ibarra, Andrés Dardon, Manuel de San José,
Manuel Yot. The names of the other six do not appear.
_Pineda de Mont_, in _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, iii. 347-8;
_Rodriguez_, _Problema Hist._, in _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._,
1875, Apr. 1 and May 23. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
7, who was evidently blinded by prejudice against Barrundia
and against the cause, says that the latter lost credit for
being mixed up in the Betlen affair with 'hombres sin luces,
sin crédito, y sin costumbres;' and forfeited the character
for firmness he had held in public estimation by needlessly
petitioning for a pardon when he had not been imprisoned, and
could at any time have left the country without risk. Lorenzo
Montúfar, a statesman and writer, tells us, in rebuttal,
that these men were of good intelligence and position;
that Barrundia's peril was imminent all the time of his
concealment, and as only Spanish vessels visited the ports,
it would have been risky to attempt escape upon one of them.
Moreover, it was impossible to foresee when independence
would be attained. Under the circumstances, Barrundia
had to ask for pardon when he could get it. _Costa R._,
_Gaceta_, Sept. 2, 1854. Villar, the prosecuting officer,
became notorious in 1817 for cruelties and wanton murders of
unfortunate inhabitants of Petén-Itzá, when he was commandant
there. _Fajardo_, _Inf. al Min. de Rel._, Campeche, 1828, sm.
4to, 17 pp.

[I-43] He was the father of Alejandro Marure, born in
Guatemala, and one who had attained a respectable rank in
letters, at a very early age, in his country. At the time he
began to figure in its political affairs he was a master of
philosophy. _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 14-15.

[I-44] Arce began to figure in the rebellion of 1811. After
the organization of the federal régime he was the first
constitutional president of the republic. _Rev. Cent. Am._,
3; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, 1875, Feb. 13.

[I-45] In disregard of the rank and standing of the
'excelentísima diputacion,' he would append only his media
firma, or surname, to its decrees and documents, when he
should have used his name and surname—a serious breach of
etiquette in those times.

[I-46] The chamber now had but a short time to live. Manuel
Micheo had presented his credentials in Jan. 1814, and been
admitted to his seat as deputy from Chimaltenango, Guatemala.
Luis Aguirre's claim to admission was referred back on the
petition of citizens of Chiquimula for his election to be
declared null. _Córtes_, _Act. ord._, 1814, Jan. 21, i. 487,
March 20, ii. 121.

[I-47] Several accusations had been preferred hitherto
against Bustamante; all remained unheeded, so far as it ever
became known. One more was that of Juan Argüello of Granada,
in Nicaragua, who charged the governor with unjust treatment
of him in 1814, and demanded his trial and punishment. This
case was before the córtes Oct. 20, 1820. But as the second
constitutional epoch was so short-lived, Argüello's demand
for justice had no better result than preceding ones. A
memorial of the ayuntamiento of Guatemala, on the political
condition of the province, expressing fear that the harshness
extended to men for political opinions might lead to evil
consequences, and asking for the pardon of prisoners, was
presented March 24, 1814, to the córtes. It was referred to
a committee, and that was all the action taken, till the king
in 1817 granted an amnesty. _Córtes_, _Act. ord._, March 24,
1814, ii. 152; _Id._, _Diario_, Oct. 20, 1820, ix. 4.

[I-48] Concluded Dec. 11, 1813.

[I-49] Upon the news of the king's acts becoming known in
Guatemala, the archbishop and his clergy, and the other
authorities, offered thanks to God for his release and
restoration to the throne. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii., adv. xii.

[I-50] The pope lent his support with an encyclical letter
of Aug. 15, 1814, against freemasonry and other secret
societies, which was published June 2, 1815. All persons
affiliating in such organizations were required to sever
their connection with them. _Fern. VII._, _Decretos_, 27-32.

[II-1] A native of Habana, Cuba. He had filled several high
offices, the last being that of governor of Santo Domingo.
_Juarros_, _Guat._, ii., adv. ix.-x.; _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Apr. 1, 1875, 4.

[II-2] Convulsions of nature had been constantly occurring in
Quezaltenango during two months, which greatly alarmed the
population. On the 17th of Jan., 1818, a hill on the south
of the town burst open and threw out enormous quantities of
ashes, covering the whole country, even to the distance of 35
leagues, and flames were occasionally seen. _Cózar_, _Carta_,
in _Noticioso Gen._, March 16, 1818, 4.

[II-3] The Spanish official account published by the
government of Guatemala, May 1 and 13, 1820, and copied in
the _Gaceta_ of Mex. of June 17th, same year, has it that the
attempt resulted in the discomfiture of the assailants.

[II-4] The commander's ship hoisted a flag with two blue bars
and a white one between them showing an escutcheon.

[II-5] The Spanish official account sets the enemy's
casualties at 40 killed and wounded on shore; those on board
could not be ascertained. The Spanish loss is given at one
killed and two wounded.

[II-6] _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1820, ii. 19; Apr. 30, 1821,
extra, xvi. 15-16; _Id._, _Act. Púb._, i., June 26, 1820, 6;
Aug. 2, 1820, 2.

[II-7] A congratulatory address from the newly created
corporation was received with marks of satisfaction.
_Córtes_, _Diario_, June 17, 1821, xxii. 6.

[II-8] From the ecclesiastic state, Juan José Batres and
José María Álvarez, with Pedro Ruiz de Bustamante for a
substitute. From the secular class, Pedro Molina, José
Barrundia, and Lic. Venancio Lopez. Secular substitutes,
licenciados Francisco Javier Barrutia, Felipe Neri del
Barrio. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1820, ii. 228-9.

[II-9] A native of Choluteca, in Honduras. _Rev. Cent. Am._,
1. He was auditor de guerra. Valle was undoubtedly an able
man; a speech of his on equality before the law is spoken of
with high commendation. _Observ. de la Rep. Mex._, ii., Oct.
3, 1827, 128-33. Subsequently was a deputy to the imperial
congress of Mexico, and when Iturbide was on the eve of
succumbing under the blows of the republicans, he appointed
Valle his minister of state, which office ceased with the
fall of the empire. Valle returned to Guatemala and figured
prominently in the government. In 1826-29 he was a federal
deputy, and died on the 2d of March, 1834, soon after being
elected president of the republic. The assembly on the 21st
of March of the same year decreed honors to his memory.
_Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, iii. 338-9, 348. Salvador did the
same in April. A likeness of Valle is given in _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist. Cent. Am._, ii. 160. Valle had been honored
with the friendship of Bentham and other European savans; and
he was a member of the French Academy of Sciences. _Marure_,
_Efemérides_, 35.

[II-10] The same man who afterward appointed himself bishop
of Salvador. _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 386.

[II-11] They cajoled the artisans with the promise of
checking the trade with Belize, and of prohibiting the
importation of foreign manufactures.

[II-12] He was born in Guatemala on the 29th of Apr., 1777;
studied humanities under Father Goicoechea, one of the lights
of his time, and received his diploma of a licentiate of
medicine and surgery at the age of 22; served in Nicaragua
as surgeon of the batallon fijo early in the century, and
returned with it to his native city in 1811. He afterward
filled the position of professor of medicine in the
university. The degree of doctor was given him in 1817, and
the office of protomédico, or head physician of the province
of Guatemala. _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 12, 1854.

[II-13] He adjured all to free themselves from party
influences, and to give their suffrages only to men who
had their country's interests at heart. He demanded of
all citizens to love their country, to be true to the
constitution, and to respect the legitimate authorities.

[II-14] _Urrutia_, _Modelo_, 2-3. Constant complaints had
been made to the national government since 1813 against
the foreign trade. The regulations of 1778 had been made
to appear advantageous to Spain and her American colonies.
Foreign trade was declared a means of corruption which placed
arms in the hands of Spain's foes. In the report now before
me, the mechanics of the country are represented as hostile
to the foreign trade. _Arrillaga_, _Informe_, in _Cedulario_,
66-7.

[II-15] The latter had three suffragans—Leon, Comayagua, and
Ciudad Real de Chiapas. It had also 20 vicars, 161 curacies
in 424 towns, 85 valleys, 23 doctrinas under missionaries, of
which 16 were in charge of Dominicans, 4 of Franciscans, and
3 of the order of Mercy.

[II-16] Deputy José Mariano Mendez, from Sonsonate, gave
the province of Guatemala 116 leagues from the Pacific to
Santo Tomás, and a width of 100 leagues in some parts, and
less in others, with two cities and about 294 towns. _Mem._,
12-13, 20; _Memoria del estado político y eclesiástico de la
capitanía general de Guatemala_, Mad., 1821, sm. 4to, 30 pp.,
gives data on the economical, political, and ecclesiastical
condition of Central America in general, and of each of the
divisions or provinces, including Chiapas in particular, and
proposing to the Spanish government reforms deemed advisable.

[II-17] A native of Habana, at which university he received
the degree of doctor. _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 296-7.

[II-18] He consecrated in his cathedral, on the 12th of
Sept., 1802, the treasurer of the diocese, the licentiate
of theology, Ambrosio Llano, as bishop of Ciudad Real de
Chiapas.

[II-19] He had been bishop of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, in
Peru. At the time of his death he was 55 years old. The
remains were interred in the cathedral. _Juarros_, _Guat._,
i. 297; _Diario Méx._, xii., Jan. 26, 1810, 104.

[II-20] He was a native of Jaca, in Aragon; took the
Dominican habit in Zaragoza, and completed there his
education; joined the province of Santiago in Mexico at the
age of 23; became a lecturer in Porta Cœli college, and a
professor in the university of Mexico, by which he was made
a doctor, and by his order a maestro. On the 9th of Nov.,
1806, as bishop of Rosen in partibus infidelium, he was
made bishop-coadjutor of Oajaca, and consecrated on the 2d
of Aug., 1807. _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii., adv. p. xi.-xii.;
_Córtes_, _Diario_, xviii. 395; _Puerto_, _Convite_, p. iii.
1.

[II-21] The payments were to begin no later than one year
after the installation of the autonomic government. The
allowance was to be increased when the condition of the two
countries should become improved.

[II-22] Positive news of Iturbide's defection had not yet
reached Guatemala. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 2.

[II-23] He is represented as a fickle man, one easily
influenced, and likely to act under the impressions of the
moment. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 21; _Salv._,
_Diario Ofic._, 1875, Apr. 1, 4. Events showed he was a man
of no settled principles or character, who proved himself,
first a traitor to his king and country, and next, for
self-aggrandizement, betrayed the men that in an evil hour
placed their trust in him.

[II-24] This plan is described in _Hist. Mex._, iv. 709-10,
this series.

[II-25] The order was a dead letter, however. Gainza
evidently issued it to cover his responsibility in Madrid;
at any rate, no one was arrested, and the manifesto was soon
after retired, public affairs being allowed to take their
course. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 4; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, i. 21-2.

[II-26] Gainza on the 13th had exacted of all the superior
military officers a renewal of their oath of fidelity to the
king. _Id._, i. 23.

[II-27] The diputacion, on motion of Simeon Cañas, had acted
at the instance of the ayuntamiento, whose síndico, Mariano
de Aycinena, had called for an extra session to petition for
immediate independence. Gainza, with the view of averting
such a declaration, attended personally to preside over
the meeting; but he finally submitted to the inevitable,
and weakly assented to the convocation of the authorities,
without first obtaining Urrutia's approbation. He thus
ignored the real chief authority in the country. _Mem. Rev.
Cent. Am._, 4-5; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 21.

[II-28] Archbishop Casaus, oidores Miguel Moreno and José
Valdez, Luis Escoto, prelate of the Dominicans, Félix
Lagrava, Juan Bautista Jáuregui, José Villafañe, and others
of less note. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 23-7.

[II-29] The supporters of this resolution were: Canon Doctor
José María Castilla, Dean Doctor Antonio García Redondo;
Regente of the audiencia Francisco Vilches, oidores Miguel
Larreinaga and Tomás O'Horan; deputies from the university,
doctors Mariano Galvez and Serapio Sanchez; deputies from
the college of lawyers, José Francisco Córdoba and Santiago
Milla; Antonio Rivera Cabezas, Mariano Beltranena, J.
Mariano Calderon, Rev. Doctor J. Matías Delgado, M. A.
Molina, members of the diputacion provincial; Mariano and J.
Antonio Larrave, Isidoro Castriciones, Pedro Arroyave, and
Mariano de Aycinena, members of the ayuntamiento; Lorenzo
Romaña, government secretary; Domingo Dieguez, secretary of
the meeting; Friars Mariano Perez and José Antonio Taboada,
prelates respectively of the Recollects and Franciscans. Some
Spaniards also recorded their names in favor of such action.
_Id._ The _Memorias de las Revoluciones de Centro América_
give among the members of the diputacion José Valdés, and
leave out M. A. Molina, 5.

[II-30] 297 years, 3 months, and 19 days from June 24, 1524,
when Pedro de Alvarado arrived with his 300 conquistadores.

[II-31] Article 2d, speaking of the congress, says: It is to
decide upon the point of 'independencia general y absoluta,
y fijar, en caso de acordarla, la forma de gobierno y ley
fundamental que deba regir.' Marure, who gives the text
of the acta, asserts that the declaration actually was for
an 'independencia absoluta de Méjico y de cualquiera otra
nacion;' and that Gainza, who favored annexation to Mexico,
had beforehand prepared an oath to support it. _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, i. 27, and ap. ii., iii.; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._,
v. 346-8; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 21; _Squier's Trav._, ii. 378;
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 67; _Cuevas_, _Porvenir de Méx._, 252.
Another vital clause in the instrument was that the Roman
catholic religion which the Central Americans had professed
in past centuries, 'y profesaremos en los siglos venideros,'
must be preserved 'pura é inalterable,' its ministers
respected, and protected in their persons and property. The
prelates of the various religious communities were invited to
coöperate in behalf of peace and harmony, endeavoring to do
away with personal passions. The whole proceeding was novel,
this of Spanish officials, presided over by the chief agent
of the king, meeting with natives of the country to decide
whether Guatemala should cast off the old mother country
or not. Several other things worthy of notice happened
then among them. Canon Castilla, though a friend of the
archbishop, his prelate, who had advocated anti-independence,
favored the separation. Many of the officials declared for
secession, chief among their number the gazista leader José
del Valle, who held the high office of auditor de guerra.
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 5-6.

[II-32] The following names appear in the acta: Gavino
Gainza, Mariano de Beltranena, José Mariano Calderon, José
Matías Delgado, Manuel Antonio Molina, Mariano de Larrave,
Antonio de Rivera, José Antonio de Larrave, Isidoro de Valle
y Castriciones, Pedro de Arroyave, Mariano de Aycinena.
Secretaries, Lorenzo de Romaña, Domingo Dieguez. _Pineda
de Mont_, _Recop. Ley. Guat._, i. 1-14. The news of this
declaration reached Spain, and mention was made of it in the
córtes Dec. 15, 1821, by Deputy Navarrete. _Córtes_, _Diario
extraord._, vi., 1821, Dec. 15, 34; _Córtes_, _Diario_,
viii., 1822, Feb. 12, 5; _Romero_, _Bosq. Hist._, 43-4,
66-130; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 6-9.

[II-33] This clause gave rise to much trouble afterward.

[II-34] The authorities were to be apprised of any plots
against the new régime by persons becoming aware of them, or
the latter would be held as aiders and abettors of treason.
Carrying concealed weapons, ringing of bells other than
for religious service, and injuring or destroying public
or private property, under any pretext, would be severely
punished. _Méx._, _Gac. Imp._, Dec. 1, 1821, 260-3.

[II-35] The additional members were Miguel de Larreinaga,
José del Valle, J. Antonio Alvarado, Marqués de Aycinena,
José Valdés, José M. Candina, and Antonio Robles. Domingo
Dieguez and Mariano Galvez were made the secretaries.
_Marure_, _Efemérides_, 59.

[II-36] The acta was signed at Gainza's house on the 16th,
and the extra members were appointed. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
6.

[II-37] Ciudad Real, the capital, had in the city proper
6,000, chiefly Spaniards; the outside districts and suburbs
swelled the population to 14,000. _Mazariegos_, _Mem.
Hist. Chiapa_, 51. The canon of Chiapas, Mariano Robles
Dominguez de Mazariegos, being the deputy from his province
in the Spanish córtes in 1813, laid before the chamber
an interesting memorial, which was afterward given to the
press at Cádiz, in one volume, 18mo, of 71 pages, under the
title of _Memoria Histórica de la Provincia de Chiapa_. He
suggested means to develop the commerce of the province on
its navigable rivers, and particularly with Guatemala and
Vera Cruz. His recommendations were heeded, and several ports
and rivers were opened to trade. _Id._, 33-4, 54-9; _Córtes_,
_Diario_, 1813, xix. 392; _Noticioso Gen._, Aug. 30, 1816.
Mazariegos' successor was also a clergyman, Fernando Antonio
Dávila, who took his seat in November, 1813. _Córtes_, _Act.
ord._, i. 275.

[II-38] From the time of the conquest there existed in all
Indian towns ayuntamientos called cabildos, and composed as
follows: a gobernador, who was a cacique or noble Indian,
generally for life, though 'sin jurisdiccion,' appointed
formally in writing by the principal executive of the
province; two alcaldes; four, six, or eight regidores,
according to population; and some officers called in some
places mayores, and in others alguaciles, who aided the
regidores, took care of the cabildos' houses, and furnished
supplies to travellers going through their towns. They were
elected on the first day of January of each year, and were
subject to the alcalde mayor and the teniente of each town,
by whom they were too frequently badly treated. _Mazariegos_,
_Mem. Hist. Chiapa_, 28-29.

[II-39] In some Indian towns, so-called maestros were
salaried from the community funds of the inhabitants. Such
maestros could scarcely read and write, and most of them
were immoral and given to drunkenness. Of course no good
results could be obtained from such teachers. The Spanish
córtes in 1813 decreed the adoption of measures for promoting
public instruction, and on the 24th of October enacted the
establishment of a university in the province. _Mazariegos_,
_Mem. Hist. Chiapa_, 51-53; _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xix.
392; _Id._, _Act. ord._, 1813, i. 113, 141.

[II-40] The cathedral chapter was composed of four
dignitaries, one simple canon, six choir chaplains.
The revenue of the diocese was limited. The number of
its parishes was forty-seven, which included the eleven
of the capital and suburbs. _Mazariegos_, _Mem. Hist.
Chiapa_, 48. From 1819 to 1836, according to Larrainzar,
religious, educational, and general affairs had attained
much improvement. In the diocese there were, besides the
cathedral, three convents of friars and one of nuns; a
hospital, founded by Bishop Juan Álvarez de Toledo; an
ecclesiastic college, founded by Bishop Bravo de la Serna;
primary schools and a university. Since 1819 existed
the Sociedad de Amigos del País, to develop agriculture,
industry, and learning. The inhabitants of the capital were
quite cultured. _Discurso_, 17-18. In 1813 the Spanish
córtes, among other measures for the benefit of Chiapas,
decreed that the friars of Guatemala should undertake the
conversion of the Indians of Palenque. _Córtes_, _Diario_,
1813, xix. 392.

[II-41] Soconusco cacao being considered the best of America,
some loads of it were sent every year to Spain for the use of
the royal family.

[II-42] On the 20th of Dec., 1817, he congratulated the
viceroy of Mexico on the triumphs of the royal arms. The
capture of Mina and other successes were enthusiastically
celebrated in Ciudad Real. _Noticioso Gen._, Feb. 14, 1818,
4; _Gaz. de Méx._, 1818, ix. 141-2.

[II-43] The bishop of Chiapas, Salvador San Martin, incurred
the wrath of the córtes, when he was acting as deputy from
Porto Rico, for his support of the royal decree of 1814, that
overthrew the national constitution. San Martin was dead when
Chiapas followed the example of Mexico in 1821. _Alaman_,
_Hist. Méj._, v. 344; _Méx._, _Gaceta Imp._, i. 11, 173.

[II-44] In Ciudad Real, Iturbide was called 'padre salvador
de la religion y de la patria.' _Id._, 10-12.

[II-45] The act of independence was signed by Juan N. Batres,
José Ignacio Larrainzar, José Diego Lara, Julio José Flores,
José Nicolás Osuna, Estévan Gordillo, and Lic. José Vives.

[II-46] Soon after this act that desire began to assume
proportions. _Larrainzar_, _Notic. Hist. Soconusco_, 28.

[II-47] For particulars on the final separation of Chiapas,
and incorporation as a state of the Mexican confederation,
see _Hist. Mex._, v. 22-4, this series. The clergyman Pedro
Solórzano was the agent appointed under the resolution
referred to in the text, and he accordingly repaired to the
city of Mexico. _Larrainzar_, _Notic. Hist. Soconusco_, 29;
_Méx._, _Gaceta Imp._, i. 169-73, 270-1, 319-23, 337-9.

[III-1] They were Lorenzo Romaña, who was made colonel of
the battalion of regulars, superseding the Spaniard Félix
Lagrava, and Manuel Arzú, who obtained the command of the
artillery, with the same rank. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, i. 28.

[III-2] A writer of the opposite party asserts that the
practice caused much confusion, arising from ignorance. The
populace abused the privilege, and had finally to be excluded
from the chamber. The same author speaks disparagingly of the
three leaders. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 7. It is said of them
that they often addressed from the gallery petitions to the
junta, demanded removals of officials, and had disputes with
its members or with Gainza. I have already given some account
of Barrundia and Molina. Córdoba had suffered imprisonment
and prosecution for being concerned in the revolutionary
movements of 1811.

[III-3] 'Acorde al fin en sus sentimientos, se reunió
últimamente en la opinion que debió siempre ser el vínculo
estrecho de su voluntad. Así consta del testimonio que
acompaño á V. E.' The last sentence must refer to a copy
of the acta de independencia. _Mex._, _Gaceta Imp._, i.
60-2. And yet, another journal of Mexico, alluding to that
letter, after erroneously giving the writer's name as Gabriel
Quinia, actually asserted its contents to be that Guatemala,
like Chiapas, had submitted to Mexico, party spirit having
been powerless to disturb the peace or general will of the
inhabitants! _Méx._, _Noticioso Gen._, Oct. 19, 1821.

[III-4] Decree of Sept 20, 1821.

[III-5] Decrees of Sept. 26 and 27, 1821. They were given two
months' extra pay. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 6-7.

[III-6] This act was effected amidst great enthusiasm, and
rejoicing at its accomplishment without bloodshed. Persons
then residing in the city who had favored the movement had
their names inserted in a book. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, i. 27-30.

[III-7] Another committee was to count the population in
order to apportion the deputies to congress. _Gracias_,
_Cuad. Estad._, 28.

[III-8] Before the news reached Spain of the change in
Guatemala, Deputy Milla spoke, on the 18th of Nov., in
the córtes of the insufficiency of Spanish bottoms for
the transportation of American produce, and demanded the
privilege of using foreign vessels therefor. He alluded
also to the inability of the royal navy to protect Spanish
merchantmen, in proof of which he stated the fact that five
vessels had been carried off by insurgent privateers from
Nicaraguan ports. _Córtes_, _Diario Extraord._, Nov. 18,
1821, iv. 12-13.

[III-9] Men who had relations with Delgado, one of the junta
in Guatemala. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 9-10.

[III-10] Delgado assumed authority on his arrival at Santa
Ana, and used it effectively, though without violence.
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 36-7. The extent of
the province of Salvador was 50 leagues long and 30 wide;
it was divided into the partidos of Santa Ana, San Salvador,
San Vicente, and San Miguel, with three cities, five villas,
and 140 pueblos. _Mendez_, _Mem._, 9-10. The following were
the signers of independence: Pedro Barriere, Casimiro García
Valdeavellano, José Ignacio Saldaña, José Rosi, Millan
Bustos, Gerónimo de Ajuria, Francisco del Duque, Santiago
Rosi, Trinidad Estupinian, Juan B. de Otonto, Francisco
Ignacio de Urrutia, Narciso Ortega, and Pedro Miguel Lopez,
secretary. _Ruiz_, _Calend. Salv._, 67-8; _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Jan. 26, 1875, 5; _Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, vi.,
no. 187, 1-29; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 2, 9-10. Alaman has it
that Delgado seized the government by a revolution in 1822.
_Hist. Méj._, v. 474-5.

[III-11] In the Spanish córtes, March 29, 1813, was read
and passed to a committee a petition of the ayuntamiento of
Comayagua, objecting to the limited scope of the decree of
May 24, 1812, which authorized the establishment of only
two diputaciones in the whole of Guatemala, and asked for
one in Comayagua with Omoa, Trujillo, and the partido of
Tegucigalpa, and that of San Miguel in Salvador, within
its jurisdiction, which would give the new diputacion a
territory of 140 leagues from N. to S., and as many from
E. to W. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1813, xviii. 61. I have no
evidence as to when Honduras was granted the diputacion,
but the fact appears that it had such a corporation in
September 1821. The province was larger than Nicaragua,
and divided into the partidos of Comayagua and Tegucigalpa,
and the nine sub-delegations of Gracias á Dios, San Pedro
Zula, Tencoa, Yoro, Olanchito, Olancho Viejo, Tegucigalpa,
Choluteca, and Trujillo, having within it the ports of Omoa,
Puerto Caballos, Puerto Sal, Triunfo de la Cruz, Trujillo,
and Cartago. The bishopric of Comayagua embraced the whole
intendencia, with 35 parishes, one mission, and 145 churches.
_Mendez_, _Mem._, 8, 21. In 1821 there lived in Trujillo
about 2,500 Caribs, the original inhabitants of Saint
Vincent, later occupying the island of Roatan, whence they
removed to Trujillo. They were a rather industrious, honest
people. _Coggeshall's Voy._, 2d ser., 161-3.

[III-12] Omoa by Captain Bernardo Caballero, P. Pedro Brito,
and others, who seized and imprisoned the commandant, Antonio
Prado. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 35.

[III-13] The junta in Guatemala passed an act on the 11th of
Dec. to reward the villa of Tegucigalpa, raising it to the
rank of a city, and bestowing on its ayuntamiento the title
of 'patriótico.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 35.

[III-14] As a matter of fact, ill feeling had always
existed in the provinces against the capital. This hatred
was intensified by the respective intendentes in forwarding
their ambitious purposes. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 2. Lieut-col
Miguel Gonzalez Saravia, son of the old lieut-gen. shot
in Oajaca, was the gov.-intendente of Nicaragua since
1818. Naturally he hated the independents for his father's
execution. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 34; _Ayon_,
_Apuntes_, 22; _Juarros_, _Guat._ (Lond. ed. 1823), 337-8.

[III-15] They would remain independent of the Spanish crown,
they said, until the clouds disappeared. _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 8; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 34; _Ayon_,
_Apuntes_, 22; _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 387;
_Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, vi., no. 187, 1-29; _Alaman_,
_Hist. Méj._, v. 346-8; _Wells' Hond._, 468. Tomás Ayon,
_Apuntes sobre algunos de los acontecimientos políticos de
Nicaragua_, Leon, 1875, 8vo, 50 pp., gives a few important
memoranda on the political events of Nicaragua in 1811-24, in
a clear, concise, and apparently impartial manner.

[III-16] Saravia kept up a sort of underhanded war against
Granada, obstructing her relations with Guatemala. _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 35. The extent of the province
of Nicaragua was 85 leagues long by 75 wide; detaching
Nicoya, there were four partidos, Leon, Realejo, Sutiaba,
and Matagalpa, with 88 towns in all. _Mendez_, _Mem._,
7. According to Miguel G. Saravia, _Bosquejo político
estadístico de Nicaragua_, its population in 1813 was of
149,751, a very imperfect census. _Squier's States Cent.
Am._, 50. The bishopric of Leon comprised all the intendencia
of Costa Rica, with 40 parishes, 3 missions, and 88 churches.
_Mendez_, _Mem._, 20. A considerable military force had
been, since 1796, kept at San Juan del Norte; and in 1821
additional defences were erected, by government order of
May 2d. This force was expelled after the declaration of
independence by the patriots. _Squier's Trav._, i. 83.

[III-17] On the 11th of Nov. he answered in similar terms the
diputacion at Comayagua. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
i. 44-6.

[III-18] Its members were to be chosen by electors appointed
by the ayuntamientos supporting the Granada régime. These
members to choose every month from their own number the
president. _Perez_, _Biog. Sacasa_, 5-6. _Perez, Jerónimo_,
_Biografía del coronel Don Crisanto Sacasa_, 1875, fol., 18
pp., furnishes important data on the origin and life of a
man who figured prominently and honorably in the affairs of
Nicaragua from 1821 to his death in 1824. In connection with
them appear several official letters on events during the
period between secession from Spain and annexation to Mexico.

[III-19] The people acted prudently; they could but reap
trouble from the political complications. _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 2; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa Rica_, 4-5, 17-18; _Salv._,
_Diario Ofic._, May 23, 1875; _Lond. Geog. Soc._, vi. 135.

[III-20] It had, from the time of the conquest, a civil and
military government of its own, but under dependence of the
audiencia and captain-generalcy at Guatemala. In matters
ecclesiastic and financial it had been under Leon. _Molina_,
_Bosq. Costa Rica_, 92; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 2. The Spanish
constitution gave it, together with Nicoya, a diputacion
provincial. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 54. In 1812 the
province had 22 towns—12 of Indians and 10 of white and black
men—besides farms, large estates, etc. The extent in 1821 was
160 by 60 leagues. The cities were Cartago and Esparza; the
villas, San José de Ujarráz, Villa Vieja, and Villa Hermosa;
the villages, Espíritu Santo, Pueblo Nuevo, Escasu, Alajuela,
Bagasses, Las Cañas, Barba, San Fernando, and the Indian
towns and settlements; adding Nicoya and Guanacaste, there
would be 27 towns. The population was computed at between
60,000 and 70,000, besides the three nations of heathen
Indians in the mountains and northern coasts, and known
respectively as indios de la Talamanca, indios del norte,
and indios Mosquitos, all quite numerous. _Córtes_, _Diario_,
1813, xix. 404-5. In 1813 the deputy from Costa Rica in the
Spanish córtes petitioned for a bishopric; but at the time
of the separation the matter had not been acted on. _Mendez_,
_Mem._, 7.

[III-21] Juan de Dios Mayorga and the provincial of la
Merced, Fray Luis García, were selected for Comayagua; the
prelate of the Franciscans, Fray José Antonio Taboada, for
Leon; the prebendado José María Castilla, Pedro Molina, and
José Francisco Barrundia, for Mexico. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, i. 37-9.

[III-22] Some of them asked for titles, decorations, and
other rewards for their services in harnessing their country
to Mexico's imperial car. _El Progreso_, Apr. 11, 1850. The
organ of the empire spoke of the chimerical ideas of the
republicans and federalists, adding that the opposition to
them was large, and to be found in the officials, the higher
classes, and indeed all sensible persons, who well knew how
small was the number of the educated among them. It claimed
that the journals published in Guatemala expressed the
views of only a few deluded men, whose ranks were becoming
thinner every day. That same organ had given to the public
certain letters from the ayuntamiento of Comitan, in Chiapas,
objecting to the 2d art. of the Guatemalan acta of Sept.
15th, on the ground that the country had no resources to
sustain a separate government, which had been evident since
the yearly allowance of $12,000 ceased; superadded to which,
they said, the safety of Mexico might be imperilled should
Spain at some future time recover possession of Cent. Am.,
which the latter, if independent, could not prevent, and
vindicate her authority over the former. _Méx._, _Gaceta
Imp._, i., Nov. 24 and Dec. 8, 1821, 202-7, 281-2.

[III-23] Dated Oct. 19th, and brought by José de Oñate.

[III-24] 'Guatemala no debia quedar independiente de Méjico,
sino formar ... un gran imperio bajo el plan de Iguala,
y tratados de Córdoba: que Guatemala se hallaba todavía
impotente para gobernarse por sí misma, y que podría ser
por lo mismo objeto de la ambicion extranjera.' _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 39-41. The aristocrats, now sure
of Iturbide's aid, grew bolder in their plotting. _Squier's
Trav._, ii. 378; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 35-9.
Iturbide directed the conde de la Cadena, on the 20th of
Nov., to write very courteously to Mariano de Aycinena, who
was well connected and had addressed a communication to the
liberator. _Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, vi., no. 187, 28;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 20-2, 35-9.

[III-25] The circular directed the ayuntamientos to read at a
public sitting Iturbide's letter, and express their opinion
upon each point embraced in his proposal. Their answers
as to whether they wanted annexation at once, or to await
the action of congress, were to be in Guatemala city on or
before the 31st of Dec., 1821. _Petén-Itzá_, _Manif. de la
Just._, 2. This circular was drawn up by Valle. The elections
for members of the congress that had been called to meet in
February were to be made as formerly directed. In Guatemala
the votes of heads of families were taken at each house by
municipal agents in the presence of a notary public, and duly
registered. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 10-11; _Alaman_, _Hist.
Méj._, v. 475-6.

[III-26] The exile of Barrundia, Molina, and others was
demanded by Pedro Arroyave, síndico of the ayuntamiento.
Gainza was suspected of inciting certain imperialists to
prefer charges against these parties.

[III-27] A number of republicans, when acclaiming their
principles near San José church, were fired upon by an armed
force patrolling the town with the alcalde Mariano Larrave,
and two killed outright, Mariano Bedoya and Remigio Maida.
Several were wounded; some arrests were made. _Salv._,
_Gaceta_, Oct. 12, 1854; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, i. 41-2, 47; _Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog._, app., i. 342;
_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 157.

[III-28] _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i., ap. v.; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 11; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 474.

[III-29] His arguments were not founded on fact. Subsequent
events proved it. Men of greater weight than Gainza, such
as Mora, Pecchio, and Zavala, have since contradicted his
assertions. Zavala said that Guatemala gained nothing by
the union, and that it had resources of its own to exist
as an independent nation. He added that the provinces
viewed with dislike the course of the aristocrats at the
capital. It could not be otherwise. Where was the advantage
of a connection with the city of Mexico, which was almost
inaccessible to them? But the rich men of Guatemala would
have it, regardless of consequences. _Ensayo Hist. Revol.
Mex._, i. 186-7.

[III-30] See _Hist. Mex._, iv. 710, 728-9, this series.

[III-31] The junta had on the 3d indicated to Iturbide that
its duty was to annex the country to Mexico; 'como ya se le
indicó en oficio de tres del corriente.' Other reasons were
given by it for the action taken, the chief one being the
necessity of preserving the country's entirety and repose,
which had been in danger of a rupture. The names affixed to
the manifesto are: Gavino Gainza, Marqués de Aycinena, Miguel
de Larreinaga, José del Valle, Mariano de Beltranena, Miguel
Antonio Molina, Antonio Rivera, José Mariano Calderon, José
Antonio Alvarado, Angel Mª. Candina, Eusebio Castillo,
José Valdés; José Domingo Dieguez and Mariano Galvez,
secretaries. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 14-16; _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i., ap. iv.-vi.; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iv. 18-23, 40-2; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 8-9, 11;
_Bustamante_, _Cuad. Hist._, vi., no. 187, 1-29; _Alaman_,
_Hist. Méj._, v. 476; _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._,
386-7; _Lastarría_, in _La América_, 249; _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Feb. 13, 1875, 4, and March 28, 1876, 603; _Rivera_,
_Hist. Jalapa_, ii. 218; _Squier's Trav._, i. 383: _Kewen's
Nic._ and _Walker_, MS., 33-6; _Romero_, _Bosq. Hist._,
103-6.

[III-32] 'Las ideas de prosperidad, objeto de la
independencia, van á substituirse á los partidos ominosos
... neutralizar las tentativas del poder arbitrario y de los
movimientos populares.' _Gainza_, _Manifiesto_, _Gaceta Gob.
Guadal._, 1822, March 2, 302-4; _Méx._, _Gaceta Imp._, ii.
657-9; _Kewen_, _Nic. and Walker_, MS., 30-6.

[III-33] He now gives himself a long list of titles,
viz.: knight of justice of the sacred religion of St John
of Jerusalem; lieutenant-general by acclamation of the
independent army of Guatemala; decorated with the banda
nacional; her captain-general; inspector-general of all
her arms; superior political chief, intendent-general,
and president of the junta provisional consultiva. _Méx._,
_Gaceta Imp._, i. 557-9; _Gaceta Gob. Guadal._, March 2,
1822, 304.

[III-34] Only two months earlier the diputaciones of
Comayagua and Leon were told that neither the junta
consultiva nor any other body then existing had any such
power.

[III-35] It was rumored, and doubtless believed by the
people, that a formidable force was on the way—5,000
men—which Central America in its present divided condition
could not resist; hence the premature submission with an
apparent good grace. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 10-11.

[III-36] _Gaceta Imp._, i. 162-3. According to Bustamante,
_Cuad. Hist._, vi., no. 187, 1-29, the party in favor of
absolute independence in Guatemala sustained itself till
a Mexican force was sent, and it was by this means the
absorption was effected. The force had not arrived, but was
certainly expected. Luis G. Cuevas, a Mexican senator, tells
us that the people of Cent. Am. were mostly very enthusiastic
for Iturbide, and at the same time anxious to rid themselves
of the liberal party, whose members he calls an unbridled set
of demagogues. Moreover, they wanted to belong to a nation
having so much credit abroad, and such large resources to aid
them. _Porvenir de Méx._, 252.

[III-37] Conde de la Cadena was first in command, but he
resigned it on account of sickness. _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._,
v. 474-8; _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 387-8; _Filisola
á la Junta Soberana_, note 3.

[III-38] Squier, _Guat._, 580-1, has it 700.

[III-39] The 3d. It was installed March 29, 1822. _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 47; _Id._, _Efemérides_, 5.

[III-40] Among them were José del Valle, Juan de Dios
Mayorga, and Marcial Zebadúa. _Zavala_, _Ensayo Hist. Rev.
Mex._, i. 187. Suarez y Navarro says that Mayorga had a
secret mission from Salvador near the Mexican government.
_Hist. Méj._, 387.

[III-41] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 11-12. The province was ruled
by a junta gubernativa, one of whose members was Antonio José
Cañas, one of the most distinguished among Cent. Americans.
He soon after became the second in command of the 'batallon
fijo,' organized to resist Iturbide's pretensions. _Salv._,
_Diario Ofic._, Feb. 13 and 19, 1875.

[III-42] Gainza had meantime stationed troops in Sonsonate,
a town which hitherto belonged to the province of Guatemala
proper, and afterward became a part of Salvador.

[III-43] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 12-13.

[III-44] The rest of the province had accepted that
arrangement. Gov. Tinoco had made himself master of Omoa, but
a revolution released it from his grasp. His authority over
Trujillo ceased about the middle of January 1822. _Id._, 7-9.

[III-45] The inhabitants were influenced to that course
by Canon Nicolás Irias and Juan Lindo. The diputacion sent
Tinoco to Mexico to report the state of affairs in Honduras.
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 37.

[III-46] There was, in consequence, a bitter correspondence
between Saravia and Gainza. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 14.

[III-47] This man was of the lowest class; had been a common
servant, and afterward an artilleryman. He was once confined
in a dungeon at Trujillo, from which he escaped. When he
began to figure in politics his wit made him popular with the
citizens. It was said that he had some knowledge of medicine,
and had written some creditable poetry. He was, however,
given to cards and free-love, but abstained from the bottle.
He was twice married, but left no children. _Perez_, _Biog.
Sacasa_, 8; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 14; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, i. 73-4.

[III-48] Ordoñez had Sacasa and others confined in irons
in Fort San Cárlos. Public opinion accused him of being the
most active instigator of hatred between the white and other
races. _Id._, 74; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 14; _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Feb. 19, 1875.

[IV-1] His orders were to take the city of San Salvador on or
before the 5th of April. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 12.

[IV-2] They claimed that their declaration of independence
did not imply hostility to Guatemala, and in support of
it expressed a willingness to furnish hostages. Their
representations were of no effect, however; 'habia empeño
en sojuzgar á San Salvador, y á este interés se sacrificaba
todo.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 51.

[IV-3] Against Filisola's expressed wishes. That general was
then in Chiapas, and had forbidden all military operations
till his arrival. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 13; _Alaman_, _Hist.
Méj._, v. 478; _Filisola á la Junta Soberana_, note 6.

[IV-4] He went in by the road sloping from the volcano to
the west, from which quarter, owing to the roughness of the
ground, no attack had been expected.

[IV-5] The casualties were not heavy on either side. _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 12-13.

[IV-6] It was chiefly on the superiority exhibited on this
occasion that Salvador subsequently based her claim to a
prominent place in the councils held upon Cent. American
affairs. Many of the internal wars which for a number of
years ravaged the country may be traced to this pretended
superiority.

[IV-7] To answer charges preferred against him. _Id._,
15; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 53, followed by
_Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 478. Cuevas, _Porvenir de Mex._,
253-4, makes the doubtful assertion that Gainza went of his
own accord. At any rate, he afterward was made a lieut-gen.
of the imperial army, and an aide-de-camp of Iturbide's.

[IV-8] His proclamation of July 8, 1822, expressed his desire
to be guided only by the best interests of the country.
_Méx._, _Gaceta Imp._, 1822, 657-9.

[IV-9] Duly authorized agents of Salvador were to go for that
purpose to Mexico in Nov. 1822; the districts of San Miguel
and Santa Ana being permitted to recognize the government
at Guatemala till an understanding should be arrived at in
Mexico. Other clauses referred to the surrender of arms
seized by Arce in Sonsonate, to the commercial interests
of the two provinces, and to rules to be observed before
renewing hostilities. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
56-7.

[IV-10] Oct. 31, 1822. See _Hist. Mex._, v., this series.

[IV-11] _Filisola á la Junta Soberana_, notes 9, 10.

[IV-12] His force consisted of about 2,000 men, chiefly from
Guatemala, Santa Ana, San Miguel, Sonsonate, and Honduras.

[IV-13] _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 60-1; _Molina_,
_Costa Rica_, 93; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 383. The decree
never went into effect, however.

[IV-14] The principal conditions were: establishment in
Mexico of a representative government; Salvador's absolute
independence from Guatemala; participation of her delegates
in framing the national constitution; continuation in office
of the present incumbents; and erection of an episcopal see.
For less important terms demanded on that occasion, see also
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 16-17; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, 62.

[IV-15] It seems that he again asked for instructions from
the emperor, who peremptorily directed him not to lose more
time in negotiations. 'V. S. no es mas que un soldado que
debe atacar la ciudad, posesionarse de ella y tratar á los
cabecillas como perturbadores del órden.' _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 17. Filisola himself confirmed the above in his address
to the junta soberana of Cent. Am. of June 24, 1823, note 10.

[IV-16] Squier, in his _Travels_, ii. 383-4, rather
emphatically comments on this 'step expressive of sympathies
and sentiments which still exist.'

[IV-17] 'With a declaration that he was not waging war on the
U. S., he continued his operations.'

[IV-18] Feb. 7, 1823. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 17-18.

[IV-19] Filisola issued passports to all who wished to quit
the country, and even furnished them money to leave. To
the poor soldiers he afforded every facility to reach their
homes.

[IV-20] It must be acknowledged that to the gallantry and
constancy of the sons of this little province, Central
America owed to a great extent its existence as a sovereign
commonwealth. _Zavala_, _Rev. N. Esp._, i. 142. See also
_Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 476; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, i. 47; _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 387; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 11-12.

[IV-21] Col Felipe Codallos was appointed governor of the
province.

[IV-22] Tinoco had gone to Mexico.

[IV-23] _Hist. Mex._, v., this series.

[IV-24] Filisola's course has been open to criticism. Some
attributed it to a conviction that Cent. Am. could not
be held as a province dependent from a republic, which
was practicable as a dependence of an empire. Others have
supposed that he was prompted by personal ambition. Marure,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 73, and _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 19,
claim that it was the unavoidable result of the situation,
which is not exactly true. With the force at his command,
he might have maintained supremacy for a considerable time
at least. Filisola himself said that his object had been
to avert civil war. In his address of July 24, 1823, to the
junta of Guatemala, he assured that body that his recognition
of its sovereignty had been with the sanction of the supreme
executive government of Mexico, communicated to him on the
18th of June. _Filisola á la Junta Soberana de Guat._, 1-8;
_Id._, _El Ciudadano_, 16-17.

[IV-25] Among others, that of seizing, without any legal
formality, the Spanish vessel _Sinacam_, whose cargo he sold
to procure provisions and other supplies for his garrison.
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 75; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_,
22-3.

[IV-26] It was installed at Leon on the 17th of April, 1823.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 6.

[IV-27] On the 15th of April. _Marure_, _Efem._, 6.

[IV-28] Several of the conspirators were imprisoned at the
capital, though only for a short time. _Molina_, _Costa
Rica_, 94; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 12.

[IV-29] According to Marure, _Efemérides_, 6, reserving
the liberty of recognizing anew Iturbide as the legitimate
emperor, should he be again restored to the imperial throne.

[IV-30] Deputies from Cent. Am. to the Mexican congress
complained of outrages committed by Filisola's soldiers,
to which his attention was called to correct them by the
executive of that republic.

[IV-31] Cuevas, _Porvenir de Méx._, 254-6, laments it,
considering it an act injurious to Cent. America's best
interests.

[IV-32] The imperialists 'se limitaron á oponerles algunas
maniobras sordas, no teniendo ánimo de disputarlas á cara
descubierta.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 82-3. The
independents 'contrajeron sus planes á ganar las elecciones,
y á hacer odiosas las tropas mejicanas, procurando á toda
costa, y por todos los medios posibles, hacerlas evacuar la
república.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 20.

[IV-33] The 1st of June had been the date originally fixed
upon, but some preliminary work not having been completed
in time, the installation was necessarily delayed. _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 83.

[IV-34] Chiapas was not represented, that province having
continued detached from Cent. Am.

[IV-35] It is said that Filisola installed the congress, the
Mexican troops taking part with the native ones in paying
honors to the national representatives. Till the organization
of an executive, the first decrees were addressed to
Filisola, as superior political chief, for their execution.
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 20. That body, the first as well as
the most numerous, was at the same time the most enlightened
that the republic ever had. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, i. 83; _Id._, _Efem._, 7; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i.
16-24.

[IV-36] The full text with the names of the delegates
present appears in _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
xiii.-xviii.; and _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i. 19-23. Its
principal clauses were: 'That the said provinces ... are
free and independent from old Spain, from Mexico, and every
other power, alike of the old and the new world, y que no son
ni deben ser el patrimonio de persona ni familia alguna.'
Translations into other languages may be seen in _Revue
Américaine_, i. 377-97; _Democratic Rev._, i. 486-7. The act
was drawn up by the deputy José Francisco Córdoba, who was a
member of the committee to whom the matter had been referred.
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 21.

[IV-37] _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 24-32.

[IV-38] Aug. 20, 1824. _Dublan_ and _Lozano_, _Leg. Mex._, i.
713; _Alaman_, _Mem. á las Cám._, 9.

[IV-39] Decree of July 15, 1823. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i.
32-3.

[IV-40] The party was mainly composed of members of the
so-called noble families, Spaniards, civil and military
officers, the clergy, and the most ignorant class of the
population. It was therefore the most numerous. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iv. 259.

[IV-41] As he was then in the United States, the canon
Antonio de Larrazábal was to be his substitute during his
absence. Larrazábal having declined the position, it was
given to Antonio Rivera Cabezas. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_,
i. 164-70; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 88; _Id._,
_Efem._, 8; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 22.

[IV-42] The moderados wanted José Dionisio Herrera of
Honduras, in the triumvirate, to avoid the undue influence
Salvador would exercise, having two of her citizens in the
executive, and because they considered Herrera intellectually
superior to Villacorta. No one thought of José del Valle,
who was then in Mexico. Cuevas, _Porvenir de Mex._, 256-7,
erroneously states that the supreme authority was offered
Filisola and he declined it. He declined the office of jefe
político of Guatemala.

[IV-43] Just in some instances, no doubt; but it became known
that Guatemalans disguised as Mexicans committed hostile acts
to bring the soldiers into discredit. Filisola certainly
strove to maintain order and discipline. _Marure_, _Bosq.
Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 89-93; _Filisola_, _El Ciudadano_, 22-8.

[IV-44] José Francisco Barrundia, of whom prominent mention
is made in this history, severely attacked Filisola's
course in a pamphlet, which was replied to in a small book
entitled _El Ciudadano ... Vicente Filisola á José Francisco
Barrundia_, Puebla, 1824, 132 p. The author defends himself,
employing strong invective against his accuser, charging him
with hypocrisy and cowardice. The book gives some historical
data, but owing to its bitterness, must be received with
caution. Filisola after that time figured as a prominent
soldier of the Mexican republic in Texas, and during the war
of the U. S. and Mexico in 1846-8.

[IV-45] _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 877-8.

[IV-46] Practically, the word 'don' never fell into disuse.
The manner of ending official letters was changed from the
former 'Dios guarde á ... muchos años,' to 'Dios, Union,
Libertad.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 94; _Id._,
_Efem._, 7.

[IV-47] Decrees of the national assembly of Aug. 21 and Nov.
5, 1823. _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i. 162; _Guat._, _Recop.
Leyes_, i. 54-5.

[IV-48] _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 33-8, 461-3; _Méx._,
_Col. Dec. Sob. Cong._, 219.

[IV-49] Even the statistics that might have served as a
basis for establishing imposts were not to be found. It was
said that they had all been forwarded to Mexico during the
imperial rule.

[IV-50] He was offended at not being appointed commanding
officer of the battalion.

[IV-51] The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 23-7, accused
the government of allowing the conspiracy to assume serious
proportions with the view of obtaining larger powers,
including that of levying forced loans.

[IV-52] The 14th and 15th had been designated to commemorate
the independence.

[IV-53] A number of persons were killed and others wounded
in the street fight. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
102-3. On the 10th of Jan. following those who perished in
defence of the assembly were declared 'beneméritos de la
patria en grado heróico.' _Id._, _Efem._, 8.

[IV-54] Marure, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 104, gives the
almost incredible account that the soldiery behaved in an
orderly manner.

[IV-55] His principal assistant and second in command, Manuel
Estrada, was imprisoned and executed. An erroneous account of
Ariza's revolt is given by Puydt and Binckum, _Colonisation_,
118-19, who place it in 1825, and assert it was effected by
order of the government in Spain.

[IV-56] It found support among some of the deputies who
had not been present at the election of the members of the
executive. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 25.

[IV-57] The last named being a foreigner, congress repealed
the law which admitted only natives to the executive
power, passed July 8th, when Filisola had been proposed as
a candidate. Foreigners who had rendered services to the
republic were made eligible. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, 107.

[IV-58] Villacorta at first declined the position, on the
ground that to exercise, as a mere substitute, the functions
he had just been discharging as proprietary in the office,
affected his honor, 'era un paso que lastimaba su honor.' A
unanimous resolution, however, of the congress, directing him
to fill the office, induced him to accept it. _Id._, 107-8.
It has been said of him for his final acceptance: 'Tuvo la
falta de delicadeza de admitir la suplencia.' _Mem. Rev.
Cent. Am._, 26.

[IV-59] The Salvadoran commander alleged instructions from
his government not to go back till he became convinced that
the assembly could continue its labors without hindrance
in the future. In Guatemala it was said that he had been
prevailed on by the liberal party, somewhat displeased at
the last elections for executive, not to heed the command
to retire. In consequence of the events of Sept. 14th in
Guatemala, the diputacion provincial at San Salvador on the
27th of Oct. assumed the powers of a junta gubernativa, and
exercised them till the constituent congress of the state was
installed. _Marure_, _Efem._, 8.

[IV-60] 'No sin algunos aparatos escandalosos y hostiles de
parte de los salvadoreños.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 27.

[IV-61] They had been reported to the chamber by its
committee on the 25th of Oct. _Marure_, _Efem._, 8.

[IV-62] The states had already constituted their governments
by Sept. 1824. Chiapas was not included among the new states.
Her admission was left open for such a time as she should
apply for it, the belief in Cent. Am. being that the province
had not voluntarily attached itself to Mexico. _Guat._,
_Recop. Leyes_, i. 40-2, 59-62, 68, 96-7; _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 27; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 120-1, 149;
_La Tribuna_, ii., no. 2.

[IV-63] Marure, _Efem._, 12, gives the date as April 10th.

[IV-64] _Cent. Am._, _Informe sobre la Constituc._, 1-73,
and 1-30. This constitution has been called 'el bello
ideal de copiantes y teoristas que soñaron un pueblo para
constituirlo, y que no conocian el país en que nacieron.'
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 36.

[IV-65] The asamblea, foreseeing this, had designed La
Antigua as the meeting place of the local congress; but the
latter at its first sittings selected for future times the
capital. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 179.

[IV-66] Such as to determine the military and financial
budgets, superintend the education of the people, declare war
and conclude peace, and regulate the financial and commercial
interests of the country. Its members were to be elected
at the rate of one for every 30,000 inhabitants. _Id._,
174-5. There were 17 representatives for Guatemala, nine for
Salvador, five for Honduras, six for Nicaragua, and two for
Costa Rica. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13. Dunlop, _Cent.
Am._, 164, says Honduras had six representatives.

[IV-67] _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13. Molina, _Costa Rica_,
19, criticises this organization as follows: 'Se estableció
un senado nulo, un Ejecutivo impotente y un congreso
absoluto.' Necessarily the greater number of representatives
of Guatemala would outweigh those of the other states, and
thus make the constitution only an imperfect copy of that
which had originally served as a model.

[IV-68] Part of the constitution is given in _Rocha_, _Código
Nic._, i. 37-9; on the following pages will be found such
clauses of the old Spanish constitution as were retained
under the new system. See also _Peralta_, _Costa R._, 5;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13-5.

[IV-69] 'Se hacen libres los esclavos que de reinos
extranjeros pasen á nuestros Estados, por recobrar su
libertad.' _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i. 212-13; _Guat._,
_Recop. Leyes_, i. 217-9; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
i. 133-5; _Id._, _Efem._, 10.

[IV-70] Holders of slaves thus emancipated were to be
indemnified. We are assured that no one ever applied for such
indemnification.

[IV-71] In 1840 Great Britain, would-be champion of the
world's high morality, on one occasion claimed the return
of some fugitive slaves from Belize, and supported the
demand with the presence of a man-of-war. Notwithstanding
her weakness, Central America refused to comply, on the
ground that under her constitution there were no slaves in
the country. _Crowe's Gospel_, 121-2; _Squier's Travels_,
ii. 385-6; _Revue Américaine_, ii. 550; _Dunlop's Cent.
Am._, 163. According to Molina, the number of slaves thus
emancipated was about 1,000.

[IV-72] 'Una confederacion general que representase unida
á la gran familia americana.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent.
Am._, 138.

[IV-73] Barclay, Herring, Richardson, & Co., whose agent was
J. Bailey. _Thompson's Guat._, 266; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, i. 143.

[IV-74] One of the conditions was that the republic should
not contract for another loan within two years. It was
estimated that the debt could be paid in 20 years. _Asamblea
Nac._, _Decreto_, Dec. 6, 1824, in _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, i. 144. That expectation was not realized.
Details will appear in connection with the finances of the
republic, elsewhere in this volume.

[IV-75] The total number of decrees passed was 137, and of
orders 1186. _El Indicador de Guat._, 1825, no. 16.

[V-1] He is represented as an able man, who had formerly
favored the union with Mexico, but afterward joined
the liberal party, becoming one of its most prominent
members. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 39-41, 46,
while acknowledging his ability, says that he was 'de
poca delicadeza ... de un carácter falso, y afectando una
franqueza y una moderacion que no le es propia.'

[V-2] The delegates of the different states were in the
following proportion: Guatemala 17, Salvador 9, Honduras and
Nicaragua 6 each, Costa Rica 2. The total number being 40,
and not 34 as Squier erroneously has it. _Travels_, ii. 388.

[V-3] Arce had in his favor the prestige of past services,
and his sufferings in the cause of independence. Valle had
the support of those who objected to Salvadoran predominance.
Moreover, he had been educated in Guatemala, and had property
there; from which circumstances it was surmised that he
would be more in sympathy with that state and the so-called
serviles. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 150; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 28-9.

[V-4] The total number of votes for the whole republic was
82, but three had been rejected by congress for various
reasons. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 210-11; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 40-1.

[V-5] Salvador insisted on having an episcopal see, in order
to be independent of Guatemala in ecclesiastical affairs.
This was the chief question at issue. Arce promised to
leave its decision to the next congress. _Arce_, _Mem._, 3.
Valle really had obtained more votes than Arce, and congress
defrauded him of his election. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
268.

[V-6] Barrundia had been elected upon Valle's refusal to
accept the office, and likewise declined it. Valle protested
against Arce's election as illegal, in several writings,
apparently to little purpose. _El Indicador_, 1825, no. 26
et seq.; _El Liberal_, 1825, no. 7, 8; _Nulidad de la prim.
elec._, passim; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 212-13;
_Id._, _Efem._, 13.

[V-7] Arce, _Mem._, 4, has it April 30th, but in view of the
numerous misprints in his work, the date given in the text is
probably more correct. It is the one supported by _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 213; _Squier's Travels_, ii.
388; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 164. Its first president was
Tomás Antonio O'Horan. This court superseded the audiencia
founded in 1544 at Gracias á Dios, and transferred in 1549 to
Guatemala. _Marure_, _Efem._, 14.

[V-8] It was for a defensive and offensive alliance and
equal privileges of trade. It was ratified by the Cent.
Am. govt Sept. 12, 1825. The full text is given in _Rocha_,
_Código Nic._, i. 95-9; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
i. xxxviii.-xlvii. See also _Ayon_, _Consid. Lím._, 28-9;
_Gaceta de Salv._, Oct. 12, 1854.

[V-9] It was therein stipulated that the citizens of both
republics should enjoy all the rights granted by one or
the other to the most favored nation. The same rights for
political purposes were also agreed upon, that of free
exercise of religion being included. All clauses of a
commercial character were to be in force 12 years; the others
perpetually. Privileges and rights enjoyed by the citizens of
either republic were to be also allowed to those immigrating
from the other. This treaty was ratified by the younger
republic on the 28th of June, 1826. The text in both English
and Spanish may be seen in _U. S. Govt Doc._, U. S. Acts,
Cong. 19, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc. 1, i. 149-70; _Am. St. Pap._,
For. Rel., v. 774-82; _Gordon's Digest of Laws_, 328-35;
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. xlvii.-lxv.

[V-10] Arce's Mess., March 1, 1826, in _Repertorio Am._, i.
274-9; _Santangelo_, _Congreso Panamá_, 73-5.

[V-11] Their newspapers, _El Liberal_ and _Don Meliton_,
charged him with partiality and incapacity. The latter, for
its satire and ridicule, was the more formidable foe, as Arce
himself acknowledges. _Mem._, 5.

[V-12] The departmental chief of Guatemala claimed that he
was not under Arce's authority, but under that of the state,
then residing at La Antigua. Congress empowered the executive
to compel the local authorities to attend the celebration,
and it was done. _Arce_, _Mem._, 8.

[V-13] The total number of decrees enacted was 92, and that
of orders submitted to the executive 308. For more details,
see _El Centro Americano_, 1826, 38.

[V-14] One half of the representatives of every state had to
retire, according to the constitution.

[V-15] He had at first declined the connection, but afterward
accepted it 'para dar rienda suelta á sus resentimientos y
pasiones contra el presidente Arce.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
48.

[V-16] Text in _Repertorio Am._, i. 273-89.

[V-17] He brought letters of recommendation from Pedro
Molina, who was representing Cent. Am. at Bogotá, and had
a high opinion of him, as he had served under Napoleon.
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 230.

[V-18] After he completed that work he was ordered to remain
on the coast till further orders from the government. The
congress tried in vain to prevent it.

[V-19] The reasons adduced by him in his _Mem._, 22-4, and
comments on the same in _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
236-7.

[V-20] 'Este asunto se renovaba cada vez que á los diputados
ministeriales convenia paralizar algun golpe contra el
ejecutivo.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 51.

[V-21] The deputies of Salvador defended their course in a
long argument, June 8, 1826, calling it an inevitable result
of the unlawful conduct of the majority of congress. _Doc._,
in _Arce_, _Mem._, 10-17.

[V-22] Restricting the archbishop's powers, and placing
him to some extent under civil authority; suppressing the
subventions of curates, and abolishing certain privileges
the clergy had till then enjoyed; tithes were reduced,
and persons under 25 years of age were not allowed to take
monastic vows. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 244-5.

[V-23] The full text of the resignation is given in _Arce_,
_Mem._, 25-7.

[V-24] 'Pondrá sobre las armas toda la fuerza que crea
necesaria.... En caso de resistencia repelerá la fuerza con
la fuerza.' _Id._, 32.

[V-25] On the ground that only Guatemala had paid such
contingent, and even more, and the other states had
arbitrarily eluded payments. Arce was accused, not without
foundation, it seems, of allowing such discrimination.

[V-26] On September 3, 1826; the document merely stipulates
a temporary suspension of hostilities, without further
entering into the question. _Arce_, _Mem._, 39. It has been
asserted that Espínola held a favorable position, and adds:
'A pesar de esto, capituló vergonzosamente'—a charge without
much foundation, in view of the numerical superiority of the
Guatemalan forces. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 52-3.

[V-27] Arce, _Mem._, 39-41, gives a lengthy account of his
deliberations, and doubts whether it would or not be just,
and consistent with his duties, to imprison Barrundia, all of
which is at least doubtful.

[V-28] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 53. _Crowe's Gospel_, 127,
and _Squier's Travels_, ii. 395, confound the jefe with his
brother José Francisco. The orders were, 'Que en el caso
de resistencia obre fuertemente hasta concluir el arresto y
ocupacion de las armas.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 41-2.

[V-29] This non-resistance is attributed to treachery on
the part of Vera, a Mexican commanding the state forces, who
subsequently entered the federal service. _Marure_, _Bosq.
Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 254-5.

[V-30] _Doc._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 26.

[V-31] It is a long doc., giving details, and dwelling
specially on the part Raoul had played. _Id._, 27-31.

[V-32] Comments and details on the subject in _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 255-8; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
53-4.

[V-33] 'Este desenlace hizo ridículo todo lo que antes habia
parecido un golpe maestro.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 54.

[V-34] To save appearances, Arce pretended to induce his
supporters to assume their positions in the chamber, but
there is little doubt of its being mere sham. It has been
intimated that even some liberals declined to sit, from
apprehension that an investigation of Arce's conduct might
lead to civil war.

[V-35] Still declaring its allegiance to the federation.
_Gaz. de Méx._, Jan. 25. 1827; _Arce_, _Mem._, 51.

[V-36] The impossibility of obtaining a quorum of members
chosen to the 2d congress, and impending civil war, were
among the reasons assigned for his action. The elections
were to be made on the basis of two deputies for every 30,000
inhabitants, and Cojutepeque in Salvador was appointed as the
place of meeting. This measure was at first well received by
the states, but afterward rejected in consequence of a decree
of the Salvador government on the 6th of Dec., inviting
the federal deputies to meet at the villa of Ahuachapan.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 17; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 56.

[V-37] Oct. 11, 1826. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i.
273; _Corres. Fed. Mex._, Nov. 27, 1826.

[V-38] He sought refuge in the parish church, but was
pursued by the crowd. His only safety lay in the pulpit,
the remonstrances of the religious, and the presence of
the host. The religious succeeded at times in calming the
rabble, promising that Flores should be sent into exile.
But Antonio Corzo, who was in the court-yard with a few
poorly armed militiamen, fired a volley upon the mob, which
became still more excited. The women dragged Flores from the
pulpit, took him out of the temple, 'y le inmolaron en un
claustro bárbara y horrorosamente.' _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
57-8. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 396, has it that the Indians
had been infuriated by the harangues of a friar from the
pulpit, and that the rabble slaughtered Flores at the very
foot of the altar, literally rending his body in pieces;
the apparent cause of this vindictiveness of the priests
being that in the general levy of taxes for the state the
property of the convents had not been spared. 'And thus was
the movement started by the aristocrats, seconded by their
allies, the priests.' Ex-president Morazan, referring to that
catastrophe, uses these words: 'Puesto en manos de un feroz
populacho, instigado por las funestas ideas que le inculcaron
sus sacerdotes, pereció al pié de las imágenes de los santos,
á la vista de sus inicuos jueces, y en presencia de la
eucaristía, que estos cubrieran.' _Apuntes_, MS., 4. Flores
had been noted for his charity to the poor, specially to the
Indians, to whom he constantly gave medical aid, medicines,
and other necessaries. The state assembly, after being
restored in 1829, decreed honors to his memory, and ordered
placed in its hall of sessions an inscription in letters of
gold, as follows: 'Al inmortal Vice-jefe Ciudadano Cirilo
Flores, mártir de la Libertad, sacrificado en Quezaltenango,
en las aras de la ley.' In May 1831 the name of Ciudad Flores
was given in his honor to the head town of the district of
Peten. _Marure_, _Efem._, 17, 28.

[V-39] The liberals looked upon it as the result of an
arrangement of Arce and his partisans; the latter declared
it to have resulted from an accident, or rather from violent
acts on the part of liberals in Quezaltenango, such as
forcibly taking horses in the night from private houses and
the Franciscan convent. Marure states that he thoroughly
examined every document bearing on the subject, and found no
evidence against Arce or his party. _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
i. 275-85. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 58, acquits
_Arce_, attributing the act to a sudden popular excitement.
See also _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 15; _Crowe's Gospel_,
127-8; _Pineda_, in _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, iii. 348;
_Corres. Fed. Mex._, Nov. 9, 1826; _Doc._, in _Arce_, _Mem._,
32-3.

[V-40] There was an effort toward reconciliation, the
liberals offering to make concessions, and Arce favoring
their proposals; but the serviles haughtily refused.

[V-41] Owing, it was said, to the publication of a pontifical
bull, which, under Arce's exequatur, had been restricted to
Guatemala by the archbishop, a step that Delgado supposed
to have been by Arce's instigation, or at least a lack of
interest on his part for San Salvador. _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 60. Arce himself attributed the estrangement to party
intrigues. _Mem._, 60. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 165, assigns
disputes about the erection of the bishopric as the cause of
the rupture.

[V-42] Arce, _Mem._, 61, finds fault with Prado's act, when
his own had been just as illegal.

[V-43] Colonel Milla invaded the state with a federal force,
captured Comayagua on the 9th of May, 1827, and arrested
the jefe of the state, Herrera. The whole was a wanton
proceeding. _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 6-9.

[V-44] The commander of the Salvadorans was unable to explain
his illegal proceeding. _Doc._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 45-6.

[V-45] Detailed accounts, with copies of the official
exaggerated reports, are given in _Gaz. de Méx._, Apr. 26
till May 1 and May 22, 1827; _Marure_, _Efem._, 19; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 62-4. Decree of government of Guatemala on
the subject, March 28, 1827. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 250.

[V-46] Beltranena and several of Arce's officers disapproved
the retaliatory plan. Aycinena, on the contrary, favored it,
though willing to abide by Arce's decision.

[V-47] Both districts had seceded from the state government
of Salvador, attaching themselves to the federal cause.

[V-48] He committed the error of entertaining peace
proposals, which were made only to gain time. He endeavored
to explain it away on the plea of Cent. Am. brotherhood:
'Puedo yo dejar de tener un corazon Centro Americano? No
es posible.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 69. On the same and following
pages is a detailed account of the action, carefully worded
and extolling the bravery of his Guatemalan soldiers.
The official reports are in _El Sol_, Mex., July 3, 1827;
_Marure_, _Efem._, 19.

[V-49] The government of Salvador had in May made peace
proposals, but the federal authorities rejected them.
_Docs._, in _Arce_, _Mem._, 47-57.

[V-50] It was decided in secret session of the state assembly
on the 16th of Oct. that the state had a right to intervene,
and if it was ignored, and treaties displeasing to the state
were concluded, the latter should detach itself from the
federation, and its troops continue occupying the towns they
then held. Arce's letter of Oct. 17, 1827, to Brig. Cáscaras,
in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 22.

[V-51] It may have been of his own seeking, for he must have
seen ere this the great difficulty of conquering San Salvador
with his small force, and that to continue longer in the
field would only bring him into further disrepute.

[V-52] Ex-marqués de Aycinena, brother of the jefe of
Guatemala, called the decree impolitic, illegal, and
arbitrary. The serviles could see that it would restore
the old congress, so hostile to them; and with a majority
against them in both houses, they might have to resort to
the dangerous expedient of driving away the senators and
deputies at the point of the bayonet. It was ridiculous in
them to rail against arbitrariness, when they had arbitrarily
deposed Barrundia in Guatemala and Herrera in Honduras. It
was arbitrary to keep the nation without a congress, which
was their work. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 9, 23.

[V-53] Three brothers Merino, and a Frenchman named
Soumaestra. Rafael Merino was made commander-in-chief. _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 75; _Arce_, _Mem._, 77.

[V-54] Near the hill of La Trinidad the federal forces which
had control of Honduras were defeated by Nicaraguans and
Salvadorans under Lieut-col Remigio Diaz. _Marure_, _Efem._,
20.

[V-55] It is difficult to see how the Guatemalans could place
faith on pledges so often violated; evidently given to gain
time.

[V-56] This ended the second campaign between Salvadorans and
Guatemalans.

[V-57] This army was to be used, first in subduing Salvador,
and next Guatemala, where Arce encountered more and more
opposition to his plans. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 81-2.

[V-58] The commissioners, as agreed upon, were to meet at
Jutiapa. Those of the general government went there and
waited several days; no Salvadorans appeared.

[V-59] The mutiny took place at Xalpatagua on the 9th of Feb.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 20; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 83-5. Aycinena
wrote his cousin Antonio, who was in the theatre of war, that
in order to hinder all peace arrangements, measures would be
resorted to that were unknown even to Machiavelli. The mutiny
against Perks was evidently one of these measures.

[V-60] He alleged as a reason the unwillingness of Salvador
to enter into negotiations as long as he remained at the head
of affairs. _Arce_, _Mem._, 84-7. The real cause, however,
was a resolution of the assembly of Guatemala demanding his
resignation, and he was unable to disregard it. This course
of the assembly was altogether illegal, but the time for the
expiation of Arce's political sins had arrived. According
to his own statement, he retired to his plantations at Santa
Ana.

[V-61] This was the most bloody fight of the war of 1826-9,
and opened the third campaign between Guatemala and Salvador.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 21.

[V-62] Their supply of ammunition had been destroyed by fire,
and their commander had received a serious contusion. This
fight has been since known as the 'ataque del viérnes santo,'
having taken place on good-friday, March 12, 1828. _Id._, 21.

[V-63] April 13th, action of Quelepa, in which the
Salvadorans were defeated. With that victory, and another at
Guascoran on the 25th of the same month, the whole department
of San Miguel was brought under subjection to the federal
government. June 12th, peace stipulations were signed at the
house of Esquibel, Manuel F. Pavon acting for the federal
government and Matías Delgado for Salvador, by which the
former was to be recognized by the latter, a general diet
was to meet at Santa Ana, and a federal force occupy San
Salvador; but the Salvador government refused to sanction the
arrangement, and the war continued with more fury than ever.
Details on those preliminaries are given in _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 100-1. July 6th, battle of Gualcho, on the banks of
the Lempa, in the department of San Miguel, between Hondurans
and Guatemalans. The latter, under Col. Dominguez, hitherto
victorious, were utterly defeated. _Marure_, _Efem._, 21-2;
_El Espíritu Púb._, Jan. 18, 1829.

[V-64] Arzú had abandoned them to their fate. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 47-51.

[V-65] _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS.; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
i. 53-4. Thus ended disastrously for the federal forces
their third invasion of Salvador territory. The actions of
Gualcho and San Antonio were the first in which the great
Central American soldier and statesman Francisco Morazan
figured as a general. Morazan will stand in history in many
respects as the best, and in all as the ablest, man that
Central America had. He was born in Honduras in 1799, his
father being a French creole from the W. I., and his mother
of Tegucigalpa, in Honduras. His education was such as he
could obtain in the country at that time; but his quickness
of apprehension and thirst for knowledge soon placed him far
above his countrymen. He was of an impetuous temperament, and
possessed at the same time great decision and perseverance.
His bearing was free and manly, and his manner frank and
open. These qualities could not fail to and did secure him
the love and respect of his fellow-citizens, giving him an
immense influence over them. In 1824 he was already occupying
the position of secretary-general of Honduras, and later
was senator, and for a time acting jefe of that state; but
his temperament soon made him turn his attention to martial
affairs. He ever after was noted as a republican of very
liberal views. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 400; _Dunlop's Cent.
Am._, 170-1; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 17. The writer of
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 92, says that Morazan had been at
one time a clerk in a notary's office at Comayagua, where he
'habia dado á conocer disposiciones muy felices, pero poco
honrosas, para la imitacion de letras ó firmas.' It has been
said that Morazan joined the party opposed to the existing
federal government at the instigation of Pedro Molina.
_Gaceta de S. Salv._, Oct. 3, 1851. A portrait of Morazan is
given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 72.

[V-66] It has been asserted that he offered his services to
Salvador, and was slighted, _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 97-8,
which finds confirmation in Arce's own statement. _Mem._,
88-9. Squier has it that Arce went to Mexico, _Travels_, ii.
402; but this seems to be a mistake, for he was in Guatemala
in 1829.

[V-67] A few days previously, on the 20th, the assembly of
Guatemala decreed a renewal of all the powers of the state,
with the vain purpose of removing one of the obstacles to the
termination of the war. _Marure_, _Efem._, 22.

[V-68] Prado and Morazan offered peace to the Guatemalans
on condition that the federal government should be fully
restored. _El Espíritu Púb._, Feb. 14, 1829.

[V-69] He established his general headquarters in Ahuachapan,
whence raids were constantly made into the enemy's territory.

[V-70] This took place on the 22d of Jan., 1829. The
sedition, though soon quelled, rather hastened the action of
Morazan with his allied Salvador and Honduras force.

[V-71] The repulse was so unimportant, however, that Morazan
does not even mention it in his memoirs. _Marure_, _Efem._,
23; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 61.

[V-72] _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 123; _Marure_, _Efem._, 23,
gives the 18th as the date. Morazan, _Apuntes_, MS., 14,
says with reference to that defeat, 'Cerda acreditó en esta
derrota su ineptitud y cobardía y el enemigo su crueldad
con el asesinato de los vencidos.' After that the town was
given the title of Villa de la Victoria; but later resumed
its original name. This defeat was exaggerated in San
Salvador, where it was reported that Morazan was besieged in
La Antigua, and preparations to meet another invasion were
hastily made.

[V-73] Morazan might have been besieged in La Antigua; for
during his stay there he despatched a force to Quezaltenango,
that should have been followed by another from Guatemala,
and destroyed between the latter and the few forces that
Irisarri might have brought against it in the hard roads of
Istaguacan and Laja; instead of which, Irisarri retreated
toward Soconusco, to be afterward undone and taken prisoner.
Morazan's force occupied Los Altos, took many prisoners,
levied contributions which Irisarri had failed to get from
the Quezaltecs, and left the enemy powerless to recuperate.
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 124; _Morazan's Memoirs_, quoted in
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 63.

[V-74] March 6, 1829. The disaster occurred at San Miguelito.
_Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 15. The place received, for that
reason, the name of San Miguel Morazan. The Frenchman Raoul,
now a general under Morazan, figures prominently in the
military operations at this time.

[V-75] On the 15th of March. _Marure_, _Efem._, 23;
_Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 15; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
62-3.

[V-76] The federal force that succumbed in Las Charcas was
commanded by their mayor-general, Agustin Prado, not Col
Pacheco, as supposed by some. The federals had no general
now. Cáscaras had lost his reputation, and was distrusted
by the serviles. Arzú would not take the command, or was not
trusted on account of his ill success in the third invasion
of Salvador. Morazan had defeated Milla, Dominguez, Aycinena,
Pacheco, and Prado. _Id._, 63-4.

[V-77] The representatives were, Arbeu for Vice-president
Beltranena, Pavon for Guatemala, Espinosa for Salvador, and
Morazan for Honduras and Nicaragua. The last propositions
of Espinosa and Morazan were the following, namely: 1st.
That a provisional government should be formed in Guatemala,
composed of the chief of the state Mariano Aycinena, Mariano
Prado, and Morazan; 2d. That the two armies should be reduced
to 1,000 men, Guatemalans and Salvadorans in equal parts;
3d. That the provisional government should be installed in
Pinula, and afterward enter Guatemala with that force to
give it strength and preserve order in the state; 4th. A
general forgetfulness of the past. _Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS.,
5, 16; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 65. It is claimed,
on the other hand, that Morazan really wanted the federal
vice-president and the chief of the state of Guatemala
to throw up their offices, the legislative assembly and
representative council to cease exercising their functions;
and that of 1826, sitting at La Antigua, and which had made
Zenteno chief, was also to dissolve; the supreme court of
justice was to stop acting. Meantime, and until new elections
took place, Morazan was to be clothed with executive,
representative, and judicial powers. Under the pretext
of restoring the sway of law and constitutional order, a
dictatorship, emanating from a war treaty, would have been
created, whose sole object was to reward the victor with
an unlimited authority. The commissioners of the federal
and Guatemalan governments refused to accede, and presented
counter-propositions of a different nature, namely, to the
effect that the existing high functionaries should resign
their powers, and a provisional government be established,
with one representative from each state, to govern till new
elections and the restoration of the constitutional régime.
There were also propositions respecting the government of
the state of Guatemala. Full details in _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 125-9, 231-6, which are widely different from those in
_Morazan_, _Apuntes_, MS., 16. The government of Mexico, at
the request of that of Guatemala, tendered its mediation on
the 20th of February, but it arrived too late, and there was
nothing left for it to do but to tender the hospitalities
of the Mexican soil to the victims of persecution. The full
correspondence is to be found in _Méx._, _Mem. Rel._, 1830,
2-3; also in _Suarez y Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 407-14; this
authority claims that Mexican mediation might have been
finally successful in restoring peace but for the opposition
of the new chief of Guatemala.

[V-78] A long account of the alleged outrages of Morazan's
forces appears in _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 132-3. Marure,
_Efem._, 24, in referring to the capture of Guatemala, makes
no mention of any such abuses.

[V-79] Morazan's answer was addressed to Gen. Aycinena,
not recognizing the latter as chief of Guatemala, Juan
Barrundia's term not having expired when Arce deposed him,
in consequence of which act Aycinena rose to that position.
The dissolved authorities of 1826 were now assembled in La
Antigua, and Morazan held relations with them. Aycinena had
changed his tone; he was no longer the man of the manifestoes
of 1827, of the proscriptive decrees, nor of the stringent
military orders of the first months of 1829. He did not
now call his opponents 'un puñado de enemigos del órden,
descamisados y forajidos.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
72-5, 79-86.

[V-80] Astaburuaga, _Cent. Am._, 18, erroneously places the
surrender on the 20th. The terms of the capitulation are
given in _Arce_, _Mem._, 98-4; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
i. 76-7. Only the life and property of the inhabitants
were guaranteed; the vanquished were in all else subject to
the good-will of the victor. José Milla y Vidaurre, in his
biographical sketch of Manuel Francisco Pavon, who figured
in these events, claims that the capitulation was contrary
to Aycinena's wishes, who was ready to defend the place foot
by foot. Montúfar, quoted above, denies the statement, adding
that it was advanced solely to make the chief of the serviles
and head man of the nobles appear as a hero, and refers to
the correspondence, which will show Aycinena quite anxious to
accept the guarantee of life and property.

[V-81] According to Miguel García Granados, who in later
years was a liberal leader and acting president of Guatemala,
Arce had remained unmolested at his house in sight of the
besiegers during the three days' attack. _Id._, 103.

[V-82] This was done pursuant to orders from the governments
of the states. So says Morazan himself, adding that the
measure was in consonance with his own views, to reduce the
number of prisoners to a minimum, 'y tenia tambien por objeto
poner en absoluta incapacidad de obrar á los principales
jefes que habian llevado la guerra á los Estados.' _Apuntes_,
MS., 16-17.

[V-83] He took charge of the provisional government at the
end of April. Mariano Zenteno, who had held the position
ad int., was given a vote of thanks for his patriotism and
courage. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 127.

[V-84] The federal authorities alleged that their soldiers
only had 431 muskets, and not 1,500, as demanded from them.
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 236-9. Morazan says that soldiers were
allowed to leave the city with their arms, infringing the 4th
clause of the capitulation, and he could get only evasive
answers. _Apuntes_, MS., 17; _Arce_, _Mem._, 58-9, 98-103,
from which the conclusion will be drawn that the charges
against the federal party were not unfounded. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 109-17. On this subject Morazan himself
said: 'No one was put to death, or had money exacted from
him by me. The capitulation was faithfully carried out,
even after being annulled. Duty gave way to magnanimity, and
there was no cause to regret it. Not that there was no blood
to avenge, grievance to punish, and reparation to demand.
Among many other victims sacrificed, there were, calling
for vengeance, generals Pierzon and Merino, the one shot,
without even the form of a trial, the other taken out of a
Chilian vessel on which he intended to return to Guayaquil,
his country, to be murdered in the city of San Miguel. There
were, besides, the burning and plundering of the towns of
Salvador and Honduras, which demanded a just reparation.'
_Apuntes_, MS., 10, 17.

[V-85] He called them to the palace, and some of them
mistaking the object of the summons made their appearance
in full uniform. When all were assembled they were taken to
prison and kept in confinement till July 9th, when most of
them were sent out of the country. _Marure_, _Efem._, 24.

[V-86] _Marure_, _Efem._, 24.

[V-87] Among its acts was one recognizing the services of
Morazan, to whom was due its reinstallation. He was voted
a gold medal, with the word 'benemérito' before his name.
A full-length portrait was ordered placed in the hall
of sessions. The decree, however, was never carried out.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 129; _Marure_, _Efem._, 25.

[V-88] 'Son reos de alta traicion, y como tales, acreedores á
la pena capital.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 108; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
151; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 130.

[V-89] The text is given in full in _Id._, 131-4; _Mem. Rev.
Cent. Am._, 253-7; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 254-6.

[V-90] 'Y por lo mismo sujetos á la jurisdiccion militar de
los mismos Estados.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 134-5.

[V-91] Crowe, _Gospel Cent. Am._, 131, erroneously asserts
that all their property was confiscated.

[V-92] Arce addressed to Morazan a most virulent protest.
He afterward boasted that he had bearded the tyrant. The
very fact that he dared to send such a document, and did
not lose his head, proves that Morazan was not a tyrant.
_Arce_, _Mem._, 113-14. Antonio José Irisarri, Manuel and
Juan Montúfar, protested before the assembly and government
of Salvador, before the assemblies of all the states of
the union, before Gen. Morazan, before all the republics of
America, and before all the free people of the world. The
document was drawn up by Irisarri, who was not a soldier,
though a colonel of militia; the language was pure and
elegant, but it was virulent and full of sophistry. Irisarri
also in several publications boasted of his courage in having
sent such a document. He must have known that it would not
have any effect on Morazan. The latter was a generous man.
The effect would have been different on Rafael Carrera, whom
the serviles at a later period made their master, as well as
of the whole country. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 135-6.

[V-93] Marure has it in _Efem._, 25; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, i. 137-9.

[V-94] Portrait in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 138.

[V-95] The senate, dissolved in 1826, was reinstalled July
9th. _Marure_, _Efem._, 25.

[V-96] Arce, _Mem._, 122-3, and _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
167-9, assert that they were not even allowed to make
preparations for the journey, and many had furthermore to
start on foot. The decree of expatriation was not, however,
issued till August 22d, and José del Valle is said to have
been its author. The persons thus exiled for life were
Arce and Beltranena, and their ministers, Aycinena and
his secretaries, Cáscaras, Villar, and other high military
officers, Spaniards not naturalized that served the usurping
governments, and many other prominent officers. Others were
expatriated for various terms of years. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, i. 144-50; _Marure_, _Efem._, 26. Arce and Aycinena
left Guatemala on the 7th of Sept. They were required to
reside in the U. S. of Am.; embarked at Omoa for Belize, and
thence went to New Orleans.

[V-97] Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 177, and Squier, _Travels_, ii.
408, speak of plots against the republic as the reason, but
it was probably what the liberal party alleged.

[V-98] This step was subsequently approved by the federal
congress. _Marure_, _Efem._, 25; _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, ii.
373. The friars sent away were the Dominicans, Franciscans,
and Recollects. Those of the order of Mercy were not
banished; they were but few, and had not been active against
the liberal cause. The Bethlehemite hospitallers, who devoted
their time to teaching and to the care of convalescents,
were also allowed to remain. The author of _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 170, says that the exiled priests were on the passage
vilely treated, for they were allowed only sailors' rations.
Montúfar confesses that it is not likely that the 289 friars
had the succulent viands that were usually prepared for them
in their convents, nor the dainty dishes they were so often
favored with from the nuns, beatas, and all the daughters
of confession. As for the archbishop, he journeyed with
every comfort. Juan B. Asturias, who made the inventory of
his property, reported on 31st of Dec., 1829, that $218 had
been paid for a saddled mule to take the archbishop to the
coast; he was allowed $2,000 for the expenses of his journey,
and $1,008.50 were given to the pages for conveying him and
his effects. A person having all that cannot be said to be
unprovided with edibles. Saint Peter would not have needed so
much. _Reseña Hist._, i. 156-7.

[V-99] In June 1830 he was declared a traitor. It has been
said that it was because he accepted a pension of $3,000
from the Spanish government at Habana. Archbishop Casaus was
later appointed to administer the vacant see of Habana, and
held the office till his death. The above-mentioned law was
revoked by the constituent assembly on the 21st of June,
1839, and Casaus was restored to all his former rights,
and recognized as legitimate archbishop. He was repeatedly
invited to return, but never would do so. _Guat._, _Recop.
Leyes_, i. 242-3.

[V-100] This declaration was subsequently confirmed by
all the states. At a later time—Feb. 27, 1834—a further
step was taken to consummate the suppression of monastic
establishments, ordaining that the authorities should not
retain the nuns refusing to reside in the convents where
they professed. These measures continued in force till June
21, 1839, when the second constituent assembly of Guatemala
repealed them, decreeing, consequently, the reëstablishment
of the suppressed convents. _Marure_, _Efem._, 25.

[V-101] He had been declared elected on the 22d of Aug.,
1829. Antonio Rivera Cabezas had been chosen vice-jefe.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 172-4, giving also a portrait
of Molina.

[V-102] Because the number of Guatemalan representatives in
the federal congress would be greatly decreased. Moreover,
several of the best public buildings in the city would become
national property. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 200.

[V-103] By his plan a congress representing the entire union
was to wield the executive powers in foreign affairs. The
scheme fell through, owing to the little interest shown
by the states, and to the powerful opposition of persons
holding or aspiring to federal offices, among the most
prominent being Morazan. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 201-3, dwells
extensively and comments on the subject.

[V-104] Full particulars in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
205-17.

[V-105] This report came from Gen. Mariano Mantilla,
commanding the Colombian district of the Magdalena, dated
Jan. 8, 1829, and addressed to the jefe of Nicaragua. It was
a long time in getting to Guatemala, and the government and
Gen. Morazan at once made preparations for the defence of the
coast.

[V-106] See my _Hist. Mex._, v. 72-6.

[V-107] Under this decree some of the Spanish property was
sold; but after a while, upon the receipt of favorable news
from Mexico, and when there was a quasi certainty that Spain
would not again make such attempts as that against Tampico,
the law was revoked. But property already sold was declared
to be legally disposed of, adding that the former owners
should not be indemnified therefor till Spain had recognized
Central American independence. The texts of both the federal
and Guatemalan decrees may be seen in _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, i. 182-7.

_Memorias para la Historia de la Revolucion de Centro
América. Por un Guatemalteco._ Jalapa, 1832. 16mo, 257 pp.
The authorship of these memoirs was attributed by
well-informed men, namely, Morazan, ex-president of Central
America, and the distinguished statesman and diplomate of
that country, Lorenzo Montúfar, to Manuel Montúfar, who had
been chief of staff of the first president of the republic,
Manuel José Arce. The work begins with the geography and
political and ecclesiastical divisions of the country,
accompanied with data on each of the states and
territories; namely, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Poyais,
Honduras, Salvador, Guatemala, and Chiapas, together with
some remarks on mining and other industries, military
defences, and financial condition. The political portion,
as the author himself acknowledges, is loosely put
together, and lacks many necessary details, which he
attributes to absence from home when the first sheets went
to the press. He claims, however, to have impartially and
correctly narrated the events of Cent. Am. history from
1820 to 1829. This to some extent is true; nevertheless
there crops out in places class-bias, particularly in
describing the events from 1826 to 1829, by the ideas which
prevailed in the moderado, otherwise called servile, party,
in which he was affiliated and serving, and for whose acts
he, like many others, was driven into exile after the
defeat of that party on the field of battle.

_Manuel José Arce_, _Memoria de la Conducta Pública y
Administrativa de ... durante el período de su
presidencia._ Mex., 1830. 8vo, p. 140 and 63. This work
purports to be a defence of his administration by the first
president of the republic of Central America, against what
he calls the slanders heaped upon his name by those who
rebelled against the government and the nation, with
documents bearing on the revolts, the whole having been
prepared while the author was in exile. The book is a
disconnected, disjointed patchwork, incomplete in its
various records of events, and indicates, as does Arce's
career, a weak character. A number of meaningless and inapt
quotations from the old classics and from law-books help to
confuse the narrative still more.

[VI-1] Most of them had been agents of Milla, and contributed
to the overthrow of the state government. A number had moved
to Guatemala, Salvador, and elsewhere. The most prominent
in the list were the ex-provisor, Nicolás Irias, and Pedro
Arriaga. The latter was sent out of the country from the
port of Omoa. He had been Milla's chief agent and adviser,
and brought about the destruction by fire of Comayagua, his
native place. This will account for his hostility in after
years to liberals, and for his active coöperation with the
despots of Guatemala. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 190.

[VI-2] The pretext for the movement was to resist a moderate
tax established by the legislature; the real object was to
bring on a reaction.

[VI-3] The friendship existing between Barrundia and Molina,
from the earliest period of their political life, previous to
the independence, became weakened, threatening a disruption
of the liberal party. The disagreement was increased by
Molina's opposition to the federal government remaining in
Guatemala.

[VI-4] The same who made the revolt of Xalpatagua, murdered
Gen. Merino at San Miguel, and was defeated at Gualcho.

[VI-5] _Marure_, _Efem._, 26.

[VI-6] Forty-one of them, including the clergyman Antonio
Rivas, were sentenced to military duty in the castle of San
Felipe for five years. Father Rivas, after serving out his
term, said that he was an innocent victim and a martyr of
religion, and prayed upon the liberals all the maledictions
of the 108th psalm. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 196.

[VI-7] Composed of the citizens Nicolás Espinosa, José
Antonio Larrave, Manuel José de la Cerda, and Jacobo Rosa.

[VI-8] Barrundia did not want the position, and did not
work for it. He wished Morazan to be elected. Morazan had
in his favor the prestige of a victorious general. He was
somewhat in the position of Bonaparte when he returned from
Egypt. Valle was recognized to be the best informed man of
Central America; none could compete with him in literary
or scientific attainments. In politics he was always an
opponent of the aristocracy, who execrated his memory, and
even impudently pretended to deny his literary merits. But
we have seen elsewhere that he was not, like Barrundia,
an uncompromising opponent of all governments not based on
democracy and republicanism. He compromised with the Mexican
empire, was a deputy to the imperial congress, where he made
a brilliant record, and became a minister of the emperor, who
sent him to prison when he dissolved the congress. After the
emperor's overthrow, Valle maintained that the provinces of
Central America were free to act their own pleasure. He was a
popular man, but Morazan's victorious sword eclipsed all else
just then. _Id._, 268.

[VI-9] It was the same question that occurred in 1825
between Arce and Valle. The congress at that time, in order
to exclude Valle, decided in favor of the former. Valle
published pamphlets in favor of the latter principle, and the
congress of 1830 acted upon his arguments.

[VI-10] Among the warmest were those of the legislature of
Guatemala. The spokesman for the committee presenting them
was Alejandro Marure.

[VI-11] This was a common course with our brethren across the
Atlantic. _Marure_, _Efem._, 27; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 414.

[VI-12] This was on the 21st of Nov., at about 11 p. m.

[VI-13] _Larrainzar_, _Soconusco_, 80; _Morazan y Carrera_,
MS., no. 3, 9, say troops from Mexico, which is doubtful.

[VI-14] Details on this campaign are given in _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 348-65.

[VI-15] The national armed schooner _Deseada_ took the
_Ejecutivo_. The Spanish flags that waved over the fort
and the latter vessel were dragged through the streets of
Guatemala, tied to the tails of horses, on the day of the
national anniversary. Ramon Guzman was executed at Omoa
on the 13th of Sept., by order of Col Agustin Guzman, who
commanded, Terrelonge being bedridden by a serious illness.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 377-81; _Marure_, _Efem._, 29.

[VI-16] A man who, though amenable to exile under the law of
expulsion, had been pardoned at his repeated supplications.

[VI-17] Duplessis died like a hero. His execution was a
murder, similar to that of Gen. Merino. Both instances
served as an example of what the liberals might expect if the
serviles got the upper hand again.

[VI-18] Among them were a number of rosaries and prayers to
the virgin of Guadalupe, supposed to possess the power of
benumbing the enemy in the fight.

[VI-19] He is said not to have shown at the hour of his
execution that courage which was manifested by his victims at
the scaffold.

[VI-20] It was probably unfounded; and yet the fact stands
that though often requested to make Arce reside farther
in the interior, the Mexican authorities never did it.
Arce recruited his men, issued proclamations, and built
forts undisturbed by the Chiapanec officials, who, on the
other hand, exerted themselves to hinder the action of the
government forces.

[VI-21] This man was a servile at heart, and undoubtedly
had secret relations with the invaders; as was shown in the
proclamation of Dominguez and Father Herrera, in the praises
the serviles awarded him, and in his rebellion. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 334, 382.

[VI-22] It is understood they were jealous in Salvador
of Guatemala's influence in the federal policy. Cornejo
claimed that what he wanted was reforms in the national
constitution. Reforms were certainly necessary, and if they
had been adopted in good faith by the states, the union
might have been saved. The executive had no participation
in the framing of laws, either directly or indirectly; he
had not the sanction of them, nor could he veto or suspend.
It was the senate, as the council of the government, that
sanctioned the laws. That body, elected very like the
chamber of deputies, was the judge of ministers and other
functionaries. It nominated the officials, and at the same
time had legislative, administrative, and judicial powers.
The president of the republic had no independent place of
abode, and was ever at the mercy of the state where the
federal government had its seat; at best, he was the object
of that state's benevolent hospitality. On the other hand, he
was the target of all the assaults promoted by the spirit of
localism for or against that state. It was therefore evident
that a federal district was a necessity; one which the states
would look upon as common property, and would foster and
advance.

[VI-23] Galvez' record is not clean in the eyes of many
liberals. He had belonged to the imperial party, and had been
leagued with the aristocracy. He was a patriot, it is true,
but his patria was Guatemala; his patriotism did not embrace
all Central America. Such is the opinion given of him, with
his portrait, by Montúfar, in _Reseña Hist._, i. 296.

[VI-24] Besides, Cornejo had officially said that Morazan had
neither supporters nor prestige in Salvador.

[VI-25] Galvez had wanted arrangements made to repel
invaders, but leaving Cornejo, though he disliked his
indiscreet acts, in his position. Morazan was, on the
contrary, impressed with the idea that Cornejo's deposal was
a necessity.

[VI-26] The act outlawed all persons who having been expelled
from Nicaraguan territory should uphold the authorities of
Salvador. Correspondence with the enemies of the country, or
any expression, verbal or written, favoring them, were made
punishable by death. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 338.

[VI-27] Cornejo had consented to negotiate, believing the
force on the frontier to be controlled by Guatemala; but on
ascertaining that it was under Morazan's orders, and that
Galvez had merely intended a mediation without being recreant
to his federal obligations, his commissioners broke off the
conferences under various pretexts.

[VI-28] It was a great mistake, perhaps, not to have given
the state time to reflect, when it might have gone back
quietly to the union. As it was, liberals were for the first
time arrayed against liberals, and the shedding of blood
begat animosities that never could be healed. The serviles,
of course, gladly fanned the flame.

[VI-29] In fact, they hardly made any resistance. The
president's casualties were trifling. _Marure_, _Efem._, 30;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 340.

[VI-30] The following facts are taken from _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, lib. iii., chap. 14. Filisola in 1823 needed
2,000 bayonets to take San Salvador. In 1827-8, Arce, Arzú,
and Montúfar failed to do it with an equal, if not a larger
force. In 1832 Morazan with only 800 men made himself
master of the place in less than two hours. The object of
these remarks was to show that no credit should be given to
Morazan's detractors in their attempts to lessen his military
reputation. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 343.

[VI-31] There were 38 of them, including Cornejo and Antonio
J. Cañas.

[VI-32] The new rulers, raised to power under the auspices of
the victor, declared those of 1831 and the beginning of 1832
to have been illegitimate, and organized courts for the trial
of treason. The decrees of June 7 and 26, and July 28, 1832,
were severe; fortunately, they were not executed with the
same animosity displayed in enacting them. _Marure_, _Efem._,
30.

[VI-33] Nicaragua seceded Dec. 3, 1832; Guatemala, Jan. 27,
1833; Salvador repeated her declaration on Feb. 13, 1833;
Honduras and Costa Rica separated themselves, respectively,
on the 19th of May and 18th of Sept., 1833. _Marure_,
_Efem._, 32; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 42-3; _Astaburuaga_,
_Cent. Am._, 20; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 184; _Crowe's Gospel_,
134; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 417.

[VI-34] 'Todos los habitantes de la república son libres para
adorar á Dios segun su conciencia, y que el gobierno nacional
les proteje en el ejercicio de esta libertad.' _Marure_,
_Efem._, 31. José F. Barrundia is said to have effectively
fathered this resolution. _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 12, 1854.

[VI-35] July 8, 1833. Barrundia's speech in closing the
congress is given in _El Centro Americano_, July 11, 1833,
57-69.

[VI-36] This jealousy had developed during the states' rights
agitation.

[VI-37] Guatemala rejected this convocation by an act of
June 2, 1833. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 240-1. A project
appeared in the _Centro Americano_ of June 11, 1833, 28-30,
to terminate the question of equal numerical representation
in congress for the five states. It was proposed to divide
the territory into three states of about the same population
each, the executive authority to be alternately held by the
presidents of the three states. The plan was impracticable.

[VI-38] The adoption of such a plan by the federal congress
could not be secured until July 18, 1838. The decree of
convocation issued on that date was generally accepted,
and yet the diet never met till March 17, 1842. _Marure_,
_Efem._, 33.

[VI-39] The correspondence between the state governments for
the strict vigilance on the coast of that state appears in
_El Centro Americano_, Oct. 18, 1833; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, ii. 41-2.

[VI-40] Pursuant to a resolution of the national congress
of June 25, 1833. As early as 1826 the government of
Salvador had tried to have the federal authorities reside
at least 40 leagues from Guatemala. Similar requests
had been subsequently made by other states; and even in
the legislature of Guatemala reiterated motions had been
presented to the same effect. But the federalist party,
as long as it was in the majority in congress, strenuously
opposed the removal, believing that it would bring about, as
it actually did, the downfall of the federal system, and the
dissolution of the federal authorities. _Marure_, _Efem._,
34. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 58-9, remarks that
Marure when he wrote the first two volumes of his _Bosquejo
Histórico_ was a liberal; in his _Efemérides_, written
later, he speaks like a conservative. The change of tone is
attributed to the iron influence of the government from whom
he had a salary as a professor. Lastarría, in _La América_,
250, erroneously attributes the transfer to Morazan's action
to break up the influence of the oligarchical party in
Guatemala.

[VI-41] The affray lasted five hours; the federal force being
under Gen. Salazar, and that of Salvador under Col. José D.
Castillo. _Marure_, _Efem._, 36.

[VI-42] Decree of vice-president of Sept. 1, 1834.

[VI-43] The legislature of the state had made a cession of
the territory for the purpose on the 28th of Jan., 1835. On
the 9th of March, 1836, the district was enlarged by the
addition of Zacatecoluca. The national government had its
capital in San Salvador till the 3d of May, 1839, when the
assembly of San Salvador resumed possession of the whole
territory that had been ceded. _Id._, 37; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, ii. 165-7. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 187, says that the
district occupied San Salvador and ten leagues of territory
surrounding it. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 419; _Crowe's
Gospel_, 136.

[VI-44] The opposition came not only from the serviles,
but from not a few liberals. It contained many liberal and
equable modifications. _Marure_, _Efem._, 37, says it did not
contain 'las alteraciones sustanciales que reiteradas veces
se habian propuesto por las legislaturas de los estados,'
for which reason it was not accepted by the states, except
Costa Rica, which expressed assent May 7, 1835. Squier,
_Travels_, ii. 422, also says that only Costa Rica expressed
an acceptance of the proposed constitution, adding that
the opposing states wanted different, and in most cases
irreconcilable, reforms. Montúfar, _Reseña Hist._, ii.
169-73, giving details, asserts that both Nicaragua and Costa
Rica accepted the reforms.

[VI-45] The assembly of Guatemala decreed, after hearing
several eulogistic motions, that all the state officials
residing in the capital should wear the badge of mourning
three days; that the bells of the churches should be tolled
morning, noon, and eve of each day; that a portrait of Valle,
contributed by the members of the legislature, should be
placed in its hall of sessions; and that the other states
should be requested to make manifestations of sorrow for the
loss of their distinguished statesman and savant. Salvador,
on the 9th of Apr., 1834, decreed similar honors. Marure, in
his _Efemérides_, 35, bestows the highest praise on Valle.
'Perdió Centro América, con el fallecimiento del licenciado
José del Valle, uno de sus mas distinguidos hijos.' This
remark is followed by a sketch of Valle's career, which has
been given by me elsewhere. Montúfar, _Reseña Hist._, ii.
95-9, also eulogizes Valle and gives his portrait.

[VI-46] It was so formally declared by the federal congress,
Feb. 2, 1835, with the clause that he should be placed in
possession of the office on the 14th. _Id._, 155-7.

[VI-47] Feb. 15, 1835. _El Correo Atlántico_, May 9, 1835.

[VI-48] The first colonists, 63 in all, arrived from London
on the schooner _Mary Ann Arabella_, under a Mr Fletcher.
Their settlement took the name of Abbotsville. _Marure_,
_Efem._, 38.

[VI-49] Many of the immigrants died, while others returned
to England or went to the West Indies, but few remaining.
Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 191, makes appropriate remarks on
the 'infatuation in Europeans to attempt colonizing on
pestiferous shores, under a burning sun, where no native of a
temperate region, not even those of the interior of the same
country, can enjoy tolerable health.' See also Astaburuaga's
comments on the undertaking. _Cent. Am._, 25. A glowing and
favorable account of the enterprise was issued as late as
1839. See _Cent. Am., Brief Statement_, 1 _et seq._

[VI-50] On the 6th of March, 1837. _Marure_, _Efem._, 39;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 353.

[VI-51] B. Lambur, commissioned by Galvez, jefe of Guatemala,
to report on the origin and progress of the disease, wrote
from Aceituno April 3d: 'There can be no doubt that cholera
came by way of Omoa to Gualan, thence went to Zacapa and to
Esquipulas, this last-named town being the focus whence it
has irradiated with such velocity to the towns at present
infested.' Esquipulas is a species of Mecca which people from
all parts of Central America and Mexico visit in January of
each year, to worship an image of Christ, to which countless
miracles have been attributed. In the _Boletin de Noticias
del Cólera_ of Apr. 4, 1837, appear the following words, 'En
San Sur han muerto muchos romeristas de Esquipulas.' _Id._,
351-3. The fact is, that the disease had been doing havoc in
the towns near the northern coast since Feb., and gradually
spread throughout the rest of the state and republic till
toward the end of the year, when it abated. The first case
in the city of Guatemala occurred on the 19th of April.
The mortality in that city during the invasion was 819, or
a little over the 44th part of the population, which was
much smaller than in other less populated cities. _Marure_,
_Efem._, 40. See also _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 193-4; _Salv.
Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875; _Rocha_, _Código Nic._, i.
215-16; ii. 163-4.

[VI-52] _Squier's Travels_, ii. 427-8. Montúfar, _Reseña
Hist._, ii. 370-2, gives copies of the documents that were
circulated.

[VI-53] Such as making them swallow the contents of their
medicine-chests, or pouring water down their throats till
they died, a circumstance that was always looked upon as
an evidence of guilt. _Crowe's Gospel_, 141. Montgomery,
_Guat._, speaks of an Englishman who was nearly killed by the
water torture inflicted by an enraged Indian mob.

[VI-54] On the plains of Ambelis, near Santa Rosa,
accompanied with imprecations against the ley de jurados
and the so-called 'envenenadores.' It was the beginning of a
struggle which, in less than two years, wrought a complete
change in public affairs. _Marure_, _Efem._, 41, copied by
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 353; _Squier's Travels_, ii.
428.

[VI-55] Tempsky, _Mitla_, 337, says that Carrera was born
in Santa Rosa, misled probably by the circumstance that the
first Indian outbreak under his lead occurred there. He was
born about 1815 or 1816, and was the illegitimate offspring
of Antonio Aycinena, a member of one of the chief families
of Guatemala, and of Manuela Carrillo, a servant in the
paternal mansion. Through the influence of the Aycinenas he
was immediately after his birth adopted by one Juana Rosa
Turcios, whose husband's name of Carrera the boy subsequently
was given. Such is the version of the author of a manuscript
written in July 1844, and entitled _Orígen de Carrera_, in
_Morazan y Carrera_, no. 4, 1 _et seq._, the authenticity
of which is made doubtful by some inaccuracies in other
statements, the object evidently being to give Carrera's
descent a little respectability. Stephens, _Cent. Am._, i.
225, says that in 1829 he was a drummer-boy, leaving the
army after the capture of Guatemala by Morazan, and retiring
to Mataquescuintla, where he became a pig-driver, or, as
Montgomery, _Guat._, 143-4, has it, a dealer in hogs, having
risen in the federal army as high as corporal. Dunlop, _Cent.
Am._, 195, followed by _Crowe's Gospel_, 141, and _Squier's
Trav._, ii. 429, essentially confirms Stephens' statements.
Belly, _Nic._, i. 75, adds that Carrera was for a time
employed in the plantation of a Frenchman named Laumonier,
near La Antigua. Montúfar says of him: 'Un joven como de
25 años, sin ninguna educacion, ni conocimientos de ningun
género, pues no conocia siquiera el abecedario. Los primeros
años de su vida los empleó, ya de sirviente doméstico, ya
de apacentador de cerdos, ya de peon en los trabajos de
campo.' The same authority refers to Milla's eulogies of
Carrera, where the words occur, 'Carrera á pesar de su falta
de educacion, y de los hábitos de la vida del campo,' which
might have secured for Milla lodgings in the dungeons of the
castle of Guatemala. The same writer repeats the assertion
often made against the jesuit Paul, later bishop of Panamá,
and raised to the position of archbishop of Bogotá, that he
said at Carrera's death, in his funeral oration, that the man
whose corpse was descending into the tomb was on the right
side of God the father. All repentant villains are given
some such post-mortem place by sympathizing ministers of the
gospel.

[VI-56] In the early days they assured the Indians that he
was their protecting angel Rafael, and resorted to tricks to
favor the delusion. _Squier's Travels_, ii. 429-30.

[VII-1] On the 15th of June. _Marure_, _Efem._, 41. Gen.
Carrascosa's report of his victory, with details, in
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 356-9.

[VII-2] Among the sufferers was Carrera's wife, which
circumstance, it is said, awakened in him an implacable
hatred. _Stephens' Cent. Am._, i. 226; _Crowe's Gospel_,
142. Montgomery, _Guat._, 144, states that Carrera was then
commanding a few men of the military cordon established
because of the epidemic, which he induced to rebel.

[VII-3] The hostilities now carried on partook more of the
character of highway robbery than of orthodox war, both
parties being plundered; but the liberals were the greater
sufferers.

[VII-4] The provisional government constituted at La
Antigua placed itself under the protection of the federal
authorities. _Marure_, _Efem._, 42.

[VII-5] The division was created by José Francisco Barrundia.
It is said that he joined the discontented because the jefe
Galvez refused him a high office for one of his relatives.
_Stephens' Cent. Am._, i. 227. But looking over the
correspondence that passed between them in June 1837, the
conclusion is that the cause of the disagreement was not
a personal one. Barrundia opposed the convocation of the
assembly to an extra session, and all the decrees enacted by
it. The correspondence produced much sensation. Galvez ended
accusing Barrundia of having adopted, when he was president
of the republic, some measures similar to those he had now
censured. The most serious charge against Barrundia was his
persecution of Padre Rojas, to which the former answered
that the priest had been at the head of the insurgents who
proclaimed the Spanish domination on the Atlantic coast,
and though outlawed for that offence, was not executed.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 377-407.

[VII-6] The battalion La Concordia mutinied on the 26th of
January.

[VII-7] Stephens, loc. cit., places these events in February,
but he is evidently mistaken. Marure, _Efem._, 43, gives the
29th of Jan. as the date.

[VII-8] At 4 P. M. of Jan. 28, 1838. _Id._, ii. 543.

[VII-9] Galvez well knew of the relations existing between
Carrera and the revolutionists of La Antigua. The convention
of Guarda Viejo would have saved the situation. Had the
forces of the city, consisting of 411 men, been placed under
Morazan, they with those of Sacatepequez would have been too
strong for Carrera, and he would not have entertained the
idea that a powerful party looked to him for aid.

[VII-10] Full details appear in Gen. Carrascosa's
correspondence given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii.
589-97.

[VII-11] Among them were Miguel García Granados, the brothers
Arrivillaga, and their relations the Zepedas, together with
the Barrundias.

[VII-12] He was in all this affair guided by the priests.
Barrundia was accused throughout Central America of having
brought about Carrera's invasion of the capital. The
serviles, who were responsible for all Carrera's iniquities,
have endeavored to place some of the odium on that patriot,
who had nothing to do with it. Indeed, had Barrundia gone
to Carrera's headquarters, he would probably have been shot.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 573; _Squier's Travels_, ii.
432.

[VII-13] The chiefs of Sacatepequez had become convinced of
their inability to take the city, or even to properly besiege
it.

[VII-14] Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 198, and Crowe, _Gospel_, 143,
erroneously say it was on the 30th of January.

[VII-15] _Marure_, _Efem._, 43, places this event on the 2d
of Feb., 1838.

[VII-16] Carrera himself is described as having on a pair of
coarse frieze trousers, and a fine coat with gold embroidery
belonging to Gen. Prem, which had been taken by Monreal.
For a chapeau the new general wore a woman's hat with a
green veil, the property of Prem's wife, who was known as
La Colombiana. In lieu of decorations Carrera had on his
breast a number of 'escapularios del Cármen,' symbolizing the
religion he had come to protect. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
ii. 574.

[VII-17] It seems that a large portion of the men and women
had never seen a city before.

[VII-18] The physician Quirino Flores, who belonged to the
opposition party, and was an intimate friend of Carrascosa
and Carballo, believing that his house would be a place of
safety, induced the vice-president and his family to use
it. It so happened that a small force of Galvez entered the
house, fired upon the invaders from the windows and retired.
The men fired upon were not of the force from La Antigua,
but some of Carrera's savage horde, called from that time
'cachurecos,' who rushed into the house, fired upon the
family, wounding one of the women and a child, and killing
José Gregorio Salazar, the vice-president. Salazar was born
in San Salvador in 1793, and had two brothers, Cárlos,
the general, and Francisco, who as a captain was killed
in action on the 23d of June, 1834. José Gregorio Salazar
was one of the leaders in whom Morazan reposed the highest
trust. As senator, president of the senate, jefe of Salvador,
vice-president of the republic, and acting executive at such
times as Morazan assumed personal command of the troops,
Salazar unswervingly supported progressive principles. His
portrait shows a fine and intelligent face. The murder of
the vice-president, instead of calling for execration on the
part of the priests, Duran, Lobo, Nicolás Arellano, Antonio
Gonzalez, and others, only brought out their diatribes
against the victim. _Id._, 576-9.

[VII-19] It was found at first difficult to elicit a
satisfactory answer from him. The pillaging, though not
officially decreed, had been carried on mostly in the houses
of foreigners. Charles Savage, U. S. consul at Guatemala,
has been highly praised for his intrepidity in protecting
from the infuriated Indians the foreign residents and their
property. _Montgomery's Guat._, 146; _Stephens' Cent. Am._,
i. 233-4.

[VII-20] There being no money in the treasury, it was
borrowed from private persons. _Stephens' Cent. Am._, i. 227
et seq., copied by Larenaudière, _Mexique et Guat._, 298-9.
The facts appear in the records of the asamblea.

[VII-21] Had he resisted, the reënforced troops of La Antigua
would in all probability have defeated his undisciplined
rabble. This would not have suited Father Duran and the other
priests, who expected their own triumph through Carrera's
success. Those same priests aided Barrundia and Valenzuela
to rid the city of himself and his men. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, ii. 584.

[VII-22] The priest who seemed to exercise the greatest
influence on Carrera was named Lobo, a man of dissolute
character, who always accompanied him as a sort of
counsellor.

[VII-23] _Los Altos, Manif. Document._, 1-28. The federal
congress ratified the separation on the 5th of June,
1838; the departments were, however, reincorporated a year
after. _Marure_, _Efem._, 43; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 198;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 28. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
iii. 9-23, furnishes a detailed account of the events
preceding and following the separation. The provisional
government then established was a triumvirate formed by
Marcelo Molina, José M. Galvez, and José A. Aguilar.

[VII-24] Stephens, _Cent. Am._, i. 239-42, details some of
the military movements, which are not of sufficient interest
to reproduce here. Marure, _Efem._, 43-4, says that Morazan
attacked the rebels on the hill of Mataquescuintla; 'pero
despues de tres meses de combates, marchas, contramarchas,
y todo género de maniobras, el ejército de operaciones tiene
que replegarse á la capital ... sin haberse adelantado nada
en la pacificacion de aquellos pueblos.'

[VII-25] On the 18th of June, 1838, the vice-jefe Valenzuela,
and the deputies Pedro Molina, José Gándara, José F.
Barrundia, Bernardo Escobar, Pedro Amaya, Felipe Molina, and
Mariano Padilla, laid a paper before the federal congress
on the war and its consequences. In this document they say,
among other things, that it had been moved in the asamblea
of Guatemala to authorize the restoration of the archbishop
and of the religious orders, to abolish divorce, and to
declare void the decrees of 1829, 'decretos que sostuvieron
entónces la revolucion en favor de las instituciones y de la
libertad.' They accuse the serviles of perversely attempting
to render the representatives of liberalism and progress
hateful in the eyes of the ignorant populace. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 47.

[VII-26] Arguments, cajolery, entertainments, and every
other possible means were employed to induce him to swerve
from the principles he had always upheld. Barrundia looked
aghast on their proceedings, and describing them, says it is
impossible to realize 'el envilecimiento, la miseria ruin de
este partido noble aristocrático.' The haughty patricians,
represented by Pavon, Batres, Aycinena, and their confreres,
fawned at his feet, covered him with flowers, disgusted him
with their flattery, feasted him to satiety, and patiently
bore his contemptuous rebuffs as long as they hoped to win
him over. After their failure, sarcasm, ridicule, and abuse
were heaped upon him and his name. Had Morazan's morals been
equal to those of the serviles, he might have accepted the
dictatorship, assumed the full powers, and then crushed them;
but he was an honest man, who always acted in good faith.
_Id._, 175-9.

[VII-27] On the 30th of May it passed an act declaring
the states free to constitute themselves as they might
deem best, preserving, however, the popular representative
form of government. This amendment to the 12th art. of
the constitution of 1824 was accepted by all the states,
excluding the restrictions contained in the federal decree
of June 9, 1838, which was rejected by a majority of the
legislatures. _Marure_, _Efem._, 44-5. The federal congress
passed, on the 7th of July, 1838, an act as follows: 'The
federated states of Cent. Am. are, and by right should be,
sovereign, free, and independent political bodies.' _Guat._,
_Recop. Leyes_, i. 69.

[VII-28] It was the spontaneous act of the citizens of the
capital, who, in view of the progress made by the rebels of
Mita, deemed it necessary to provide for their own safety.
Valenzuela resigned, on the 23d, the executive office into
the hands of the asamblea. _Marure_, _Efem._, 45; _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 181-5. Crowe, _Gospel_, 144, attributes
to Morazan the authorship of the act adopted by the citizens.

[VII-29] On the 20th of July, 1838, he was required to give
himself up; failing to do so, a reward was offered for his
apprehension, alive or dead—$1,500 and two caballerías of
land, besides a full pardon for any offences against the laws
his captor or captors might have committed. _Stephens' Cent.
Am._, i. 242.

[VII-30] Squier, _Travels_, ii. 435, says that Carrera
entered Guatemala; he probably meant Old Guatemala, or
La Antigua. Carrera, at Jalapa, had 2,000 men, while his
opponent, Col Manuel Bonilla, had about 500. The latter were
nearly annihilated. The few officers and soldiers who escaped
with life found refuge in Salvador territory. Carrera's
excesses at this time knew no bounds. He not only ravished
women, but amused himself cutting off their tresses and ears.
Some of these earless women entered the city of Guatemala,
and their stories produced great indignation. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 204; _Marure_, _Efem._, 45.

[VII-31] This action took place early in the morning of
Sept. 11th. Salazar at once despatched a courier to Guatemala
with the news of his success, which caused the utmost joy.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 206-8; _Marure_, _Efem._,
46. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 201, asserts that no mercy was
shown by the federal troops in this encounter. By a decree
of Sept. 13, 1838, pensions were granted to the wounded, and
to the widows and orphans of the slain federals. Badges of
honor were also conferred on the survivors. _Guat._, _Recop.
Leyes_, ii. 636-7.

[VII-32] This man's life was then spared, but some time
afterward he was shot, for which the serviles called Morazan
a murderer. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 208.

[VII-33] His resignation was made before the body of his
officers, which implied a disregard of the authority of the
government. The officers eluded all responsibility, alleging
that they had nothing to do with his resignation. The
government then revoked the extraordinary powers conferred on
him two months previously. _Marure_, _Efem._, 46.

[VII-34] In the _Observador_ and the _Apéndice_.

[VII-35] _Exhortacion cristiana que el vicario capitular ...
dirige á los pueblos, etc._, 17 p.

[VII-36] Text of his funeral oration on the 14th of Sept. in
honor of the slain on the government side at Villanueva, in
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 216-21.

[VII-37] José Francisco Barrundia, who fought in that action,
said: 'He [Carrera] could have been captured or annihilated
had he been forthwith pursued; but no advantage was derived
from such a glorious victory, and in a few days vandalism
became again menacing.' Salazar was blamed, Montúfar thinks
unjustly. According to him, the victorious troops were
not in condition to pursue. This authority, partly on the
testimony of Gen. Carballo, lays the blame on Rivera Paz, who
had no interest in destroying a faction on which his party
relied in the emergency of Morazan refusing his aid to the
serviles. Morazan, on the 24th of Oct., declared martial law
in portions of Guatemala, peremptorily refused to listen to
the proposals of the recalcitrants, and marched to Guatemala,
leaving the government in charge of the vice-president,
Diego Vijil, whom congress had chosen to succeed the murdered
Salazar. _Id._, 223-6.

[VII-38] His hordes committed all sorts of outrages in these
departments of Salvador. _Barrundia_, in _El Progreso_ of S.
Salv., 1850, no. 3.

[VII-39] 'Les causó un descalabro de entidad la division del
coronel Carballo.' _Marure_, _Efem._, 46.

[VII-40] Once he was almost starved to death on the top of a
mountain, surrounded at its base by a large force; but owing
to some neglect he escaped.

[VII-41] Stephens, _Cent. Am._, i. 244, erroneously has it
that the delivery was to be of only 1,000 muskets.

[VII-42] The president of the republic ratified the agreement
on the 25th of Dec.

[VII-43] The fact was that the arrangement at Rinconcito
was prompted to Gen. Agustin Guzman by Manuel Pavon, whom
he believed to be a friend that would give him nothing but
honorable advice. He had good reason at a later date to think
differently, when he was taken into Guatemala in rags, tied
on a mule, as a trophy of Carrera's success. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 228-9.

[VII-44] After that Diego Vijil represented the unity in
the federal district as vice-president. The conventicle of
the four nobles, Pavon, Batres, and the two Aycinenas, had,
however, during Rivera Paz's rule in Guatemala, arranged
matters to their own satisfaction, in order to break up
the union, having at their disposal the requisite number
of municipal districts. Their emissaries supported the
separation in Honduras and Nicaragua. Costa Rica was governed
by Carrillo, a declared foe to Central American nationality.
They were now working with Rivera Paz's successor, Gen.
Cárlos Salazar, with almost a certainty of carrying their
point. Salazar was a good soldier, but as a politician,
without guile, and easily deceived. _Id._, 241-3.

[VII-45] And also to protect other states against all
interference on the part of the late federal government. Full
text of the convention in _Cent. Am. Constitutions_, no.
4, 1-5. By virtue of this arrangement, the combined forces
of the two states invaded Salvador. _Marure_, _Efem._, 47.
This treaty brought about Morazan's ruin, and the disruption
of the federal union. Francisco Ferrera, commander of the
forces of Honduras, himself made it known to Carrera, and it
prompted the latter's rebellion on the 24th of March, 1839,
and his march against Guatemala. It enabled Pavon, Batres,
and the Aycinenas to take Carrera in triumph into that city
on the 13th of Apr., 1839.

[VII-46] The jefe of Guatemala, on the 17th of April, 1839,
declared the federal compact dissolved, and the resumption
by the state of its absolute sovereignty. This declaration
was ratified by the constituent assembly on the 14th of June
of the same year. Guat. on the 11th of May entered into a
treaty of amity and alliance with Honduras; on the 5th of
June, 24th of July, and 1st of Aug., made similar treaties
with Salv., Nic., and Costa R., respectively. July 1st, Hond.
and Costa R. for the first time made a treaty of friendship
and alliance as sovereign states. Aug. 10th was signed at
Quezaltenango the first treaty of a similar nature between
the new state of Los Altos and Salv. _Marure_, _Efem._,
48-50. Costa Rica had in Nov. 1838 assumed the plenitude
of her sovereignty. In obedience to a decree of Braulio
Carrillo, the supreme chief of the state, dated Aug. 4, 1838,
her representatives and senators had left their seats in
the federal congress. The state recognized its share of the
federal debt and paid it at once. Carrillo's decree shows
that the Costa Ricans were dissatisfied with the inequality
of their representation in the national lower house, where
Guatemala had 19 more deputies than Nicaragua, 17 more than
Honduras, 15 more than Salvador, and 23 more than Costa Rica,
which had only four representatives in the 'congreso,' as
the lower house was called. The representation in the senate
was equal to that of the other states; but if the latter
chamber refused its sanction to any bill adopted, the former
could, under the 83d art. of the constitution, make it a law
by three fourths of the votes present. Thus was Costa Rica
made a nonentity in the legislative body. There were other
reasons for complaint. By a good management of her finances,
Costa Rica always had available resources, and punctually
paid her contingent to the national treasury in money. She
was therefore taxed while virtually without representation.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 266-73, 310, 313-41.

[VII-47] It was a force from Leon, under Col B. Mendez,
who had entered by the frontier of San Miguel. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 292-3.

[VII-48] The allied commander was Francisco Ferrera, an
Hondureño, who had been connected with the incendiaries of
Comayagua. This victory was mainly due to Morazan's daring.
He was seriously wounded in the right arm. Col Benitez,
who was a Colombian, was slain. _Marure_, _Efem._, 48;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 293-5.

[VII-49] Brigadier Cabañas occupied the capital Aug. 28th. He
defeated the Hondurans at Cuesta Grande Sept. 6th, and then
entered Tegucigalpa. On the 25th, after quelling a revolt
which took place on the 16th, in San Salvador, Morazan was
again victorious at San Pedro Perulapan with 600 Salvadorans
over a double force of Hondurans and Nicaraguans, who, under
Ferrera, had entered that town on their way to San Salvador,
to destroy the 'simulacro de gobierno federal que existia
aun en aquella capital.' Cabañas triumphed again at Soledad
on Nov. 13th. _Marure_, _Efem._, 48-51; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iii. 354-6, 446.

[VII-50] Ferrera was without a command for some time, owing
to his continual defeats. Quijano was another 'notabilidad
del partido servil aristocrático.'

[VII-51] Cabañas' official report of Feb. 3d from San Antonio
del Sauce says that the enemy's force being superior, he had
resolved to retire to San Miguel in Salv. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iii. 451-2.

[VII-52] Stephens, _Cent. Am._, i. 245, quaintly remarks, 'It
must have been quite new to him, and a satisfaction to find
out what principles he sustained.'

[VII-53] Among them were Mariscal and Del Rio. War had been
declared between Guatemala and Salvador. The fiction of
Atescatempa, Carrera's proclamations against Morazan the
chief magistrate of Salv., the movement of the 16th of Sept.,
1839, against the lawful authorities of Salvador prompted
and aided by Carrera, the destruction of Los Altos the friend
and ally of Salv., and many other causes, constituted a real
state of war. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 456.

[VII-54] Their head men sought refuge with the nuns of La
Concepcion.

[VII-55] Made up exclusively of Indians, as Carrera wanted no
white soldiers or officers. _Stephens' Cent. Am._, ii. 111.

[VII-56] The worshippers of Carrera have said that he
intentionally allowed Morazan to enter the city, with the
view of besieging him, which is absurd. The city was full of
war material, and was plentifully supplied with meat.

[VII-57] His officers who distinguished themselves in the
operations were Generals Cabañas and Rivas, colonels Antonio
Rivera Cabezas and Ignacio Malespin, and Lieut-col Bernardo
Rivera Cabezas.

[VII-58] Carrera's official report is dated at Guatemala on
the 23d of March. He does not speak of the assassination of
Col Sanchez, Morazan's aide-de-camp, by order of his brother,
Sotero Carrera; nor of the wanton massacre of many others;
nor of the maltreatment of women, followers of the Salvadoran
camp, which caused the French consul to raise his voice in
protest. Carrera gave full sway to his ferocious instincts
on that day, taking the greatest delight in butchering the
vanquished. Many of the pursued sought an asylum in the
house of Chatfield, the British consul, and a word from him
on their behalf would have saved their lives; but he did not
utter it, and they were put to death. _Id._, 460-7; _Marure_,
_Efem._, 52.

[VII-59] Their hatred against Morazan was shown in their
cries, accompanying those of 'Viva la religion! Guanacos,
entreguen á ese canalla, entreguen á ese hereje; nosotros,
defendemos á Dios y á sus santos.' They called their
opponents 'guanacos, pirujos, malvados, ladrones,' and
declared that they were going to bring back the archbishop,
and the friars who were sent away in 1829.

[VII-60] Stephens, who was then on his way from San Salvador
to Guatemala, met the defeated troops, and in his _Cent.
Am._, ii. 69 et seq., gives a graphic description.

[VII-61] Miguel Álvarez Castro, José Miguel Saravia, Isidro
Menendez, Cárlos Salazar, Máximo Orellana, Nicolás Angulo,
Trinidad Cabañas, Enrique Rivas, Gerardo Barrios, Pedro
Molina, with his sons Felipe and José, and his son-in-law
Manuel Irungaray, Antonio and Bernardo Rivera Cabezas, José
M. Silva, Máximo, Tomás and Indalecio Cordero, Antonio Lazo,
and others. Pedro Molina refused to go at first, but was
prevailed on by his sons and son-in-law, who saw that his
fate would be sealed if he remained. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iii. 484.

[VII-62] Pedro Molina and his sons Felipe and José, Manuel
Irungaray, Isidro Menendez, Gen. Enrique Rivas, Doroteo
Vasconcelos, Gerardo Barrios, Indalecio Cordero, José Prado,
Dámaso Lonza, and others. They were made afterward the
objects of abuse on the part of Carrillo and his coarse wife,
Froilana Carranza. _Id._, iii. 600-1.

[VII-63] July 16, 1841. He details the acts of the serviles,
enemies of their country's independence and freedom.
Carrera's career of crime is also fully discussed. _Morazan_,
_Manif._, in _Id._, 585-96; _Id._, in _Cent. Am. Pap._, no.
3.

[VII-64] The serviles had said that they waged war, not
against Salvador, but against Morazan.

[VII-65] The embassy brought an escort of 200 men, and
Salvador had to pay all the expense. See the note of Minister
Manuel Barberena to the minister-general of Guatemala, dated
May 18, 1840. Carrera was lodged in one of the best houses
of Salvador, and his deportment clearly indicated what his
early training had been. His first diplomatic utterances were
threats, and the general conduct of himself and his soldiers
was so abusive that the people of the liberal district of
Calvario in San Salvador finally resolved to fall upon and
annihilate them. Cañas saw the danger, and called to it the
attention of Duran, who prevailed on his colleague to leave
the state with his troops. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii.
487-8, 492.

[VII-66] The convention was signed by Joaquin Duran,
secretary of the sup. gov., and Lieut-gen. Rafael Carrera,
on the part of Guatemala, and by Manuel Barberena and Juan
Lacayo for Salvador. Under art. 1st Salvador was not to
have in office any man who had coöperated with Morazan.
Art. 2d required of Salvador to surrender to Guatemala a
number of persons, named in a list furnished, to be retained
until Salvador should be fully reorganized. Art. 3d forbids
Salvador to permit the return to its territory of any of
the persons who went away with Morazan. Should any return,
they must be given up to Guatemala, as prescribed in the
2d article. Art. 4th and 7th refer to the return of certain
armament and of prisoners of war taken in the action of 18th
and 19th of March last. Art. 5th says that the constituent
assembly of Salvador having been called, her government must
see at once to the appointment of deputies to the convention
which was to organize the republic. Under art. 6th Salvador
agreed that Guatemala and the other states should appoint
agents, who, together with her own, were to have in their
charge the archives and other effects of the federation.
_Id._, 489-91.

[VIII-1] _Guat._ _Recop. Leyes_, i. 42, 62-9, 178.

[VIII-2] The title given the chief magistrate was that of
jefe. That of president was not decreed till Nov. 29, 1839.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 51.

[VIII-3] He is represented as a man of excitable temperament
and harsh manners. He was a brother of José Francisco
Barrundia.

[VIII-4] The prelate of the order was summoned to the palace
of the federal government, and a compromise was agreed to.
Meantime the mob had assembled, shouting, 'Mision queremos!
Viva la religion! Muera la herejía! Mueran los que no quieren
misiones!' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 182-3.

[VIII-5] It was solemnly promulgated Dec. 26, 1825. This
constitution was in full force till the meeting of a second
constituent assembly, when it ceased to rule. _Marure_,
_Efem._, 15; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 201-2.

[VIII-6] Vera Paz with Peten; Chiquimula, Guatemala, and
Escuintla; Sacatepequez with Chimaltenango; Suchitepequez
with Sololá; Quezaltenango and Soconusco; Totonicapan and
Huehuetenango. _Id._, 463-70.

[VIII-7] Barrundia induced seven of the deputies to abandon
their seats, and to protest against resolutions enacted by
the legislature after they had quitted it. _Marure_, _Bosq.
Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 242.

[VIII-8] This step was taken Sept. 6, 1826. _Marure_, _Bosq.
Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 260; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 53-4.
A demand from the fed. gov. to muster out the troops was
refused in round terms.

[VIII-9] He had once been a resident there, and knew it to be
the most bigoted place in all Cent. Am. Liberal ideas had not
taken much root there, and fanaticism ruled.

[VIII-10] He afterward attempted to recover his office, but
the course events had taken impeded it. _Mem. Rev. Cent.
Am._, 57-8.

[VIII-11] A creole from Sto Domingo, who had been formerly a
federal officer; but having been arbitrarily removed from the
position, he joined the state cause.

[VIII-12] Near Quezaltenango he endeavored to capture his
former command, now under Manuel Montúfar, but the latter
escaped. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 55-6. He had been forewarned
by some serviles of Quezaltenango of the ambuscade prepared
for him. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 262.

[VIII-13] Abandoning the plan he had formed of attacking the
federals under Francisco Cáscaras.

[VIII-14] He allowed four hours for the surrender: 'si en
el término de cuatro horas, no efectúan Vds. lo referido,
la hermosa ciudad de Quezaltenango desaparecerá.' _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 288; _Id._, _Efem._, 18; _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 57-8.

[VIII-15] Among them, one of Oct. 19, 1826, to punish
attempts at propagating sedition among the soldiers;
another, of Oct. 25th, to impose the penalty of death on
all Guatemalans taking up arms against the state government.
_Gaz. de Méx._, Dec. 14, 1826; _El Indicador de Guat._, of
same year, no. 106; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 248-50.

[VIII-16] Afraid of falling into the hands of the federal
troops then marching toward Los Altos, he retired to
Retalhuleu, where he lived till 1829.

[VIII-17] Oct. 28, 1826. Cáscaras' vainglorious report is
in _Guat._, _Gac. Gob._, Nov. 2, 1826, and _Méx. Gac. Gob._,
Dec. 14, 1826; _Marure_, _Efem._, 18; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
59-60.

[VIII-18] All persons affording them aid were declared, on
the 5th of March, guilty of high treason. _Guat._, _Recop.
Leyes_, i. 250-4. Decree reiterated March 28, 1827; _Marure_,
_Efem._, 19.

[VIII-19] All authorities agree that the execution was
effected upon the mere order of Aycinena, the then jefe
of Guat., and without legal formalities. _Arce_, _Mem._,
68; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 70; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._,
16; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 397. This last-named writer
severely condemns the affected piety of Aycinena, who made
confession before a priest and took the communion before
signing the death-warrant. In 1829 the liberal party awarded
extraordinary honors to Pierzon's memory, ordering that his
name should be placed by the side of Cirilo Flores, with this
inscription, 'Viva el ilustre Coronel Pierzon en el corazon
de los buenos patriotas.' _Marure_, _Efem._, 19.

[VIII-20] Aycinena retained his position uninterruptedly
till the 12th of Apr., 1829, when he was deposed by Morazan.
A legislative act expatriated him, and he was in exile till
early in 1836, when he returned to the bosom of his family;
but a second legislative order compelled him to leave the
country again. Finally, an amnesty decree of July 25, 1838,
restored him to his country in Sept. _Marure_, _Efem._, 18,
61. Mariano Córdoba was chosen, in March 1827, vice-jefe, and
when he resigned the office, Manuel Montúfar was called to
succeed him. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 60.

[VIII-21] It was the first of its class in Cent. Am., but by
no means the last.

[VIII-22] Lieut Isidro Velazquez was executed March 30, 1827.

[VIII-23] Leniency toward the proscribed Antonio Rivera
Cabezas, whose death-penalty he had commuted to exile, and
prohibition of certain books, pursuant to decrees of the
ecclesiastical authorities, were among the chief causes which
alienated him many of his former supporters. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 236; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 114. On the
6th of December, 1828, he ordered such books to be burned.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 22.

[VIII-24] It purposed with this measure, which turned out
to be unavailing, to remove one of the obstacles to the
termination of the war by means of a peaceful arrangement.

[VIII-25] They were reëlected, though succeeding events
prevented the counting of the votes. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
115.

[VIII-26] A revolt at Quezaltenango, Nov. 5, 1828, had been
summarily suppressed. _Marure_, _Efem._, 22.

[VIII-27] The districts of Sacatepequez and Escuintla
recognized the authorities that were installed in La Antigua.

[VIII-28] His brother José Francisco having been made acting
president, he resigned for the second time the office of
jefe, urging obvious reasons, but he was required by the
assembly to continue discharging his duties till the election
should have been effected. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
167-9.

[VIII-29] The dispersed representative council of 1826 had
been reorganized at La Antigua Feb. 11, 1829, and its senior
member, Mariano Zenteno, recognized as acting jefe of the
state.

[VIII-30] This body voted Morazan a gold medal, and declared
him a benemérito. It also decreed that his portrait should be
placed in the hall of sessions. This, however, was a spark of
enthusiasm which died out.

[VIII-31] Nicolás Espinosa presided, as he had done at the
last sitting at San Martin Jilotepec, Sept. 26, 1826.

[VIII-32] Cayetano de la Cerda was the administrador de
recursos, and he acted without restriction. Mariano Galvez,
Barrundia's secretary of state, is credited with the
invention of the financial schemes by the author of _Mem.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 136-7.

[VIII-33] _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 131-3, 143-51.

[VIII-34] Antonio Rivera Cabezas was chosen vice-jefe in
March 1830. He was succeeded by Gregorio Marquez in Feb.
1831; Francisco X. Flores was consejero Aug. 1831.

[VIII-35] Molina was impeached on trivial and inconsistent
charges by the legislative body. Twice tried and twice
acquitted; but meantime the term for which he was chosen had
expired, and new elections were ordered. Marure, Efem., 61.
Full details of the trials in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
205-17, 229-33.

[VIII-36] Rivera Cabezas wielded a powerful pen, and in a
playful way ridiculed the servile party. His Don Meliton
dialogues did it more harm than José del Valle with his
grave and erudite speeches in congress. He won himself the
bitter hatred of that party. The political change of 1839
placed him in the hands of his enemies, and he lost much
of his property. He left the country, but family affairs
necessitated his return some years after. In his last years
his intellectual faculties declined, and the serviles no
longer feared him, but their hatred remained, and their
insults and abuse hastened his death. His portrait is also
given. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 235-7, 246.

[VIII-37] The most violent felt since 1773. _Marure_,
_Efem._, 26.

[VIII-38] Several buildings were damaged, among them the
churches of Santa Teresa, San Francisco, and Recoletos. Since
the end of March shocks had been experienced in the vicinity
of the Pacaya volcano, several villages being almost entirely
reduced to ruins. _Id._

[VIII-39] The nun Teresa called them the effects of God's
displeasure for the banishment of the archbishop and friars.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 225-6.

[VIII-40] The liberals were certain that with Morazan at
the head of the federal government, and Barrundia as chief
of Guatemala, there would be no disagreements. Barrundia
now made a cession for the benefit of public instruction of
nearly $7,000—due him for salaries during the time he acted
as president. This was a generous act on the part of a man
who had no private fortune. He later ceded one half of his
senatorial pay for the same purpose. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, i. 273-6.

[VIII-41] Galvez was reëlected Feb. 9, 1835, and held the
position till Feb. 2, 1838, when he was forced to resign it.
During his first term Simon Vasconcelos was vice-jefe, and
Juan Ant. Martinez consejero; during the second, Pedro J.
Valenzuela, who superseded him; Mariano Sanchez de Leon was
consejero in 1836, and Mariano Rivera Paz in July 1838. The
latter also held the executive office. _Salv._, _Gac._, Oct.
12, 1854; _Marure_, _Efem._, 43, 45, 61-2.

[VIII-42] Galvez was not in league with the clergy or
aristocracy, on one side; nor with Barrundia or Morazan, on
the other. He wanted to form a party of which he should be
the sole chief. This prompted him to oppose all parties, and
brought upon him many reproaches.

[VIII-43] In July 1832 tithes were abolished. On the 16th
of Sept. an academy of sciences, to take the place of the
old university, was established, and to it were attached
the colegio de abogados, and the protomedicato. This academy
was suppressed March 6, 1840, and the university of old was
restored. _Marure_, _Efem._, 32. Among other measures were
the reduction of holidays to seven, aside from Sundays, and
the prohibition of religious processions in the streets on
working days. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 307-19, ii.
76-84.

[VIII-44] Even the offspring of priests were to be reputed as
legitimate in cases of inheritance, where the father had died
intestate. _Id._, ii. 346-7.

[VIII-45] This blow at the church was not favorably received
by the people, and in July 1838 the resolution was suspended.

[VIII-46] They made the Indians believe that the cholera
was the effect of Galvez and his friends having poisoned the
springs, 'para destruir hombres que detestaba y poblaciones
que aborrecia.' _Id._, ii. 349.

[VIII-47] It was constantly brought forward that while other
states had seceded from the confederation, Guatemala alone
had contributed to the common budget, and furnished the
national executive arms and money to wage war against the
rebellious states.

[VIII-48] Martial law was proclaimed Jan. 16, 1838, in the
departments of Sacatepequez and Guatemala. Two days later La
Antigua rebelled, appointing a provisional government, and
subsequently Chiquimula and Salamá followed the movement.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 42-3; _Squier's Travels_, ii. 431;
_Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 858-9.

[VIII-49] The provisional government was placed in charge
of Marcelo Molina, José M. Galvez, and José A. Aguilar.
The assembly of Guatemala simply referred the matter to the
federal congress, which recognized the new state. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 9-23; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 43.

[VIII-50] _Marure_, _Efem._, 47.

[VIII-51] The state comprised, on the north, the districts
of Huehuetenango, Sacapulas, Malacatan, Tejutla, Cuilco,
Jacaltenango, and Sololá, together with all the territory
between the river Pasion and Chiapas, to where it touched the
undefined boundaries of Tabasco and Yucatan; on the west,
Ostuncalco and San Márcos; on the south, Cuyotenango and
Mazatenango; on the east, Atitlan, Sololá, Joyabaj, Quiché;
and in the centre, Totonicapan and Quezaltenango. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 391-3.

[VIII-52] Dated July 12, 1839. _Id._, 394-7.

[VIII-53] Galvez, José F. and Juan Barrundia, Simon
Vasconcelos, and others.

[VIII-54] On the 28th of Jan. a body of Quezaltec troops,
under Colonel Corzo, was defeated by the Guatemalans, under
Gen. Monterrosa. It had been stationed in the hacienda of
Bejucal, with the double object of guarding on the coast side
the territory of Los Altos, and of forming a combination with
the men of Salvador, who were about to invade Guatemala from
the river Paz frontier. The treatment of the fugitives by the
Indians was shocking. Corzo and Lieut-col Córdoba perished
at their hands. Carrera, after defeating, on the 29th of
Jan., the Quezaltec troops that attempted to check him on the
heights of Sololá, entered Quezaltenango unresisted, and put
an end to that state. Its towns were taken under Guatemalan
protection, on the fiction of their voluntary annexation,
by decree of Feb. 26, 1840. _Marure_, _Efem._, 52; _Guat._,
_Recop. Leyes_, i. 43-50.

[VIII-55] It was claimed that Carrera could not prevent these
abuses, which were committed by the very people of Los Altos
who rose against the partisans of the government. The fact
is, they were savage Indians under Carrera's protection. This
chief returned in triumph to Guatemala, and was received amid
the plaudits of his clerico-aristocratic supporters and the
rabble. His victorious army brought in the rear the armament
and spoils of Quezaltenango, and upwards of 100 prisoners,
among them Guzman, Mariscal, and Soto. The first named was
wounded, and tied to a mule. The rabble made him the special
object of their scoff. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii.
439-41.

[VIII-56] Deprived of the office Jan. 30, 1839; restored Apr.
13th of the same year; held it till Dec. 13, 1841. May 14,
1842, he assumed for the third time the executive office,
with the title of president of the state. _Guat._, _Recop.
Leyes_, i. 175; _Marure_, _Efem._, 61-2. Stephens, who saw
Rivera Paz in 1840, speaks well of him, saying that 'in all
the trying positions in which he was afterward placed, he
exhibited more than ordinary prudence and judgment.' _Cent.
Am._, i. 201.

[VIII-57] The 3d and last art. contained these words: 'Un
olvido general sobre todos los acontecimientos políticos
desde el quince de Setiembre de mil ochocientos veintiuno
hasta la fecha; y se prohiba rigurosamente removerlos con
ningun motivo.' Further than this, José F. Barrundia had
moved that the initiative should be made urgent, and voted
on without being referred to a committee. Montúfar, who
gives full details on this affair, blames Barrundia for his
excessive generosity and abnegation, which, he declares,
always turned to the prejudice of that statesman and his
party. He wanted his enemies pardoned, and to enjoy all
personal guarantees, but there was no spirit of reciprocity
on their part. When the serviles assumed the reins of power,
they invariably abused and persecuted Barrundia. He was not
only sent into exile, but insulted there in publications they
would forward him. _Reseña Hist._, iii. 188-90.

[VIII-58] The executive was authorized to support the
petition of the clergy in order that the diocese should
have a bishop, and permitted that he should appropriate
a portion of the public funds to that end. No mention was
made of the person who was to be bishop. The idea was to
flatter the several clergymen who were with Carrera hoping
to earn a mitre. July 25th the people were called to elect
a constituent assembly, of not less than fifty members,
to reform, add to, or retain in whole or in part the
constitution of Guatemala. This decree was supported by the
liberals, who foolishly believed that their party would have
the power to reconstitute the state. The serviles hailed it,
being sure of controlling the situation with Rivera Paz at
the head of the government, and three servile wings as his
counsellors. Reactionary deputies would be plentiful in the
constitutional convention. The capitation tax was reduced
to four reales. The assembly, now converted into a law-maker
by steam, on the 26th of July revoked the laws establishing
civil marriage and divorce, freedom to bequeath property,
reduction of the number of holidays, and the further
admission of religious vows. _Id._, 190-2.

[VIII-59] He ruled 2½ months, at the end of which he had
to seek safety in flight, on Carrera occupying the capital.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 48, 62.

[VIII-60] The former political order of affairs now came
to an end, and a new era began under Carrera's auspices.
_Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 207.

[VIII-61] The texts of the several treaties may be seen in
_Convencion_, in _Cent. Am. Constituciones_, 5-25, 28-31;
_Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 382-95.

[VIII-62] Honors were paid to Carrera and Rivera Paz.
Their portraits were to be placed in the hall of sessions.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 53. A few days later the 19th of March was
decreed a civic feast-day. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, iii. 348.

[VIII-63] Act of Nov. 9, 1840. _Id._, 286.

[VIII-64] Not at Aguanqueterique, as the federal congress had
decreed. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 13; _Marure_, _Efem._,
10. The last named, in his _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 148,
gives the name as Leypateric.

[VIII-65] Comayagua, Tegucigalpa, Gracias, Santa Bárbara,
Olancho, Yoro, and Choluteca.

[VIII-66] Irias excommunicated Herrera, and the latter had
him arrested. Both had many adherents.

[VIII-67] Arce claims that Gracias had called for the
protection. _Mem._, 64-5; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 61. The
truth is, he had no right to exercise jurisdiction there, the
place not being on the frontier nor on the coast. _Morazan_,
_Apuntes_, MS., 6.

[VIII-68] Herrera had a force to defeat Milla, but refrained
from using it, in order that Honduras should not be accused
of beginning hostilities against the national government.
_Id._, 7.

[VIII-69] Marure, _Efem._, 19, gives the 10th as the
date. Dunlop, _Cent. Am._, 169, gives March 10th. Morazan
attributes the surrender to the commander's treachery.
_Apuntes_, MS., 8.

[VIII-70] Cleto Bendaña was made jefe provisional in Sept.
1827, Francisco Morazan being consejero in Nov. of that year.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 63.

[VIII-71] See his _Apuntes_, MS., 9-10.

[VIII-72] There was a sedition of the serviles, headed by
Father Rivas and others, which was concluded by a peaceable
arrangement with Morazan. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i.
191-3, 196.

[VIII-73] Martinez and Cori, implicated in a plot with
negroes of Belize and Bacalar, and others were executed May
25, 1833. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 132.

[VIII-74] They mostly affected the clergy. _Marure_, _Efem._,
23-7, 35-6.

[VIII-75] Resulting from various causes. A law providing for
a provisional currency checked foreign trade. In the interior
it was at 50 per ct discount. A decree establishing a single
tax never could be carried out. The abolition of tithes was
a measure which caused trouble. Timid or fanatical rulers
were afraid of 'cuatro canónigos viejos de Comayagua que
amenazaban con el salmo 108 y las penas del infierno,' and
fanaticism soon brought about the restoration of the tithes.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 277.

[VIII-76] This was the second constituent assembly, and
its first president was José Santiago Buezo. The town of
Tegucigalpa demanded absolute independence, declaring itself
seceded and under the protection of Nicaragua until it should
be declared. This was the work of the returned reactionists.
_Id._, 279-82.

[VIII-77] 'Art. Único. El estado de Honduras es libre,
soberano, é independiente.' It was published by the
acting jefe, Leon Alvarado. The declaration being deemed
insufficient by the secessionists, another act was passed
on the 5th of Nov., to say that Honduras was independent of
the late federal government, of the governments of the other
states of Cent. Am., and of any other government or foreign
power. _Id._, 282; _Marure_, _Efem._, 47.

[VIII-78] Tegucigalpa had been twice taken, and Comayagua
once, by the federal forces. _Id._, 50-1.

[VIII-79] Gerónimo Zelaya, primer jefe, June 1828. His
authority was never recognized outside of Santa Bárbara. His
election was finally declared null, like all others effected
pursuant to the convention by the president of the republic.
Diego Vijil, vice-jefe, Apr. 1829. Juan Angel Arias,
consejero, Dec. 1829. José Santos del Valle, consejero,
July 1830. José Ant. Marquez, jefe, March 1831. Francisco
Milla, consejero, March 1832. Joaquin Rivera, jefe, Jan.
1833 to Dec. 31, 1836. During his term, owing to illness,
the executive was temporarily in charge of F. Ferrera, the
vice-jefe, in Sept. 1833, and of J. M. Bustillo, consejero,
in Sept. 1835. The latter was again in power as acting
president in Aug. 1839. Ferrera again held the executive in
Jan. 1841, with the title of president of the state. J. M.
Martinez, consejero, Jan. 1837. Justo José Herrera, jefe,
May 1837. Leon Alvarado, consejero, Oct. 1838. Felipe Medina,
José Alvarado, and Lino Matute are also mentioned as having
had charge of the executive in Nov. 1838; the last named
till Jan. 1839. Juan F. Molina, consejero, Jan. 1839. José M.
Guerrero, consejero, May 1839. Francisco Zelaya, consejero,
Sept. 1839. _Id._, 63; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 133-6,
325-31; iii. 282-3.

[IX-1] March 5, 1824, the local constituent assembly met,
and on the 4th of July, the state constitution, decreed on
the 12th of June, was published, and its support sworn to.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 10-11.

[IX-2] Sonsonate had always belonged to Guatemala, but was
annexed to Salvador on the return of the auxiliary force that
was despatched to the former in 1823 to quell Ariza's revolt,
of which I have given an account. By intrigue and force, the
inhabitants were made to declare in favor of Salvador. The
region was later attached to the latter, though the change
of jurisdiction has never been formally acknowledged by
Guatemala. Some time after there was a plan of creating, with
Sonsonate and Santa Ana, a separate state, but the federal
congress did not sanction it. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist._, i.
149.

[IX-3] He assumed his office Dec. 13, 1824. During the period
of organization the executive was in charge of Juan Manuel
Rodriguez, who bore the title of director. _Id._, _Efem._,
13, 62; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 32.

[IX-4] At this time Salvador became the asylum of the liberal
party.

[IX-5] Arce alleged that Molina and others had induced
Villacorta to believe he was the only man who could right
political wrongs; but he found he could not do this, and so
resigned. _Mem._, 60-1.

[IX-6] Convents were abolished March 1, 1830. A college was
established in July of the following year; and the state
seemed to have recovered from the losses of the late war.

[IX-7] Cornejo could not be in accord with the federal
authorities; he was a servile, and in league with their
enemies. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 334.

[IX-8] The executive authority was held for a while by
Morazan himself. _Marure_, _Efem._, 30, 62.

[IX-9] To accept the position he resigned the vice-presidency
of the republic. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 6.

[IX-10] Tithes had been suppressed and trial by jury
introduced.

[IX-11] The public archives and artillery were to be also
removed. The comandante-general was to remain behind with
four cannons and 200 muskets.

[IX-12] He had lost his wearing apparel, and in his
smallclothes, and with a travelling cloak on, he took charge
of the government. _Id._, 20. He was chosen by the assembly
first jefe on the 1st of July, 1833. In June 1834 he was
removed from office and expelled. _Marure_, _Efem._, 36, 62;
_Guat._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 22, 1854, 7.

[IX-13] Aquino was a perfect savage, and invoked religion, as
did Carrera somewhat later. He once entered San Vicente with
the crown of an image of St Joseph on his head. His mode of
sentencing prisoners to death was expeditious. The victim was
placed before a group of his men, who were told he was their
enemy. 'Shoot him,' they would say, and the thing was done.
Aquino was in league with the serviles, but as they could not
manage him, they persecuted their crowned ally. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, ii. 21.

[IX-14] Crowe, _Gospel_, 135, and Squier, _Travels_, ii.
420-1, erroneously place it in 1832.

[IX-15] The defeat of San Martin by Gen. Espinosa was at
Jiquilisco. _Guat._, _Boletin Ofic._, 507-9. San Martin was
now forsaken by Galvez, the jefe of Guatemala. In his old
age he used to complain of 'las inconsecuencias del Doctor
Galvez.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 27.

[IX-16] The latter ruled only from July to Oct., when he
was temporarily succeeded, first by the consejero, Joaquin
Escolan, and then by the vice-jefe, José M. Silva, the same
month. Nicolás Espinosa became jefe in Apr. 1835, and was
driven away in the following November, being accused of
promoting a war of races, the consejero Francisco Gomez being
his successor on the 13th of Nov. The next rulers were: Diego
Vijil, Apr. 1836; Timoteo Menendez, vice-jefe, Sept. 1836;
Antonio J. Cañas, consejero, May 1839. _Marure_, _Efem._, 62;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 193.

[IX-17] Carrera contemplated becoming the ruler of Central
America, but had to abandon his plan on Nicaragua and
Honduras forming a league against him. His Indians were not
so efficient when off from their native ground. _Squier's
Travels_, ii. 441-2.

[IX-18] Sept. 23, 1840. He had ruled since Apr. 8th of
the same year. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875. The
revolutionary movement of Sept. 20th for his removal was
promoted by Francisco Malespin, Carrera's tool, and a man who
wielded a fatal influence in Salvador till Gen. Joaquin E.
Guzman rid the country of him. Malespin was then acting for
Carrera, who feared that a revolution of the Calvario ward of
San Salvador would upset Cañas, who was without influence,
and could no longer be useful to the aristocrats of Guat.
Such a revolution would create a liberal government, and
might bring back Morazan. Cañas was put out of the way that
his place might be occupied by a servile tool. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 499.

[IX-19] He held the position only to the end of 1840. His
successors with the same title were Juan Lindo, Jan. 1841;
Pedro Arce, Apr. 1841; Senator Escolástico Marin, Feb. 1842.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 62.

[IX-20] 'En la ulterior contienda de los partidos políticos
de esta Provincia, pues, no se encuentran mas que pasiones;
las calificaciones de realistas, imperialistas, ó serviles
solo servian para autorizar la persecucion.' _Ayon_, _Ap._,
25.

[IX-21] April 17, 1823.

[IX-22] This movement was the precursor of the great
calamities that were to befall Nicaragua. _Marure_, _Efem._,
9.

[IX-23] The troops and the mob in Leon, on the 4th of May,
deposed him, and placed his office in charge of the alcalde,
Pablo Melendez, who in his turn was overthrown a few days
later by another sedition headed by Ordoñez.

[IX-24] The villas of Managua and Nicaragua refused to
recognize the revolutionary government at the capital, and
established a junta gubernativa at the first-named town.

[IX-25] It was formed with the chief men of the 'partido de
Managua.'

[IX-26] By order of Gen. Manuel José Arce, who afterward
entered Leon. Details of battles and actions during this
unhappy period of Nicaraguan history may be found in
_Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 151-6; _Id._, _Efem._,
11-12, 75; _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 28-36; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._,
160-2.

[IX-27] In the previous year Martin Arzú had been sent as a
commissioner to restore peace in Nicaragua. He was ordered
to use gentle means, but to employ force against parties
opposing him. To support him, 500 Hondurans were stationed
at Choluteca. He arrived after the siege of Leon had begun,
and endeavored on the spot to bring about an arrangement
between the belligerents; but he was treated disrespectfully
by the besiegers, and even arrested and threatened with
death by Salas. He afterward declared the junta at El Viejo
revolutionary, and that its commands should be disregarded.
After that he conducted the defence of Leon. _Marure_,
_Bosq._, i. 157-9.

[IX-28] In the latter part of 1828 he was shot, under
the sentence of a court-martial convened by order of the
vice-jefe Argüello. _Id._, _Efem._, 63-4.

[IX-29] Its support was sworn to on the last day of that
month.

[IX-30] The first representative council, or senate, was
inaugurated at the same place on the 26th of Oct., 1826.
_Id._, 18.

[IX-31] Cerda would not, however, lay down his power, and
continued exercising it at Managua. _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._,
43.

[IX-32] The dissolution was 'á consecuencia de una sedicion
promovida por el Vice-jefe del mismo Estado Sr Juan
Argüello.' _Marure_, _Efem._, 18.

[IX-33] On the 14th of Sept., 1827. This was his third or
fourth effort; all fruitless, however. _Id._, 20.

[IX-34] He foretold at the time that 'muy luego vería el
congreso arder otra vez la tea de la discordia en aquel
Estado.' _Arce_, _Mem._, 17.

[IX-35] Their project involved the annexation of Nicaragua to
Colombia. _Los Anales_, 1872, 54.

[IX-36] He now proposed to surrender the government to
Argüello or some one else. His friends dissuaded him, and he
was finally the victim of treachery.

[IX-37] His friends had obtained that the trial should be
at Granada, but the mob at Rivas opposed his removal at the
moment of departure. _Id._, 63.

[IX-38] Nov. 29, 1828. It is said that the vice-jefe,
Argüello, decreed a suspension of the sentence; but purposely
delayed the courier, so that the reprieve arrived too late at
Rivas. A full biography of Cerda, with scattered historical
items, is given in _Id._, 29-72, passim.

[IX-39] The installation of the assembly was on Nov. 1, 1829.
The elections had been decreed by the vice-jefe, Argüello,
and his act, as well as the elections effected under it, were
on the 23d of May, 1830, declared to be legitimate. _Rocha_,
_Cód. Nic._, i. 80. Herrera had been inducted in office on
the 12th of May. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 199-203.

[IX-40] The services of the Nicaraguans were recognized by
both the federal president and the state assembly. Honors
were decreed to the survivors, and pensions to the wounded,
and to the widows and orphans of the dead. _Rocha_, _Cód.
Nic._, i. 214-15.

[IX-41] This last action was attributed by the revolutionists
to Herrera's machinations and Morazan's influence; but the
truth was, that the people recognized Herrera's services
as the pacificator, and his good qualifications as a ruler.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 31-2.

[IX-42] A detailed account of this revolt is given in the
_Centro Americano_, 89-97. It is said that a number of medals
were found of tortoise-shell, gold, and other metals, with
the image of Fernando VII., and bearing the inscription 'Viva
Fernando VII. Rey de España y de las Indias, Año de 1828,'
which gave rise to the supposition that the revolt had been
in his interests. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 36-8.
Herrera issued a proclamation calling on the people to stand
by the government. _Marure_, _Efem._, 33-4.

[IX-43] The assembly, installed on the 21st of Aug., 1833, at
Leon, approved all of Herrera's acts.

[IX-44] On the southern coast of Nicaragua, 12 leagues
distant from Leon.

[IX-45] A dense yellow cloud rose suddenly, accompanied by
a strong smell of sulphur and a shower of fine white dust.
The alarmed inhabitants closed their doors and windows, but
the dust could not be kept out. Breathing became difficult.
This lasted nearly three days. On the 23d, at 1 A. M., a
loud detonation, followed by heavy shocks of earthquake,
rain of sand, and total darkness, rendered the terror of the
people complete. Flocks of birds fell dead to the ground,
and wild animals sought refuge in buildings. The frightened
inhabitants ran to their yards, or hurried to the churches
to implore divine mercy. Forty-three hours passed before
the earth became quiet, when a strong wind cleared the
atmosphere, enabling the people to ascertain the damage. The
ashes in the vicinity of the volcano were several feet deep.
The river Chiquito had been wholly dried up, and two new
islands were formed. A large number of animals had perished,
and the living ones were in a state of starvation. Such
had been the force of the convulsion that the detonations
and the rain of ashes had reached a distance of hundreds of
leagues, as far as Oajaca, Jamaica, and Bogotá in Colombia.
Montúfar, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 145-50, in giving an account
of the event, adds that the priests called it a punishment
from heaven because tithes had been abolished, freedom of
conscience proclaimed, and the decrees of 1829 and 1830
upheld. The parish priests in several towns, during the
prevailing darkness, preached from their pulpits that this
shaking of the earth was a manifestation of God's wrath for
the crimes of the liberals. Squier, _Trav._, ii. 110-11, says
that the superintendent of Belize, on hearing the explosions,
mustered his troops, thinking that a battle was being fought
somewhere near the coast. Stephens, _Cent. Am._, ii. 38,
relates a similar incident of the military commander of
Guatemala.

[IX-46] Accounts of the catastrophe, differing more or less
in details, according to the various points where it was
observed, are given in _Marure_, _Efem._, 36-7; _Stephens'
Cent. Am._, ii. 35-8; _Squier's Trav._, ii. 110-14, 162-3,
with a view of the volcano; _Byam's Wild Life_, 32-7;
_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 15-17; _Lond. Geog. Soc. Journ._,
v. 387-92; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 23; _Wells' Hond._,
230-1; _Cor. Atlánt._, May 9, 1835, 10; _Dicc. Univ. Hist.
Geog._, x. 919-20.

[IX-47] Not in 1836, as Dunlop has it. _Cent. Am._, 191-2.

[IX-48] His minister-general for a time was J. N. Gonzalez,
and on his resigning, Hermenegildo Zepeda, one of the first
lawyers in the state, succeeded. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
ii. 302.

[IX-49] On the 25th of Jan. _Marure_, _Efem._, 39, 64;
Montúfar, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 306-10, gives the official
documents describing the occurrences.

[IX-50] Father Solis, the president, and others attributed
to Morazan and the constitution of 1824 the evils Nicaragua
had suffered from, forgetting those preceding Morazan and the
constitution.

[IX-51] Ratified by the executive Nov. 17th. Given in full
in _Nic._, _Constit._, in _Cent. Am. Constitutions_, 1-39.
A brief synopsis in _Squier's Travels_, ii. 211-13. See also
_Niles' Reg._, 1839, lvi. 49.

[IX-52] During Herrera's term the following held the
executive authority for short periods: Cárlos Ruiz y Bolaños,
Aug. 1831; Benito Morales, Feb. 1834; José Nuñez, March 1834.
I find that the government was also provisionally in charge
of Gregorio Juarez, May 1835; F. X. Rubio, Jan. 1838; José
Nuñez, as jefe, March 12, 1838; Evaristo Rocha, May 1838;
Joaquin Cosio, June 1838; Patricio Rivas, director, June
1839; Joaquin Cosio, July 1839; Hilario Ulloa, Oct. 1839;
Tomás Valladares, Nov. 1839. In 1840 he became director
del estado; Pablo Buitrago, director, Apr. 1841. _Marure_,
_Efem._, 64.

[IX-53] Sept. 6, 1824. Molina, _Costa Rica_, 95, followed
by Wagner, _Costa R._, 545, gives it as May 6th, which is
evidently a mistake. _Marure_, _Efem._, 11, has it Sept.
6th, and that Agustin Gutierrez Lizaurzábal was its first
president.

[IX-54] _Costa Rica_, _Ley Fundam._ (San Salv., 1825), 24
mo, 26 pp.; _Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 32; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent.
Am._, 13; _Molina_, _Costa R._, 18. This last-named author,
on his p. 95, gives the date as Jan. 22d, evidently following
_Marure_, _Efem._, 13. Squier, _Travels_, ii. 388, makes it
Jan. 2d.

[IX-55] Mariano Montealegre became the vice-jefe. Mora was
reëlected in March 1829, and ruled till toward the end of
1832. _Marure_, _Efem._, 64; _Id._, _Bosq._, 149; _Mem. Rev.
Cent. Am._, 32.

[IX-56] Personal enmity between Pedro Muñoz, an influential
man in Guanacaste, and Cerda was the main reason. _Los
Anales_, 1872, 54.

[IX-57] The approval was merely provisional. The other four
are Cartago, San José, Heredia, and Alajuela. _Molina_,
_Costa R._, 5-6.

[IX-58] _Nic. y Hond._, _Doc._, 101-12; _Ayon_, _Consid.
Límites_, 20-4; _Frisch_, _Mex._, 73.

[IX-59] Marure, _Efem._, 16, and _Bosq._, i. 232-3, following
_El Indicador_, 1826, no. 75, and _El Semanario_, 1826, no.
86, gives the date as Jan. 29th. Molina, _Costa R._, 96,
places it on the 28th.

[IX-60] He confessed to have acted under a commission from
the court of Spain, and as a lieut-col in its service.
Seventeen of his partisans were sent out of the country.

[IX-61] A detailed account of that mission may be seen in
_Mem. Rev. Cent. Am._, 112-14; _Molina_, _Costa R._, 96-7.

[IX-62] 'Ocupa este lugar el ciudadano Ex-gefe Juan Mora,
por sus virtudes, y le ocuparán sucesivamente, los que, en
el mismo destino, se hagan dignos de él.' _Marure_, _Efem._,
33. Mora was born in San José in 1784, and had filled
several important trusts before his election to the chief
magistracy. After his retirement he again held other offices
till his exile in 1838. Returning to his country in 1842,
he took a prominent part in public affairs. In Nov. 1848 he
was declared a benemérito de la patria, and given a pension
for life. In May 1850 he became president of the supreme
court. Honesty and integrity were the prominent traits of his
character, united with ability and liberal ideas, but free
from exaggerations. _Molina_, _Costa R._, 75-6, 98, 119-21.

[IX-63] Costa Rica had never been under the sway of bishops,
clergymen, or monks. That fanaticism which has been so
baneful to other states of Spanish America never existed
here. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 305.

[IX-64] _Guat._, _Boletin Ofic._, 1833, no. 34, 376; _Costa
R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 4-5. Gallegos was an honorable man
and father of a family, as well as a wealthy property owner.
But he was not conversant with state affairs, nor with the
intrigues of politicians. His chief aim was economy; he
wished to see the public treasury full of money; he cared
less to apply that money in the development of the country.

[IX-65] In proof of which were the newspapers _El Noticioso
Universal_, _La Tertulia_, _El Correo de Costa Rica_, and the
number of sheets that were constantly issued.

[IX-66] By the assembly and council, and published by the
executive, Apr. 3, 1834. _Id._, 198-201; _Costa R._, Col.
_Leyes_, iv. 110-12, 120-1.

[IX-67] Juan José Lara became jefe provisorio, and in his
turn was succeeded in June of the same year by the vice-jefe
Agustin G. Lizaurzábal, who ruled till March 1835, when,
because of ill health, he delivered the government to Manuel
Fernandez, who had it till the regularly elected jefe assumed
his duties. _Marure_, _Efem._, 64; _Molina_, _Costa R._, 99;
_Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 134-5, 159-60.

[IX-68] He was born in Cartago in 1800, and studied in
the university of Leon, Nicaragua. He had never been out
of Cent. Am., and consequently his mind had never had the
expanding influence of travel. He was accordingly full of
petty prejudices. He could, however, appreciate men of merit,
and avail himself of their abilities; but if he mistrusted a
man, he proved a relentless foe. He rarely placed any trust
in any one. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 208; _Costa R._,
_Col. Leyes_, iv. 206-7; _Molina_, _Costa R._, 68 et seq.;
_Wagner_, _Costa Rica_, 201-3.

[IX-69] Law of Apr. 11 and Aug. 25, 1835; _Costa R._, _Col.
Leyes_, iv. 196-9, 235-9; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, May 25,
1875.

[IX-70] Government issued a proclamation against the rebels
on the 6th of Oct., 1835. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv.
273-80.

[IX-71] The decisive action occurred on the 28th of Oct.
About 50 persons perished. Details on those troubles appear
in _Molina_, _Costa R._, 99-100; _Marure_, _Efem._, 38. The
authors of the rebellion were mulcted in sums ranging from
$2,000 down to $30. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 208-27,
237-47.

[IX-72] Two thousand men came upon the invaders at the
hacienda of Santa Rosa. Quijano escaped to Nicaragua. The
government, by a decree of July 2, 1836, declared him and
others outlawed, and one of them was executed. _Costa R._,
_Col. Leyes_, iv. 325-30, 349-58. Guanacaste, later known as
Liberia, and Nicoya, for their loyalty, were rewarded, the
former being made a city, and the latter a villa. _Molina_,
_Costa R._, 100; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 230-6.

[IX-73] Carrillo held the executive office till March 1837,
when, his term having expired, he surrendered it to Joaquin
Mora, a brother of the former jefe, Juan Mora, who ruled only
one month, and began his administration by opposing some of
Carrillo's measures. _Id._, 312.

[IX-74] Aguilar had political enemies who accused him of
friendship for Cartago, Heredia, and Alajuela, thereby
exposing San José to new assaults. With this pretext a plan
was formed to assault the barracks at San José on the night
of Aug. 26th. _Id._, 318-20.

[IX-75] Carrillo was recognized as jefe by a special decree
of the assembly on the 26th of June, and remained at the
head of affairs till 1842, when he was overthrown in his
turn. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv. 241; _Marure_, _Efem._,
64; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 322-3. Miguel Carranza,
Carrillo's father-in-law, became vice-jefe. _Stephens_,
_Cent. Am._, i. 359.

[IX-76] He established a reign of despotism, in which
his will was law, restricting the press and punishing his
political opponents with expatriation and otherwise, though
they were pardoned in 1838. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, iv.
320-1, v. 96-100, 193-4. His course made him many enemies,
whom he treated with the utmost harshness. His change from
a liberal ruler to an arbitrary one was quite marked. He
was known by the sobriquet of Sapo de Loza. A number of
charges against him appear in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
iii. 561-79. During his former administration, in 1836, he
restored the tithes and the excessive number of holidays of
the church.

[IX-77] The assembly had, in April 1838, passed a resolution
inviting the federal congress to call a national convention
for the exclusive purpose of reforming the federal
institutions. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, v. 196-8.

[IX-78] Carrillo could not rule with the liberal constitution
of 1825. To do away with this obstacle he used as a
pretext the decree of the federal congress of May 30,
1838, empowering the states to reconstitute themselves. The
assembly of Costa Rica accepted the decree on the 16th of
July, 1838, and Carrillo seized the opportunity to get rid
of a fundamental law that did not suit him. It was at his
suggestion that the assembly, by decree of July 14, 1838,
called the constituent convention. _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_,
iv. 248-51, 279-84; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 266-7.

[IX-79] A treaty of friendship and alliance was concluded
July 1, 1839, with Honduras; another of the same character
one month later with Guatemala. Both are given in
_Convencion_, in _Cent. Am. Constitutions_, 13-14, 23-5.

[IX-80] The coat of arms was a star with rays, placed in the
centre of a sky-blue circle, and had at the circumference
the inscription 'Estado de Costa Rica.' The flag consisted
of three horizontal stripes, the uppermost and lowest white,
and the central one sky-blue, with the coat of arms on the
latter. The flag of the mercantile marine was not to have
the coat of arms, but instead of it, in silver letters on the
centre stripe, the inscription 'Estado de Costa Rica.' _Costa
R._, _Col. Leyes_, vi. 316-20.

[IX-81] President Morazan's decree of April 20, 1842,
restored the flag, arms, and coins as before the promulgation
of Carrillo's.

[X-1] Articles 8th and 9th of this treaty stipulated that
the ports of both states were to be closed to British trade
until Great Britain should restore to Central America the
island of Roatan, the seizure of which, together with its
consequences, is treated of in another part of this volume.
Chatfield, who had been favoring the views of Guatemala
against Los Altos, declared to the latter that these articles
were offensive to his government. The government of the new
state, being anxious to avert any interruption of friendly
relations, by its minister, Aguilar, assured the consul, on
the 18th of Jan., 1840, that the objectionable articles would
be rescinded.

[X-2] The state assembly passed a decree to that end April
17, 1841, and appointed the deputies to represent it, the
appointees being Francisco Castellon, Gregorio Juarez, Benito
Rosales, Ex-jefe José Nuñez, and Hermenegildo Zepeda. The
last named was represented by Sebastian Salinas. Castellon's
selection by the assembly was a blow at Buitrago, the two
being bitter opponents.

[X-3] In the protest they set forth the machinations brought
to bear to defeat them. Nicaragua and Salvador had asked
Guatemala and Costa Rica to enter the convention. Ferrera,
the executive of Honduras, played a double game. He had
representatives in the convention, while he was leagued
with the aristocrats of Guatemala, who spurned the idea of
reorganization. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 144.

[X-4] Meantime the convention named the supreme delegate
and the members of the council. The duties of the executive
officer were multifarious, involving foreign and internal
affairs. Among the foreign affairs was the negotiating of a
concordat with the pope, and of a treaty with Spain for her
recognition of Central American independence. He was also
to procure the reassembling of the American diet. _Squier's
Trav._, ii. 444-5; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 147-8;
_Reichardt_, _Nic._, 73-4; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14,
1875.

[X-5] Act of the constituent assembly, dated July 20, 1842.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 304-5.

[X-6] The act consisted of 77 articles, and was an
amplification of the former act. Art. 4 said that
the confederate states recognized the principle of
non-intervention by one or more states in the internal
affairs of the others. They bound themselves never to
resort to arms for the settlement of disputed points, nor
to permit the annexation of towns of alien jurisdiction
without the express assent of their sovereign. The other
states of the late union were granted the privilege of
joining the confederacy with equal rights and representation.
Art. 14 prescribed that the government was to be exercised
through delegates for the general objects of common benefit
expressly set forth in the instrument. Art. 15. The executive
authority was to be in charge of a supremo delegado, with
a consultive council formed with one member from each
state. Art. 16. The judicial power was intrusted to a court
composed of members chosen by the state legislatures. The
delegates who subscribed the act were: J. Nuñez, G. Juarez,
Francisco Castellon, Pedro Zeledon, and Sebastian Salinas
for Nicaragua; Manuel Barberena, and José M. Cornejo for
Salvador; Manuel E. Vazquez, Mónico Bueso, and Jacobo Rosa
for Honduras. _Cent. Am._, _Pacto de Confed._, 1-12; _Niles'
Reg._, lxiv. 2; _La Union_, June 15, 1850; _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iv. 266-82; _Pabellon Nac._, Oct. 19, 1844,
27; _Froebel's Cent. Am._, 143.

[X-7] An act was passed by the constituent assembly on the
28th of July, 1841, purporting to have in view a restoration
of the union. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 454-5.

[X-8] _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, viii. 28-36. This treaty
was called by the nobles 'tratado de union.' Carcache
produced a note of June 17, 1843. from Aycinena reiterating
his government's protest against the expediency and
practicability of establishing in Central America 'una forma
de gobierno unitario,' which in its opinion would entail
upon the country still greater misfortunes. Castellon, for
the Nicaragua executive, replied on the 5th of Aug., denying
that any offence had been committed by entertaining opinions
favorable to the late government. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
iv. 151-2.

[X-9] Rivera Paz' decree, in _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i.
46-8.

[X-10] Costa Rica appointed delegates to the diet. _Costa
R._, _Col. Leyes_, viii. 57-9, 92-8, 188-9. The minister
of Guat. had proposed to Costa Rica a convention of
commissioners from all the states, appointed in the manner
he suggested, namely, all the commissioners were to be of
Guatemala, and directed by him to review the compact of
Chinandega. The proposition was rejected. The reports of the
committees in the assemblies of Guatemala and Costa Rica are
given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 283-97, 380, 407-9.

[X-11] This would save them from such blows as the lieut-gen.
inflicted on them at Pinula and Villa de Guadalupe, early in
1844.

[X-12] They were to be paid for by the confederate states.

[X-13] These facts appear in the official report to the state
government on May 6, 1844.

[X-14] José Antonio Azmitia became minister of the treasury,
and Manuel Ubico under-sec.-gen.

[X-15] He could not deny Arce's invasion of Salvador,
but pretended that no prominent man of the govt or of the
aristocratic party had any knowledge of his intention to
invade, or of the source from which he obtained his supplies.
Pavon knew well enough, but prevarication was convenient. The
fact is, Juan A. Alvarado, Guatemalan agent in San Salvador,
had given his government timely information of the intended
invasion. Arce's departure was open. In order to put an
innocent appearance on the affair, the govt decreed, May
12, 1844, that Arce should leave the city within 24 hours,
and the state within 20 days. In an address to the people
on the 2d of June, Rivera Paz says that Salvador emissaries
had been detected trying to rouse the people of Los Altos
to insurrection, and that the plan was intended to avenge
the defeat of 1840. This is hardly true; for Malespin had
been then on Carrera's side against Morazan, and his tool
in Salvador ever since. The aristocrats had, when it suited
their purposes, published letters of liberal leaders falling
in their hands; and yet they never brought out those said to
have been taken from the emissaries at Los Altos.

[X-16] The two notes are given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
iv. 531-41.

[X-17] Col. Vicente Cruz, commanding the advance force of
Carrera's army, attributed the defeat to fear, which was not
altogether devoid of truth.

[X-18] The commissioners were: José D. Dieguez, Luis Batres,
and José M. Urruela for Guat.; Bishop Viteri and Narciso
Monterey for the sup. del.

[X-19] Art. 2 stipulated that all property removed from Guat.
to Salv. by the latter's forces should be restored, or its
value made good. This article was a hard one for Malespin,
and yet Viteri accepted it. This arrangement was completed in
May 1846. _Id._, v. 18; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 408-15;
_Crowe's Gospel_, 159; _La Abeja_, Oct. 18, 1844; _Defensor
Integ. Nac._, Nov. 2, 1844; _El Constituc._, Apr. 23, 1844;
_Pabellon Nac._, Oct. 19, 29, 1844.

[X-20] He insisted on certain amendments, his commissioners
having exceeded their instructions, and humiliated Salvador,
which was irresponsible for the movement on Jutiapa. And yet
Guatemala declared the convention to be obligatory.

[X-21] The object then in view was to unite Malespin and
Ferrera for a dash upon Nicaragua. With the Guatemalan
commissioners went Viteri, and he had a princely reception.

[X-22] He added that by sacrificing a great portion of her
rights Salv. had obtained peace.

[X-23] The commissioners who negotiated it were: Cayetano
Bosque for Salvador; Canon Doroteo Alvarenga and Juan Lindo
for Honduras. The object of the arrangement was evidently a
league against Nicaragua, though it cannot be said to have
been against the party called 'coquimbos,' for generals Saget
and Espinosa were now serving with Malespin. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iv. 567-8, 581-2.

[X-24] The confederate executive had ordered a force of
Nicaragüenses to come into Salvador through the department
of Choluteca, Lieut-col Aguado being charged with their
transportation.

[X-25] The troops could not come by sea, the port of La Union
being then blockaded by a British frigate. Copy of Aguilar's
note, dated Aug. 11, 1844, in _Id._, 569-71.

[X-26] Muñoz' report sets the enemy's loss at 156 killed,
besides many prisoners, and over 200 muskets, etc.

[X-27] The place was defended by upwards of 700 men under
Juan Morales.

[X-28] Guzman could not grant such authority, as it was
of the exclusive province of the state congress. It was,
besides, unnecessary, as neither Salvador nor Honduras was
invaded.

[X-29] For his own security, in his absence, he placed his
brother, Calixto Malespin, as comandante general, near
Vice-president Guzman. This man used to open Guzman's
correspondence, and deliver him only such despatches as
he thought expedient. See circular of Jimenez, Guzman's
minister, to governors of departments, of Feb. 12, 1845, in
_Id._, 717-18.

[X-30] He was the constitutional chief. _Ayon_, _Apuntes_, 4;
_Semanario Nic._, Apr. 24, 1873.

[X-31] A pompous title, which rendered him ridiculous in
the eyes of many, while it excited jealousy on the part of
others. _Squier's Trav._, ii. 449. Fonseca is represented as
a drunkard, ignorant, and the most brutal tyrant Nicaragua
ever had. Life and property were subject to his nod.
_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 224-5; _Wells' Hond._, 494.

[X-32] It should be known that Chamorro had not been a
Morazanista, or even a liberal. He was the chief of the
conservative party in Nic. On March 29, 1845, his term having
expired, and there being no legal successor, he decreed
that the office of supremo delegado ceased to exist, and
communicated the fact to the governments of the several
states. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 122.

[X-33] Oct. 31, 1844. The object of the war, he said, was to
avenge the insult inflicted by Nic. on Hond., and it was to
be waged till a lasting peace could be secured.

[X-34] Here the invaders were joined by Gen. Manuel Quijano
and 64 dragoons who had deserted from Leon.

[X-35] The commissioners were Hermenegildo Zepeda and
Gerónimo Carcache. Malespin himself acted for Salv. and Hond.
Art. 1 required Nic. to pay Salv. and Hond. all the expenses
of the present war, and to Salv. those incurred in the war of
April last against Guat., because Nic. had failed to furnish
her contingent of troops. This last payment was waived by
Salv. in art. 6. Art. 2 calls for the surrender by Nic.
of all arms within her territory belonging to the allies.
Art. 3 made it the duty of Nic. to deliver to the allied
forces the 'facciosos' Joaquin Rivera, Máximo Orellana,
Miguel Álvarez, Trinidad Cabañas, Gerardo Barrios, Diego
and Ramon Vijil, if found in the state, and if they were
out of it, not to allow them to reside therein without the
consent of the allied governments. Art. 7 throws upon Nic.
the expense of supporting the allied troops from the date of
the ratification of the treaty till they should have reached
their quarters in their respective states. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iv. 592-4.

[X-36] Guardiola became intoxicated and abused the deserters;
whereupon half of them abandoned the allied camp, and he was
placed under arrest.

[X-37] Among the slain was Cruz Guardiola, a brother of the
general.

[X-38] It will be well to record here that Muñoz, to whom
Leon owed her present tribulation, was a Nicaraguan by birth.

[X-39] The negotiators for Nic. were Canon Desiderio Cortés
and Anselmo Alarcon; for Salv. and Hond., Gen. Nicolás
Espinosa and J. T. Muñoz. Under this capitulation the terms
agreed to in the former one at Zatoca were to be enforced as
regarded payment of war expenses and surrender of arms. Nic.
bound herself to expel from the state Casto Fonseca, Cabañas,
Rivera, Orellana, Barrios, Álvarez, Diego, Ramon and José
Antonio Vijil, Domingo Asturias, José Antonio Milla, and José
Antonio Ruiz; and furthermore, to deliver to Malespin some
Salvadorans who revolted against him at San Miguel on the 5th
of Sept., 1844.

[X-40] Granada took Malespin's side, and was followed by
Rivas and other places. It seemed as if all the actas had
been written by the same hand. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
iv. 600, 635-6.

[X-41] The most humiliating part of this arrangement was
the 3d clause, wherein the eastern and southern departments
recognize Malespin as 'protector de los Nicaragüenses,'
and general-in-chief of the united armies, including one
organized by those departments, till the end of the war.
_Id._, iv. 600-2; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 12, 14, 55-6, 65,
69, 110-15; _Sandoval_, _Rev. Polít._, 9, 15-18.

[X-42] Several officers were shot, among them a number
taken by Saget, on the vessel _Carolina_. Malespin issued
stringent orders against rendering aid to the besieged. An
official report from Nagarote of Jan. 23d, to the comandante
at Managua, speaks of a defeat of troops of the govt at Leon,
with the loss of 200 killed, 300 wounded, and many prisoners,
together with 3 pieces of cannon and other arms, etc. _Nic._,
_Registro Ofic._, 4.

[X-43] It is related that Pedro Zeledon, a Costa Rican
residing in Chichigalpa, Nic., wrote Muñoz, depicting the
horrors of the war and the need of peace. Malespin made Muñoz
invite Zeledon to a conference, and when he had him in his
power, demanded a ransom of $1,000, but did not get anything,
and Zeledon obtained his liberty.

[X-44] The only house exempted from plunder was Manning's.
Many houses were razed to the ground, or burned purposely.

[X-45] On the first day the acting director, Emiliano Madrid,
Crescencio Navas, cols Francisco Lacayo and Balmaceda, Capt.
Valle, José M. Oseguera, and Father Crespin were shot.
Crespin's offence was to have begged the infamous Manuel
Quijano, at the door of the hospital for the wounded, to
spare them. Canon Cortés was put to death afterward. Casto
Fonseca, captured on the coast, was tried by court-martial
and shot. An eye-witness declared that 24 persons were
executed by Malespin in Leon. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
iv., table no. 5, 636; _Sandoval_, _Revista Polít._, 7-15;
_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 227, 230-3; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._,
4-6, 14; _Crowe's Gospel_, 159-61; _Niles' Reg._, lxviii.
193. Bustamante, _Mem. Hist. Mex._, MS., ii. 77, speaks of
Malespin's acts of horrible cruelty, adding that according
to the newspapers of Guat. Malespin had caused to be
assassinated over 1,000 persons.

[X-46] Eighty-five prisoners were released from the jail,
many of whom had been confined there for alleged political
offenses.

[X-47] He was a son-in-law of Vice-president Guzman. They
differed in politics, but Barrios fully believed that Guzman
was the person to overthrow Malespin, and must be aided with
some bold stroke.

[X-48] He called a large number of his friends to his house
and armed them with pistols—he had not a single musket at
his command. He then called the comandante general, and the
mayor de plaza, Antonino Arévalo, and made prisoners of them
without resistance. The two escaped afterward, but Malespin
was recaptured, with a wound.

[X-49] Acta of the capital on Feb. 2, 1845. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iv. 719-24; _Monit. Constit. Indep._, May 2,
1845; _La Minerva_, May 22, 1845.

[X-50] Costa R. had heard of it by a vessel from Acajutla,
and sent her recognition before the circular reached her.
The govt of Nic., created by Malespin, recognized Guzman. The
nobles of Guat. had to do the same; and believing themselves
endowed with extraordinary good sense, added their advice
with all the gravity of pedagogues. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iv. 678.

[X-51] On the ground of unconstitutionality, he being in
command of the state forces at the time the election took
place. Circular Feb. 24, 1845, in _Id._, 725; _El Salvador
Regenerado_, no. 2.

[X-52] Guzman was a Costa Rican by birth, but had lived many
years in San Miguel, Salv. He entertained liberal ideas from
his earliest political life. His military service, under
Morazan, began soon after the battle of Gualcho, and he was
present as a captain in the actions of San Miguel and Las
Charcas. He accompanied that leader to Guat. In the invasion
of Cent. Am. from Mex. by Arce in 1832, Guzman did gallant
service at Jocoro, and entered San Salvador with Morazan.
Again during San Martin's rebellion he served under his
chief as a lieut-col. The chambers of Salvador, on the 19th
of May, 1845, declared Guzman a 'benemérito de la patria,'
and awarded him a gold medal, at the same time promoting
him to general of division. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv.
693-4; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, May 21, 1875. Dunlop, _Cent.
Am._, 116, says of him: He was 'more remarkable for cunning
than honor or courage. His manners are gentlemanly; he has
no mixture of colored blood, and is rather good-looking,
though he appears to possess but little talent or education.'
I am inclined to think that Dunlop misrepresented Guzman's
character, for Guzman proved himself a good and pure ruler,
and his name is revered in the state and throughout Cent. Am.
by all lovers of freedom and enlightenment.

[X-53] On the 23d of Feb., 1845, grounded on the execution
of priests at Leon. The decree forbids the faithful of the
diocese to have any intercourse, verbal or written, with
Malespin, or to uphold or defend him in any manner. Full
text in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 679-81; _Bustamante_,
_Mem. Hist. Mex._, MS., ii. 78.

[X-54] They were Cayetano A. Molina and Juan Antonio
Alvarado. They asked not merely for Carrera's neutrality,
but for his active aid, and were referred to the ministers,
by whom they were dealt with as children. The ministers
pretended that their request could not be acceded to without
an express sanction of the legislature, which was not then in
session for lack of a quorum. The plea was a ridiculous one,
when we consider that Carrera had never before consulted the
wishes of the assembly to act his own will.

[X-55] Malespin had been acting there as president, under
Hond. support; but on Guzman's approach his troops disbanded,
and he fled.

[X-56] In March 1845 the president of Hond. took Malespin
and his companions under the protection of his govt. _Nic._,
_Registro Ofic._, 53-4.

[X-57] The commissioners of Hond. were Sebastian Salinas
and Leonardo Romero; those of Salv., José Félix Quiroz
and Nicolás Angulo. The treaty was ratified by Salv., but
rejected by the other contracting party. Text of the treaty
and Dueñas' additional clause, in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
iv. 726-32.

[X-58] Concluded by Cayetano A. Molina and Juan A. Alvarado
for Salv., and Alejandro Marure and José M. de Urruela for
Guat., April 4, 1845; approved by the constituent congress of
Guat. on the 23d of the same month, and published by Acting
President Duran the next day. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i.
415-19; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, July 8, 1853; _Monit. Constit.
Ind._, May 21, 1845; _La Minerva_, May 22, 1845.

[X-59] Dueñas was then considered a liberal, though he was
a Dominican friar when the convents were closed in 1839, for
which reason the government of Guat. would not trust him. It
was deceiving him. He was, however, the one most likely to
succeed in keeping Carrera from aiding Hond. in the present
emergency. Hond. had sent Felipe Jáuregui and Pablo Orellana
to Guat. The former was Ferrera's mentor, and in the councils
of Pavon, Aycinena, and Batres. At first he was alarmed at
the liberalism of the constituent congress, which had voted
assistance to Salv. But he received assurances that no aid
would be sent except to quell revolts in the interior; and,
moreover, that the foes of Hond. would be stricken from the
Salvador administration. Jáuregui now understood the game,
and wrote his government that the vote of aid by congress
practically amounted to nothing. A note containing these
assurances was published in Comayagua. Guat. concluded a
treaty of friendship and alliance with Hond. on the 19th of
July, 1845. _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 419-23.

[X-60] Dr Aguilar and Father Monterey. _Nic._, _Registro
Ofic._, 61-2, 123-34. Gen. Muñoz, who so efficiently aided
Malespin at Leon, was now the com. gen. and most prominent
man in Nic.

[X-61] Ferrera claimed another victory on the 7th at Santa
Rosa, but it was unfounded. _Id._, 83, 88; _Monitor Constit.
Ind._, May 21, 1845; _Crowe's Gospel_, 166-7.

[X-62] He demanded on the 11th of July, as compensation
for alleged damages to Hond. by the invasion of Cabañas and
Cordero, that Salv. should cede to Hond. all the arms and
other war material deposited in the latter state by Malespin,
and pay, besides, $100,000 in specie, to be collected by
Hond. in instalments at the port of La Union, which, until
the payments should be completed, was to be held by Hond.;
or, in lieu of that sum, cede to the latter the department of
San Miguel, or that portion of the department of Cuscatlan
lying outside of the territory enclosed by the Lempa on
the south and south-west. He also required the exile from
Cent. Am. of a number of persons. This note was published
in _Guat._, _Gaceta Ofic._, no. 15, Aug. 28, 1845. In July
a project was entertained of a confederation of Hond. with
Nic., Guat., and Salv. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 93-5, 102-8,
118-21, 136-8.

[X-63] One house containing British property was spared.
The houses of two French merchants, whose nation's flag was
flying over them, were plundered. _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 239.

[X-64] In his report he tried to cover up this serious
disaster. But the fact was, that he escaped with only about
300 men, leaving on the field upward of 300 muskets, and a
large number of slain, wounded, and prisoners. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iv. 700-1.

[X-65] Hond. troops entered Salv. after that and were
defeated. Guardiola with 350 men attacked Carballo, who had
only 39, and murdered them. It is said that this act was
commended by Ferrera in his report to the chambers of Hond.

[X-66] Guzman then returned to Hond. a number of prisoners
who had been represented by his enemies as murdered.

[X-67] So long as they remained in Hond. the latter was
to compel them to live at a great distance from the Salv.
frontier. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 736-8; _Dunlop's
Cent. Am._, 239-43; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 132, 172,
221-2; _El Tiempo_, March 12, 1846.

[X-68] Each of the contracting parties was to appoint two
commissioners to meet at Sonsonate on the 30th of Aug., and
was to urge upon the other three states a consideration of
the lamentable state the republic was in, suggesting how best
to do away with such a condition of affairs; and proposing
therefor the convocation and assembling of a constituent
power, or such other measure as it might deem conducive to
the desired end. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 30-1.

[X-69] Duran well understood the policy of his government.
Padilla did not, and volunteered to represent in San Salvador
the ardent wishes of Guat. for the restoration of the union.
He did so in a patriotic speech that gave him a good name in
Salv. and a bad one in Guat., where the _Gaceta_ rebuked him.

[X-70] 'Un delirio de imaginaciones enfermas,' it was
pronounced to be. Delegates from Costa R., Salv., and Guat.
were at Sonsonate on the 17th of Feb., 1846, and fixed the
15th to the 20th of April for conferences, but they did not
take place. On the 15th of June Costa R., Hond., and Salv.
only were represented. Nic. and Costa R. signified their
willingness to meet the other states at any place they might
select, Hond. having suggested Nacaome, as Sonsonate was no
longer deemed safe. The whole plan failed at last because
of the action of Guat. Much interesting information on the
subject and official correspondence appear in _Guat._, _Gac.
Ofic._, no. 26; _Costa R._, _Col. Leyes_, ix. 51-3, 58,
203-4, 212-14, 345-6; x. 115-17, 123-4; _Nic._, _Reg. Ofic._,
236-350, passim; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 316-18,
334-5; _Froebel's Cent. Am._, 143; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._,
253-4; _Niles' Reg._, lxix. 34.

[X-71] Signed by Rafael Carrera, and countersigned by José
Antonio Azmitia, minister of relations. _Guat._, _Recop.
Leyes_, i. 73-6; _Costa R._, _Informe Relaciones, etc._,
1848, 4; _El Universal_, June 8, 1849; _Niles' Reg._, lxxii.
208; _The Californian_, S. F., Nov. 24, 1847, ii. 3.

[X-72] The document bore Carrera's name, but it was no
production of his own mind. The authorship was attributed
to Alejandro Marure; that is to say, he drew it up from
the materials that had been collecting for years. _La
Revista_, the organ of the Sociedad Económica, declared it
the offspring of long meditation, and indeed it was, for the
aristocrats of Guat. had been planning it since 1828. The
full text is given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 196-207.

[X-73] Manuel Pineda de Mont, compiler of _Guat._, _Recop.
Leyes_, i. 453, claims, however, that Guat. was the last of
the five states to set aside the federal govt, the last to
secede, the last to continue bearing the general burdens of
the system, especially the pecuniary ones to sustain even
the semblance of authority; and that she only adopted the
resolution of March 21, 1847, after exhausting every effort,
and losing all hope of seeing her wishes realized. The reader
will judge between his statements and the facts as they have
been fairly given by me.

[X-74] Joaquin Bernardo Calvo and Juan Antonio Alvarado.
The ruler of Costa Rica, Dr Castro, was, however, of the
opinion that the five Central American states would be better
off as separate nations. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v.
266-7; _Nacaome_, _Dictamen_, in _Cent. Am. Pamph._, no. 5;
_Froebel's Cent. Am._, 143.

[X-75] Among them was the deputy Nazario Toledo, an intimate
friend of the president. Felipe Molina was another, and his
opinions are clearly defined in his _Bosq. Costa R._, 108-9.

[X-76] The decree bears the signatures of Juan Rafael Reyes,
vice-president, and Nazario Toledo and Santiago Fernandez,
deputies and secretaries of congress. _Costa R._, _Col.
Leyes_, x. 336-8; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 526-7.

[X-77] The arrangement looked to a consolidation for the
purpose of conducting foreign relations, and to an early
union on the plan of a federation. _Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc._,
46; _Costa R._, _Gac. Gob._, March 2, Apr. 20, 1850; _Hond._,
_Gac. Ofic._, Aug. 31, 1850; _El Siglo_, Apr. 22, 1851;
_Nic._, _Corr. Ist._, Dec. 16, 1849, March 21, Oct. 3, 1850;
_La Union_, Jan. 1, 15, 1850; _Guat._, _Gac._, Nov. 30, 1849;
_Salv._, _Gac._, Dec. 7, 1849.

[X-78] Consul-gen. Chatfield was officially advised of
the new organization on the 21st Jan., 1851, and ignored
Sec. Buitrago's note. On being reminded of it, May 22d,
he returned an insulting reply July 13th, refusing his
recognition, when the government decreed, on the 24th of
July, to cancel his exequatur as consul-gen. in the states
belonging to the confederation, and to inform his govt of
the cause. _Cent. Am. Docs._, 1-6. The British officials
also resorted to other means to defeat what they called Am.
policy. _Squier's Cent. Am._, ii. 135; _El Universal_, Feb.
19, March 26, 1850; _Salv._, _Gac._, Dec. 21, 1849; _Dem.
Rev._, Nov. 1850, 452.

[X-79] Guat. and Costa R. had refused to join. _Salv. Gac._,
March 8, 22, 1850, Oct. 12, 1854; _Nic._, _Corr. Ist._, Jan.
16, 30, 1851.

[X-80] The act of installation was accompanied with religious
and civic ceremonies, the govt of Hond., at whose head was
Trinidad Cabañas, heartily joining them. Congratulatory
messages came from all friends of the union. _El Siglo_, S.
Salv., Oct. 29, 30, Nov. 1, 4, 10, 14, 16, 19, 1852; _Hond._,
_Gac. Ofic._, Oct. 30, Nov. 15, 1852; _Perez_, _Mem. Hist.
Revol. Nic._, 17; _El Porvenir_, nos. 6, 7.

[X-81] The assembly also elected a vice-jefe and four
substitute councillors to fill the executive chair, in the
event of the jefe or members of the executive council dying
or becoming disabled.

[X-82] It set forth the duties of the jefe supremo and
councillors, the independence between the federal and state
authorities, the rights of citizens, responsibilities of
public officials, and organization of the federal judiciary.
_Hond._, _Gac. Ofic._, Nov. 30, 1852.

[X-83] Salv. on the 21st of March, and Nic. on the 30th of
April. The congress, acting too precipitately, overstepped
the bounds of its powers. _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Revol. Nic._,
17-18.

[X-84] More details on the confederation scheme are contained
in _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 110-16; _El Nacional_, Nov.
27, Dec. 25, 1858; _Nic._, _Bol. Ofic._, July 30, 1869;
_Id._, _Gac._, March 2, 9, 1872; _Id._, _Seman. Nicar._, Nov.
21, Dec. 12, 1872, Feb. 6, Oct. 16, 1873; _Los Anales_, Dec.
1, 1872; _Mex._, _Diario Ofic._, Nov. 2, 1871; _U. S. Gov.
Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., 42d Cong. 2d Sess., i., pt 1, 680-3;
_Costa R._, _Inf. Rel._, 1876, 12-14; _Salv._, _Gac. Ofic._,
June 10, July 6, Aug. 19, Oct. 26, 27, 1876; _Id._, _Diario
Ofic._, March 17, Oct. 5, 13, 1875, Jan. 27, 30, Feb. 2-6,
1876; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 2, 1876; _Caicedo_,
_Lat. Am._, 60-2; _Cent. Am._, _Contest. al Voto_, 1-23;
_Chamorro_, _Cuestion Nacional_, 1-7; _Harper's Monthly
Mag._, xvii. 691.

Further authorities for the preceding chapters are:
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, vols i.-iv., passim; _Id._,
_Discurso_, 1-12; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_, i. 1-72, 96-100,
164-79, 185-6, 197-202, 207, 217-73, 382-95, 453-5, 461-75,
592-600, 858-9, 877-8; ii. 83-260, 632-7; iii. 286, 338-48;
_Id._, _Bolet. Ofic._, 1831, no. 2; 1832, nos. 17, 20; 1833,
no. 34; 1834, nos. 34, 56, July 15, Oct. 15; 1836, no. 84;
1837, no. 10; 1838, no. 53; _Fernando VII._, _Documentos_,
264-76, 281-5, 292-311, 337-49; _Id._, _Decretos_, 4-10,
15-26, 33-73, 105-10, 120-34, 149-82, 194-201, 220-3,
243-81; _Ayon_, _Consid. Límites_, 20-4. _Id._, _Apuntes_,
passim; _Astaburuaga_, _C. Amer._, 12-32, 79-80; _Arce_,
_Mem._, passim; _Reichardt_, _Nic._, 76-9; _Id._, _Cent.
Am._, 37-44, 114-17, 133-4, 139-45, 208-11; _Pim's Gate
of the Pac._, 38, 56, 58-61; _Gac. Imp. Mex._, i. 162-3,
445-8, 477-9, 489-91, 503-5; ii. 554-61, 635, 657-9, 677-9,
735, 747-52; _Gac. de Méx._, 1823, no. 3, 11-12, 1826, July
4, Sept. 16, Oct. 31, Dec. 14; 1826, Jan. 25, March 1, 31,
April 26; _Ocios Españ. Emig._, v. 307-11, 405-13, 487-505;
vi. 8-21, 107-17, 302-13, 383-4; vii. 3-7; _Rocha_, _Cód.
Nic._, i. 19-23, 56-64, 72-92, 214-16; ii. 22-56, 163-4;
_Morazan y Carrera_, _Apuntes_, MS., 1-18; _Molina_, _Coup
d'œil Costa R._, 4-5, 9-12; _Id._, _Costa R. y N. Granada_,
9-10, 16-29; _Id._, _Bosq. Costa R._, passim; _Integ. Cent.
Am._, Dec. 11, 1849; _El Rol_, Oct. 13, 1854; _Zebadúa_,
_Manif._, 1-40; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii. 103-4; _Id._, _Stat.
and Com. Hist. Guat._, 74; _Squier's Guat._, 581-2; _Id._,
_States C. A._, 360-1, 414-16, 466, 482, 493, 575-88, 627-8,
641-3, 663; _Id._, _Travels C. Am._, ii., passim; _Id._,
_Comp. Hist. C. A._, 18-191; _Wells' Honduras_, 116, 120,
230-1, 472-83; _Jordan's Dangers to Foreigners_, 50-2;
_Cuevas_, _Porv. Méx._, 252-7; _Costa R._, _Mem. Relac._,
1884, 2-34, and docs. 1 and 2; _Annals Brit. Legis._,
i. 60; ii. 192, 365; _Hernandez y Dávalos_, _Col. Doc._,
ii. 81-2, 130-1; _Herrera_, _Discurso_, 1-12; _Suarez y
Navarro_, _Hist. Méj._, 386, 407-14; _Sur America_, _Sobre
las Perturbaciones de Guat._, 1-52; _Lafond_, _Voy. autour
du Monde_, i. 367, 373-8; _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guat._,
58-64, 256-8; _Puydt et Binckum_, _Colonisation_, 116-24;
_Rivera_, _Hist. Jalapa_, ii. 305; _Urrueta_, _Inglaterra_,
7-12; _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, ix. 9-10; _Aznero Plata_,
_Informe_, 1-19; _Espir. Públ._, Dec. 13, 20, 1828; Jan.
18, Feb. 14, 1829; _Wappäus_, _Mex. und C. Amer._, 258-64,
271-4, 360-3; _Trollope's W. Ind._, 335; _Dunn's Guatemala_,
13-29, 150-1, 167-88, 205; _Atleta_, 149-50, 199-200, 477;
_Guat._, _Mem. contenant au Aperçu_, 4, 126, 146-58; _Id._,
_Memoria_, 1837, 12-22; _Robertson's Hist. Am._, ii. 1138-9;
_El Progreso_, April 11, 18, 25, 1850; _Tribune Almanac_,
1851, 36; _Holinski_, _La Californie_, 305-31; _Huston's
Journey in Hond._, 11; _Niles' Register_, xxii. 65; xxiii.
406; xxvii. 355; xxviii. 37, 114-15, 304; xxix. 39, 192, 382;
xxx. 439-40; xxxi. 160, 172-6; xxxii. 80, 201, 232, 282, 375;
xxxiii. 38; xxxiv. 8, 36, 123; xxxv. 41, 155, 349; xxxvi.
321; xxxviii. 369, 395; xliii. 268; xlv. 210; liv. 289;
lvi. 49, 210, 243, 385; lvii. 34, 280; lix. 191; _Emigrado
Observ._, 1828, 5-24, 122, in _Ocios de España_; _Pineda_,
_Descrip. Geog._, 14-16; _Byam's Wild Life_, 32-7; _Nouv.
Annales Voy._, xcii. 59-60, 75-7; c. 51-60, 64-6; _Young's
Mosq. Shore_, 15-21, 26-33, 42-3, 53-89, 106-14, 122-38,
156, 166; _Overland Monthly_, xiv. 159-67; _Larrainzar_,
_Soconusco_, 80, 132,168, 178; _Repertorio Americano_, i.
273-89; _Eastern Coast C. Am._, 8-25; _Strangeways' Mosq._,
4-5, 59-68, 119-33, 144-8, 237-338; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._,
passim; _Henderson's Account of Br. Hond._, 28-105, 165-211;
_D'Orbigny_, _Voy. deux Ameríques_, 398-406; _Pim and
Seemann's Dottings_, 314; _Nuevo Viajero Univ._, iii. 609-10;
_Larenaudière_, Mex. et Guat., 295-308; _Poinsett's Notes
on Mex._, app. 64; _Anderson's Commerce_, iv. 449; _Dunbar's
Mex. Papers_, 234-5; _Regil_, in _Soc. Mex. Geog._, iii. 239,
315; _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._, iv. 221-35; _Boletin Ofic._
(_Méx._), no. 14, 2; _Diputados, Lista de_; _Doc. Hist.
Cal._, iv. 807-8; _Suarez_, _Informe_, 182; _Dicc. Univ.
Hist. Geog._, x. 919-20, 971; _Findlay's Directory_, i. 223,
240; _Peralta_, _Repúb. de Costa Rica_, 4-8; _Polynesian_,
iv. 166; _North Am. Rev._, xiv. 420-46; xxvi. 136-8, 143-5;
_Osborne's Guide to W. Ind._, 234, 261-2; _Wagner_, _Costa
Rica_, 201-3, 231, 543-51, 568; _Crowe's Gospel in C. Am._,
115-51, 200-22; _Los Anales_, Oct. 15, 1872, p. 471; Nov. 1,
1872, p. 53; Nov. 15, 1872, p. 56; Dec. 1, 1872, pp. 62-3;
Dec. 15, 1872, pp. 71-2; _Paredes_, _Coast of Mosquitos_,
1-62; _Nic._, _Semanario Nic._, May 30, July 4, 18, Dec. 26,
1872; Jan. 2, March 6, April 17, 24, 1873; _Hassel_, _Mex.
and Guat._, 316-19; _Boddam's Across Cent. Am._, 66; _Bolet.
Extraord. Guat._, Oct. 16, 1832; July 30, 1833; _Farol_,
102-5; _Von Tempsky's Mitla_, 337-43; _Fajardo_, _Informe al
Min. Relac._, 2-3, 14-15; _Haefkens_, _Reize naar Guat._, ii.
76-97; _Id._, _Central Amerika_, 1-468; _Stephens' Travels C.
Am._, i. 11-22, 195-200, 211, 225-50, 304-7, 359; ii. 37-8,
51-90, 107-17, 205-9; _Thompson's Guat._, 2, 136, 140, 160,
163, 167, 185-6, 252-8, 415, 422-3, 509-10; _Lastarría_,
_La América_, 250-2; _Ortigosa_, _Sermon_, p. 24; _Diaz_,
_Miscel._, no. 1, p. 1; _Costa Rica_, _Ley Fundamental
Reformada_ (Alajuela, 1835), 1-48; _Id._, _Ley Fundamental
de Costa R._ (San Salvador, 1825), 1-26; _Amer. Review_,
Nov. 1850, 446-55; _Stout's Nic._, 147-9, 168-75, 258-9,
358-62; _Bolet. Soc. Mex. Geog._, 2da ép., iii. 100-6; iv.
712-15; _Méx._, _Actas Congr. Const._, iv. 2; _Id._, _Col.
Dec. sob. Congr._, p. 219; _Mesa y Leompart_, _Hist. Amer._,
ii. 360-72; _Martin's Hist. W. Ind._, i. 163-70; _Lond. Geog.
Soc._, _Jour._, v. 387-92; vi. 128, 135; viii. 317-27; xi.
82-8; _Lynch_, _Relacion Puntual_, 1757, MS., 4-19; _Otras
Reflex. sobre Reforma en Cent. Am._, 1-21; _Pan._, _Docs.
Ofic._, in _Pan._, _Col. Doc._, MSS., no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70;
_Pinart Coll._; _S. Amer. and Guat._, i. 221-3; _Liceaga_,
_Adic. y Rectific._, 613; _Malte-Brun_, _Précis Géog. Univ._,
vi. 468; _Macgregor's Prog. America_, i. 744-7; _Gordon's
Digest Laws U. S._, 328-35; _Lunario de Centro-Amér._; _El
Siglo_, Jan. 10, May 16, 1851; June 5, 1852; _Guat. Com.
and Agric. Co._, 133-7; _Macpherson's Annals of Com._, iii.
548; iv. 159, 179; _El Observador de la Repúb. Mex._, July
4, 1827; _Guat._, _Los Nobles_, 1-11; _Blasquez_, _Opinion
sobre los Chamelcos_, in _Doc. Originales Chiapas_, 4-5;
_Diario Méx._, xi. 279-80; xii. 477-80; _Amer. Annual
Reg._, 1825-6, 40-9; _Id._, 1826-7, 171-82; _West Indies_,
_Description_, 49-50; _Torrente_, _Revol. Hisp.-Am._, i. 115;
_Revue Américaine_, i. 398-408; _Oposicion_ (_La._), June
15, 1835; _Democ. Review_, v. 609-10; xxx. 547; _Pabellon
Nac._, Nov. 21, 1844; _Nic._, _Reg. Ofic._, 9-13, 59-60;
_Los Altos_, _Manif. Documentado_, 1-28; _Amér. Cent._,
_Reclam. de Interv._, 7-10; _Lesur_, _Annuaire Hist. Univ._,
1827, 577-8; _Cor. Fed. Mex._, Nov. 9, 11, 27, Dec. 14, 18,
1826; 1827, passim; Feb. 13, March 31, June 14, July 18,
Sept. 1, 9, 14, 18, 21-2, Oct. 28; _Amérique Cent._, _Cie
Belge_, pt ii. 30-2, 115-29, 160-1; _Guat._, _Decretos_,
i. nos. 1, 4, 20, 25, 31, 32, 39, 41, 134; _Morelet_, _Voy.
dans l'Amér. Cent._, ii. 291; _Montgomery's Narrative Jour.
to Guat._, 33-54, 142-9; _Modern Traveller_, _Mex. and
Guat._, ii. 194-5, 317; _Nic. y Hond._, _Docs._, 1-11, 35;
_Sandoval_, _Revista Polít._, 3-7; _San Juan_, _Ocupacion_,
28-43; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, 50, 291-2; v. 57, 478, 614,
ap. pp. 46-65, 104; _Id._, _Mem. Presentada á las Cámaras_,
9; _Bidwell's Panamá_, 347; _Hond._, _Gac. Ofic._, Feb. 20,
June 30, 1853; _C. Rica_, _Gac. Gob._, Jan. 26, 1850; _Gac.
Nic._, April 1, June 17, 1865; July 20, 1867; _Santangelo_,
_Congr. Panamá_, 73-5; _Saravia_, _Bosq. Polít. Estad._,
17-18; _El Semanal Nicaragüense_, i. 44; _Baily's Cent.
Am._, 81-2; _Mex. Finan._, April 18, 1885, pp. 40-2; _Mex. y
Guat._, _Cuest. Límites_, 52-3; _Nic._, _Nueva Discusion_,
6; _Gac. Salv._, Oct. 12, 1854; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._,
Feb.-May 1875, passim; March 2, 28, Sept. 9, 1876; Sept. 20,
1878; June 20, Sept. 5, 1879; _Méx._, _Mem. Guerra_, 1833,
p. 8; _Id._, _Mem. Relac._, 1823, pp. 11-12; 1827, p. 11;
1829, p. 2; 1832, pp. 2-3; 1833, pp. 1-2, 1835, pp. 3-4;
1838, p. 9; 1839, pp. 2-3; 1839, MS., pp. 12-13; 1840, p. 2;
1841, in _Diario Gob. Mex._, Jan. 24, 1841, p. 1; _Méx._,
_Mem._, ii., docs. 1, 5, 8; _Id._, _Mem. Min. Relac._, i.,
docs. 2, 4, 5, 9, 11, 12, 13; _Nic._, _Memoria_, in _Cent.
Am. Pamphl._, iii., no. 1, 4-28; _Payne's Hist. Europ.
Colonies_, 324-32; _Quart. Review_, xxviii. 157-61; _Gac.
de Guat._, Oct. 7, 1853; May 5, Dec. 22, 1854; _Costa Rica_,
_Bolet. Ofic._, Jan. 13, 24, 27, Feb. 3, 7, 14, 17, 28, March
14, 17, 1855; _Mill's Mex._, 205-19; _Alm._, _Ruiz Calend.
Salv._, 1873, 66-71; _Id._, _Guat. Guia_, 1853, 13-14;
_Id._, _Hond._, 1829, 5, 18-37, 56-64, 90-5, 124-7, 133-48;
_Cabildo_, _Informe que el Cabildo_, 1-75; _Cancelada_, _Tel.
Mex._, 104-11; _Chatfield's Letter to Lord Palmerston_, Dec.
13, 1847; _Id._, _Letter to Guat. Govt_, Dec. 10, 1847, in
_Mosq._, _Correspond. respecting Mosq. Terr._, 170-2; _La
Nacion_, Sept. 8, 1856; _Mosq.-Küste und Texas_, 29-30;
_Conkling's Guide_, 335-6; _National Calendar_, 18; _Conder's
Mex. and Guat._, 195-7; _Centro-Amér._, _La Situacion_, 1-17;
_Candé_, _Golfe de Hond._, 5-9; _Centro-Amér._, _Informe
sobre la Constit._, p. 73, and p. 30; _Id._, _Convencion_,
1-32; _Centro-Americano_, passim; _Córtes_, _Actas Públ._,
ii., April 23, 1814, p. 320; _Castellon_, _Docs. Relat._,
36, 104; _El Nacional_, June 19, 26, July 5, 31, Aug. 14,
Sept. 25, Dec. 11, 1858; Jan. 22, 1859; Sept. 8, 1860;
_Mosqueto Indian_, in _Churchill's Coll._, vi. 300-11;
_Bericht Mosquitolandes_, 5-7, 12, 23, 28, 31-43, 220-7;
_Cor. Atlántico_, May 9, 1835; _Benton's Thirty Years' View_,
65-9; _Id._, _Debates in Cong._, vii. 383-4; viii. 737, 746;
ix. 769; x. 746; xi. 767; _Mosaico Mex._, ii. 232, 342, 344,
462; _Nacionalidad Española_; _Mosquito Docs._, nos. 77-229;
_Nic._, _Bolet. Ofic._, Sept. 6, 1862; _Id._, _Constit._,
1838, 1-39; _Id._, _Docs. Dip. Hist._, 18-22; _Id._, _Cor.
Ist._, July 1, 1849; Oct. 3, 1850; _Id._, _De Órden del
Director_; _Muñoz_, _Defensa Llaves San Pedro_; _Obispo de
Chil._, 153-64, 451-54; _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1811, viii. 33;
1813, xix. 404; 1821, ext. i., Sept. 22, p. 7; ext. iv.,
Nov. 18, pp. 12-13; 1835-6, ii. 227; _La Union_, Dec. 1,
1849; Jan. 1, 1850; _La Union de Nic._, Jan. 5, 1861; _El
Universal_, April 18, 1850; April 16, 1853; _Voy._, _New
Univ. Col._, ii. 374-8; _Verdaderas Razones_, 1-13; _Viagera
Univ._, xxvii. 174-7, 189-91; _Vera Paz, Colonisation
de_, 4; _El Veracruzano Libre_, June 13, 1828; _Valois_,
_Mexique_, 154-9, 209-27, 316-19; _Cent. Am. Papers_, i.-v.,
passim; _Papeles Varios_, xix. pt 18; cxxi. pt i.; cxxiv.
pt 9; cxlix. pt 7; clx. pt 19; clxvii. pt 5; ccxxvi. pt 10;
_United Service Jour._, 1833, pt ii. 456; _U. S. Govt Docs._,
Commercial Rel., 1866, 567-8; 1868, 302, 728-9; _Id._, Cong.
Globe, 1838-9, 91; _Id._, Cong. Debates, 1825-6, i. 1303-5;
1831-2, i. 767-74; _Id._, Amer. State Pap., For. Rel., v.
774-82; _Id._, 19th cong., 2d sess., U. S. Acts, pp. 8-31;
Sen. Doc. 1, vol. i., pp. 149-70; _Id._, 26th cong. 1st
sess., H. Ex. Doc., 2, p. 6; _Id._, 30th cong. 2d sess., H.
Com. Rept, 145, pp. 383-5; _Filisola_, _Mem. Guerra Tex._,
ii. 88-9; _Id._, _Á la Junta Soberana de Guat._, 1-8; _Gazeta
de Guat._, vi. 21, 177-84, 443; ix. 757; xi. 4-7, 91-2,
120-4; xiii. 353, 369-76; xiv. 1-16, 82, 265; _Dublan_ and
_Lozano_, _Leg. Mex._, i. 326-7; _Bustamante_, _Voz de la
Patria_, MS., 4; _Id._, _Hist. Iturbide_, 160-1, 176; _Id._,
_Cuadro Hist._, MS., vii. 108-19; viii. 177-9; _Porvenir de
Nic._, Oct. 22, 29, 1871; July 20, 1873; _Perez_, _Mem. Camp.
Nacional_, 82, 154; _Id._, _Biog. Sacasa_, 3-5; _Frisch_,
_Staaten von Mex._, 55-62, 73-8; _Kewen's Nic. and Walker_,
MS., 27-36, 39-60, 64-85; _Costa Rica_, _Col. Leyes_, iii.
43-5, 101-18, 129-31, 144-67, 169-88, 280-2, 297-8, 304-6;
iv.-v., passim; vi. 41-3, 276-86, 304-5, 319-20; _Belly_,
_Nic._, i. 71-5, 137, 350-2; _Romero_, _Bosq. Hist._, 42-5,
66-233, 395-417, 639-795; _Pineda de Mont_, in _Guat._,
_Recop. Leyes_, iii. 347-8; _Cent. Am._, _Mem. Hist. Revol._,
passim; _Mem. Hist. Centro-Am._, 1-72; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Amér._, passim; _Id._, _Efem. Hechos Notables_, passim.

[XI-1] Molina, who denies that Carrillo was disposed to be
tyrannical, but on the contrary anxious for the good of
his country, adding that he was 'severo y sencillo en su
conducta, y que paliaba su arbitrariedad con el ejercicio
de las virtudes mas relevantes en un mandatario,' confesses
that on the present occasion this great man committed a grave
error. _Bosq. Costa R._, 103; _Costa R._, _Dec. de garan.
y bases_, 24 mo.; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, viii. 15-36, 41-2;
_Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, May 25, 1875.

[XI-2] The former was constituted with as many members as
there were departments, namely, four. The latter was composed
of a president, two relatores fiscales, and four justices.

[XI-3] He insulted them, however, by providing that they
should be under the surveillance of the authorities. _Costa
R._, _Col. Ley._, vii. 42.

[XI-4] He was married to a niece of Carrillo. Bonilla was
faithful to him in life, and to his memory after death.

[XI-5] According to Col Bernardo Rivera Cabezas. Barrundia
makes the force only 300. He had at first landed at La
Union, in Salvador, with 22 officers of all ranks, and
marched upon San Miguel, where he recruited 200 men, and
then returned to La Union. He next visited Acajutla and
Sonsonate, where he ascertained the state of public affairs
in Salvador and Guatemala, after holding some correspondence
with the chiefs of the former state and Nicaragua. The latter
answered very offensively. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv.
47-55, 145. Entertaining a favorable idea of the invitation
sent him by the Costa Ricans, he sailed for the isle of
Martin Perez, in the gulf of Fonseca, where he finally
organized his expedition and embarked it on the vessels
_Cruzador_, _Asuncion Granadina_, _Josefa_, _Isabel II._, and
_Cosmopolita_.

[XI-6] _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 55-6; _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875.

[XI-7] _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, vii. 248-50.

[XI-8] Among them were Vicente Aguilar, Francisco and Mariano
Montealegre, and Rafael Barroeta.

[XI-9] It is understood that Rafael Barroeta was the sole
exception.

[XI-10] Carrillo was to leave the country with a full pledge
of safety to his family and property. The convention was
signed by Morazan, Villaseñor, generals Saget, Saravia, and
Rascon, 5 colonels, and the other assenting officers of all
ranks, including 5 Texiguas.

[XI-11] Carrillo left the state from Puntarenas. Bonilla
was also guaranteed security. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
iii. 615-19; _Niles' Reg._, lxii., 275. Both Carrillo and
Aguilar died out of Costa R.; the former was killed, and
his murderer executed. Funeral honors were paid in Costa
R. to Aguilar, Aug. 25, 1846. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, ix.
289-90. The remains of both ex-chiefs were brought home by
Presid. Castro's decree of Nov. 5, 1848. _Id._, x. 365-8; _El
Salvador Regenerado_, June 4, 1842.

[XI-12] Dated April 14, 1842. _Id._, vii. 250-1.

[XI-13] A general order was given to prevent any interference
with the elections on the part of the troops. Copies of
Morazan's decrees to undo the evils of his predecessor, and
to prepare for the reorganization of the state on liberal
principles, are furnished in _Id._, 236-342, passim;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 621-31.

[XI-14] Again on the 30th of Aug. it authorized the
continuation of his government till a new constitution should
be framed. The same day it reaffirmed Morazan's extraordinary
powers, and on the 2d of Sept. adjourned to reassemble April
1, 1843. Among the most noted acts of this convention were
the following: A vote of thanks and other honors to Morazan
and Villaseñor, the latter being awarded a gold medal with
an honorable inscription. Morazan was given the title of
Libertador de Costa Rica; and on his refusing to publish the
decree, the assembly specially requested him to do so. The
army that brought about the change was honored with the name
of Division Libertadora de Costa Rica. The assembly also
made a formal declaration on the 20th of July, in favor of
a federal republic. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, vii. 342-51,
379-82, 403.

[XI-15] It was strictly in accordance with the military code.
His brother Felipe, in relating the occurrence, says that a
disappointment in love, and his removal from the comandancia
of the department, preyed upon his mind, 'le sobrevino
una fiebre, perdió la razon, y se hizo criminal.' But he
subsequently declared his loyalty to Morazan, and while lying
on a bed of sickness was arrested. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa
R._, 104.

[XI-16] Molina did not hear of his son's fate till after
the 15th of Sept. Greatly agitated, and shedding tears for
Morazan's end, his son-in-law, Irungaray, told him not to
bewail the fate of Morazan, for he had spilled the blood of
Manuel Ángel. These words so shocked the aged patriot that he
fell senseless to the ground.

[XI-17] He was a Portuguese who came to Costa Rica while
still young. In his early years he had been in the naval
service, and acquired some skill as an artilleryman. He
married into a respectable family of San José, and had
numerous descendants. By the cultivation of coffee he made
himself wealthy, and this together with his connection with
the Carrillo family enabled him to attain the position of
comandante general, and to link his name with some important
events. At his house the worst enemies of Morazan had always
been welcomed. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 647-8.

[XI-18] There were two barracks in San José; one his guard
occupied; in the other were 150 men from Cartago who had no
ammunition. _El Siglo_, Aug. 16, 1852.

[XI-19] Morazan tried to save his wife; but in traversing
the street to reach the house of the Escalantes, amidst
the deadly fire, she was taken by the enemy and conveyed to
the house of Father Blanco, a brother of Luz Blanco, one of
Morazan's mortal foes.

[XI-20] He would have met with no difficulty in obtaining
security for Saravia, who was much esteemed by all. But
the case was different with others, especially Villaseñor,
against whom much animosity was felt.

[XI-21] Herrera was a student when he gained this unenviable
notoriety. He afterward went to Guatemala to complete his
studies, and was well treated and much aided by Juan José
Aycinena and Manuel F. Pavon; and he became their most
humble henchman. Returning to Costa Rica as a lawyer, he was
appointed after a while a justice of the supreme court. On
many occasions he proved himself unprincipled, treacherous,
and contemptible.

[XI-22] Over 100 killed and 200 wounded.

[XI-23] He had wanted to go to Tárcoles, expecting to find
Saget there, but was dissuaded by Villaseñor and others.

[XI-24] The Spaniard Espinach, a reactionist of some standing
who acted as a commissioner of the revolutionists, fearing
that Morazan's popularity in Cartago might bring on a
counter-movement, and in order to avert it, asked Morazan to
instruct Cabañas to lay down his arms, and to command Saget
to deliver those he had in Puntarenas. He assured Morazan
his life was in no peril. His next step was to meet Cabañas
at Chomogo, telling him Morazan was leaving the state by
the Matina road with sufficient money, and advising him to
disband his men. Cabañas was deceived, and went alone to
Matina, where he was taken prisoner.

[XI-25] _Marure_, _Efem._, 56. Saravia was a son of Miguel
Gonzalez Saravia, the governor of Nicaragua, who attached
that province to Iturbide's empire, and a grandson of General
Saravia, president and captain-general of Guatemala, who had
been appointed viceroy of Mexico, and was shot by Morelos in
Oajaca. Young Saravia's mother, Concepcion Nájera y Batres,
was of the leaders of Guatemalan society, for which reason
the aristocratic party expected much from him. But after
completing his education, with evidences of extraordinary
talents, he often gave expression to the most liberal ideas.
Before being admitted to the bar in 1834 he had served in
the office of the secretary of the senate, and later as a
chief of bureau in the department of foreign affairs. He
afterward held a judicial appointment, being at all times
noted for ability and eloquence, as well as for his writings
in _El Semanario_, which attracted the attention of Morazan,
who made him auditor de guerra of the federal army. From
that time Saravia followed Morazan's fortunes, taking part
in several actions of war, and thus attaining the rank of
general. He was also this leader's aide-de-camp, private
secretary, and minister-general, both in Salvador and Costa
Rica. A portrait of the young general gives him quite a
distinguished air.

[XI-26] Among them were Mariano Montealegre, Juan de los
Santos Madriz, and José M. Castro.

[XI-27] The most virulent were Luz Blanco and Herrera. They
even worked upon the feelings of Pinto's family, and it
is said that his daughter Petronila imagined that she saw
her father sent to the scaffold by Morazan, and fell in a
convulsion.

[XI-28] Morazan had demanded a trial. He also desired to
address a circular to the governments of the states, but it
was not permitted him.

[XI-29] He declared that he had expended the whole of his own
and his wife's estate, besides $18,000 due to Gen. Bermudez,
in endowing Costa Rica with a government of laws. This was
his sole offence, for which he had been condemned to lose his
life, which was further aggravated by a broken pledge, for he
had been assured by Espinach that his life would be spared.
The forces he had organized were originally intended to
defend Guanacaste against an expected attack from Nicaragua.
Subsequently a number of volunteers were detached for the
pacification of the republic. He reiterated his love for
Central America, urging upon the youth of the land to imitate
his example, and fight to redeem her. He finally disclaimed
any enmity or rancor toward his murderers, forgiving them and
wishing them every possible happiness. In that instrument,
says Barrundia, 'se ve diáfana el alma, noble, tranquila, y
generosa del héroe que descendia á la tumba.'

[XI-30] The remains lay in Costa Rica till, under a decree
of Pres. Castro, Nov. 6, 1848, they were exhumed on the
27th, and after paying honors on the 4th of Dec., were
surrendered, according to Morazan's wishes, to Salvador, by
whose authorities they were received with high military and
civic honors. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 368-9. Carrera
afterward treated them with indignity. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iii. 656; iv. 219-20, 250-3; v. 650-2, 665-6;
_Testam._, in _Cent. Am. Pap._, No. 2. Further particulars
on Morazan's rule in Costa Rica, and on his death and
interment, may be found in _Nic._, _Correo Ist._, May 1,
1849; _Niles' Reg._, lxiii., 19, 176; _Nic._, _Registro
Ofic._, No. 2, 7; _Squier's Trav._, ii. 444-9; _Wappäus_,
_Mex. und Cent. Am._, 361; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 142; _El
Progreso_, Oct. 3, 1850; _Crowe's Gospel_, 152-3; _Wagner_,
_Costa R._, 203-5; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 217-22; _Belly_,
_Nic._, i. 73-4; _Wells' Hond._, 484-93; _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875; _Robert Glascow Dunlop_, _Travels
in Central America_, London, 1847, 8°, 358 pp. and map, is
a work purporting to be a journal of nearly three years'
residence in Central America, and giving a sketch of the
history of the republic, together with an account of the
physical peculiarities, agriculture, commerce, and state of
society. Much of the information therein is correct; but on
historical and social topics the author, who was a Scotchman,
displayed narrow-mindedness, and a judgment warped by British
prejudices.

[XI-31] In the latter—his native state—his last will was
published in the official journal in the column of varieties
with offensive remarks. These notes, and indeed the whole
conduct of the authorities, were disgraceful. _El Redactor_,
_Ofic. de Hond._, Sept. 15, 1843.

[XI-32] The priest Juan José Aycinena, who was the minister
of state, hated Morazan with a deadly hatred from the
day that his brother was defeated at San Antonio. This
animosity became more intensified, if possible, upon Morazan
contemptuously rejecting the dictatorship that was tendered
him. Morazan said in his last will that his death was an
assassination, as he had not been allowed any form of trial.
But the worthy padre and his accomplice in iniquity, Carrera,
attributed the crime to heaven, and made Rivera Paz, chief
of state, accuse providence of aiding Vicente Herrera and Luz
Blanco in its perpetration.

[XI-33] Honors were paid to his memory in the city of
Guatemala in 1876; a statue was erected to him by Honduras
in 1883. _La Regeneracion_, July 10, 1876; _Costa R._, _Mem.
Relaciones_, 1884, 2-3, and doc. 1, 2.

[XI-34] Every abusive epithet was applied to him in the
official press; tyrant, bandit, monster, were among the
mildest. The aim was to make him appear in the eyes of the
ignorant as the only obstacle to peace and reorganization;
and the masses believed that he was the author of all the
evils under the sun. _Gac. de Guat._, Oct. 28, 1842.

[XI-35] The subscribing commissioners were Manuel F. Pavon,
for Guatemala; Pedro Nolasco Arriaga, for Honduras; and
Joaquin Duran, for the other two states. Inasmuch as Arriaga
and Duran were Aycinena's and Pavon's humble satellites, the
treaties might just as well have been signed Pavon, Pavon,
Pavon. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 129-33; _Guat._,
_Recop. Leg._, i. 395-408.

[XI-36] It is asserted that the Guatemalan government said
that Costa Rica should appoint as her commissioner a resident
of Guatemala. But José M. Castro, the young Costa Rican
minister, thought differently.

[XI-37] They had led the revolt on the 11th and the following
days. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 105.

[XI-38] So says Marure, now a confirmed 'conservador,'
adding, 'y celebrados con entusiasmo en toda la república.'
_Efem._, 56.

[XI-39] The expeditionary force of 300 to 500 under Saget, on
hearing of the trouble at San José, went on board their ships
at Puntarenas, thence menacing the government. Subsequently
arrangements were made for the surrender of the arms and
disbandment of the men, but owing to misunderstanding were
not carried out, and the expedition departed for La Libertad
in Salv. on the _Coquimbo_. Costa R. afterward claimed the
armament and ship, but Salv. invariably refused to return
them, on the plea that they belonged to Morazan's family,
'como ganadas en ley de guerra por aquel caudillo.' Much
indignation was felt in Guatemala and Honduras, and somewhat
less in Nicaragua, against Salvador, because the latter,
notwithstanding the treaties of 1840 and 1842, and the
protest to the contrary, had allowed Saget, Cabañas, Barrios,
and their companions, to reside in the state under the
protection of its laws. The first two named governments saw
that for all they had manœuvred to make of the executive of
Salvador a mere submissive agent of the aristocracy, he had
now emancipated himself from its control. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iv. 4-5, 115-33; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 105-6.

[XI-40] _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, vii. 404-16.

[XI-41] Art. 3 stated that the idea was not yet entertained,
which later was formed, of declaring the state to be a
sovereign and independent republic. Art. 5 resolved the
question of boundaries with Colombia and Nicaragua upon
the principles sustained by Costa Rica. Arts. 4 and 10
established a fourth power under the name of Conservador,
composed of no less than three councillors chosen by the
people. Art. 9 places the legislative authority in an
assembly of not less than 15 members. It does not establish
two chambers. Art. 11 says that the executive office is to
be exercised by a tribune, out of four to be chosen by the
electors. Art. 13 was condemned by the fanatics, though it
merely allows religious toleration. The _Gaceta de Guat._
exclaimed, 'Ya volvemos á las andadas.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iv. 383, 391-3, 417-18; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._,
106.

[XI-42] All these acts, dated respectively June 7-8, Sept.
13, 19, 1843, appear in _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, viii. 45-50,
63-7.

[XI-43] By the second jefe, Oreamuno, then in charge of the
executive.

[XI-44] The govt was supported by the people and troops.
Quiroz was promoted to gen. of brigade. _Molina_, _Bosq.
Costa R._, 106; _El Mentor Costaricense_ gave an extensive
account of the affair.

[XI-45] Pinto was an uncle-in-law of Castro,
secretary-general, who under the circumstances surrounding
the govt could not restore him to his office.

[XI-46] To give an idea of the situation: Cartago's deputies
were three clergymen, Peralta, Campo, and Carazo. Heredia
also sent the priest Flores. If the senators must be still
more grave and circumspect, where could they be procured?
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 173.

[XI-47] His successor was Juan Mora.

[XI-48] _Costa R._, _Col. L._, viii. 352-3, 384-5.

[XI-49] He was a native of Cartago; a man of elegant manners,
cultured without affectation, well informed on general
subjects, and a highly respected citizen. Though not a member
of the bar, he knew enough of law to successfully oppose
the lawyers who constantly took advantage of the confusion
existing in the old Spanish laws.

[XI-50] The chamber of deputies censured him, but his purpose
of getting rid of the executive office was accomplished.
_Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, viii. 392-3; ix. 23-4.

[XI-51] A wealthy man and head of a large family which gave
him much social importance. During his short administration
he improved the public roads. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._,
107. He also gave impulse to education, though under the old
ecclesiastical system. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 175.

[XI-52] Correspond. on the subject in _Id._, 184-6.

[XI-53] Fault was found with the clause requiring the
election by the people of all public functionaries, including
the ministers of state and judges. It was said the people
should not be molested with so many elections.

[XI-54] The manifesto issued by the leaders comprised the
abolition of the constitution, and the framing of another
better suited to the needs of the country, the immediate
election of a new vice-jefe, who must be a native of Costa
Rica, not under 25 years of age, married, or a widower with
children, and possess property to the value of no less than
$10,000; one who had never been criminally punished, except
by a pecuniary fine, nor attached for debts contracted in the
state; he must have served in other public offices without
taint, and must be in favor of independence and a separate
government for the state. A new legislative chamber was to
be immediately convoked, and the manner of election fixed by
the chief; meantime, the present assembly was to continue
its sittings. The chief was to select a good port on the
north coast, and make a road from it to the capital with
funds of the treasury. _Costa R._, _Pap. Sueltos_, nos. 1, 2;
_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 252-3.

[XI-55] His removal from the executive seat resulted from
the intrigues of a few who knew that he could not be made a
convenient tool.

[XI-56] It was divided into 14 sections, placed the executive
in a president, and created a vice-president. The legislative
authority was vested in a congress of a single chamber,
presided over by the vice-president. The Roman catholic
religion was the only one permitted, and it remained as
that of the state and under its protection. _Costa R._,
_Constit._, 1847, 1-24; _Id._, _Constit. Polít._, 1847,
1-118; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, x. 1-56; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent.
Am._, 46-9.

[XI-57] Nov. 22, 1848, and promulgated by the executive
on the 30th. A law regulating the election of the supreme
authorities was passed Dec. 20th. _Costa R._, _Constit.
Polít._ (ed. of 1850, 8°), 1-38; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x.
347-408, 422-52; _El Universal_, June 8, 1849.

[XI-58] _El Arco Iris_, Oct. 14, 1847. Alfaro was not pleased
at being lowered to the second place, even though he had
ex-officio the presidency of congress. He resigned on the
1st of Oct. of the same year, and Juan Rafael Mora became
his successor. _Costa R._, _Informe Relaciones_, ap.; _Id._,
_Col. Ley._, x. 86-7, 160-1, 187-8.

[XI-59] Castro had enemies in San José. He was accused of
bringing about Gallegos' dismissal. This assertion was
repeated from mouth to mouth, and came to be believed
by many. Moreover, some men that he looked on as his
friends suggested to him unwise measures, with the view of
damaging his administration. Unfortunately, congress began
to show aristocratic tendencies, restoring the abolished
compellations without opposition on Castro's part. The title
of Excellency was voted to itself, the president, and the
supreme court.

[XI-60] Castro and Mora differed on many points. The
president's circle considered Mora a dangerous competitor.
Congress treated Mora with marked indifference, though he
had restored peace in Alajuela with only 200 men. He resigned
the vice-presidency. An election being ordered, at the second
attempt Manuel José Carazo, a friend of Castro, was chosen.
Carazo was an able and well-informed man. He resigned the
office on the 24th of Aug., but was reëlected Sept. 22d.
_Id._, 190, 306-7, 310-12, 327-9.

[XI-61] _Costa R._, _Inf. Relaciones_, 10-12, 23-5. In Nov.
of the same year all political offenders were pardoned,
and a war tax which had been levied on Alajuela was ordered
refunded. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 269-90, 374-6, 410;
_Id._, _Pap. Sueltos_, nos. 3-5; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._,
107-8.

[XI-62] Congress took into consideration a number of
petitions from influential sources highly commendatory of
Castro's acts. Castro on the 16th of Nov. had been made a
general of division. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 525-6,
530-8, 543-51.

[XI-63] The flag had five horizontal stripes, of which the
centre one occupied one third the width of the flag, and the
others one sixth each. The centre stripe was red, the one
above and the one underneath it were white, and the other two
blue. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 354-6.

[XI-64] France sent in April 1847 the corvette _Le Génie_ to
make demands on behalf of her subject Thierriat, which Costa
Rica settled by paying $10,000.

[XI-65] Full particulars on the foreign relations are given
in _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 9-10, 61-2, 112-19; _Id._,
_Coup d'œil Costa R._, 3; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 339-47;
xii. 5-18, 94, 202-7; xv. 225; xvi. 195-6; xviii. 95-6,
171-88; xix. 107-9; xx. 24-8; xxiii. 184-200; xxiv. 171-97;
_Id._, de 1869, 216-22; _Id._, de 1879, 61-3; _Id._, _Gac.
de Gob._, Jan. 12, 26, Feb. 23, March 9, 1850; _Id._, _Bol.
Ofic._, Dec. 8, 22, 26-7, 29, 1853; Jan. 5, Apr. 20, 1854;
_Id._, _Informes y Mem., Relaciones_, 1850-80; _Salv._,
_Diario_, Nov. 5, 1875; _Cong. Globe_, 1860-1; _Smithsonian
Rept_, 1863, 54; _Colombia_, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1874;
_U. S. Govt Doc._, 36th cong. 2d sess., sen. i., 19 vol. i.;
_Id._, 39th cong. 2d sess., For. Aff. (Mess. and Doc., Dept
of St., pt ii.), 430-45; _Id._, 40th cong. 2d sess., For.
Aff. (Mess. and Doc., Dept of St., pt ii.), 277-80; _Id._,
42d cong. 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc., 1 For. Rel., p. 7 (249-52);
_Id._, 42d cong. 3d sess., For. Rel., p. xxxv. (158-61);
_Pan. Gac._, Apr. 16, 1876, and numerous other works in
various languages.

[XI-66] Nic. argued that the constitution of Costa R. of
1825 declared her boundary to be at El Salto, not at La
Flor; to which Costa R. replied that the instrument alluded
to was anterior to the federal decree, and therefore could
not embrace Nicoya in Costa Rican territory; but after this
decree the fundamental laws of Costa R. did take it in.

[XI-67] Nic. had demanded the restoration in 1843, which
led to the making of a voluminous protocol, without any
definitive result. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 229-31;
iv. 382-3; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, viii. 3-4.

[XI-68] The treaty was made at San José, Costa R., on the
15th of Apr., 1858, and signed by José M. Cañas and Máximo
Jerez, plenipotentiaries respectively of Costa R. and Nic.,
and by Pedro Rómulo Negrete, mediator on the part of Salv.
The signatures of the secretaries of the three legations
also appear to the instrument. The ratifications were made
in due form, and exchanged by the two govts on the 26th
of April, the same year. The treaty was approved by the
Nicaraguan constituent congress May 28th, and published by
President Tomás Martinez and his secretary of state, June
4th. Under its 2d article the dividing line was to be as
follows: Starting from the Atlantic Ocean, the line to begin
at the extreme end of Punta de Castilla, at the mouth of
the River San Juan, and continue on the right bank of that
stream to a point in waters below the Castillo Viejo, at
three English miles from the outer fortifications. Thence a
curve was to commence, whose centre should be those works,
and distant therefrom in all its course three English miles,
and terminating at a point distant two miles from the bank of
the river in waters above the fort. Thence the line should
continue in the direction of Sapoá River, which empties
into Lake Nicaragua, following a course invariably two miles
distant from the right margin of the San Juan River, with its
curves to its source in the lake, and from the right margin
of the same lake to the said Sapoá River, where this line,
parallel to said margins, ends. From the point where it may
coincide with the Sapoá River, which must of course be two
miles from the lake, an astronomical line should be drawn
to the central point of the bay of Salinas on the Pacific
Ocean, where the delimitation of the two contracting powers
will terminate. The 6th art. gives Nic. the exclusive control
over the waters of the San Juan River from its source in Lake
Nicaragua to the point where it empties into the Atlantic
Ocean; Costa R. retaining the right of navigation in said
waters for trading purposes from the mouth of the river to
a distance of three English miles from the Castillo Viejo.
_Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 137-41; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._,
xv. 75-6, 182-8; _Id._, _Informe Gob._, 1858, 12-13; _Id._,
_Inf. Rel._, 1860, 6; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, June 7, 1877,
513-14; _El Nacional_, June 26, 1858, 10; _Peralta_, _Rio S.
Juan_, 24-5; _Belly_, _Le Nic._, i. 359-62.

[XI-69] The treaty, after being completed and published in
the official journal of Nic., was communicated by both govts
to the foreign diplomatic corps accredited near them, as well
as to their own representatives abroad. All friendly nations
came to look on it as an accomplished fact.

[XI-70] Ayon did not pretend to deny that the treaty had been
concluded by his govt, and duly ratified by the legislative
authority of the two republics. He alleged that the
fundamental law of Nic. established the limits of the state,
embracing within them the territory of Guanacaste; and that
the treaty in question ignored the Nicaraguan constitution,
which prescribed that an amendment of it by one legislature
must be submitted to the next for ratification; and this
not having been done, there was a radical nullity. Costa R.
replied that the legislative ratification in Nic. had been,
not by an ordinary legislature, but by a constituent assembly
fully empowered to amend the constitution or frame a new
one. It had been called to make a new fundamental law, and
therefore had a right to establish new boundaries. Moreover,
that even if that assembly had not possessed constituent
authority, but had been a merely ordinary congress, the fact
still remained that a number of Nicaraguan legislatures
had held the treaty to be valid and unobjectionable. Some
attempts have been made in administration circles of Costa
R., much against public opinion, to annul the treaty, in
order to have for a boundary line the whole right bank of the
San Juan, from Greytown or San Juan del Norte to San Cárlos,
and Lake Nicaragua to La Flor. Were this supported, and the
treaty set aside, the questions between Costa R. and Nic.
would assume a serious aspect. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
ii. 231-4; _Ayon_, _Cuestion de Límites_, 1-26; _Id._,
_Consid. sobre Límites_, 1-26.

[XI-71] Details may be found in _Nic._, _Mem. Relaciones_,
1871, 10-16, 29-39; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 3, 1868, May 4,
11, 1872, June 7, 1873; _Id._, _Seman. Nic._, June 6, 1872;
_Id._, _Correspond._, 1872, 1-24; _Id._, _Continuacion de
la Correspond._, 1872, 1-16; _U. S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc.,
43d cong. 1st sess., pt 2, 732, 735, 739, 743; 44th cong. 1st
sess., pt 1, 157, 168; _Costa R._, _Informe Rel._, 1873, 1-6;
_Id._, _Pap. Sueltos_, Doc. no. 15; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._,
May 22, 1876; _Peralta_, _Rio S. Juan_.

[XI-72] Antonio Zambrana for Costa R., and Francisco Álvarez
for Nic. _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 5, 1883; _Costa R._,
_Gaceta_, Feb. 3, 1885; _U. S. Govt Doc._, 48th cong. 1st
sess., H. Ex. Doc., pt 1, 59-61.

[XI-73] An extract of that treaty is given in _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, i. 289-90.

[XI-74] The royal commission of Diego de Artieda Cherino,
governor, captain-general of Costa R., issued in 1573, fixed
the boundaries of the province from the 'embocadura del
Desaguadero ó rio San Juan de Nicaragua hasta la frontera de
Veraguas en el Mar Atlántico, y desde los linderos de Nicoya
hasta los valles de Chiriquí en el Pacífico.' _Molina_,
_Bosq. Costa R._, 14; _Id._, _Costa R. y Nueva Granada_,
9-10, 16-35. Felipe Molina being in the service of Costa
R., and intrusted with the defence of her interests, his
assertions might be by some deemed biassed; but the testimony
of Juarros, the historian of Guatemala, who wrote with the
official docs before him, is not open to the same objection.
He says, speaking of Costa R., 'sus términos por el mar del
norte, son desde la boca del rio San Juan hasta el Escudo
de Veraguas; y por el sur, desde el rio de Alvarado, raya
divisoria de la provincia de Nicaragua, hasta el rio de
Boruca, término del reino de Tierra Firme.' _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, ii. 230.

[XI-75] The territorial division recognized by him was that
made in 1810, at which time no New Granadan authority had
a footing in Cent. Am. territory. A representation of the
ayuntamiento of Cartago to the Sp. córtes in 1813 says:
'Costa Rica tiene por límites de su territorio el rio de
Chiriquí que la separa de la provincia de Panamá.' _Córtes_,
_Diario_, 1813, xix. 404.

[XI-76] Contract of Col Galindo, as agent of the govt.
_Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 100-1.

[XI-77] Copy of correspond. between the gov. of Veraguas
and that of Costa R. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 272-3;
_Mosq. Correspond._, 22-5; _Pan._, _Docs. Ofic._, in _Pan.
Col. Docs._, no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70; _Id._, _Star and Herald_,
Oct. 15, 16, 1880.

[XI-78] During the Walker war, a treaty was made at San José
between P. A. Herran for Colombia, and Joaquin B. Calvo for
Costa Rica, which does not follow the line on Molina's map.
Modifications were made to it at Bogotá, and ratifications
were never exchanged. Later on José M. Castro went to Bogotá
and negotiated another treaty, which did not stipulate
Molina's line. This treaty was not ratified by either govt.
The next attempt was made by B. Correoso, on behalf of
Colombia. His negotiations were mostly verbal, disregarding
arguments for the straight line between Punta de Burica and
the Escudo de Veraguas; and alleging that on the N., N. E.,
W., and N. W. of that line were Colombian settlements, which,
under the constitution of his country could not be ceded.
A treaty was entered into, however, which did not obtain
the ratification of either government. In Costa R. it was
considered a ruinous one. Correoso was charged in Colombia
with having made a damaging arrangement. _Pan._, _Gaceta
Istmo_, Oct. 20, 1841; _Id._, _Crón. Ofic._, Feb. 6, 1853;
_Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, Dec. 25, 1870; _Pan._, _Gaceta_, June
15, 1871, June 19, 1872, Aug. 22, 29, Oct. 31, 1874, May 21,
1876, July 25, Aug. 4, 22, Sept. 26, Oct. 13, Nov. 10, 21,
1878, July 11, Sept. 12, Oct. 17, 28, 31, 1880; _Pan._, _Mem.
Sec. Gob._, 1879, 13-14, 35-42; _Colombia_, _Diario Ofic._,
Feb. 26, 1876; _Costa R._, _Mem. Rel._, 1851, 5; _Id._, _Col.
Ley._, xiv. 54-5, 160-1; _Id._, _Informe Gobn._, 1880, 2-4;
_U. S. Govt Docs._, H. Ex. Doc. 41, p. 64-5, vi. 35th cong.
2d sess.

[XI-79] Ratified by the executive, and sanctioned by the gran
consejo nacional, of Costa R., Dec. 27, 30, 1880. _Pan._,
_Gaceta_, Jan. 16, 1881.

[XI-80] Carazo, the vice-president, had done the same Oct.
26th. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xi. 216.

[XI-81] At the same time he was declared a benemérito, and
the founder of the rep. of Costa R. _Id._, 157-8, 224-5; _El
Costaricense_, Nov. 17, 1849. The opposition, however, made
severe comments on his policy as reviewed by himself. _Anot.
á la renuncia_, in _Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc._, no. 20.

[XI-82] Mora was a Costa Rican of rare intellectual powers,
quite conversant with her affairs; a wealthy merchant, who
had travelled abroad, and by his frankness and liberality won
a well-deserved popularity. _El Costaricense_, Nov. 18, Dec.
1, 1849; _Costa R._, _Col Ley._, xi. 225-6, 234-5. Francisco
M. Oreamuno was elected vice-pres. Jan. 30, 1850. _Id._,
241-2; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 2, 1850.

[XI-83] _Nic._, _Cor. Ist._, May 2, 1850. In an address
Mora depicts the situation, and the attempts of Quiroz and
others to disturb the peace in San José and Heredia, together
with his measures to balk them. _El presid. de la rep. á la
Nacion_, June 8, 1850.

[XI-84] The decree was issued at the Hacienda de Frankfort
en las Pavas, and countersigned by Joaquin Bernardo Calvo,
minister of govt. He based his action on the fact that
congress having declined to accept his resignation, he was
made responsible before God and the people of evils that
might result from the existing order of things. _Costa R._,
_Gaceta_, no. 165; _El Siglo_, March 10, 1852; _Costa R._,
_Col. Ley._, xii. 96-7.

[XI-85] José M. Castro, Bernardo Rivera, and Nazario Toledo.
_El Siglo_ (S. Salv.), March 4, 1852.

[XI-86] June 6, 1853, the president's salary was raised to
$5,000 a year. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xii. 236-7, 247-8;
_Id._, _Gaceta_, July 23, 1853; _Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, June
20, 1853; _Wagner_, _Costa R._, 171-2, 506-8, 296-7.

[XI-87] Min. Calvo's rept to cong. May 16, 1854. The chamber
on the 5th of June sanctioned all the acts of the govt, and
passed a vote of thanks and congratulation to the president,
'por el acierto y prudencia con que la ha regido.' _Costa
R._, _Mem. Rel._, 15.

[XII-1] The following persons held the office ad int. before
him: namely, Patricio Rivas, June 1839; Joaquin Cosío, July
1839; Hilario Ulloa, senator in charge, Oct. 1839; Tomás
Valladares, senator, Nov. 1839; Patricio Rivas, Sept. 1840.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 64; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 136;
_Wells' Hond._, 494.

[XII-2] There was much dissimilarity of views on political
matters between the two men, though Castellon had contributed
to Buitrago's election. Many bitter publications appeared
subsequently from the pens of the two adversaries. _Perez_,
_Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 48, 146.

[XII-3] They were not even allowed to enter the state,
because of the treaty of Oct. 1842, signed by Pavon, Arriaga,
and Duran.

[XII-4] The Gaceta eulogized him, and Pavon said that he
was 'un hombre de órden que solo aspiraba á la justicia y
al decoro.' Buitrago's position was becoming a difficult
one. Morazan ruled in Costa Rica, had not a few friends in
Nicaragua, and public opinion in the latter state favored
a convention of states. On the other hand, he was anxious
not to forfeit the good opinion of the nobles and nuns.
Upon the news of Morazan's execution reaching Leon, he had
it published with marks of satisfaction. He also objected,
though not strenuously, to the landing of Saget and his
companions, ycleped Coquimbos, in Salvador.

[XII-5] One of his first acts was to make Francisco Castellon
his ministro general.

[XII-6] The new official journal, _Eco de la Ley_, in its
first number declared that an Octavian peace reigned. And
indeed, had Nicaragua been away from obnoxious influences,
peace might have been maintained under republican
institutions. But she was, unhappily, surrounded by states
where for a time brutal force held sway.

[XII-7] The claimants were Bridge, Glenton, and Manning.
Full details on the claims of the last two are in _Nic._,
_Registro Ofic._, 109-10, 121-3, 132-5; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._,
55-6.

[XII-8] They embarked at San Juan del Norte on the 11th of
March, 1844. Both have since figured prominently in political
circles.

[XII-9] Selva had held the office by virtue of his position
as senior senator to that date, when his senatorial term
expired.

[XII-10] 223 votes were cast for him, the next highest
receiving only 190. The other candidates were Juan José
Ruiz, José Guerrero, Pablo Buitrago, Laureano Pineda, José
Rosa Perez, G. Carcache, Patricio Rivas, and Rafael Machado.
_Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 47-8; _Sandoval_, _Revistas
Polít._, 19; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 250.

[XII-11] To raise two loans of $10,000 and $30,000,
respectively, and to regulate the financial system. Trial
by jury was suspended. An amnesty was issued with many
exceptions against the defenders of Leon. _Nic._, _Registro
Ofic._, 69-70. Two portfolios were created; namely, that
of war, intrusted to Lino César, and that of treasury,
placed in charge of Jesus de la Rocha. José Montenegro was
ministro general and of foreign relations. The administrative
course of Fruto Chamorro, as supremo delegado of the late
confederacy, was approved the 9th of May, long after Chamorro
had vacated his office.

[XII-12] Under the decree of June 23d, the prisoners were
confined respectively in Granada, Matagalpa, Acoyapa, San
Fernando, and Nandayme, and subjected to prosecution by the
courts. Many persons, specially the partisans of Cabañas,
were given by Corral the advice—which was tantamount to
an order—to quit Managua and not return. _Nic._, _Registro
Ofic._, 90, 96-8, 101, 104.

[XII-13] The cause was the indignation at the sympathy of the
government's agents for Malespin and Guardiola.

[XII-14] The treaty with Salvador bore date of May 6, 1845,
and was ratified by the Salvadoran chambers June 3d.

[XII-15] The municipal authorities and citizens of the place,
by an acta on the 29th of July, authorized Valle to take such
action as he deemed best to upset the existing government and
restore constitutional order. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v.
139-40; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 138-9.

[XII-16] Salvador was for a time suspected of connivance with
Valle, but she proved the contrary.

[XII-17] Director Sandoval called them assassins and robbers.

[XII-18] The western department and Managua were mulcted in
$12,000 as punishment.

[XII-19] His official reports of July 8th and 17th are
textually given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 162-4;
_Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 128-9, 133-4.

[XII-20] It is inexplicable how these two men could serve
in the same cabinet, unless under some one of very superior
mind and character, which Sandoval certainly did not possess.
Jerez was a democrat, a friend of Central American union,
and an admirer of Morazan. Buitrago was the opposite—a
conservative, separatist, and opponent of Morazan.

[XII-21] Leaders surrendering were to be dealt with by the
civil courts; otherwise, if captured, would be tried under
military laws.

[XII-22] Every one refusing to return was heavily
fined. Chief-of-bureau E. Castillo's instructions to the
sub-prefect, in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 293.

[XII-23] Decree of Oct. 30, 1842. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._,
126, 128, 138, 143.

[XII-24] Official reports of Dec. 6th and 8th to the min. of
war of Nic., _Id._, 157-8; _El Tiempo_, March 12, 1846.

[XII-25] 'En cuanto al pasaporte, el Gobierno Supremo ama y
desea mucho la felicidad del Estado, y no podría privarlo de
su mas fuerte apoyo.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 284-5;
_Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 290.

[XII-26] He followed the example of Carrera in Guat.

[XII-27] Sandoval surrendered his office June 25th to the
legislature in order that it might freely adjudicate upon his
official acts. Once approved, he resumed the executive duties
Sept. 2d.

[XII-28] Dec. 12th it voted an amnesty law with a number
of limitations; namely, against persons entering the state
with arms to disturb the peace; and against the guilty of
murder or other atrocious crime. The govt issued, Jan. 9,
1847, a supplementary decree of amnesty. _Sandoval_, _Revista
Polít._, 57-9. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 390, 401, 407-8;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 298-9.

[XII-29] Sandoval returned to Granada and was received with
great honor.

[XII-30] July 16, 1847. This measure awakened much acrimony
outside of the benefited department.

[XII-31] _El Razonador_, Dec. 29, 1847.

[XII-32] See _Hist. Cent. Am._, ii. 599-607, this series. In
Nov. 1803, the whole north coast, including the island of San
Andrés, and the Mosquito Coast extending from Cape Gracias
á Dios to the Chagre River, was placed under the viceroy
of Nueva Granada; but five years later the transfer was
annulled, and the coast of Mosquitia restored to Nicaragua,
to which it had been annexed by royal order of March 31,
1803.

[XII-33] He based his pretension on the following incident:
The Caribs on the Trujillo line rebelled in 1807 betaking
themselves to Mosq. territory, where they were captured by
Sp. troops and brought back, together with some Mosquitians,
as prisoners. King Stephen, successor to George, the man
crowned by the British, threatened to burn Trujillo and to
wage a border warfare if his subjects were not forthwith
returned. The president of Guatemala, for prudential reasons,
had the prisoners sent back. _Am. Cent._, _Reclam. de
Interven._, 8.

[XII-34] Altogether about 76,000 square miles. _Strangeways'
Mosq._, 4-5. Lord Palmerston, in his instructions to Brit.
represent. in Nueva Granada and Cent. Am., spoke of a coast
line of about 720 statute miles as belonging to Mosq. Squier,
_Cent. Am._, 629, has it that from 200 to 500 miles in
length, and undefined breadth, have been claimed.

[XII-35] Capt. Geo. Henderson took some in 1807. The chiefs
expected higher marks of regard, but had to be contented with
what they got. _Henderson's Brit. Hond._, 168, 204.

[XII-36] That was done, it is presumed, after the death of
Stephen, George's successor, who was ruling in 1807. The
govt, at the time of their going to Belize, was in charge
of a sort of regency formed of the three principal chiefs,
who divided the country into three separate departments.
The first, extending from Roman River, near Cape Honduras,
to Patook, was intrusted to Gen. Robinson. The second, from
Caratasca, or Croata, to Sandy Bay and Duckwarra, including
all the Mosquitians proper, was in charge of a brother of
the late king, who bore the title of admiral. The third, from
Brancmans to Rio Grande, including various tribes, was under
Don Cárlos, called the governor. The three head chiefs had
sub-governors. But the small colonies of Zambos, at Pearl
Cay lagoon and Blewfields, could choose their own governors.
_Roberts' Narr. of Voy._, 146-7; _Stout's Nic._, 168-71.

[XII-37] A regalia consisting of a silver-gilt crown, a
sword, and sceptre of moderate value had been provided
for the farce. The emblems of royalty were confided to the
custody of Jack, an old negro, 'who, with wise precaution,
kept them carefully concealed.' _Squier's Cent. Am._, 640-1.

[XII-38] Col Arthur, the superintendent, gave him much good
advice to guide him in his government. _Arthur's Letter_, in
_Mosq. Doc._, 122-3; _Disputes with Am._, in _Brit. Quart.
Rev._, xcix. 242-3. But the good advice was lost upon his
swarthy majesty. It is understood that every new king had
been to Jamaica to receive a commission from the Brit. govt,
his subjects refusing him recognition as their sovereign till
he had done so. _Bonnycastle's Sp. Am._, i. 171-2.

[XII-39] He became a confirmed drunkard. _Roberts' Narr. of
Voy._, 148-9.

[XII-40] Some parties accused of the crime are said to have
suffered death.

[XII-41] _George Henderson's British Honduras_, London, 1811,
8°, 236 p., is a diary of the author's trip to and from the
Mosquito shore, which also furnishes an interesting account
of Belize and her resources, climate, etc., together with a
map of Honduras, and ends with sketches on the manners and
customs of the Mosquito Indians. _Thomas Strangeways' Sketch
of the Mosquito Shore_, Edinburgh, 1822, 8vo, 355 p. The
author, who calls himself a K. G. C., captain of the first
native Poyer regiment, and aide-de-camp to his Highness, the
cacique of Payais, gives with a portrait of that cacique,
Sir Gregor MacGregor, a historical preface, and a map of
Mosquitia, and the Poyais territory. The book also contains
a descriptive sketch of that country, its productions, mode
of cultivation, and other facts, all compiled for the special
use of settlers. _Peter F. Stout's Nicaragua, Past, Present,
and Future_, Phila., 1859, 12°, 372 p. With the exception
of a cursory glance at affairs in Mosquito, on interoceanic
communication, and ancient history of Mexico, this work is
confined to the resources, history, and general features
of Nicaragua, the chief object being to furnish a general
description of the country rather than its history. The
author was U. S. vice-consul, and his opinion on questions
between his country and Great Britain might be deemed by
a subject of the latter not wholly impartial. _Orlando W.
Roberts' Narrative of Voyages and Excursions on the east
coast, and in the interior of Central America_, Edinburgh,
1827, 16°, 302 p., preceded by a map of a part of Cent. Am.
showing the route from the Atlantic to the Pacific, via the
river San Juan and lakes Nicaragua and Leon, with an index
and a preface by Edward Irving, is a little book descriptive
of the author's journey up the San Juan River to Leon through
Lake Nicaragua, and of trading voyages in which he was many
years engaged among the Indians of Hond., Nic., and Costa R.
His opportunities for observation seem to have been good, and
his manner of setting forth the information thus obtained is
clear and apparently reliable. On Mosquitia and her govt and
people he gives much that is really interesting and useful.
_R. H. Bonnycastle's Spanish America, or a descriptive,
historical, and geographical account of the dominions of
Spain_, London, 1878, 8o, 2 vol., pp. xxix. 336, v. 359,
map and engraving, is mostly a compilation, poor in style,
divided into two parts. The first treats of the Spanish
dominions in North America; the second of those in South
America. Everything is treated in a cursory manner, and
the part relating to Cent. Am. and the isthmus of Panamá is
meagre and trifling.

[XII-42] More details in _Squier's Cent. Am._, 641-3;
_Mosquitoland_, 31-3, 38-40, 47-50, 225-9; _Nic. Nueva
Discusion_, 6; _Crowe's Gospel_, 208-10; _S. Juan_, _Ocup._,
33-5, 45-9; _Niles' Reg._, lxiv. 130; _Frisch_, _Staaten von
Mex._, 94; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 134, 140-1, 208-11.

[XII-43] At the court of Gracias á Dios, Apr. 19, 1820. The
grantee called himself 'his Highness the cacique of Poyais,'
and claimed absolute dominion over the Poyer district on the
extreme west of Mosquitia, including the Rio Tinto.

[XII-44] The plan comprised well-equipped regiments of
infantry and cavalry, a theatre and theatrical company,
a band, and paper currency. _Crowe's Gospel_, 207-8;
_Mosq.-Küste und Texas_, 28; _Mosquitoland_, 34-8; _Quart.
Rev._, xxviii. 160-1; _Eco_, _Hisp.-Am._, July 31, 1860.

[XII-45] This settlement was called Fort Wellington, and
was brought to ruin by a succession of calamities, including
shipwrecks. _Mosq.-Küste und Texas_, 29-33; _Young's Mosq.
Shore_, 53-9, 65-71.

[XII-46] It has an abundance of mahogany, rosewood,
caoutchouc, and other valuable trees, and is capable of
producing cotton, sugar, rice, indigo, and most of the
tropical staples.

[XII-47] Slavery was abolished in 1841. _Nic._, _Gaceta_,
Feb. 10, 1866.

[XII-48] There was neither church nor pastor in the place.
_S. Juan_, _Ocup._, 13-15; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 661-2.

[XII-49] Macdonald answered Aug. 13th that the object of
his visit to the coast had been to convey a message of H.
B. M. to her ally the sovereign of the Mosquito nation, and
to ascertain by his own observation the true boundaries
of the Mosquito dominions, upon which point he wished to
be enlightened by Quijano. He made further demands for
a recognition of his demand, but the Nicaraguan official
invariably returned a refusal. _Mosquitoland_, 29, 223-5;
_Niles' Reg._, lxi. 98; lxii. 64, 275; lxiii. 19, 194; _U.
S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc. 75, vol. x., 31st cong. 1st sess.;
_Young's Mosq. Shore_, 33-4.

[XII-50] An English writer says: 'This farce hardly seemed
consistent with the dignity of a British officer, gov.
of a settlement.' _Dunlop's Trav._, 215-16. Crowe, also
an Englishman, declares it to have been an infamous act.
_Gospel_, 212. It was not disavowed by the Brit. govt.
_Squier's Travels_, ii. 449; _Nouv. Annales Voy._, xciv.
251-2.

[XII-51] He was left on a desert island on the coast.
_Marure_, _Efem._, 54; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 612.
Macdonald himself on the 15th made his acts known to the govt
of Nic., alleging that he had been specially requested by
many persons of San Juan to remove Quijano. The latter was
undoubtedly a bad man, but no foreign authority had any right
to interfere with him.

[XII-52] Consul Chatfield claimed that Quijano was removed
from Mosq. and not Nic. territory; that he had himself
notified the govt of Cent. Am. of the existence of the
Mosq. nation, and that Great Britain would not look with
indifference upon any usurpation of the territory of a
monarch with whom she had close relations; that Spain had
recognized the Mosq. nation when Prince Stephen visited San
Salvador and Guatemala. His letter was dated Oct. 24, 1842.
Further correspondence followed between Nic. and Chatfield
without the former giving way to his pretensions. The whole
correspond. may be seen in _Mosq. Doc._, 5-23; _Nic._,
_Cor. Ist._, Sept. 26, 1850; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv.
98-111.

[XII-53] In a treaty with Thomas Lowry Robinson, signed in
Comayagua Dec. 16, 1843. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv.
112-14. The aristocrats of Guat. wanted a protectorate of
Great Britain over Cent. Am., and it was believed in Nic.
for a while that Costa R. had given way to the influence
of Pavon, Chatfield, and J. J. Flores of Ecuador, and had
accepted the scheme. Chatfield having concluded, on the
26th of Nov., 1849, a treaty with Costa R., attempted on
the strength of it, on the 1st of Dec., to dictate to Nic.
He said that differences between Nic. and Costa R. must be
amicably arranged in the understanding, that other means
would not be looked on with indifference by Great Britain.

[XII-54] That was pursuant to orders from Lord Palmerston,
in which for the first time a protectorate over the Mosquito
shore was asserted by Great Britain. Chatfield and Walker
had claimed rights over the entire eastern coast, from
Cape Honduras to Chiriquí Lagoon, an extent of 700 miles,
but Palmerston set the limits 'from Cape Honduras down to
the mouth of the river San Juan.' Meantime the Nicaraguan
authorities had obtained, Oct. 28, 1847, from the Princess
Inez, believing her the heir of Robert Charles Frederick, a
full recognition of the authority of Nic. over the shore of
Mosq., and her command to all interloping foreigners to leave
the country. The British officials of course paid no heed
to this arrangement. _Squier's Cent. Am._, 644-6; _Salv._,
_Gaceta_, March 15, 1850.

[XII-55] _Squier's Travels_, i. 78-80; _Morelet_, _Voy._, ii.
304; _Edinb. Rev._, no. 211, 144; _Niles' Reg._, lxxiii. 273;
_Tucker's Monroe Doctrine_, 46-7, 52-4.

[XII-56] But the Nicaraguans never relinquished their claim
of sovereignty over the port, nor even by implication
recognized the king of Mosquito. _Nic._, _Manif. sobre
Trat._, 1-13; _Castellon_, _Doc. Rel._, 27-8; _Nic._, _Doc.
Dipl._, 32-9; _Guerrero_, _Manif._, 1-7; _Stout's Nic._,
278; _El Siglo_, Nov. 22, 1852; _Nic._, _Gaceta Gob. Supr._,
Oct. 14, Nov. 4, 25, Dec. 2, 1848; _Niles' Reg._, lxxiv. 100;
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 647; _Id._, _Trav._, i. 101-2.

[XII-57] The other articles refer to the construction of an
interoceanic communication, either in the form of a canal
or of railroads, securing the neutrality of interoceanic
ways. _Annals Brit. Legis._, 97-110, 239-41; _Nic._, _Nueva
Discov._, 1-44; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 87-91; _Costa
R._, _Gaceta_, March 4, 1854; _Abbott's Mex. and U. S._,
340-2; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 111; _Polynesian_, vi.
165-6; vii. 46; _Nic. y Hond._, _Doc._, 122-5; _Am. Quart.
Reg._, iii. 310-13; _Brit. Quart. Rev._, xcix. 237-70;
_El Nacional_, July 31, 1858; _Nic._, _Seman Nic._, Feb.
14, 1874; _Hunt's Merchants' Mag._, xxiii. 109-11; _Wells'
Walker's Exped._, 125-33; _Caicedo_, _Lat. Am._, 73-5.

[XII-58] The local chief was prevailed on to accept this
arrangement with a pension of $5,000 a year, during ten
years, that is to say, till 1870, payable by the suzerain,
but the last chief died in 1864 or 1865, and Nic. has never
recognized his successor. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 23, 1865;
_Encyclop. Brit._, xvii. 493; _Nic._, _La Union_, June
15, 1861; _Hond. Gaceta_, Feb. 20, 1861; _Rocha_, _Cód.
Nic._, i. 118-27, 132; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 297-301; _Nic._,
_Conv. Mosq._, 1-8; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._, 409-12.
Further details on the Mosq. question, giving diplomatic
correspondence and parliamentary discussions, in _Hansard's
Parl. Deb._, cxlv. 1003-7; _Annals Brit. Legis._, x. 129-41;
also in _U. S. Govt Doc._, Ex., Sen. and House, which are too
numerous to quote here; and likewise in _U. S. Cong. Globe_,
1855-6, 1857-8, 1859-60; _Diario de Avisos_, Apr. 24, 1857;
_Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Jan. 23, March 4, 1857.

[XII-59] _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, ii. 21-2; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Mar. 26, 1884; _Nic._, _Mem. Rel._, 1867, 3-12.

[XII-60] Autograph letters were exchanged in 1848, between
Pres. Herrera of Mex. and Director Guerrero. _Nic._, _Gaceta
Gob. Supr._, Sept. 16, 1848.

[XII-61] Ratified by Nic. March 21, 1851; _Rocha_, _Cód.
Nic._, i. 99, 103; _Nic._, _Trat. de Paz_, etc., 1-13.

[XII-62] By Cardinal Antonelli, for the pope, and Fernando
de Lorenzana for Nic. The treaty was published in the latter
country as a law Aug. 28, 1862. _Nic._, _Gaceta Gob. Supr._,
Oct. 7, 1848; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 79, 132-7.

[XII-63] Full particulars will be found in _Id._, 137-43;
_Nic. Trat. etc. entre Nic. y Hond._, 1-8; _Id._, _Gaceta_,
1853-74, passim; _Id._, _Col. Doc. y Acuerdos_, 1850-1872,
passim; _Id._, _Trat. con Costa R._, 1-7; _Costa R._, _Inf.
Rel._, 1876, 5-11; 1878, 1; 1880, 3-4; _Salv._, _Gaceta_,
Aug. 12, 1853, Oct. 26, 1876, March 21 to April 20, 1879,
passim; _Nic._, _Mens. del Presid._, 1879, i.-v. 1-25; and
numerous other authorities.

[XII-64] They first endeavored to regard the alleged
Mosquito authority, but finally treated it as a mere fiction.
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 652.

[XII-65] Municipal ordinances for the place which had now
taken the name of Greytown. _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 241-6,
251; _Munic. Ordinances_, in _Cent. Am. Affairs_, no. 4,
1-10.

[XII-66] He is said to have been acting under improper
influences. _Squier's Cent. Am._, 653.

[XII-67] The town authorities had refused to pay an
indemnity. This was the first direct aggression by the U. S.
in Cent. America. _Nic._, _Doc. Diplom._, 7-12; _Costa R._,
_Gaceta_, June 17, 22, 29, 1854; _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 12,
1854; _Tribune Alm._, 1857, 31; _U. S. Govt Doc._, 33d cong.
sess. 1, Sen. Doc. 8, vol. iv.; Doc. 85, vol. xii.; 126, xvi.
31 pp.; _Id._, H. Ex. Doc. 1, vol. i., pt ii., 385-6.

[XII-68] _Lévy_, _Nic._, 335. _Pablo Lévy_, _Notas
Geográficas y Económicas sobre la República de Nicaragua_,
Paris, 1873, Roy. 8°, 627 pp. and map, is a treatise on
Nicaragua and its inhabitants. Beginning with an historical
résumé of ancient and modern Nicaragua, it gives a review of
the topography, climate, natural productions, government,
people, and their institutions. The writer's information
on the country's physical peculiarities may be set down as
useful, though some deficiency is noted; but that on the
political and administrative branches is unreliable, showing
him to have had but little knowledge of Central American
politics. He evidently had not the documents upon which
to form a correct judgment. The question of a canal across
the isthmus of Nicaragua is also reviewed, and a résumé of
its history given. The last general treaty with the U. S.
was negotiated in 1867. There was also a convention for the
extradition of criminals in 1871. Nic. has made arrangements
to pay Am. claims against her, and on her part asked
compensation for the damages caused by the bombardment of
San Juan, which the Am. govt refused. _Perez_, _Mem. Camp.
Nac._, 18-19; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 93; _Nic._, _Trat.
de Amistad, etc., entre Nic. y los EE. UU._, 1-16; _San Juan
del Norte_, _Las Cenizas_, 1874, 1-12; _Lévy_, _Nic._, 235-9;
_Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Nov. 10, Dec. 22, 1878; _Berruel,
Frères et Cie_, _Petition_, 1-20; and a multitude of U. S.
govt docs., and other papers.

[XII-69] Treaty with Belgium, May 18, 1858; with France,
Apr. 11, 1859; with G. Britain, Feb. 11, 1860; with Italy,
March 6, 1868; and a consular convention made in 1872; with
Perú, 1879. _Trat. de Amistad entre Nic. y la Bélgica_,
1-15; _Id._, _entre Nic. y la Francia_, 1-26; _Nic._, _Ley.
Emit._, 11-30; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, 106-18; _Rouhaud_,
_Régions Nouv._, 365-86; _Trat. de Amistad, etc., entre
Nic. y S. M. B._, 1-15; _Annals Brit. Legis._, ix. 378-81;
_Trat. de Amistad, etc., entre Nic. y el reino de Italia_,
1-17; _Convention Consular entre Nic. y el reino de Italia_,
1-19; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 7, 14, Oct. 26, Nov. 2, 1872;
_Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Oct. 29, 1879.

[XII-70] Damages for the injured Germans $30,000, and a fine
of $8,000, besides the punishment of the official accused of
insulting German dignity. Thus the superior force dictates
unjust terms to the inferior.

[XII-71] His term began Apr. 1, 1849.

[XII-72] He was tried by court-martial, sentenced, and shot
June 17th. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, June 15-28, July 4, 5,
12, 1849; _Squier's Trav._, i. 121, 166-72, 295-9; _Cent.
Am. Miscel. Doc._, no. 7. Muñoz was rewarded with a gold
medal, and the friends of the soldiers who perished received
pensions. _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 216-17.

[XII-73] Recognized by the assembly March 14th as duly
elected. _Nic._, _Cor. Ist._, March 20, 1851; _El Siglo_,
March 28, 1851.

[XII-74] Nov. 10, 1851. Muñoz had been declared a traitor and
deprived of his military rank. He was allowed to leave Nic.,
and went to reside in Salv. Chamorro was made commander of
the forces. _Nic._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_, 1851-3, 92-6, 116-18;
_Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Jan. 15, 1852.

[XII-75] A new constituent assembly was convoked May 13,
1853. _Nic._, _Gaceta Ofic._, May 28, 1853.

[XII-76] 'Se denominará República de Nicaragua.' _Rocha_,
_Cód. Nic._, i. 94-7; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, March 4, Apr.
1, 1854; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Apr. 7, 21, 1854; _El Eco
Hisp.-Am._, May 15, 1854.

[XII-77] In a circle bordered on the inside with two sprigs
of laurel, was a volcano with its base laved by the two
oceans. In the upper part of the volcano was a civic crown
with the words Libertad, Órden, Trabajo. Around the circle,
República de Nicaragua. The national flag was given three
horizontal stripes, the centre one white, with the coat of
arms in the middle; the upper one yellow, and the lower,
'nácar,' or light blue. Merchant vessels were to use the same
flag, without the coat of arms, and had on the centre stripe
República de Nicaragua, in golden letters. _Rocha_, _Cód.
Nic._, i. 163. During the Walker régime, 1856-7, his flag
had two blue stripes divided by a white one double the width
of the blue, and in the centre of the white a lone red star.
_Stewart's Filibusters_, 12-13.

[XII-78] Among the members elected were Castellon, Jerez,
Guerrero, diputados propietarios, and F. Diaz Zapata,
suplente, from the western department. The govt reported
them out of the state, having been expelled for their
revolutionary attempts. The assembly on the 1st of March
declared them disqualified to take their seats. _Nic._,
_Gaceta Ofic._, March 4, 1854; _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev.
Nic._, 12.

[XII-79] It had 104 articles, and somewhat restricted the
right of citizenship, created a single chamber, composed of
an equal number of senators and representatives; priests were
excluded from these positions. The terms of the president,
senators, and representatives were to begin March 1, 1855,
and last four years. After the expulsion of the filibusters,
a junta de gobierno, composed of the leading men of the
two opposing parties, was established, which declared the
constitution of 1838 in force, and a constituent assembly
was convoked, its members being from among the best and most
talented men of the republic. _Id._, 23-4; _Nic._, _Semanal
Nic._, Apr. 17, 1873. The powers granted the executive, which
were included in the fundamental law of 1854, though with the
additional clause that when using them he should report the
fact to the next legislature, greatly alarmed the opposition.
_Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 24.

[XII-80] In Nov. 1853. _Id._, 9-12; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Dec.
16, 1853; Jan. 6, 1854; _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 30, 1853;
_Hond._, _Boletin Ofic._, Dec. 5, 1853; _Costa R._, _Boletin
Ofic._, Dec. 15, 1853; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 12, 19, 24,
1853; Jan. 15, 30, 1854.

[XII-81] He thought Chamorro was evading the obligation
of Nicaragua to aid Honduras with troops for the war with
Guatemala.

[XII-82] His manifesto of June 12th was moderate in tone but
significant in its substance. It promised a liberal policy,
and to reconstruct, if possible, the federal republic.
_Wells' Hond._, 508-9; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 268-70; _El Rol_,
Oct. 6, 1854.

[XII-83] They tendered their mediation. _Perez_, _Mem. Hist.
Rev. Nic._, 67-75.

[XII-84] Early in Jan. 1855, J. Trinidad Muñoz was made
general-in-chief, Jerez having been disabled by a severe
wound. _El Rol_, Feb. 9, 28, 1855; _Costa R._, _Boletin
Ofic._, Feb. 28, 1855. The successes of the legitimist
party—so called because of the motto on its colors,
Legitimidad ó muerte—were obtained by Gen. Ponciano Corral
and his subordinates, Chamorro being too ill for service in
the field. _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 30, 42-3, 108-20;
_Eco Hisp.-Am._, Apr. 30, 1855.

[XII-85] In the hacienda of Quismapa, south of Granada, March
12, 1855. Chamorro was a wealthy citizen, born in Granada.
A brave, resolute man, firm in sustaining his political
principles, but lacking discrimination, and easily duped.
_Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 126; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent.
Am._, 67.

[XII-86] Perez, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 128, considered the
act of the assembly as a serious blunder.

[XII-87] His propositions were: Corral and himself were to
constitute themselves a junta de gobierno, and direct public
affairs until a constitutional president could be elected.
If Corral objected to this arrangement, he, Muñoz, would
recognize the legitimate government, provided Corral became
the head of it.

[XII-88] Facundo Goñi from Spain, and John H. Wheeler from
the U. S. Wheeler was cordially received in Granada, but
afterward was abhorred by the Nicaraguans.

[XII-89] Being too limited in its scope, the measure produced
no good effect.

[XII-90] He had gone direct to Granada, saying nothing to
Corral from Muñoz, which made the former suspect that Muñoz
was deceiving him.

[XII-91] Ephraim George Squier, whose works I have often
quoted, was born in Bethlehem, in the state of New York, June
17, 1821, and devoted most of his life to civil engineering,
journalism, and the pursuit of science, winning for himself a
distinguished name as an archæologist and author. His first
distinction was awarded him for his labors on the archæology
of the Mississippi Valley and the state of New York. Having
been appointed in 1849 chargé d'affaires to the states of
Central America, he employed much of his time in gathering
data upon those countries, which he afterward embodied in
several books. In 1853 he was engaged in the survey of a route
across Honduras, and organized a company for the construction
of an interoceanic railway. In 1863 and the following year he
was employed by the U. S. govt as a commissioner in Peru for
the adjustment of claims against that republic, and then
devoted several months to the exploration of ancient monuments
in that country. In 1868 he was for a time U. S. consul-gen.
to Hond. He visited Europe several times both for pleasure and
business. In addition to the works that will be herein
enumerated, he contributed many papers on antiquities and
other subjects to American and European scientific
periodicals. The following list comprises his principal works,
most of which have been translated into several languages:
_Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_, being vol. i. of the
Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge; _Aboriginal Monuments
of the state of New York_, in vol. ii. of the Smithsonian
Contributions; _Antiquities of the state of New York_, with a
supplement on the antiquities of the west; _The Serpent
Symbol, or Worship of the Reciprocal Principles of Nature in
America_; _Waikna, or Adventures on the Mosquito Shore_, under
the pseudonym of Samuel A. Bard; _Question Anglo-Américaine_;
_Report of the survey of the Honduras interoceanic railway_;
_Monograph on authors who have written on the aboriginal
languages of Central America_; _Tropical fibres and their
economic extraction_; _Is cotton king? Sources of cotton
supply_; _Incidents of Travel and Explorations in the land of
the Incas_. Other works of this author quoted in my volumes on
Central America are: _Notes on the states of Honduras and
Salvador_, with maps and illustrations, which gives valuable
data on those countries. In treating of diplomatic relations
he expatiates on manifest destiny and British intrigues, his
conclusions not being probably palatable to the subjects of
the British crown, and others disposed to oppose the
absorption of more territory, or the exercise of exclusive
influence by the U. S. The maps drawn by Hitchcock under
Squier's directions are the best that to that time had been
published. _Travels in Central America, particularly in
Nicaragua_, N. Y., 1853, 8vo, 2 vol., pp. 424 and 452, maps
and cuts, contains a description of aboriginal movements and
scenery, together with a concise account of the history,
agricultural and other resources, of Nicaragua, the language,
manners, and customs of the people, with illustrations of the
principal buildings, towns, ports, etc. The work also
describes at length the proposed canal route, setting forth
its advantages. The author had every facility as U. S. chargé
d'affaires to obtain the most exact data, and used them
conscientiously and with marked ability. _Nicaragua, its
people, scenery, monuments, and the proposed interoceanic
canal_, Lond., 1852, N. Y., 1856, 2 vol. This work is similar
in all respects to—in fact a reprint of—_Travels in Cent. Am._
Another edition under the aforesaid title appeared in New
York, 1860, 1 vol. of pp. 691, which with the exception of
about 18 pp. in the append., and a few more illustrations, was
similar to _Trav. in Cent. Am._ _The States of Central
America_, N. Y., 1858, 8vo, p. 782, maps and illust. The
author issued in 1855, with the title of _Notes on Central
America_, an 8vo vol. of 397 pages, with maps and cuts,
intended to serve as a basis for this more extensive one,
which treats of the physical peculiarities, population,
productions, commerce, and other resources, political
organization, aborigines, etc., of the country in general, and
of the states separately, and also of Belize, the Bay islands,
and Mosquito shore. Squier was evidently conversant with his
subject. The style is vivid and interesting, as well as
instructive, and the statements, as a rule, worthy of
acceptance. In his treatment of diplomatic affairs between
Great Britain and Cent. Am., in which his own country was
interested on the side of the latter, he espouses the Central
American side with so much warmth as to awaken a suspicion
that his judgment may have been warped by his patriotism. The
question of an interoceanic railroad having engrossed public
attention since the publication of this work the author felt
justified in reproducing, under the title of _Honduras_,
Lond., 1870, 12º, 278 pp., with a map, in a more compact and
accessible form, a description of this country. With the
exception of a fuller information on the route, and its
alleged advantages over all others, and an appendix relating
to immigration, the contents of the book have been fully
treated in the bibliographical notice on the _States of Cent.
Am._

_Report to the Directors of the Honduras Interoceanic
Railway_, Lond., 1858, fol., 102 pp. and map. Fours years
previously a preliminary report was published on this subject,
and in 1857 another containing no additional information, but
in the appendix were given further correspondence and the
charter in full. The present work gives a complete report with
all details, presenting valuable statistics, and evidences of
the feasibility of the proposed railway. _Compendio de la
Historia Política de Centro-América_, Paris, 1856, 12º, pp.
7-114, as the title implies, is an outline of the political
history of Central America from 1821 to 1851, that is to say,
a sketch of the revolution and struggle between republicans on
one side and monarchists on the other, by which Central
America was annexed to Mexico, and of the subsequent wars
between the federalists and the oligarchs, which culminated in
the destruction of the federation, and the ultimate rise to
unrestricted power of the latter with Carrera as their chief
as well as tool. _Translation with notes of the letter of Don
Diego de Palacio (1576) to the crown of Spain on the provinces
of Guatemala, San Salvador, etc._, N. Y., 1860, sq. 8º, pp.
132, is a report which in Spanish bears the title of _Carta
dirigida al rey de España_, and was addressed by Palacio, a
member of the royal audiencia of Guatemala, to the king,
giving an account of the ancient provinces of Guazacapan,
Izalco, Cuzcatlan, and Chiquimula, together with their
languages, customs, and religion of their aboriginal
inhabitants, and a description of the ruins of Copan. Palacio
evidently collected this information by order of his
sovereign, and showed himself an intelligent as well as a
kindly, well-meaning man; somewhat superstitious, but less so
than most men of his time. His narrative is both readable and
instructive, and his description of the ruins of Copan
extremely interesting, its correctness being established in
after years by the accounts of Fuentes and Stephens. Squier
added numerous and interesting notes, but his translation is
in places open to criticism, partly for erroneous meanings
given to words, and partly for a not strict adherence to the
spirit of the original. The book, though a beautiful specimen
of typography, is disfigured with many misprints. Besides
these I have in my library numerous valuable documents in
manuscript relating to Central American history, from the
earliest days after the Spanish conquest, which Mr Squier
gathered from various sources and never published.

_A Travers L'Amérique Centrale. Le Nicaragua et le Canal
Interocéanique_, Paris, 1867, 8º, 2 vol., maps, 427 and 480
pp., by Félix Belly, who was the director-general of a French
canal company for opening a Nicaragua route. He was also a
chevalier and a well-known writer. To him had been intrusted
the task of obtaining a charter from Nicaragua for this canal,
and with this object he visited Central America in 1858,
obtained the charter, and made the necessary explorations for
routes and resources. The delays and uncertainty of the
undertaking caused Belly to visit the country more than once,
and he thus became well acquainted with its resources, people,
government, and institutions generally. This information he
imparts in connection with the narrative of his journey and in
articles, under the respective states, given in the first
volume. The second volume is wholly devoted to the
interoceanic projects, and particularly to a detailed history
of his own canal scheme. The style is attractive, the
observations clever, and the information excellent. A second
edition, a reprint, appeared in 1870. _Belly_, _Carte
d'études, etc._, Paris, 1858, contains notes on the project of
building a canal through Nicaragua, and the survey made for
that purpose. _Félix Belly_, _Durchbruch der Americanischen
Landenge. Kanal von Nicaragua. Ubersetzt von Karl Schöbel_,
Paris, 1859, 8o, 103 pp., one map, is the same as _Carte
d'études ..._ by Félix Belly, but enlarged with a few sketches
of the country and people of Nicaragua and Costa Rica.

[XIII-1] At this time, in 1840, he could neither read nor
write, and used, for appending his signature, a stamp. Later
he learned to sign his name.

[XIII-2] He sent his resignation to the assembly, implying
that it was condescension on his part to lay it before that
body, as he owed his position directly to the votes of the
people.

[XIII-3] He was wrathful at the thought that they had
tendered a dictatorship to Morazan, and enlisted the
Quezaltecs against himself. He did not forget Rivera Paz'
proclamations calling him a bandit and an _antropófago_. He
asked for the meaning of this last word, and on being told
it, flew into a rage which threatened a repetition of the
horrid scenes of Quezaltenango. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
iii. 512.

[XIII-4] He referred to Pavon, Batres, and Aycinena. It was
evident that he then knew of Juan Fermin Aycinena's bargain
in Madrid which made him marqués de Aycinena.

[XIII-5] His press was called Imprenta del Ejército. He had
brought it from Quezaltenango.

[XIII-6] Several deputies, under one pretext or another,
tried to resign, but only the clergyman Lorenzana was
permitted to do so. _Tempsky's Journey_, 341-56. A man named
Andrade slightly wounded Carrera in the evening of Aug. 8,
1841. He was murdered by the troops, and Carrera, with the
assent of the govt, had the body quartered in the presence of
hundreds of persons, and the pieces placed on exhibition at
the city gates. The order for so doing was signed by Rivera
Paz, and his minister Viteri, afterward bishop of Salvador.
_Id._, 541-8; _Guat._, _Gac. Ofic._, no. 22, 86-7; _Dunlop's
Cent. Am._, 248; _Nouv. Annales Voy._, xcii. 375; _Niles'
Reg._, lxi. 177.

[XIII-7] He had promised, he said, to remain in private life.
His voice would be unheeded. Without freedom or influence, he
could no longer do the country any good. 'Ningun pensamiento
hay aceptable en la crítica complicacion de sus negocios, y
en el movimiento retrógrado que se le ha dado.' _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iii. 528-9; _Gac. de Salv._, Oct. 12, 1854.

[XIII-8] Rivera Paz did not escape insult; but not more than
Carrera deemed needful to keep him humble.

[XIII-9] The _Gaceta_, no. 173, mentioned that number. Others
made it larger. The Indian chief Ricardo Catzum and others on
their way to the place of execution, in loud tones declared
that they had only obeyed their general's orders.

[XIII-10] Carrera had threatened Viteri with 'la fuerza,' and
the latter answered that he had on his side 'la fuerza de la
razon.' Carrera understood this to mean cannons and muskets,
and rushing out to the plaza came back soon after with
troops and artillery, surrounded the government house—then
opposite the Santa Rosa church—and furiously entered the
building, demanding of Rivera Paz to show him his forces.
Viteri then explained the meaning of fuerza de la razon.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 536-7. Squier, _Travels_,
ii. 443, describes something similar as done by Carrera to
the assembly.

[XIII-11] Lopez was a Nicaraguan educated in Guat., an
honorable man and an accomplished jurist; but owing to bad
health, personal habits, and other causes, was unfit for the
executive office.

[XIII-12] The assembly considered a bill granting him large
tracts of land.

[XIII-13] The constitution to be framed was to be ratified
by the first subsequent council of double the no. of
representatives. The doc. had 12 articles. _Guat._, _Inf.
Pavon_, 2-5; _Niles' Reg._, lxvi. 242.

[XIII-14] On the 14th of March, 1844. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._,
i. 114-16.

[XIII-15] 'Consejo constituyente' it was first called;
afterward it adopted the name of 'congreso constituyente.'

[XIII-16] Being appointed early in 1849 corregidor of
Jutiapa; while on his way there he was murdered with others.

[XIII-17] They had counted on Carrera's aid, and he failed
them, for which they again at their secret conferences
reapplied to him the name _antropófago_.

[XIII-18] A number of persons were blindly persecuted,
particularly Brigadier Monterrosa and his family.
_Barrundia_, _Rev. de los Partidos_, in _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iv. 662.

[XIII-19] Duran's pledges went for nothing. Blood and
extermination ended the drama of Feb. 1845. _Id._, 663-9;
_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 244-7.

[XIII-20] The most despotic captain-generals of the colonial
period, without excepting the tyrant Bustamante, are not to
be compared with these men. Barrundia, in trying to console
the young men who bewailed the condition of the country,
assured them that it was transitory, 'un régimen salvaje
en pleno siglo XIX. no puede ser perpétuo en la América
independiente. La luz nos viene por el Norte y por el Sur;
solo el centro está en tinieblas, y esa noche lúgubre no
puede ser eterna.' _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 9.

[XIII-21] Azmitia was an enlightened man, and thirsted for
no one's blood; but his influence, outside of the foreign
department, was small, and men, unheard and untried, were
shot before his eyes, without his being able to prevent it.
His friends claimed, however, that through him Guat. was
spared many more acts of barbarity.

[XIII-22] It consisted of 222 articles, and was drawn up
at Quezaltenango; it came to nothing. _Pineda de Mont_, in
_Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 86.

[XIII-23] Cruz had risen with Carrera, but had a mild
disposition, and was liberal-minded. He learned erelong that
the people had nothing to expect from the aristocrats.

[XIII-24] Barrundia left an account of all the proceedings.
One man only, José Gándara, had the courage to back his
convictions and vote for the constitution.

[XIII-25] The plan had been to shoot him as he came out of
the cathedral. _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 248; _Iris' Españ._,
Dec. 12, 1846.

[XIII-26] The arms to be those Cent. Am. used on the obverse
side of her coin, but so arranged that the sun and volcanoes
should be in the centre of a shield, with the inscription,
Guatemala en Centro América, 15 de Setiembre de 1821, having
in the quiver an olive crown.

[XIII-27] A shield divided transversely into two quarters;
the upper one on an open field azure with vertical bars
argent; and the lower with three volcanoes on a light
sky-blue field. Over the shield was a sun, and on each side
of it two flags with the national colors displayed, and the
extremities gathered downward, and knotted on the poles.
On the right side of the shield is an oak bough, and on
the left, one of laurel. On a white waving ribbon is the
legend in golden letters, Guatimalæ Respublica sub D. O. M.
protectione.

[XIII-28] The man-of-war flag has the coat of arms on the
yellow stripe. The mercantile flag does not show the coat of
arms. The flag consists of seven stripes; the uppermost and
lowermost, or be it the 1st and 7th, blue; the 2d and 6th
white; the 3d and 5th red; and the 4th, which is the centre
one, yellow. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 55-8; _Dublan_ and
_Lozano_, _Leg. Mex._, vi. 119-20; _Mex._, _Col. Ley. Ord._,
1850-1; i. 388-9; _Mex._, _Leg._, 1851, 307-9. New national
flag decreed Aug. 17, 1871. _Guat._, _Recop. Leges. Gob.
Democ._, i. 9.

[XIII-29] With France, March 8, 1848, and one for the
settlement of French claims, Aug. 18, 1854; Costa R., March
10, 1848; G. Britain, Feb. 20, 1849; U. S., March 20, 1849;
Belgium, Apr. 1849; Mex., Nov. 1850; the pope, Oct. 7, 1852;
Peru, 1857; and others in later times.

[XIII-30] _Crosby's Events in Cal._, MS., 103. It tried to
avoid entanglements in the questions then pending between
Spain and Peru. The time came, however, in 1875, when the
govt was not afraid to make recognition of Cuba, then in the
throes of revolution for independence from Spain as a nation.

[XIII-31] Full particulars on the foreign relations may be
found in _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 303-81, 423-30; _Id._,
_Gob. Dem._, i. 209-19; _Squier's Trav._, ii. 451-2; _Annals
Brit. Legis._, 1866, 333; _Guat._, _Gac._, Feb. 21, March 7,
May 3, 1850; July 29, 1853; Jan. 27, Apr. 7, 1854; _Comm.
Rel. Flagg's Rept._, i. 792; _Derecho Intern. Mex._, 2d
pt, 325-8; _Mex._, _Mem. Rel._, 1851, 10-11; _Dublan_ and
_Lozano_, _Leg. Mex._, v. 755-7; _Nic. Corr. Ist._, May 1,
June 1, Aug. 1, 1849; _Id._, _Gac. Ofic._, Feb. 25, 1854;
Aug. 4, 1866; _Costa R._, _Gac._, Feb. 13, March 13, June
10, 1854; _Salv._, _Gac._, Jan. 13, 1854; _Crosby's Events
in Cal._, MS., 90-5, 102-4; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 141-5;
_Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Apr. 20, Sept. 9, 1875; _Guat._,
_Mem. Rel._, 1882, 26-7, and annex 8; _La Estrella de
Occid._, Dec. 2, 1864.

[XIII-32] Molina accepted this trust believing Minister
Azmitia, with whom the committee would have to treat
directly, was a liberal; but Azmitia was not such, nor would
the aristocrats have permitted him to control the situation.

[XIII-33] Molina accepted, under the pressure of
circumstances, a number of clauses opposed to his own
opinions, thinking that a conservative constitution would be
better than an unbridled dictatorship.

[XIII-34] Some of the measures being imprudently executed
only increased the trouble. To make matters worse, the
monopoly of aguardiente in the departments of Guat.,
Sacatepequez, Escuintla, and Amatitlan, was given to a single
company, in consideration of money advances to the treasury.
Carrera was supposed to share in the profits.

[XIII-35] The Indians rose against the ladinos, who deprived
them of their lands, and forced them to work at raising
grain.

[XIII-36] 'La tranquilidad continúa inalterable.' _Guat._,
_Gac. Ofic._, Aug. 14, 1847. The archbishop was asked to
instruct his priests to preach obedience to the authorities
and laws; and with the view of winning the good-will of
the Dominicans the govt restored them the large hacienda
of Palencia, which had been theirs prior to 1829. The
property had fallen into Carrera's hands by donation from the
government, and now, in order to restore it to the friars, it
was bought from him at his own price.

[XIII-37] Carrera's decrees of Jan. 12 and 22, 1848.

[XIII-38] Foreign relations, José Mariano Rodriguez;
government, Luis Batres; treasury and war, José Nájera.

[XIII-39] His last words on that occasion were: 'Queda al
público el sempiterno duo de la Revista y Gaceta, que daran
solos la ley y seran la esclusiva ilustracion de Guatemala.'
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 444; _Salv._, _Gac._, Oct.
12, 1854. It must be borne in mind that those two organs
were edited by Pavon and Milla for the express purpose of
upholding the ideas of the middle ages.

[XIII-40] This affair was later settled, the assembly passing
resolutions highly complimentary to France and her people,
embodying also a desire to see the French flag again waving
over the French consulate. A copy of the resolutions was
transmitted to the consul. The flag waved again and was
saluted with 21 guns. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 577;
_Niles' Reg._, lxxiv. 142-3, 415-16; _Nic._, _Gac. Gob.
Suprem._, Dec. 9, 1848; _El Heraldo_, Jan. 15, 1849.

[XIII-41] The members were to be at the capital on the 1st of
the month. Decree of May 24, 1848. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i.
121-36.

[XIII-42] This was done by the advice of Batres, who told
him the liberal party would soon commit suicide, and he might
then return in triumph.

[XIII-43] A merchant or agent; he was sickly, and totally
unfit for the position.

[XIII-44] The other two were his message on gen. affairs,
and his greeting to the chamber on its installation. _Nic._,
_Gac. Gob. Suprem._, Sept. 16, 1848; _Salv._, _Gac. Ofic._,
Sept. 9, 1876; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 470, 494-508.

[XIII-45] His proscription was decreed on the 13th of Oct.,
1848. _Reg. Cent. Am._, Jan. 29, 1850. He went to Chiapa,
and the Mexican govt was requested not to let him cross the
frontier. _El Siglo_, Jan. 10, 1851.

[XIII-46] This was an unmerited slight to Vice-president
Cruz, which he resented afterward.

[XIII-47] His ministers were Manuel J. Dardon of the govt;
José M. Vidaurre of treasury and war, and Luis Molina of
foreign relations.

[XIII-48] Francisco Carrillo, Serapio Cruz, Roberto Reyes, J.
D. Nufio, and A. Perez.

[XIII-49] The chief being the convocation of a new
constituent assembly; the recognition of Los Altos as
independent, efforts to restore the Central Am. republic,
and meantime Guat., Salv., and Los Altos, to be under one
govt; the revolutionary army to hold the capital and other
important points; Rafael and Sotero Carrera and their agents
to make good with their property all damages caused by them
to private persons; objectionable persons to be banished, and
the Brit. govt to be asked to recall Consul Chatfield.

[XIII-50] Their only division was in open and covert
serviles.

[XIII-51] A provisional govt was established at Quezaltenango
on the 5th of Sept., 1848, consisting of a triumvirate;
namely, Presbyter Fernando Antonio Dávila, Rafael de
la Torre, and José Velasco, with Manuel J. Fuentes as
secretary-gen. _Id._, 588-9; _Guat._, _Gac._, Sept. 22, 1848.

[XIII-52] The nobles, aided by the clergy, surrounded the
brothers Cruz, and Luis Molina undertook to dissuade Nufio,
who was a very ignorant man.

[XIII-53] The necessity of procuring money for the war, which
could not be had except from partisans of the oligarchs,
prompted it, as they made that act of ratification a sine quâ
non before loosening their purse-strings.

[XIII-54] _Guat._, _Col. Ley._, i. 77-9; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, v. 584-5. Gándara and Pineda de Mont, the other
liberals trying to persuade themselves that the separation
would be only temporary.

[XIII-55] By Col. M. Paredes. _Guat._, _Gac._, Sept. 22,
1848; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, 50-3; _Nic._, _Gac. Gob. Suprem._,
Nov. 18, 25, Dec. 9, 1848; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v.
606-8, 634-9.

[XIII-56] The attempt to gain over Nufio to the side of the
govt proving successful, he had been appointed comandante
general. On the other hand, Vice-president Vicente Cruz,
smarting under the slight put upon him by the selection of
Martinez for pres., joined his brother Serapio in his armed
contest against the govt. _Id._, v. 555, 570-1, 588, 591.

[XIII-57] Escobar was an orator, a true republican, and well
disposed to deal fairly by all men, regardless of political
affiliations.

[XIII-58] His ministers were Revd Narciso Monterey, of govt;
Basilio Porras, of relations; Mariano Galvez Irungaray,
of treasury; and Manuel Jonama, an old retired officer of
Morazan, of war.

[XIII-59] The two opposing parties had not yet fixed upon his
successor.

[XIII-60] The Molinas and Arrivillagas, Vidaurre, Dardon,
Barrundia, and Martinez, who were held responsible for the
blood already spilled.

[XIII-61] A large number of official docs. connected with
the last two administrations are given in _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, v. 593-601, 611, 622-44, 695-715.

[XIII-62] In forming his cabinet he slighted Luis Molina
and his party. His ministers were José Mariano Rodriguez,
Raymundo Arroyo, José M. Urruela, and Manuel Tejada. Arroyo
was succeeded in Aug. by Pedro N. Arriaga, and Cerezo became
min. of war.

[XIII-63] The principal clauses were: the revolutionary
forces to be incorporated with the army of the republic;
Vicente Cerna to become general-in-chief of the army;
elections of deputies to be made in unrepresented districts;
damages caused private parties by the army to be paid by the
government.

[XIII-64] The aristocrats made a great display of regret at
his death, but it was well known that they did not love him.
In eliminating him from the revolution, they had in view to
weaken the latter, but still wanted it to continue as a means
for Carrera's return.

[XIII-65] Paredes made him believe the govt really intended
to oppose Carrera. He also pledged the govt to protect Los
Altos, and provide for the advancement of education and
commerce in that region. Under such pledges Guzman placed
himself and his Quezaltecs at the service of the govt and
proceeded to the capital. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v.
769-71.

[XIII-66] Jan. 24th he wrote the govt from Ayuto that he
was on his march to the capital, not to avenge, he said, the
insults heaped upon him by Martinez' administration, or rake
up by-gones, but to restore peace and justice. The assembly,
before which his letter was laid, adopted no resolution.

[XIII-67] To raise a foreign loan of one million dollars; to
procure troops from other friendly states; and if necessary
to remove the capital. After granting such power the assembly
adjourned, leaving in the city a 'comision permanente.'

[XIII-68] His govt said that aid afforded to Carrera
was treason under the decree of Oct. 13, 1848. Ministers
Arroyo and Tejada in a manifesto assured the people of the
government's best efforts to defeat his projects. _Nic._,
_Gac._, March 17, 1849. It is astonishing that an ignorant
man like Paredes could so easily hoodwink Luis Molina and the
rest. They soon opened their eyes to see the falseness of the
man they had elevated from the command of a battalion to the
chief magistracy, and who was on the point of consummating
his treachery. Guzman saw through his plan, and escaped
out of the city with a number of his Quezaltec officers and
men, and succeeded in reaching Salvador. He first joined the
mountaineers, and aided them to take Jutiapa, but on seeing
the outrages of Leon Raymundo, he left them in disgust.

[XIII-69] Zavala was connected by blood and marriage with
supporters of Carrera in the aristocratic clique.

[XIII-70] The first two decrees were of June 4th and 5th.
His appointment to the chief command was on the 3d of Aug.
_Nic._, _Corr. Ist._, July 1, Sept. 1, 1849; _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, v. 779-80, 784-5.

[XIII-71] He had come disposed to do his duty, he said. The
ayuntamiento of Guat. on the 10th of Aug. gave a banquet
in honor of Carrera. The corregidor presided, having on his
right Paredes, and on the left Carrera. _Guat._, _Gac._, Aug.
23, 1849.

[XIII-72] The comision permanente had represented the
danger to the govt before Carrera entered the city, and its
representations remaining unheeded; it again on the 27th
of July called the attention of the minister of government
demanding requisite protection for the representatives. See
Andrés Dardon's letter in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v.
811-12.

[XIII-73] Barrundia had gone to Salv. Luis Molina was
now defeated, and had to go away. He wished to visit San
Salvador, but could not face Vasconcelos, and went to
Ahuachapan. Ex-president Escobar, who, as president of the
assembly, signed the proscription act of Oct. 13, 1848, died
in exile, poor and miserable; the two subscribing secretaries
were Manuel Irungaray, whom Carrera caused to be shot
some time afterward, and Lorenzo Montúfar, the author and
statesman.

[XIII-74] Vasconcelos, president of Salv., Dec. 4, 1850,
announced to his people that forces of Guatemala were about
to invade the department of Sonsonate, with the view of
inciting the inhabitants to rebel against their government.
Again, Jan. 10, 1851, he sets forth the motives actuating the
oligarchs, who had Carrera for their tool, and British Consul
Chatfield for their ally, which were to destroy Central
American liberties, and to domineer over the other sections.
_Cent. Am. Pamph._, vi. nos. 2 and 3.

[XIII-75] The objective point was the city of Guat., which
the allies felt sure of capturing, to judge from the context
of a letter from Dueñas to Vasconcelos of Jan. 20, 1851.
_Cent. Am. Pamph._, iv. no. 17.

[XIII-76] Carrera's report from the field contained the
following incredible result: a loss on the part of the
confederates of 528 killed, 200 prisoners, 1,000 muskets,
and 9,000 rounds of ammunition; while his casualties were
only 20 killed and 42 wounded. That was probably one of his
characteristic falsehoods. The Salvadoran minister called
it 'desgracia sensible aunque pequeña.' But Carrera was
promoted to be captain-general, and a memorial medal was
struck in honor of his victory. _Frisch_, _Die Staaten_, 98;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 80-1; _Salv._, _Mem. Sec. Gen._,
1821-5.

[XIII-77] Feb. 6th, martial law was proclaimed; 13th, all
men capable of bearing arms were called into service; those
failing to obey, or aiding the invaders, were declared
traitors; 22d, the assembly decreed a forced loan of $20,000
monthly during the continuance of the war. _Nic._, _Cor.
Ist._, March 13, 1851; _Salv. Decreto_, in _Cent. Am.
Pamph._, iv. no. 16.

[XIII-78] He would return, however, if peaceful overtures
were not made at once. _Guat._, _Boletin de Noticias_, March
1, 1851.

[XIII-79] The commissioners were Manuel F. Pavon for
Guatemala, and Francisco Zaldívar for Salvador. It was a
treaty of amity and commerce, calling also for extradition
of army deserters and common criminals upon formal demand
for them. Political refugees were to be made to live at a
considerable distance from the frontier. Neither contracting
party had to pay any pecuniary indemnity. _Guat._, _Recop.
Ley._, i. 431-3; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 10, 1853; Jan.
30, 1854; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Aug. 5, 1853.

[XIII-80] Efforts were made by the sister states to avert
a war, and even after it broke out Salvador continued
her efforts. Preliminaries of peace had been agreed upon,
and negotiations entered into at Cojutepeque by the two
belligerents, Salvador acting as mediator at the conferences;
but this effort also failed because the commissioner at the
last moment presented an ultimatum which neither Salvador
nor Honduras deemed just. _Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Oct. 30,
Nov. 15, 30, Dec. 15, 1852; _Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, Oct. 13,
Nov. 11, Dec. 5, 1853; _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 18;
_Guat._, _Gaceta_, July 8 to Nov. 11, 1853, passim; Jan. 27,
Feb. 24, Sept. 22, 1854; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Aug. 20, 1853;
Feb. 28, 1854; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 12, 1853; Jan. 7,
18, Feb. 24, March 4, 1854; _El Rol_, Oct. 13, 1854; Feb. 21,
March 7, 1855; _Prelimin. de Paz_, in _Cent. Am. Pamph._, i.
no. 20; iv. no. 41. It seems from Guatemalan sources that the
Hondurans invaded Guat., and were defeated at Atulapa July
12, 1853. _Guat._, _Boletin de Noticias_, Aug. 5, 1853.

[XIII-81] The commissioners being Pedro de Aycinena, min.
of foreign affairs of Guat., and Florencio Castillo for
Hond. This treaty bound the contracting parties to surrender
deserters from either army, and common criminals, when
claimed. Political refugees were to be kept away from the
frontier. No pecuniary indemnity was stipulated. _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, i. 433-6; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 16, 1856.

[XIII-82] Under this law the president was to be chosen for
four years by a general assembly composed of the house of
representatives, the archbishop, justices of the supreme
court, and the members of the council of state. He might be
reëlected. Before being placed in possession of the executive
office, he was to be sworn by the archbishop who presided,
for the occasion, over the house of representatives. The
executive was clothed with almost absolute powers, being
authorized, among other things, to issue, in accord with the
council of state, decrees having the force of law, to raise
loans, declare war, make peace, ratify treaties, etc. In the
event of his death or permanent disability, the executive
duties devolved temporarily on the ministers in their order
of seniority; and in default of them, on the members of the
council; until the house of representatives, to be forthwith
summoned, could meet and make a choice in general assembly.
During temporary absences of the president, the government
devolved on the council of ministers. The council of state
was formed of the cabinet ministers, eight members chosen by
the congress, and such others as the executive might appoint.
They held office for four years and might be reëlected. The
following functionaries might also be called by the executive
to take part in the deliberations and vote, namely: the
archbishops, bishops sojourning in the capital, regente of
the supreme court, president of the ecclesiastical chapter,
rector of the university, prior of the consulado, president
of the sociedad económica, and comandante general. The house
of representatives consisted of 55 deputies elected for four
years. The cabinet ministers had seats in the house, which
was to open its session Nov. 25th, and close it Jan. 31st.
The administration of justice was intrusted to a supreme
and lower courts. The former consisted of a regente, six
justices, and one fiscal or attorney-general, all chosen by
the congress for four years, one half being renewed every two
years, but all might be reëlected. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._,
i. 79-87; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 181-2; _El Siglo_, June
18, 1852; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 483.

[XIII-83] Those of the judiciary, consulado, university, and
sociedad económica. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 140-50.

[XIII-84] _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 31, 1851.

[XIII-85] This was the result of public meetings held in
the departments by the garrisons, officials, and parish
priests, at which it was made to appear that it was the will
of the people that Carrera should be president for life,
with the privilege of selecting his successor, and that
other amendments should be made to the acta constitutiva,
as permitted by its 15th art. It is understood that at
the meeting of officials in the capital there was but one
dissentient vote to the proposition. He had in a manifesto of
June 22d expressed a weak objection to the proposed change,
but it was evidently a preconcerted plan of the aristocrats
and the military element. _Guat._, _Gaceta_, May 12 to Sept.
15, 1854, passim; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 87-90; _Costa
R._, _Gaceta_, July 1-29, 1854; _Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, July
27, 1854; March 17, 1855; _Carrera_, _Manifiesto_, in _Cent.
Am. Pamph._, v. no. 21; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 514. Carrera
before this received honors from foreign governments; he was
a knight grand cross of the papal order of St Gregory the
Great; the same of the Mexican order of Guadalupe; and knight
commander of the Belgian order of Leopold. _Guat._, _Recop.
Ley._, i. 90.

[XIII-86] This amendment conferred still larger powers on the
president, and made the term of the representatives, and of
the councillors chosen by them, seven years instead of four.

[XIII-87] As he had no knowledge of the science of
government, the direct management of public affairs was left
to those supposed to possess it. Carrera did not govern;
he merely represented the unity of government. 'Sin embargo
que su voluntad prevalecia en todo.' _Astaburuaga_, _Cent.
Am._, 82. The reform in regard to the presidential tenure was
personal, and exclusively in favor of Carrera. Thus at his
death the constitutional provision was restored, the minister
of relations, Pedro de Aycinena, assuming the reins, and at
once summoning the legislative body, which was de facto and
de jure a return to constitutional order. _Pineda de Mont_,
_Nota_, in _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 87.

[XIII-88] The govt decreed that their portraits should be
placed in the hall of the council of state. Pavon's widow,
Victoria Zebadúa, got a pension of $900 a year. _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, ii. 638-9; iii. 351.

[XIII-89] The government, whose temporary chief was Pedro
de Aycinena, as senior cabinet minister, decreed April 4th
that the funeral should take place on the 17th at 9 A. M.,
the remains to be interred in the cathedral church. _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, iii. 351-2; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Apr. 29, May
6-20, 1865.

[XIII-90] It has been asserted that even his ministers
trembled for their lives when Carrera was in his cups. Though
they knew he would commit outrages, they often induced him
to visit the departments, in order to have a little peace
themselves.

[XIV-1] They conclude offering to the assembly the 'swords
which aided to triumph in Guat. and Los Altos over the tyrant
Morazan.'

[XIV-2] Cañas, considering himself the only lawful executive,
though set aside by the military on Sept. 20th, also made his
resignation.

[XIV-3] The decree greatly displeased the people, and had no
effect. But it revealed the plot of the aristocrats of Guat.
They appointed commissioners to the diet of Cent. Am., who
were to pretend that they favored a reformed union; but their
real aim was an absolute separation. _Marure_, _Efem._, 54.

[XIV-4] Its support was sworn to on the 11th of April.

[XIV-5] In a proclamation he stated that the expelled
senators and deputies were working to restore the order of
affairs existing at the time of Morazan's departure. His
suspicions were partially confirmed on Morazan appearing at
La Union about the middle of Feb. 1842. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iv. 63-4; _Marure_, _Efem._, 54-5; _Astaburuaga_,
_Cent. Am._, 74-5.

[XIV-6] They promised to confine their action to only such
objects as were of absolute necessity, namely, to rid the
government of surrounding obstacles, make amendments or
additions to the constitution, and pass such laws as would
conduce to its development. After doing this they purposed
to close their ordinary session, and await the election of
the constitutional chief of the state. It would then be the
proper time to deliberate upon calling a constituent assembly
to review the constitution.

[XIV-7] Cañas had been chosen on the 1st of Feb., but
afterward resigned it. His health was poor, and he died at
the hacienda del Jocó on the 24th of Feb., 1844. The assembly
honored his memory in a special decree. _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 509.

[XIV-8] It was this govt that rejected Morazan's proposals
when he appeared at La Union. While appreciating his
patriotic purposes, it could not disregard its obligations
toward the other states. Hence, together with Malespin, it
set the other govts in motion against Morazan, whom Malespin
called 'el enemigo comun.'

[XIV-9] Even private correspondence was forbidden.
Postmasters had orders to deliver to governors of departments
all letters received at their offices from Costa Rica.

[XIV-10] His ideas were commended as 'justas, sanas,
salvadoras.' _Guat._, _Gac._, Oct. 18, 1842.

[XIV-11] Even Malespin had favored the act of the govt;
for though uncultured, he was a Salvadoran; and now that
Morazan was dead, he began to listen to the advice of his
more enlightened fellow-citizens, and to understand the
Machiavelism of Aycinena, Pavon, and their ally Chatfield.

[XIV-12] J. J. Aycinena repeatedly said that the revolt
could not be quelled, and it were better to accede to the
wishes of the volcaneños. This will explain the object of
a doc. dated Oct. 18, 1843, and published at Comayagua at
the govt printing-office under the signature of Manuel José
Arce. The ex-president had taken advantage of an amnesty
decree to return to Central America. He was now very old,
but still ambitious of power. In that manifesto, addressed
to the states of Cent. Am., he endeavors to demonstrate the
necessity of their again uniting under one govt. He spoke
of Guzman and Malespin trying to hold power for life; of
intrigues to make the latter president, even if some of his
opponents had to be shot; of abuses he had been subjected
to; the war those men were planning, with the aid of Nic.,
against Guat. and Hond., on the false charge that Carrera
intended to annex Salv. to Guat. He accused Malespin of
atrocities, and yet praises Carrera, who placed Malespin in
Salv. The full text of the manif. is in _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iv. 222-5.

[XIV-13] The min. of state, Agustin Morales, reminded him
that freedom of the press was a palladium of liberty in
England, adding his surprise that her consul should want
such a precious boon to disappear from Salvador. Chatfield
threatened to refer the subject to his govt, and was told to
do so, not failing to accompany the answers he had received.

[XIV-14] The circulation of _El Amigo del Pueblo_ in Guat.
was forbidden; but many numbers got out, and were read by
artisans, students, officials. Chatfield often found it on
his desk without knowing how it came there.

[XIV-15] Several Salvadorans were murdered, and it was proved
that the murderers had come from Jutiapa. The govt of Guat.
pretended to have had no agency in these acts.

[XIV-16] In later years he was bishop of Panamá, but much
toned down.

[XIV-17] _El Amigo del Pueblo_ invited him to discuss public
questions, but not from the pulpit, where he could not be
answered. Vazquez did not heed it, and went on with his
wrathful sermons.

[XIV-18] In his letter of Dec. 5th, he uses these words:
'Jorge de Viteri no será obispo de farsa, ni permanecerá
jamás en un suelo, en que la potestad humana coarte las
amplias facultades que le conceden, y de que le hacen
responsable los sagrados cánones.' The correspondence, and
his secretary's address to the people, are given in _Id._,
351-4, 373.

[XIV-19] The president blamed him for leaving the capital
at a time of disturbance. He, on his part, demanded the
government's return to S. Salv. to attend to the bishop's
complaints. He accused the president, in a manifesto, of
attempting to disturb the public peace.

[XIV-20] The ecclesiastical fueros were restored; the govt
was authorized to allow monasteries established, and the
bishop to demand the aid of the secular arm to enforce his
orders in ecclesiastical affairs. This last act was, however,
issued, as it appears, with much reluctance, judging from the
number of restrictive clauses in it.

[XIV-21] Guzman had waged war against Malespin, not for his
own aggrandizement, but to do away with arbitrary rule, and
to restore the authority of the constitution. This being
accomplished, he resolved to return to private life.

[XIV-22] A physician by profession, and a modest, honorable
citizen, actuated by the purest motives; an excellent family
man and friend; but unfortunately, as events showed, he was
weak when firmness and resolution were demanded to uphold his
position. Aguilar, in his later years, after losing his wife,
was ordained as a priest.

[XIV-23] Eustaquio Cuéllar, J. M. San Martin, J. M. Zelaya,
the clergyman, Isidro Menendez, and Indalecio Cordero.

[XIV-24] He hinted that he had power to annex the state
to the archdiocese of Guat. The text of his letter is in
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 54-5.

[XIV-25] The officer Anjelino, sent to reënforce the guard
of the jail, was waylaid, and nearly murdered, and in that
condition taken to the bishop's house, where the bishop
abused him by word of mouth, and turned him over to the
rabble, by whom he was stabbed, beaten, and kicked. He was,
however, rescued by the priest M. Serrano, and taken back
into the bishop's house. These facts were testified to by
Anjelino, in the criminal prosecution of Viteri.

[XIV-26] _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 330; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._,
249-50; _Iris_, _Esp._, Oct. 3, 1846.

[XIV-27] It is given in full in _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._,
v. 70-4.

[XIV-28] The decree was dated July 27, 1846, and referred to
articles 210-13, 304-9.

[XIV-29] The Salvadoran govt published a decree against
seditious persons from Hond. _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 272-3.
The authorities of Hond. solemnly promised that Viteri should
not be allowed to reside near the Salv. frontier; but the
promise went for nothing; Viteri and Malespin being aided
from that state. They found material assistance in Nacaome,
Tegucigalpa, Sensenti, and Guarita. Guardiola's note of Aug.
31, 1846, to the min.-gen. of Salv., in _Id._, v. 87, 254-7.

[XIV-30] His decree of Feb. 23, and pastoral of June 10,
1845.

[XIV-31] His execution left a bad impression in the public
mind. Ignacio Malespin had been a friend of Morazan, served
with him in 1840, and was one of the heroes of the capture
of Guatemala as well as of the subsequent escape. He was
gentle, kind, and sociable, and but for Viteri's influence
never would have joined the revolution. He ought to have
been spared. The women of San Salvador, both old and young,
pleaded for a commutation of his sentence, but the govt was
relentless.

[XIV-32] The head was for some time exposed in an iron cage,
to the disgust of the community. It was finally delivered to
the family for interment.

[XIV-33] He obtained 13,222 votes out of a total of 19,215.
Being governor of San Vicente, where he was exceedingly
popular, he could not, under the constitution, be a candidate
in that department.

[XIV-34] Vasconcelos had been a friend of Morazan, and
prominent in Guat. at the time the liberal party was divided
into ministerialists and oppositionists.

[XIV-35] Chatfield's pressure against Hond. and Nic. inspired
them with hopes. Vasconcelos was a partisan of Central
American unification for various reasons, not the least of
which was that of checking the preposterous claims of the
Brit. agent. This explains the origin of future questions
between Chatfield and Pavon on one side, and Vasconcelos on
the other. In 1849, the latter was made to appear before the
other states as an innate foe of Guat., whose debasement
and destruction he strove for. The govt of Salv. gave
explanations on its course denying the charges. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, v. 801-8.

[XIV-36] Even Lindo of Hond., a militant in the reactionary
ranks of Guat., though acknowledging the republic, did
so with the proviso that Hond. left intact and in force
Guatemala's engagements and duties toward other states as
regarded the reëstablishment of a gen. govt. Guardiola's note
of Aug. 10, 1847, to min. of relations of Guat., in _Id._,
260.

[XIV-37] He favored the restoration of the state of Los
Altos, in order to divide the power of Guat., and counted
on the coöperation of Guatemalan liberals; but the spirit
of provincialism was strong with them, and a large portion
opposed him.

[XIV-38] It was bitterly censured by the leading liberals of
Salv., Nic., and Hond., and not a few of those of Guat., such
as Pineda de Mont and Rivera Caberas.

[XIV-39] Gomez was a Salvadoran, educated abroad, and well
versed in political economy and literature.

[XIV-40] He committed an error in supposing that Zaldaña
would care more for him and his party than for Archbishop
García Pelaez, who was influenced by Canon Larrazábal, the
mouthpiece of Guatemalan aristocracy.

[XIV-41] The following is a brief synopsis of the
constitution: No ecclesiastic or military man in active
service could hold any civil office. Congress consisted
of the house of representatives, chosen annually, and the
senate, elected one half every second year; it met on the
1st of Jan. of each year, and its sessions were limited to
40 days. The president must not be under 32 years of age nor
over 60; must have been a resident of the state for the five
years preceding the election, and own property within the
state worth at least $8,000. He had to receive an absolute
majority of votes; otherwise congress should choose one of
the two candidates having the largest number of votes. Term
of office two years, without the privilege of two terms in
succession.

[XIV-42] Félix Quiróz was chosen his substitute. _Nic._,
_Cor. Ist._, Feb. 16, March 7, 1850; _Costa R._, _Gaceta
Gob._, March 2, 1850. Art. 44 of the constitution,
prohibiting reëlections, was revived by an act of Feb. 25,
1851. _Cent. Am. Pamph._, iv. no. 20.

[XIV-43] The minister of foreign affairs, in his annual
report to the Salvador assembly, Jan. 29, 1850, speaking
of Chatfield's course, says: 'Desatenciones, violencias,
bloqueos; he aquí las relaciones y conducta que ha observado
el Sr. cónsul inglés.' _Salv._, _Mem. Rev._, 1850, 5.

[XIV-44] The British had also seized, with Tiger Island
belonging to Hond., several isles of Salvador in the gulf
of Fonseca. _Salv._, _Gaceta_, May 17, 1850; _Nic._, _Cor.
Ist._, Dec. 1, 1849; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 30, 1849; _U. S.
Govt Doc._, 31st cong. 2d sess., Sen. Doc., 26-99.

[XIV-45] Immediate fulfilment of the convention of Nov. 12,
1849; and a formal contradiction in a note to him of all
accusations in official organs of the Salvador government
against Great Britain and her officials.

[XIV-46] It offered to submit the questions at issue to
the arbitration of the U. S. or any of their agents, or to
accept some other device that might promise an impartial
decision. The note making the offer, dated Aug. 17th, was
sent to Chatfield by special courier, but he refused to
receive it because it had not been transmitted through the
hands of Idígoras, the Brit. consular agent at San Salvador.
_Nic._, _Cor. Ist._, Sept. 5, 26, Nov. 7, 21, 1850; _Salv._,
_Gaceta_, Aug. 23, Sept. 6, 1850; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 16,
1850; _Cent. Am. Pamph._, vi. no. 7; _El Progreso_, Sept. 5,
1850.

[XIV-47] _Salv._, _Mem. Relaciones_, 1851. The blockade
was removed at the friendly mediation of the American and
Prussian consuls and others. _Nic._; _Cor. Ist._, March 20,
1851.

[XIV-48] Besides arrangements with sister states, the
republic maintained treaties of friendship, commerce, and
navigation with Belgium, the U. S., France, Great Britain,
Spain, Germany, and nearly all the nations of America.
A concordat on ecclesiastical affairs was concluded with
the pope in 1862. _Squier's Cent. Am._, 313; _Cent. Am._,
_Miscel. Doc._, 48; _Costa R._, _Boletin Ofic._, March 7,
1855; _El Rol_, Oct. 27, 1854; Feb. 9, 1855; _Nic._, _Cor.
Ist._, March 21, 1850; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 17, 1836;
_Salv._, _Gaceta_, March 8, Apr. 12, 1850; Aug. 5, 12,
Nov. 25, 1853; _Id._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 24, 1875; _Id._,
_Concordato_, 1-20; _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guat._, 319-37;
_Annals Brit. Legis._, 1866, 334; _Mex._, _Mem. Rel._, 1878,
7, 11, 45-54, 119; _U. S. Govt Doc._, 43d cong. 1st sess., H.
Ex. Doc. 1, pt 1, 112, pt 2, 796, 821; _Id._, 48th cong. 1st
sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt 1, 236-7.

[XIV-49] Congress was installed Feb. 18th, and one of the
first acts of the house of deputies was to pass an act of
impeachment against Vasconcelos, and the senate constituted
itself as a court to try him upon the charge of violation
of the constitution. On the 22d of February, pleading not
guilty, he demanded a trial. The result was against him.
_Salv._, _Sen. y Cám. de Dip ... á sus comit._, in _Cent. Am.
Pamph._, vi. no. 9; _Vasconcelos al Sen._, in _Id._, no. 13.

[XIV-50] During Vasconcelos' absence the office had been in
charge of Senator Francisco Dueñas.

[XIV-51] Thus we see that Dueñas, whose wont it was while
he was working for popularity to use energetic language on
behalf of liberalism, now that he has reached the goal of his
ambition, changes his tune and calls for the assistance of
Carrera against Honduras. _Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, June 10,
1853.

[XIV-52] Public education was duly attended to, new codes
and ordinances implanted to render more regular the national
administration.

[XIV-53] This was the seventh time the capital was destroyed;
the previous ones being in 1575, 1593, 1625, 1656, 1798, and
1839; none of these, however, were to be compared in violence
with the one of 1854. It had been supposed at first that at
least one fourth of the population had been buried under the
ruins, but it was subsequently ascertained that the number
of killed did not exceed one hundred, and of wounded fifty;
among the latter were the bishop, Dueñas, and a daughter
of Pres. San Martin. The wells and fountains were filled up
or made dry. The cathedral and other churches were greatly
damaged; the college of the Asuncion and the university
building were ruined. Only a few dwelling-houses remained
standing, and all were rendered uninhabitable. Money was
raised by subscription for the benefit of the destitute, the
government of Guat. sending a donation of $5,000. _Pineda de
Mont_, _Nota_, in _Guat. Recop. Ley._, iii. 349-50; _Squier's
Cent. Am._, 304-7, 350; _Salv._, _Gaceta_, May 26, 1854;
_Id._, _Diario Ofic._, Jan. 26, 1875; _El Rol_, Dec. 1,
1854; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Apr. 28, May 19, 1854; _Costa R._,
_Gaceta_, June 10, July 29, 1854; _Packet Intelligencer_,
June 17, 1854. The city and about 20 surrounding towns
were destroyed March 19, 1873; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Apr.
8, 1873; _El Porvenir_, Apr. 6, May 11, 25, 1873; _Nic._,
_Gaceta_, Apr. 5, 1873.

[XIV-54] Campo on the 10th of May, 1857, warmly congratulated
his fellow-citizens on the end of the campaign in Nic. when
the news came of Walker's surrender. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._,
May 28, 1857.

[XIV-55] _Am. Cyclop._, xiv. 611; _La Nacion_, Apr. 14,
1857. The Salvador flag is required to be 4 varas in length,
with horizontal stripes, five blue and four white, the
uppermost and lowermost being blue; and a red union with 14
white stars, covering a space up and down equivalent to that
occupied by the four upper stripes, and to the extent of 1⅝
varas. The flag-staff is 20 varas high, exhibiting the same
arrangement of colors as the flag.

[XIV-56] On the 10th Barrios and a committee of officers
had demanded of Campo that the troops should be ordered to
Cojutepeque to receive thanks for their services, adding that
a dissolution of the force implied distrust of the general.
Campo disregarded this, and also a number of propositions
from Barrios, reiterating his order for the disbandment.

[XIV-57] Astaburuaga, _Cent. Am._, 75-6, assures us it was
so, highly commending Dueñas. The president was supported by
public opinion, and many of the officers that had taken part
in the pronunciamiento afterward tendered him their services.
_Guat._, _Boletin de Noticias_, June 18, 1857.

[XIV-58] 'No hizo otra cosa que rendir la espada ante la
autoridad de Campo.' _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 2d pt,
214.

[XIV-59] One half of the deputies were to be renewed every
two years. The assembly was to meet biennially. _Salv._,
_Diario Ofic._, Feb. 21, 1875.

[XIV-60] Convention concluded Aug. 9, 1859, between Guat. and
Hond. to recognize the constitutional authority established
in Salvador, and to repress any attempt to disturb it. Hond.
declared herself disposed to keep the peace with Salv., and
Guat. guaranteed reciprocity on the part of the latter. This
convention was ratified by Carrera, Sept. 20, 1859, and by
Barrios and his minister M. Irungaray, Sept. 30th, the same
year. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 439-43.

[XIV-61] In his inaugural address, Feb. 1, 1860, he promised
a conservative policy: 'Órden, progreso, libertad bien
entendida.... La paz y el órden en el interior, la amistad
con los estados vecinos.' _Barrios_, _Discurso_, 6-7. But,
as it will be shown, his policy both in the interior and in
regard to the other states of Cent. Am. met with disastrous
results from the animosity it engendered. He had had himself
made a captain-general, and was accused by his enemies of
inordinate vanity, insincerity, fondness for unrestricted
power, and lukewarm patriotism; and finally came to be looked
upon as a disturber of the peace for his own aggrandizement.
He accepted, without leave of the assembly, a decoration
tendered him by the king of Sardinia. _Nic._, _Cap. Gen.
Barrios_, 3-14; _Arriola_, _Rep. del Salv._, 2.

[XIV-62] May 13, 1862. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, July 19,
1862.

[XIV-63] Barrios was said to entertain the plan of
partitioning Hond., which was not effected because of
Carrera's disapproval; but the murder of Guardiola had
afforded him an opportunity to harness Hond. to his car.
He was likewise accused of scheming with the aid of Máximo
Jerez to control Nic. _Barrios_, El por qué de la caida,
3-4; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, March 23, May 23, June 6, 1863.
Barrios claimed that he was striving to secure the rights of
Salvador, supporting at the same time the patriotic aims of
the Nicaraguan liberals to establish a government in their
country.

[XIV-64] The Capuchin friars had also been expelled.

[XIV-65] The course of the Salvadoran govt was not to the
pope's liking. _Arriola_, _Rep. del Salv._, 2. However,
the bishop, at papal suggestion, offered to return to his
diocese, and was told there had never been any objection to
his exercise of episcopal functions. _Barrios_, _Procl. á los
Pueblos_, 1-8.

[XIV-66] A treaty of alliance was concluded with him by
Samayoa and Dueñas, both Salvador refugees, acting for Guat.

[XIV-67] Notes of E. O. Crosby, U. S. minister, Feb. 2, 1863,
and Geo. B. Mathew, Brit, minister, Feb. 8, 1863, to Pedro
de Aycinena, minister of foreign affairs of Guat. _Barrios'
Manifesto_, 44-52.

[XIV-68] 'Il ne vit dans cette dernière lutte qu'un duel
d'homme à homme.' _Belly_, _Le Nicaragua_, i. 118-19.

[XIV-69] This was on the 24th of Feb., 1863. _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Apr. 8, 1876; _Belly_, _A Trav. l'Am. Cent._, 119-20.
_Barrios_, in his _Manifiesto_, 32, asserts that his own
force was 4,000 men, and Carrera's 6,500.

[XIV-70] The army was in three divisions, two of which were
under generals Zavala and Cruz.

[XIV-71] _Nic._, _Discurso ... prim. aniv._, 3. The
Salvadoran contingent in the action was 1,117 men under
General Eusebio Bracamonte; but Jerez had the chief command
of the allied force. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Apr. 18, May 9, 16,
20, 23, June 6, Sept. 12, 1863; _Nic._, _Boletin del Pueb._,
July 11, 1863.

[XIV-72] June 16, 1863. _Nic._, _Boletin del Pueb._, July 4,
1863.

[XIV-73] Sonsonate declared against Barrios June 29th,
Cojutepeque July 27th, Zacatecoluca Aug. 14th.; _Nic._,
_Gaceta_, Aug. 22, Sept. 19, 1863; _Id._, _Boletin del
Pueb._, July 23, 1863. For map of Hond. and Salv., see
_Squier's Cent. Am._

[XIV-74] It has been said that Tallien de Cabarrus, the
French chargé, endeavored, after Carrera's defeat at
Coatepeque, to persuade a number of French officers who were
with Barrios to leave him, which they refused to do.

[XIV-75] Carrera's official report of July 4, 1863, in
_Nic._, _Boletin del Pueb._, July 17, 23, 1863; _Id._,
_Gaceta_, Aug. 22, 1863.

[XIV-76] He established his headquarters in Coatepeque.
Zavala marched on and occupied Santa Tecla, about 12 miles
from San Salvador; Col Iraeta was stationed at Chalatenango;
and Col Parker in Ilobasco. _Salv._, _Pronunc._, 1; _Nic._,
_Gaceta_, Oct. 8, 1863. Dueñas in a proclamation at Santa
Ana, July 18th, promised that Carrera and his army, after
fulfilling their mission, would return to Guat. leaving the
Salvadorans to reorganize a friendly government, in lieu of
the turbulent one of Barrios, with the assistance of Bishop
Zaldaña. Barrios accused Dueñas, at Panamá Dec. 8, 1863, of
having offered Carrera $100,000 for his assistance to get
him into the presidential chair; to pay which a forced loan
was decreed. He added that at one time Carrera had made war
against the govt of Hond. for $30,000 that Guardiola offered
him. _Barrios_, _El Presid. legít._, 3-4.

[XIV-77] Sept. 18, 1863, Zavala, commander of the besieging
army, and Dueñas demanded a surrender, and submission to the
provincial govt. Dueñas claimed to be recognized as president
by Guat., Nic., and Hond. _Nic._, _Boletin del Pueb._, Oct.
3, 1863; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 17, 1863.

[XIV-78] Carrera not long after had M. Irungaray, minister
of state, Yarzun, treasurer, Gen. Perez and his brother, and
colonels Abelar and Luna shot, for the sole offence of having
served in Barrios' administration.

[XIV-79] Carrera, Oct. 30th, called it a 'vergonzosa fuga.'
_Carrera_, _Procl._, 1. Barrios was subsequently in 1865
allowed by Costa R. to reside in her territory against the
remonstrances of the other Cent. Am. states. These suspended
relations with her. Previous to this time he had resided in
N. York, where he made many friends. Nic. reopened, through
the mediation of the U. S. of Colombia, on the 31st of May,
1865, relations with Costa R., Barrios having departed.
_Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 458-9; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, June 17,
1865; _Id._, _Col. Dec._, 1865, 8-9, 52-3.

[XIV-80] _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 6, 14, 1863. The outrages
committed by Carrera and his men are said to have been almost
beyond description. One of his acts was to cause Morazan's
grave to be broke open, and his ashes to be scattered to
the winds. He insulted, plundered, and persecuted citizens,
and carried off the Salvadoran artillery and trophies. He
took with him to Guat. the prisoners of rank, and confined
them many months in the castle of San Felipe situated on the
deadly northern coast.

[XIV-81] Cabañas had gone off to Pan. in the steamer
_Guatemala_. Particulars of the rebellion, and measures
against its authors, in _Nic._, _Gaceta_, May 6, June 10,
July 1, 1865.

[XIV-82] The vessel was sailing without the papers required
by law, as was certified by the U. S. consul in Corinto.
_Nic._, _Col. Acuerd. y Dec._, 61-2; _Id._, _Boletin del
Pueb._, July 4, 1863.

[XIV-83] The Salv. minister solemnly accepted this condition,
and the Nicaraguan govt then delivered Barrios on board the
brig _Experimento_. _Nic._, _Convenio 14 de Julio_, 1-18;
_Nic._, _Docs. Rel. á la recl._, 1-19; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, July
29, 1865.

[XV-1] He had been the sole candidate, obtaining 3,400 votes,
which did not constitute a majority. Ferrera was of obscure
parentage, and of inferior ability. He was educated by a
reactionary priest named Garin, who, wishing him to become
a musician of the parish church at Cantarranas, sent him to
Tegucigalpa to take lessons on the violin; but the boy made
no progress in that direction, and finally was made sacristan
of Cantarranas, which position he held a long time, till the
revolutionary movements drew him into military life, and he
began upholding liberal principles. He figured afterward as
vice-jefe, hating his chief, Joaquin Rivera, because he was
a democrat. Now we see the sacristan of Cantarranas made
president of the state. Francisco Güell, Francisco Zelaya,
and Santiago Bueso were recognized as his substitutes in the
order named. It was also decreed by the chamber that in the
event of a vacancy, absolute or temporary, if the substitutes
should be unable to assume the executive duties, the latter
should devolve on the ministers of state. _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, iv. 191-203. _Wells' Hond._, 494; _Squier's Trav._,
ii. 449.

[XV-2] We are assured there were 44 te deum masses on that
day.

[XV-3] He was credited with having, by his energy, wisdom,
and disinterested patriotism, saved the state from civil war
and anarchy.

[XV-4] The govt justly attributed the movement to Ex-jefe
Rivera, Orellana, Álvarez, Castro, and others, believing the
centre of it to be in Leon. It demanded satisfaction from
Nic., but obtained none.

[XV-5] The whole was published in _El Descubridor_, official
journal of Hond. Every one of Rivera's letters counselled
discipline, moderation, and honorable dealing, so as to save
the cause from obloquy.

[XV-6] Decree of Dec. 13, 1844.

[XV-7] I mentioned elsewhere the defeat this year at Nacaome
of a Nicaraguan force by the garrison under Commandant
Morales. The credit of this victory was given to Ferrera, who
happened to be in the place at the time, by the ministers in
charge of the executive office awarding him a gold medal with
the inscription, 'A la heroicidad del General Ferrera en la
batalla de Nacaome.' The supreme court had compared him with
Alexander, Octavius, Augustus, and Napoleon. The soldiers
of Hond. made him a Miltiades, Temistocles, and Demosthenes.
And finally, the official journal pronounced him superior to
Julius Cæsar. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 576-9.

[XV-8] Guardiola was a rough and cruel soldier.

[XV-9] His substitutes were Francisco Güell, Leonardo Romero,
and Manuel Emigdio Vazquez.

[XV-10] Rivera, Landa, and Martinez were shot together.

[XV-11] Decrees of Feb. 4 and March 19, 1846.

[XV-12] This proceeding was communicated to the governor
of Chiapa for the information of his government. The
proclamations were published in Mexico, and probably
elsewhere; but I am not aware that the American government
took any action upon them. _Id._, 236-7; _Sun of Anáhuac_,
Sept. 14, 1847; _El Arco Iris_, Sept. 22, Oct. 4, 17, 1847;
_El Razonador_, Oct. 30, 1847; _El Sonorense_, Nov. 12, 1847.

[XV-13] It provided for only one chamber, and he wanted
another for the aristocracy. It recognized freedom of
conscience and religion, which to his mind was heresy.

[XV-14] It contained 114 articles; recognized the people
as the source of power and sovereignty. All persons born
in the states of Cent. Am. and residing in Hond. were given
the privileges of full citizenship. Foreigners might become
naturalized. The right of suffrage was given to citizens
over 21 years of age who could read and write. The state
recognized no other religion than the Roman catholic,
excluding the public exercise of all others. The government,
declared to be popular and representative, was vested in
three powers, namely, legislative, executive, and judicial.
The executive was placed in charge of a president for
four years, and not eligible for two consecutive terms. He
appointed his ministers, who had a seat in the legislature.
There was a council of state provided, its members being
one senator chosen by the gen. assembly, one justice of the
supreme court, the minister of the interior, the treasurer,
and two citizens elected by the gen. assembly. The assembly
was formed of one chamber with 14 deputies, being two for
each department, and the senate with 7 members. The judiciary
consisted of the supreme and lower courts. The supreme
court was divided into two sections, of three justices
each, one to sit in Comayagua, and the other in Tegucigalpa.
Each department had a jefe político at its head. _Hond._,
_Constit. de 1848_, 1-21; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 258-65.

[XV-15] The next term would begin on the 1st of Feb., 1852.

[XV-16] _Nic._, _Cor. Ist._, Aug. 1, 1849; _La Union_ (S.
Salv.), June 15, 1849.

[XV-17] The following were the terms agreed upon: a general
amnesty; the confederate diet was to meet at Nacaome,
protected by 200 Salvadorans and as many Nicaraguans at the
expense of Hond.; and the state assembly also to redress
certain alleged grievances; and Jáuregui's conduct in Costa
R. to be investigated. All of which was done. _Cent. Am._,
_Miscel. Doc._, nos. 29-33, 36-43, 50-5; _Salv._, _Gaceta_,
March 15, Apr. 4, 18, May 10, 1850; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_,
March 2, 1850; _Nic._, _Cor. Ist._, Apr. 4, May 2, 16,
1850; _Guardiola_, _Carta Ofic._, March 30, 1850; _Squier's
Travels_, ii. 182. The chambers on the 29th of June declared
Lindo a benemérito de la patria, conferring on him the rank
of general of division for life, from the expiration of his
presidential term. _Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Aug. 31, 1850.

[XV-18] The Spaniards knew but little of this region,
believing it unhealthy, and had hardly made any attempts
themselves to cut wood there. Cancelada, _Tel. Mexicano_,
104-11, computed at nearly twenty-two million dollars the
loss sustained by Spain to 1812, including in that sum the
original cost, and the resulting profits which had accrued,
mostly to the English.

[XV-19] They were likewise forbidden to cultivate sugar,
coffee, or cacao, or to engage in manufactures; and they were
not to supply arms or ammunition to the Indians dwelling on
the frontiers of the Spanish possessions. _España e Ingl.
Covenio_, July 14, 1786, in _Cent. Am. Pamph._, no. 4, 1-7.

[XV-20] Certain acts of that body in 1817 and 1819, in
consequence of measures adopted to punish crimes committed
in Belize, declared that the crimes could not be punished
under British laws, because that territory was not a portion
of the United Kingdom. _Peniche_, _Hist. Rel. Esp. y Mex. con
Ingl._, in _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._, iv. 223.

[XV-21] The treaty of 1826, with the annexed treaties and
conventions of Spain with England and other nations having
any bearing on the subject may be found in _Mex._, _Derecho
Intern._, i. 437-524.

[XV-22] Villiers, Brit. min. in Madrid, asked the Sp. govt
in 1835, and again in 1836, to cede to England any right of
sovereignty she might have over Brit. Honduras. The request
was not granted, but it implied that England in 1836 did
not consider herself to possess the full sovereignty over
Belize. Villarta, Mexican min. of foreign affairs, refers
to Villiers' efforts in a note of March 23, 1878, to the
Brit. govt. The latter, however, in 1836, claimed a larger
extent of territory, including the whole coast as far south
as the River Sarstoon, and as far inland as the meridian of
Garbutt's Falls on the Belize River.

[XV-23] Details in _Bustamante_, _Hist. Iturbide_, 161;
_Squier's Travels_, ii. 412-14; _Id._, _Cent. Am._, 582-4,
627-8; _Arrangoiz_, _Méj._, ii. 306; _Méx. Soc. Geog._,
_Boletin_, 2d ep., iv. 698-710; _Annals Brit. Legis._, ii.
84; _Suarez_, _Informe_, 32-6; _U. S. Govt Doc._, For. Aff.
(Mess, and Doc., pt 1, 65-6, pt iii. 360-1), Cong. 39, Sess.
1.; _Id._, _Foreign Rel._, i. 656-61, Cong. 43, Sess. 1.;
_Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Nov. 21, 1878; _La Voz de Méj._,
Jan. 31, 1865; Sept. 19, Nov. 1, 1882.

[XV-24] The settlement, as it was called, for it had not even
the name of a colony, was ruled by a code of laws established
in 1779 by Sir W. Burnaby. Justice was administered by
a board of seven magistrates chosen annually. The chief
authority was the superintendent, a position always held by
a military officer, combining the duties both of first civil
magistrate and commander of the forces. _Henderson's Brit.
Hond._, 75-9.

[XV-25] He entitled himself then her Majesty's superintendent
and commander-in-chief in and over her possessions in Hond.

[XV-26] M'Donald then appointed an executive council. He also
assumed control of the finances. Not satisfied with the right
of veto, he legislated in his own person by proclamation,
assuming the right of punishing any one acting against
his authority or obstructing his mandates. The inhabitants
protested against his usurpation of powers, and appealed
to the British government and parliament, obtaining some
trifling relaxation. They also petitioned that the government
should openly assume the sovereignty, so that they might
possess their lands without reservation in respect to Spain
or Mexico. Their petitions did not receive any direct reply.
However, the govt in 1845, sent out a chief justice, a
queen's advocate, and other judicial appendages. _Crowe's
Gospel_, 205-6.

[XV-27] The coat of arms of Belize is read as follows: Chief
dexter-argent—the union jack, proper. Chief sinister, on
the proper—the chief divided from the body of the shield by
a chevron-shaped partition from the fess of the dexter and
sinister base. Points—the intermediate space azure—a ship
with set sails on the sea, passant proper. Crest, mahogany
tree. Motto, 'Sub umbra floreo.' Supporters, negroes; that to
the left, with a paddle; the other to the right, with an axe
over his shoulder. _Stout's Nic._, 258.

[XV-28] One of the superintendents—supposed to be Col
Fancourt—had relations with the ferocious Cecilio Chí, which
was officially communicated by Mexico to the Brit. chargé,
Doyle, March 12, 1849. _Ancona_, _Hist. Yuc._, iv. 234;
_Yuc._, _Expos. Gob. Créditos_, 98-102.

[XV-29] The population about 1804 was set down at not more
than 200 white persons, 500 free colored, and 3,000 negro
slaves. The white pop. gradually decreased. In 1827-8, the
pop. was between 5,000 and 6,000; in 1838, 8,000; in 1850,
15,000; in 1863, 25,000. _Squier's Cent. Am._, 587-8; _Dunn's
Guat._, 13-14; _Osborne's Guide_, 234; _Valois_, _Mexique_,
150; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._, 20. The town of Belize,
at the mouth of the river of the same name, generally has
6,000 inhabitants. The dwellings of the wealthy class are
large and comfortable. Besides the govt houses, court-house,
barracks, and jail, there are several churches, episcopal,
methodist, baptist, and presbyterian, and some large and
costly fire-proof warehouses. The town has experienced two
destructive conflagrations, one in 1854 and another in 1863.
_Packet Intelligencer_, June 17, 1854; _Guat._, _Gaceta_,
Sept. 7, 22, 1854; _La Voz de Méj._, May 9, 1863.

[XV-30] It was effected without disturbance, and attended
with the happiest results. _Crowe's Gospel_, 205.

[XV-31] Much smuggling was carried on to and from it.

[XV-32] _Annals Brit. Legis._, iii. 368; v. 263; vii. 228;
x. 386-7; 391-2; xii. 139-40; xiv. 304; _U. S. Comm. Rel._,
1863-77, passim. _The Encyclop. Brittan._, xii. 136-7.

[XV-33] He concluded to proceed to Jamaica for further
instructions. _El Revisor_, Jan. 5, Feb. 16, 1850; _Hond._,
_Gaceta Ofic._, Oct. 19, 1849.

[XV-34] Chatfield, the Brit. chargé, was present at the
act. _Id._, Nov. 30, 1849; _Stout's Nic._, 278; _Salv._,
_Gaceta_, Feb. 15, 1850. The object of the seizure was to
secure Honduras' proportion of the indebtedness of Cent. Am.
to Brit. creditors.

[XV-35] Under a convention in three articles concluded at
Leon Sept. 28, 1849. The cession was for 18 months, and had
been made known the same date to all diplomatic agents in
Cent. Am. _Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Oct. 19, 1849; _Nic._,
_Cor. Ist._, Nov. 16, 1849. The corresp. of the govt of Hond.
with the Brit. chargé appears in _Cent. Am. Correspond., Isla
de Tigre_, 1-8; _Cent. Am._, _Miscel. Doc._, nos. 21, 25,
28; _U. S. Govt Doc._, Cong. 31, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc. 43, 1-26;
_Id._, Cong. 31, Sess. 1, H. Jour., 1739, 1801.

[XV-36] _Nic._, _Cor. Ist._, Jan. 16 and suppl., Feb. 16,
1850.

[XV-37] 1st. Great Brit. recognized the independ. of Hond.
as a sovereign republic, pledging her good offices to avert
any attempts against that independ. Hond. at this time was a
member of a confederacy with Salvador and Nicaragua, and was
made to bind herself not to dispose of any portion of her
territory before she had definitely settled Brit. claims.
2d. Hond. was to accredit within six months a commissioner
in Guat. to conclude a treaty of friendship, commerce,
and navigation with G. Brit. 3d. Hond. recognized the
indebtedness of $111,061. 4th. She bound herself to pay that
sum in yearly instalments of $15,000 at Belize. The other
articles were of less importance. _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Apr. 5,
1850; _Hond._, _Ligeras Observ._, 1-10.

[XV-38] Jáuregui, March 24, 1850, in a pamphlet issued
at Leon, defended his conduct, alleging that he had ample
powers. _Justific._, in _Cent. Am. Pamph._, i. no. 7.

[XV-39] Independent of £1,425 paid for her proportion of
Cent. Am. indebtedness to Finlay, Hodgson, & Co. of London.
_Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Jan. 30, 1853.

[XV-40] The British seized Roatan June 3, 1830, driving
away the small Central American garrison. Similar attempts
have been made since 1743 by British subjects, though
unsuccessfully. The seizure of 1830 lasted only a short time,
having been disallowed by the British government. _Crowe's
Gospel_, 212; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 424-7; iv.
71-5.

[XV-41] 'Whose territorial right is indisputable,' he
alleged. He based his action on the treaty of April 19,
1850, between the U. S. and Great Britain, under which
neither power was to have colonies or settlements in Central
America. The U. S. took part in defence of Honduras' rights
and overthrew the British pretensions. _Squier's Cent. Am._,
621-6, 740-8; _Democratic Rev._, xxx. 544-52.

[XV-42] Under a decree of the superintendent of Belize. The
comandante of Trujillo, by order of his government, protested
against the occupation Sept. 13, 1852. _Hond._, _Gaceta
Ofic._, Dec. 15, 1852; _El Siglo_, Jan. 1, 1853.

[XV-43] Art. 1. Great Britain recognized the islands to
belong to Hond. The latter pledged herself not to cede them
to any other nation. Art. 2. The former power recognized as
part of Hond. the country till then occupied or possessed by
the Mosquito Indians within the frontier of the republic,
whatever that frontier might be. _La Union de Nic._, March
9, 1861; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._, 412-15. Further details in
connection with the Bay Islands question may be seen in _Bay
Islands, Queen's Warrant, etc._; _La Nacion_, Nov. 9, Dec.
26, 1856; _Brit. Quart. Rev._, xcix. 270-80; _Caicedo_, _Lat.
Am._, 76-80.

[XV-44] The grounds alleged for this violent action were:
1st, That the Brit. vice-consul's residence had been broken
into by Hond. troops, and robbed; 2d, That Omoa was sacked
by these troops, and goods to the value of $100,000 had been
stolen from British subjects; 3d, That some British subjects
had been drafted into the army, and an Englishwoman unjustly
imprisoned. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 25, 1873; _El Porvenir de
Nic._, Sept. 21, 1873; _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, July 27, 1874.

[XV-45] Streber, who commanded the troops accused of these
abuses, defends the rights of Honduras in the controversy, in
_Exposic. Doc. Suc. Omoa_, 30-44, 66-103.

[XV-46] She had to settle, in 1850, claims of French
citizens, and in 1851 of Prussian subjects. _Hond._, _Gaceta
Ofic._, Aug. 31, 1850; Jan. 15, 1852; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_,
Nov. 16, 1850.

[XV-47] Nic. had claimed on the N. E. the river Patuca to its
mouth, Hond. claimed the Coco to its mouth. The commissioners
agreed upon a compromise line between those rivers, namely,
the summit of the Dilpito cordillera, from the point where it
becomes detached from the main body, which divides the waters
running to both oceans; and from the point where it and the
line continues eastwardly to the waters of the Atlantic in
lat. 15° 10' N., and long. 83° 15' W. of Greenwich. _Nic._,
_Mem. Rel._, 1871, 5-7.

[XV-48] About this time he was on the Nic. frontier mediating
for peace between the belligerents of that state. His
efforts proving successful, he was warmly congratulated by
his friends on his return. _Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Nov. 26,
1851; _El Siglo_, Dec. 13, 1851; _Cent. Am. Pamph._, vii. no.
2.

[XV-49] _Cabañas_, _El Presid ... á sus Conciud._, 1-6. The
office had been provisionally in charge of Senator Francisco
Gomez. _El Siglo_, Feb. 21, March 19, 1852.

[XV-50] Cabañas was of diminutive stature, but of erect
mien. He was aged about 50 at this time. His face was pale
and mild; his gestures were in keeping with the intelligent
play of his features; his manners gentle, almost womanly,
but beneath this placid exterior was a stern, indomitable
spirit. After many years of prominence as a leader, during
an anarchical period, even his enemies never accused him of
selfishness or rancor. _Squier's Trav._, ii. 177; _Wells'
Hond._, 184. Cabañas was a brave soldier, but could not be
called a successful general. Perez, a political opponent,
speaking of him as the chief of the coquimbo party, says:
'Mal general, excelente soldado, nunca vencedor, siempre
con prestigio, y uno de los mas fogosos promotores de la
nacionalidad centro Americana.' _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 16.
The assembly, May 21, 1851, had conferred on him the title of
'soldado ilustre de la patria.' His death occurred Jan. 8,
1871. _El Siglo_, June 12, 1851; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Aug. 19,
1851; Jan. 29, 1871.

[XV-51] Astaburuaga attributes this war to Cabañas' attempts
to promote an insurrection in Guat. against his old enemy
Carrera. _Cent. Am._, 70-1.

[XV-52] The Guatemalans took the fort and city of Omoa,
and carried away all the useful artillery, against the
stipulations agreed upon at the surrender. _Wells' Hond._,
507-8; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 16, 23, 1853.

[XV-53] This Lopez commanded at Omoa when the place was given
up in 1853 to the Guat. Col Zavala, since which he had been
suspected of treachery. _Wells' Hond._, 515; _Costa R._,
_Gaceta_, Jan. 15, 1854; _Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, Dec. 30,
1854; _Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, May 10, 1854, to Feb. 10,
1855, passim; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 3, Dec. 22, 1854.

[XV-54] He had received no aid from Salv., owing to Carrera
having falsely reported his intention to sell territory to a
foreign power.

[XV-55] The executive office went, Oct. 14, 1855, into the
hands of Vice-president S. Bueso, who pleading ill health
left it in charge of Senator Francisco Aguilar. _Guat._,
_Gaceta_, Nov. 9, 1855, Feb. 16, 1856.

[XV-56] _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Campaña Nac._, 13.

[XV-57] Guardiola was a dark-colored, stout-built, and
rather corpulent zambo, a man of fiendish instincts, but
popular with his soldiers, whom he indulged in every way.
He possessed all the vices and was guilty of about all the
crimes known to man. When in his cups he would order men to
be shot by way of pastime. At the mention of his approach to
a town, the inhabitants would flee to the woods. He was the
tiger of Cent. Am. _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 237; _Wells' Hond._,
517; _Wappäus_, _Mex. und Cent. Am._, 306-7. William V.
Wells, _Explorations and Adventures in Honduras_, New York,
8vo, 588 pp., with maps and illustrations, went to Honduras
with the object of obtaining from her government leave to
work gold placers, and of opening commercial relations. He
visited several places, both in Nicaragua and Honduras,
which he describes quite accurately, together with the
manners and customs of their inhabitants. His information
on mines and mining is valuable. There are in the work three
chapters devoted to history from 1821 to 1857, the groundwork
of which is mostly from other authors, and one chapter is
filled with data on commerce, revenue, debt, etc., and still
another treats of coins and currency, weights and measures,
and productions, with illustrations. The style is good, the
work readable and instructive. Portions are evidently taken
from Squier, and the illustrations are mostly identical
with those of Squier's _States of Central America_. The same
author gave to the press in New York, a 12mo, with 316 pp.,
map and portrait, under the title of _Walker's Expedition
to Nicaragua_. This work, as the title implies, is almost
entirely devoted to Walker's career in this country, which is
justified as well as praised. Here and there he mentions some
historical facts on British pretensions in Mosquito, a short
résumé on Nicaragua, the Nicaragua transit route, and a short
review on colonization, commerce, and mining, compiled from
several sources. There is no system or arrangement, having
been, as the author alleges, 'written, published, and put in
circulation in twenty days,' a feat few authors would go out
of their way to boast of. But taken all in all, the book is
well worth perusing.

[XV-58] Decree of Jan. 5, 1861. _La Union de Nic._, Feb. 2,
March 9, May 25, 1861.

[XV-59] Chiefly in Nacaome and Choluteca.

[XV-60] _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Jan. 25, March 22, 1862.
This deed was said by the enemies of Pres. Barrios of Salv.
to have been instigated by him. _Id._, _Boletin Pueb._,
July 11, 1863. There was no ground for the charge. The
government of Guat. proposed to other states to recognize
no administration of Honduras until the criminals, who had
been arrested, should suffer punishment. _Costa R._, _Informe
Rel._, 1862, 24.

[XV-61] Nic. despatched P. Zeledon as mediator, but the
motives of his gov. were bitterly denounced by the press of
Comayagua.

[XV-62] Feb. 4, 1862. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, March 22,
1862.

[XV-63] Castellanos declined going to the capital, and Medina
went to his residence and formally surrendered the executive
authority to him.

[XV-64] This was the result of the defeat of the troops of
Salv. and Hond. by the forces of Guat. and Nic. on the plain
of Santa Rosa.

[XV-65] This decree is signed by Medina as 'presidente de la
república de Honduras,' July 20, and rescinded Sept. 8, 1863.
_Nic._, _Boletin Pueb._, Aug. 9, Oct. 9, 1863.

[XV-66] His senatorial term having expired. _Nic._, _Gaceta_,
Feb. 13, 1864.

[XV-67] The election of Xatruch was afterward declared
unconstitutional, Feb. 26, 1865. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, April 1,
1865.

[XV-68] Its sittings lasted from Sept. 7th to Oct. 29th. The
sovereignty of the people was recognized. The catholic, any
other kind of public worship being forbidden, was declared
the state religion. The executive authority was vested in a
president for four years, with a council of state consisting
of his two ministers, one senator chosen by both houses of
the assembly, and the chief justice. The legislative power
rested in a senate and house of deputies. The existing
political division of the republic was left unchanged.
_Id._, Nov. 11, 1865; _Camp's Year-Book_, 1869, 527; _The Am.
Cyclop._, viii. 790.

[XV-69] He had temporarily, pleading ill health, left the
executive in the hands of Crescencio Gomez. The assembly
appointed, as substitutes of Medina, Saturnino Bogran, C.
Gomez, and Francisco Medina.

[XVI-1] Also with the view of extending the area of African
slavery, as had been successfully carried out in Texas.

[XVI-2] The expedition was antagonized by the Transit
company, and arrested by the authorities of the U. S. as a
violation of their neutrality laws. Kinney reached San Juan
del Norte, after some mishaps, with only a few followers,
and was unable to do any serious injury to Cent. Am. _Costa
R._, _Inf. Rel._, 1858, 4-6; _Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, March
16, 1854; _Nic._, _Doc. Dipl. Hist._, 15-58. His arrival was
after the destruction of the town by the U. S. sloop of war
_Cyane_, and infused new energy into the inhabitants. At a
public meeting held on the 6th of Sept., 1855, the necessity
of establishing a provisional government for the maintenance
of peace and order was recognized, and Kinney was chosen
civil and military governor to rule by and with the advice
of a council composed of five persons. Among the resolutions
was one adopting as a basis to regulate the action of the
govt, the former constitution of San Juan del Norte, or
Greytown, which was modelled after that of the U. S. with a
few exceptions. Kinney did not hold the position long. He was
disappointed in his expectations, and resigned; he afterward
visited Granada, and at William Walker's instance an order of
expulsion was issued against him. _Stout's Nic._, 177-82; _S.
F. Alta_, Oct. 3, 1855; _S. F. Golden Era_, March 9, 1856.

[XVI-3] Jerez had made a similar arrangement at Jalteva with
one Fisher, to bring 500 men; and Gov. Espinosa of Rivas
stipulated with Hornsby and De Brissot for the capture of
Fort San Juan from the legitimists. These parties tendered
their contracts to William Walker, the so-called ex-president
of Sonora, who would not accept them.

[XVI-4] Under the contract the so-called colonists were
to arrive at Realejo in Feb. or March 1855, and the time
having elapsed, Castellon wrote Walker Apr. 9th authorizing
him to land at that port 'la gente y municiones, ó tren de
guerra que V. traiga á disposicion del gobierno provisorio.'
_Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 136-7; _Sac. Union_, Feb.
15, 1855.

[XVI-5] _El Nicaragüense_, Aug. 3, 1856; _S. F. Alta_, May 5,
1855.

[XVI-6] William Walker was born in Nashville, Tenn., in
1824, being of Scotch descent. After receiving a classical
education, he studied law, and later followed the medical
profession for a time in Philadelphia. He then travelled
in Europe one year, and on his return was connected with
some of the important newspapers of the country, north,
south, and west. Tiring of that, he successfully practised
law in Marysville, Cal. In 1852 he visited Guaymas, and
from the operations of Count Raousset, conceived the plan
of creating with adventurers from California independent
republics in some of the sparsely populated territories of
Mexico. Hence his expeditions to Sonora and Lower Cal., of
which I give full accounts in my vol. on the north-western
states of Mex. Few persons, unacquainted with Walker, would
suspect the presence of so much ability and energy beneath
his plain exterior. He was but little more than 5 ft. 4 in.
in height, with a rather dull and slow appearance; a man
of few words, though an attentive listener, his aspect was
that of a serious, thoughtful person. A remarkable feature
of his face was a deep, intensely brilliant blue-gray eye,
large and intelligent. Sincere and devoted to his friends,
says a devoted adherent, his enmity, though not violent,
was not easily appeased. He was indifferent to personal
ease and comfort, and to the acquisition of wealth. _Wells'
Walker's Exped._, 21-3, 199-201. He was not incapable of
lofty conceptions, and possessed courage and abnegation;
but there was little of what might be called genius about
him, though his mind was sufficiently unbalanced in certain
directions to give him a title to that distinction. He wished
to be a great man like Cæsar or Napoleon, but the elements of
that quality of greatness were absent. He might have carved
for himself a career of honor and usefulness, but for the
restless ambition that possessed him to attain a place among
the notabilities of the world, even by a disregard of law
and justice. The idea of manifest destiny, so prevalent among
his countrymen, which implied the conquest of the Latin race
in America by the Anglo-Saxon, afforded him, as he imagined,
the opportunity for attaining the coveted renown, and at the
same time securing, through his instrumentality, the future
happiness of Spanish America. But unfortunately for him,
he committed, at the inception of his career in Nic., acts
which alienated him the men who had invited him to coöperate
in the consolidation of democratic principles; and some of
his later measures, whatever may be thought of his earlier
ones, savored of recklessness, and of disregard for the good
opinion of mankind.

[XVI-7] Muñoz had openly opposed all interference of
foreigners in the affairs of Nic.

[XVI-8] They afterward returned to Leon, via Realejo, to
continue serving. The legitimists had many killed and
wounded, among the first being Col E. Argüello and F.
Elizondo. Of Walker's foreign force, Col Achilles Kewen,
Maj. Crockett, and eight others were killed, and 12
wounded. _Wells' Walker's Exped._, 52; _Perez_, _Mem. Hist.
Rev. Nic._, 138; _S. F. Alta_, July 16, Aug. 14, 1855;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 88; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 271;
_Ferrer de Conto_, _Cuest. de Méj._, 155.

[XVI-9] In his official report of the affair Walker laid
the blame for his ill success on Muñoz, who had apprised
Corral of the intended operations, and had induced Ramirez to
forsake him during the action. He demanded an investigation
into Muñoz' conduct, and if it were not granted he would
quit the service. Castellon informed him in reply that in
the present critical condition of the democratic cause it was
unadvisable to displease Muñoz. After much correspondence and
negotiation, Walker agreed to continue his services.

[XVI-10] Cholera spread rapidly throughout the country,
causing great havoc everywhere.

[XVI-11] Muñoz' death never was attributed to the enemy's
bullets. It was a regular case of assassination resulting
from intrigues in his own party to rid themselves of him.
The assassin was a young Honduran named José María Herrera,
who later deserted from Walker's ranks, and being arrested
and sentenced to death, confessed that he had killed Muñoz.
A Nicaraguan named Santa María, who was shot at San Jorge in
1857, seems to have been an accomplice. _Perez_, _Mem. Hist.
Rev. Nic._, 141-3.

[XVI-12] He was suspected of treachery. He had displeased the
officers by his coarseness, and had spread terror among the
troops with his exaggerated reports of Yankee valor and skill
with fire-arms. _Id._, 145; _Wells' Walker's Exped._, 55-8;
_S. F. Herald_, Oct. 10, 1855; _Id._, _Alta_, Oct. 10, 1855;
_Sac. Union_, Oct. 19, 1855.

[XVI-13] He was joined by such men as T., C., and Daniel
Canton, Máx. Espinosa, and Ramon Umaña. The last named
brought troops and supplies from Leon.

[XVI-14] In the early part of Sept., Gen. José M. Ballestero,
Muñoz' successor, had sent two companies in the direction of
Managua, who were undone by Col Tomás Martinez with 200 men;
on the 12th Gen. Pineda marched afterward with a double force
against the legitimists, but failed to meet them.

[XVI-15] Corral was in Rivas with his numerous army.
Fulgencio Vega, the comandante of Granada, who was hated by
the democrats as the author of persecutions, hid himself and
was not discovered.

[XVI-16] The legitimists who were pent up in the city
tendered their allegiance, among them the minister Mayorga.
There were others who volunteered their coöperation; among
them the naturalized citizens Charles and Emile Thomas,
Fermin Ferrer, a wealthy citizen, and the beloved and
respected clergyman, Agustin Vigil, noted for his virtues,
learning, and eloquence, who from the pulpit called Walker
the 'angel tutelar de Nicaragua,' or the north star that was
to guide Nic. to her advancement. _Wells' Walker's Exped._,
61-5; _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 150-1; _Belly_,
_Nic._, i. 271-2; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 89.

[XVI-17] The commissioners were Sebastian Escobar, José
Argüello Arce, Hilario Salva, and R. Vives. _Perez_, _Mem.
Hist. Rev. Nic._, 152.

[XVI-18] The commissioners, Rosalío Cortés and Ramon Marenco,
were imprisoned in irons at Leon.

[XVI-19] This person took asylum in the house of U. S.
Minister Wheeler, who assured him that he was under the
protection of the U. S. flag. But as Wheeler was mixed up in
filibustering schemes, he broke his pledge and surrendered
Mayorga. _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 157.

[XVI-20] An American, who had been the recipient in Granada
of many marks of consideration.

[XVI-21] Walker's organ gave a list of killed and wounded.
_El Nicaragüense_, Nov. 17, 1855; _S. F. Herald_, Nov. 4,
1855; _S. F. Bulletin_, Nov. 5, 1855.

[XVI-22] It is claimed that he had been tried for treason by
a court-martial of native officers. _Wells' Walker's Exped._,
77.

[XVI-23] They reported, as coming from Walker, that he was
resolved to shoot all the prisoners if he did not receive
at 9 P. M. a satisfactory answer respecting arrangements.
_Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 159; _Belly_, _Le
Nicaragua_, 273.

[XVI-24] Walker claimed to have powers, and Corral was
'facultado omnímodamente.' The following is a synopsis
of the convention: 1st. Peace and friendship between the
contending parties; 2d. Patricio Rivas to be president for
14 months, unless he should resolve, with the advice of his
ministers, to order elections before the expiration of that
term; 3d. The president is to have four ministers, namely,
for war, relations, treasury, and pub. credit; 4th. Govt
to respect and cause to be respected chapters 2d, 3d, and
4th, and clauses 2d and 3d of the general regulations of
the constitution of 1838; 5th. General forgetfulness of and
amnesty for past political offences; 6th. Debts incurred
by both belligerents to be recognized by the govt; 7th.
Military grades of both belligerents to be recognized; 8th.
All persons desirous of leaving the republic may freely
do so, with full guaranty of persons and estates; 9th. The
French legion may continue in service by becoming Nicaraguan;
10th. Walker to order the force in front of Managua to
retire at once to Leon, reducing it to 150 men; after which
Corral should reduce the force in Managua to 100, under Gen.
Martinez, and that in Masaya to 50, under Col Lino César,
or some other honorable officer; 11th. The Rivas force
will remain under Gen. Florencio Xatruch; 12th. The govts
existing in Nic. to cease acting upon being notified of this
arrangement by the respective generals; any one refusing
to comply was to be treated as a disturber of the peace.
Additional articles: 1st. Twenty-four hours after Rivas'
arrival in Granada, Corral's army from Masaya was to enter
Granada, and together with Walker's, escort the president
and the two generals to church to return thanks to God for
the restoration of peace. Walker to be the general-in-chief
of the army, appointed by a special decree. Corral should
surrender the command, arms, etc., unless otherwise ordered
by the new govt; 2d. The govt must reside in Granada; 3d.
The army was to use no other badge than a blue ribbon, with
the inscription Nicaragua Independiente. _Id._, 161-4; _El
Nicaragüense_, Oct. 27, 1855; _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Apr.
9, 1856; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 16, 1855; _Stout's Nic._,
182; _S. F. Alta_, Nov. 17, 1855; _Wells' Walker's Exped._,
77-80; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 16, 1855.

[XVI-25] A plan had been formed to proclaim Martinez their
general, and to march against Granada, but the principal
chiefs discountenanced it. Corral assured the troops
that their former enemies were now friends and brothers,
recommending strict discipline 'so pena de ser pasado por
las armas el que de cualquiera manera violase la amistad y
alianza prometidas.' _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 166-7.

[XVI-26] 'Cedí únicamente al imperio de las circunstancias,
Sin tener libre voluntad para ello.' _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._,
May 29, 1856.

[XVI-27] Sacaza, Dueñas, Pedro J. Chamorro, and two others.

[XVI-28] Norberto Ramirez, who favored its ratification as
the least of two evils, said in the council: 'I know that
we have before us two abysms; one close by, and the other
a little farther off: that the disapproval of the treaty
carries us to the nearest one, and its approval to the other
somewhat more distant.' His advice was followed. _Perez_,
_Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 168.

[XVI-29] Máximo Jerez, B. Selva, A. Orozco, Rafael Jerez,
Justo Lugo, P. Fonseca, and José Salinas.

[XVI-30] Rivas was reputed an honorable, firm, and
enlightened man. He had repeatedly been a candidate of the
conservatives for the executive office.

[XVI-31] To Xatruch he said, 'Nosotros estamos muy mal, muy
mal, muy mal. Acuérdese de sus amigos. Ellos me han dejado
esta pesada carga y espero su socorro.' To Guardiola, Nov.
1st: 'It is necessary that you write our friends of the peril
we are in, and that they must go actively to work. If there
is a delay of two months, it will then be too late. Think of
us and of your offers.... Nicaragua, Honduras, San Salvador,
and Guatemala will be lost if they allow this to assume
proportions; let them come quickly if they expect to find
auxiliaries.'

[XVI-32] Benito Lagos, the man to whom they were intrusted
for delivery, took them to Granada and gave them to Valle,
who surrendered them to Walker.

[XVI-33] Walker had, after adopting precautions against
resistance, made them stack their arms in the plaza, and
disperse.

[XVI-34] It was a violation of the constitution of 1838,
and of the laws. Corral, as a minister, could not be tried
without a prior impeachment, and only by the senate; and as
a private citizen, by the common courts.

[XVI-35] Hornsby was president of the court; Fry, auditor or
judge-advocate; French, counsel for the prisoner; and Charles
Thomas, interpreter.

[XVI-36] He died bravely, Father Vigil attending him to
the scaffold. He was shot by a squad of American riflemen,
commanded by Lieut-col C. H. Gilman. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent.
Am._, 91; _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 171-3; _Stout's
Nic._, 197-8; _Wells' Walker's Exped._, 92-4.

[XVI-37] As opportunity occurred, they all ran away, some to
the mountains, and others to the neighboring states to work
in saving their country from the ruthless foreign sway.

[XVI-38] Yankees, so called, were all foreigners, of whatever
nationality, serving with Walker.

[XVI-39] José Hilario Herdocia, vicario capitular, having
addressed him a congratulatory letter, he answered that 'el
temor de Dios es el fundamento de toda organizacion política
y social.'

[XVI-40] His contract with Castellon authorized him only to
bring 300 immigrants; but he soon obtained leave to augment
his forces, and to enlist men as best he could. A decree
published Nov. 23, 1855, offered 250 acres of land to each
immigrant, and 100 more to each family. The title deed was to
be issued six months after arrival. Fabens was named director
of colonization.

[XVI-41] Art. 1st required the return of those sojourning
in the republic within 15 days, and of those who were abroad
within one month. Art. 2d imposed fines ranging from $50 to
$10,000 on such as failed to obey. _El Nicaragüense_, Nov.
17, 1855.

[XVI-42] Among them Pres. Estrada, Gen. Martinez, and Col
Fulgencio Vega.

[XVI-43] Hornsby went to Managua in the early part of
December, and brought him to Granada, where he was treated as
the guest of the nation.

[XVI-44] Diplomatic correspondence of the Salv. and Hond.
govts Nov. 22 and 28, 1855, in _El Nicaragüense_, Jan. 5,
1856.

[XVI-45] 'Aunque sea en un rincon de Honduras.' Estrada well
knew this was illegal; but following the advice, he applied
to Guardiola for permission, and it was refused him.

[XVI-46] Though the Costa Ricans had a cordon sanitaire to
prevent intercourse with cholera-stricken Nic., Gen. Cañas
received orders to furnish resources to Gen. Florencio
Xatruch, and other officials of the dept of Rivas, who fled
to Costa Rica on hearing of Corral's execution.

[XVI-47] Bishop Llorente also warned them that their religion
was in peril.

[XVI-48] Sec. of state Marcy wrote Dec. 21st, in answer to
his communication of the 12th, that the president saw as yet
no reason to hold diplomatic intercourse with the persons
'who now claim to exercise the political power in the state
of Nicaragua.' He said that the persons chiefly instrumental
in overthrowing the former govt were not citizens of Nic.,
'nor have those citizens, or any considerable part of them,
so far as is now known here, freely expressed their approval
of, or acquiescence in, the present condition of political
affairs in Nicaragua.'

[XVI-49] Wheeler was told, however, by the foreign minister
of Nic. that though official relations were suspended, the
utmost good feeling existed toward him. _El Nicaragüense_,
Feb. 2, 1856.

[XVI-50] The assistance would have been given him but for
Walker, 'no mandaban los democráticos, sino Walker.' It was
not for Walker's interest just then to engage in hostilities
against any neighboring power. _Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d
pt, 21.

[XVI-51] He exerted himself there in promoting action for the
expulsion of Walker from Cent. Am.

[XVI-52] His most influential opponent was a small club of
conservatives, the leaders of which were Fernando Guzman,
Agustin Avilés, and Ramon Alegría. Gerónimo Perez was also a
member. _Id._, 23-6.

[XVI-53] Hermenegildo Zepeda, G. Juarez, and N. Ramirez came
from Leon to Granada to arrange it with Walker, who at once
caused the decree to be issued. This journey brought Ramirez
to his death, resulting from a fall, which broke a leg. He
was an able, enlightened man, and had been chief of Salvador,
and also of Nicaragua in 1849.

[XVI-54] The govt of Nic. was entitled to a share of the
company's receipts, which it had never succeeded in getting.
Chamorro had taken measures to force the company to pay
their indebtedness, but was precluded by the revolution of
1854. The company was accused of aiding the revolutionists,
and of having afterward encouraged the importation of the
filibusters who overthrew the legitimist govt.

[XVI-55] Randolph, W. R. Garrison, and Macdonald had arrived
at Granada from California, Dec. 17, 1855, bringing upwards
of 100 recruits for Walker, contracted for with Crittenden,
his friend and agent.

[XVI-56] This was done by Rivas, though firmly convinced that
it was tantamount to a sale of Nicaragua.

[XVI-57] The decrees, orders, and editorial comments thereon,
in the government's organ. _El Nicaragüense_, Feb. 23, 1856;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 97-8; _Belly_, _Le Nicaragua_,
279-80; _Wells' Walker's Exped._, 208-15; _S. F. Bulletin_,
March 22, April 10, 1856; _S. F. Alta_, March 23, 1856; _Sac.
Union_, March 24, April 25, 1856.

[XVI-58] 'Para que recabe de aquel gabinete una franca
explicacion sobre la política que ha estado observando con
respecto al actual Gobierno de Nicaragua.' _El Nicaragüense_,
Feb. 16, 1856.

[XVI-59] Joaquin B. Calvo, min. of relations of Costa R.,
in his report to congress, Aug. 11, 1856, speaks of that
mission with contempt, 'porque desconocida aquí la mision del
filibustero, se le hizo regresar de la frontera.' _Costa R._,
_Mem. Rel._, 1856, 4.

[XVI-60] Laws of Feb. 27 and 28, 1856; _Costa R._, _Col.
Ley._, xiv. 7-14, 16; _U. S. Govt Doc._, Cong. 34, Sess. 1,
Sen. Doc., 68, 121, 133-49, vol. xiii.

[XVI-61] Nominally; the real commander was a German officer
named Baron Bulow. _Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, 34;
_Costa R._, _Pap. Sueltos_, no. 8; _Wells' Walker's Exped._,
169.

[XVI-62] Perez, quoted above, 42, gives the 21st.

[XVI-63] According to Costa Rican reports, only 480 of their
men took part in the action, the enemy's defeat being the
effect of a surprise and a bayonet charge. Their casualties
were set down at 4 officers and 15 soldiers killed. The
filibusters had upwards of 20 slain. Id., 42-5; _Salv._,
_Gaceta_, Apr. 3-24, 1856; _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Apr.
9, 16, 1856. In California the report received was of 90
killed in the fight and 19 executed. _S. F. Alta_, May 2,
1856; _Belly_, _Le Nicaragua_, 283; _Wells' Walker's Exped._,
153-68.

[XVI-64] As armed invaders not serving under the flag of
any recognized nation. _Costa R._, _Mem. Rel._, 1856, 4;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 94. However correct the logic,
it was an imprudent act, as Walker might retaliate on Costa
Rican and other Cent. Am. prisoners. Wheeler, without
instructions from the U. S. govt, took upon himself to
officially say to Mora that the execution of these men was
a cold-blooded murder, assuming at the same time that the
men serving under Walker were citizens of his own country.
_Wells' Walker's Exped._, 170-5. The fact is that only two or
three were natives of the U. S.

[XVI-65] He was accused of cowardice and even of treachery,
and arrested for trial, but escaping afterward from prison,
was sentenced to death as a deserter. He turned up in
Teustepe, where he was allowed to serve in the legitimist
force. _Wells' Walker's Exped._, 257-8.

[XVI-66] Commanded respectively by majors Alfaro Ruiz and
Escalante, and Col Salvador Mora.

[XVI-67] 'Triunfó completamente sobre ellos,
escarmentándolos, y poniéndolos de nuevo en vergonzosa
fuga.' _Costa R._, _Mem. Rel._, 1856, 5. According to
Astaburuaga, _Cent. Am._, 96, the Costa Ricans had 120
killed, and Walker upwards of 200. Perez, _Mem. Camp. Nac._,
2d pt, 48, gives the Costa Rican casualties to have been
150 killed and 300 wounded; and Walker's 60 killed and 70
wounded. Wells, claiming a glorious victory for his hero
Walker, says that the Costa Rican loss could not have been
less than 600 killed; and that of the wounded and deserters
no precise estimate could be formed. Walker's loss he sets
down at 30 killed and as many wounded. There is no honor or
profit in such mendacity. _Walker's Exped._, 175-88, 245-7;
_S. F. Bulletin_, June 2, 3, 1856; _S. F. Alta_, June 2,
1856; _Sac. Union_, June 4, 1856. Belly, _Le Nicaragua_,
283-4, states that though the battle cost the Costa
Ricans 700 men, 'mais qui fit éprouver de telles pertes à
l'envahisseur, qu'à dater de ce moment, il perdit confiance
dans sa destinée.' His letter of April 15th to Senator Weller
of Cal. proved this.

[XVI-68] Minister Salinas' circular Apr. 15, 1856. _Nic._,
_Boletin Ofic._, Apr. 16, 1856.

[XVI-69] Perez says: 'Trató con humanidad á los soldados
que le fueron encomendados.' _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt,
49-52. _Jerónimo Perez_, _Memorias para la Historia de la
Revolucion de Nicaragua, y de la guerra nacional contra
los filibusteros, 1854-1857._ Managua, 1865, 8vo, pp. 173,
21. This first part of this author's work is a historical
account of the civil war in Nicaragua, in the years 1854-5,
during which latter year the filibuster chief, William
Walker, appeared on the scene, taking part with one of the
two parties to the strife, and temporarily destroying the
power of the other. The political and military events of this
period are concisely though vividly depicted, so that the
reader may become fully informed on the mode of carrying on
the war, and on the miserable condition of the country, as
well as bitter animosity exhibited by the opposing parties.
_Memorias para la Historia de la Campaña Nacional contra
el filibusterismo, 1856-1857._ Masaya, 1873, 8vo, i.-iv.,
and 216 p., is a sequel or second part to the preceding by
the same author, in which he furnishes a detailed history
of Walker's filibustering schemes and career in Nicaragua
during 1856-7, till his final surrender and removal from the
country; ending with a short account of Walker's two other
attempts to invade Central America. Perez took a part in
the operations against Walker, and later has occupied high
positions in his country.

[XVII-1] Francisco Ugarte, a legitimist who came with the
Costa Ricans, and remained in concealment.

[XVII-2] Goicouría was sent to put down a rebellion in
Chontales, and had a number of men executed. _Perez_, _Mem.
Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, 55.

[XVII-3] 1st. To recognize no other govt than Estrada's,
declaring the convention of Oct. 23, 1855, void, and Rivas'
govt null; 2d. To support that govt; 3d. Vest the executive
office in Fernando Guzman till Estrada's return to Nic.; 4th.
Fernando Chamorro recognized as provisional commander of the
forces.

[XVII-4] Walker discovered in Rivas a letter from the
president to Mora treating of peace negotiations, of which
nothing had been hinted to him.

[XVII-5] He issued June 4th a proclamation full of affected
love for the Nicaraguans, and especially for the Leonese,
whom he called illustrious sons of liberty and lovers
of progress. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, June 5, 1856; _El
Nicaragüense_, June 14, 1856.

[XVII-6] It was followed by a change of public opinion in the
U. S. favorable to him, and stopped the official opposition
to the rush of emigrants to Nic. The benefit was, however,
retarded by the combined efforts of the old Transit company's
agents in San Juan del Norte, and of the opposition from
various sources to Walker's plans.

[XVII-7] During Walker's stay in the city he made several
demands, to which the president refused his assent, which
greatly angered him. It was soon discovered that he had
it planned to dispossess Rivas of the executive office.
Naztmer's act was in obedience to his orders. The native
soldiers were sent away, and the capital was left with a
garrison of 200 foreigners. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Aug. 8,
Oct. 24, 1856.

[XVII-8] Had it not been for an American resident, Dawson,
they would have been brought back by Dolan, commandant
at Chinandega, who had been ordered with his men to Leon.
_Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, 71. Gen. Mariano Salazar
and others spread the report that the filibusters intended
to murder the authorities. Salazar fell into Walker's hands
later, taken by De Brissot in the gulf of Fonseca July 28th,
and was shot at Granada Aug. 3d. _El Nicaragüense_, Aug. 9,
1856; _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Aug. 27, 1856; _Sac. Union_,
Sept. 6, 1856.

[XVII-9] Decree of June 25th. Officers and men of the
foreign phalanx were required to forsake Walker and submit
to the government, when their rank would be recognized,
their arrears of pay made good, and Nicaraguan citizenship
conferred on them. Such as should disobey, whether native
or foreign, were to be dealt with as traitors. Members of
the foreign phalanx wishing to leave the country were to
be, under another decree of the 28th, permitted to do so.
Those who presented themselves with arms and ammunition,
and prevailed on others to do the same, would be rewarded.
Previously, on the 20th, the colonization decree of Nov. 23,
1855, was suspended. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Aug. 8, 16,
1856.

[XVII-10] Walker assumed to act under the clauses of the
convention of Oct. 23, 1855. His decree bears date of June
20th, and further declares Rivas' acts from the 12th null.
_El Nicaragüense_, June 21, 1856; _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._,
Aug. 8, 1856.

[XVII-11] The official organ published the returns showing
this result. _El Nicaragüense_, July 12, 1856. Rivas'
minister in a circular exposed the whole as a 'tejido de
imposturas y supercherías.' _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Aug. 27,
1856.

[XVII-12] _S. F. Herald_, Aug. 15, 1856; _S. F. Alta_, Aug.
15, 1856.

[XVII-13] Minister Salinas' note of Aug. 12th to the
secretary of state at Washington. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._,
Sept. 4, 1856.

[XVII-14] The other ministers were generals Mateo Pineda and
Manuel Carrascosa. _El Nicaragüense_, July 19, 1856.

[XVII-15] This action was said to have been suggested to win
the sympathies of the slave-owners in the southern states of
the U. S. _Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, 79.

[XVII-16] The convention was signed at Guat. July 18,
1856. The following is a synopsis of the chief clauses:
1st. Previous treaties of alliance for defence of their
independence and sovereignty were confirmed; 2d. Stipulated
the union of their forces to expel the adventurers; 3d.
Recognized P. Rivas as the head of a de facto govt in Nic.,
promising aid and coöperation; 7th. Invited Costa R. to join
the others in the enterprise. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Aug.
21, Sept. 10, 1856; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 436-9.

[XVII-17] Shortly afterward they were joined by Gen. Fernando
Chamorro, some barefooted officers and soldiers, and 12 or
14 Frenchmen. A little later came the Hungarian, Gros, with
300 Indians. The only arms on hand were 300 muskets with 10
mule-loads of ammunition.

[XVII-18] Such was the end of this honorable, enlightened,
and patriotic citizen, who had risen by his virtues, talents,
and learning, from a lowly position to the chief magistracy
of his country. _Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt., 98-100.

[XVII-19] The convention was signed Sept. 12, 1856. It
contained among its clauses that the first legislature
installed should convoke the constituent assembly of 1854, or
issue the bases for the election of another; a gen. amnesty
for past political offences; debts contracted or damages
caused by both parties to be held as indebtedness of the
republic. _Id._, 114-17; _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Sept. 20,
1856.

[XVII-20] Pedro Cardenal, Sebastian Salinas, Nicasio del
Castillo, and Francisco Baca were made ministers of foreign
relations, government, war, and treasury respectively. Jerez
left the cabinet, preferring to serve in the field.

[XVII-21] His troops retreated after setting fire to the
casa de alto, former residence of the chief magistrates
of Nic. The allied army celebrated in Managua the victory
of San Jacinto, a hacienda, north of the plain of Oscotal,
distant one day's march from Granada. It was only a small
affair in reality—120 riflemen under Byron Cole on one side,
and 160 natives under Col D. Estrada on the other—but it
was important in its effects. Cole was captured and killed,
this being the end of the founder of filibusterism in Nic.
Twenty-seven riflemen were slaughtered; and the Nicaraguans
had 55 killed and wounded. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Sept. 26,
1856.

[XVII-22] Troubles between Salvadorans and Nicaraguans were
common. The former fraternized with the democratic Leonese.
The legitimists did the same with the Guatemalans, whose
2d chief, Zavala, by his language and actions, kept up a
bad feeling, not only with the Salvadorans, but with the
Nicaraguans. _Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, pref. ii. and
108.

[XVII-23] Meantime several fights had taken place between the
allied forces and Walker's.

[XVII-24] He had also a small and inefficient Cuban company,
and very few, if any, Cent. Americans, aside from his
ministers Pineda and Carrascosa.

[XVII-25] It has been calculated that from first to last he
lost from 5,000 to 6,000 men by sickness. Several of his
chief officers having died at about the same time, it was
imputed to the natives selling poisoned edibles. A letter
of Feb. 16, 1857, has it that Walker received 4,600 recruits
since June 1855. The author sets down his deserters at 500,
and his dead at no less than 3,600, there being from 1,500
to 2,000 buried in Granada. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Feb.
17, 1857; _Hayes' Scraps_, _Angeles_, ii. 255. However, an
official report of P. R. Thompson, Walker's adj.-gen., dated
Feb. 24, 1857, has the following figures, which do not seem
to express the whole truth, as it might have been injudicious
to have the real facts made known. Original number of men
enlisted 2,288, of whom 61 were officers. Totals of death,
685, of whom 109 were officers; 37 resigned; 206 discharged;
9 dropped; 293 deserted, including 9 officers; leaving a
total of 733 officers and men, with 141 unaccounted for.
_Stout's Nic._, 209.

[XVII-26] Four young Nicaraguans, accused in Masaya of
enticing men to desert, were arrested July 30th, and shot in
a few hours as traitors to the republic! _El Nicaragüense_,
Aug. 3, 1856. Turley and 25 others escaped from Granada, and
attempted to reach Blewfields by way of Chontales, where the
natives, not believing them deserters from Walker, killed all
but one or two who escaped. _Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d
pt, 129; _S. F. Alta_, Oct. 20, 1856.

[XVII-27] Jerez distinguished himself in the defence, and the
gen.-in-chief of the allies, Ramon Belloso, claimed a victory
in his official report of Oct. 13th, adding that Walker 'huyó
despavoridamente á la oscuridad de la noche,' leaving about
50 killed, and carrying off 200 wounded. _Nic._, _Boletin
Ofic._, Oct. 17, Nov. 7, 1856. On the other side, the victory
was claimed for Walker. _S. F. Alta_, Oct. 31, 1856; _S. F.
Herald_, Oct. 31. 1856.

[XVII-28] To look after the arms which had become wet. So
says Perez, adding that Zavala, 'á mas de carecer de juicio,
no conocia el terreno,' and Estrada went entirely by his
directions. _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, 131.

[XVII-29] They became intoxicated, and scattered in the
streets after plunder. They discovered an American merchant,
friendly to the filibusters, and killed him forthwith.

[XVII-30] On Zavala and Estrada arriving at Diriomo, a young
Cuban named F. A. Lainé, who had been sent by Goicouría to
complete with Walker an arrangement to liberate Cuba, was
brought to them as a prisoner. He was ordered shot.

[XVII-31] _S. F. Alta_, Nov. 21, 1856; _Hayes' Scraps_,
_Angeles_, ii. 206-7, 222, 232.

[XVII-32] Salvadorans, 1,300; Guatemalans, 1,500 or more;
Nicaraguans under Martinez, no less than 800. _Perez_, _Mem.
Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, 134.

[XVII-33] The allies discovered his flight early on the
19th. Several of his men were found asleep, and butchered.
The allied commanders showed lack of generalship. _Perez_,
_Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, 135-9. About this time the Cent.
Americans experienced a serious blow in the loss of the Costa
Rican schooner _Once de Abril_., which had on board 110 men,
money, and a large supply of arms, ammunition, etc. After a
heavy gale, she encountered the _San José_, alias _Granada_,
and after two hours' fighting, caught fire and was destroyed.
Most of the wrecked men were picked up by the _San José_. _S.
F. Alta_, Dec. 20, 1856; _S. F. Herald_, Dec. 20, 1856; _Sac.
Union_, Dec. 23, 1856.

[XVII-34] Henningsen had been, it was said, an officer of
the Brit. army, an aide of the Carlist chief Zumalacarregui,
in Spain, and a good democratic writer. His report was as
follows: He had assumed command in the afternoon of Nov. 22,
1856, and had carried out Walker's orders to destroy Granada,
and leave the place, taking away the stores, artillery, sick,
and the American and native families. Some of the church
jewelry was saved by a priest. Gen. D. Sousa saw a filibuster
urinate into a chalice, and then throw the contents at some
women who were also witnesses of the act. _Perez_, _Mem.
Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, p. ii. 150-1, 161-3; _Nic._, _Gaceta_,
May 2, 1868; _Id._, _Telég. Seten._, March 7, 28, 1857;
_Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, Apr. 15, 22, 1857; _S. F. Alta_, Dec.
20, 1856; _Belly_, _Le Nic._, i. 285-6; _Squier's Cent. Am._,
372.

[XVII-35] At 6:30 they had upwards of 40 wounded, and no
surgeons to attend to them. During the night it rained
heavily.

[XVII-36] During the operations, the Guatemalan generals
Paredes, ex-president, and Joaquin Solares died, the latter
of fever on the 28th of November, and the former of cholera
on the 2d of December.

[XVII-37] Several deserters from his camp in the plantain
grove of Doña Sabina had made their appearance among the
allies, so completely famished that they could hardly speak.

[XVII-38] In the southern part of Lake Nicaragua, eight or
nine miles from the coast of Rivas. A large and productive
island having two towns distant 12 miles from one another.

[XVII-39] Oct. 13, 1855, Walker arrived on the coast of
Granada. Dec. 13, 1856, he left these shores never to see
them again. In the small fort, known as El Fuertecito, his
men left a pole with an inscription as a record that Granada
had existed there.

[XVII-40] Xatruch was not credited with much ability; but he
was patriotic and brave, and to his exertions was measurably
due the coöperation of Hond. for the campaign.

[XVII-41] This expedition was promoted by Cornelius
Vanderbilt, president of the Accessory Transit Co., through
his agent Webster, as appeared in a letter from the commander
of the Brit. naval force to the American consul. It was
carried out, with the assistance of Spencer, an Am. engineer,
who had been in the service of the company and was a pilot
on the San Juan. The steamers thus taken were the _Wheeler_,
_Morgan_, _Machuca_, and _Bulwer_. _Perez_, _Mem. Camp.
Nac._, 2d pt, 176-9; _Nic._, _Telég. Seten._, Feb. 28, 1857;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 100-1; _S. F. Herald_, Jan.
31, 1857; _S. F. Alta_, Jan. 31, 1857. Official reports and
Mora's proclamation in _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Jan. 9, 13,
1857.

[XVII-42] This is recognized with shame in the _Telég.
Seten._, June 6, 1857. Meantime Mora had, on the 10th of
Dec., tendered Walker's officers and soldiers a free passage
to San Juan del Norte and New York; and the govt at Leon had,
on the 22d, annulled the acts of the administration from Nov.
4, 1855, to June 12, 1856, with a few exceptions. A decree
to close the transit between the two oceans was also issued.
_Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Dec. 29, 1856; Jan. 9, 23, 1857.

[XVII-43] Two assaults in force, one by Henningsen with 600
men, and another by Walker himself with 450, failed. Another
was made on the Castillo Viejo, defended by Cauty, met with
the same result, though the assailants took the steamboat
_Scott_, and Cauty had to destroy the _Machuca_. Mora's rept,
Feb. 24, 1857, in _Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, 184-94.

[XVII-44] This selection was unfavorably received by the
government, and was accorded but a temporary recognition
till the allied governments should press their wishes. _Id._,
182-4; _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Feb. 18, 1857.

[XVII-45] The following appointments were also made: Cañas,
2d in command; Zavala, adj.-gen.; Xatruch, inspector-gen.;
Chamorro, quartermaster-gen.

[XVII-46] The casualties were 60 killed and 100 wounded.
The survivors returned to Punta de Castilla, refusing to go
on. Lockridge accused them of cowardice, and took away their
arms. But the men claimed the protection of the British naval
commander. Cauty went down in a steamer to the bay April
12th, and after conferring with the Brit. officer, occupied
Punta de Castilla, securing the war material. He then
tendered the men a passage to the U. S. at the expense of
Costa R. This was the end of the famous Lockridge expedition.
_Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt; _Nic._, _Telég. Seten._,
April 11, 1857; _S. F. Herald_, April 21, May 16, 1857; _S.
F. Bulletin_, April 21, 1857; _S. F. Alta_, May 16, 1857;
_Pan. El Centinela_, April 22, 1857; _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._,
April 29, 1857.

[XVII-47] Upwards of 300 killed, wounded, and missing.

[XVII-48] He did so, even though he agreed with Xatruch,
Martinez, and Chamorro that the capitulation should not
be accepted unless Walker pledged himself not to commit
hostilities in future against any of the allied states. He
also wished to be away before the arrival, then expected, of
Gen. Barrios with large reënforcements of Guatemalans and
Salvadorans, who would doubtless claim the glory of ending
the war. _Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, 209.

[XVII-49] The terms agreed upon between Walker and Davis
were: 1st. Walker and the 16 officers of his staff were
to leave Rivas with side-arms, pistols, horses, and other
personal effects, under Davis' guaranty that they should not
be molested by the enemy, but allowed to embark on the _Saint
Mary's_ at San Juan del Sur, whence she should convey them to
Panamá; 2d. The other officers of Walker's army would leave
Rivas, with their arms, under the same guaranty, and be sent
by Davis to Panamá in charge of an officer of the U. S.; 3d.
The rank and file, citizens and officials, both the wounded
and well, were to surrender their arms to Davis on a vessel
apart from the deserters, so that there should be no contact
between the former and the latter; 4th. Davis pledged himself
to obtain for Central Americans then in Rivas permission to
remain in their country with protection of life, liberty, and
property; 5th. The officers should be allowed to remain at
San Juan del Sur, under the protection of the U. S. consul,
until an opportunity offered to leave for Panamá or San
Francisco. The instrument bears also the signatures of C.
F. Henningsen, P. Waters, J. W. Taylor, and P. R. Thompson.
_Id._, 210-12; _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, May 6, 17, 28, 1857;
_Id._, _Telég. Seten._, May 9, 16, 23, 1857; _Sac. Union_,
June 16-18, 1857; _S. F. Alta_, June 17, 18, July 1, 2, 1857;
_S. F. Herald_, June 16, 1857; _Belly_, _Le Nic._, i. 287;
_Pineda de Mont_, _Notas_, in _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, ii.
350, 745-6; _Democ. Rev._, July 1857, 117-23; _Astaburuaga_,
_Cent. Am._, 102-3. _Francisco S. Astaburuaga_, _Repúblicas
de Centro-América, ó Idea de su Historia y de su Estado
actual._ Santiago (Chile), 1857, 8vo, map, dedic., and 116
pp. The author of this work held a diplomatic mission from
Chile to Costa Rica, and being desirous of furnishing his
countrymen some information on Central America, prepared his
material, originally for the _Revista de Ciencias y Letras_
of Santiago; succinctly giving the physical peculiarities,
agriculture, commerce, and other resources of the country,
together with a sufficiently instructive sketch of the
history of Central America in general, as well as of each
state comprised in that term, in readable form. At the
end is added his official correspondence with the several
governments of Central America on the projected union of the
Spanish American republics.

[XVII-50] The official correspondence between Mora and the
govt of Nic. shows the high appreciation given by the latter
to the service rendered by Davis. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._,
May 6, 1857.

[XVII-51] A full account of the affair was published in the
government's organ. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, May 28, 1857.

[XVII-52] He had furnished war material to both parties,
and tendered Costa Rica's aid to Martinez. His own words at
embarking expressed the Machiavellian plot: 'Esta república
estará pronto en guerra; dejo las navajas amarradas á los
gallos.' Cañas disapproved in toto of those plans. _Perez_,
_Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, 212-13.

[XVII-53] Pres. Martinez of Nic. pronounced it a 'guerra
injusta y traidora.' _Nic._, _Discurso ... Inaug._, 1.

[XVII-54] Full particulars on this war and the terms of
peace, in _Costa R._, _Informe Rel._, 1858, 2-3; _Id._,
_Expos. Mot. del Cambio_, 36-7; _Nic._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_,
1857-8, 10-12, 30-1, 135-6; _Nic._, _Manif. Disc. Inaug._,
no. 5, 3; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 92; _Ayon_, _Consid.
Límites_, 30-2. Perez, while reverting to Costa Rica's
plan to rob Nic. of the River San Juan, and a portion of
the lake, mentions what Nic. had to suffer from the allied
forces during the war. 'Cuantas exigencias, cuantos insultos,
cuantas cosas teniamos que sufrir.' The allies appropriated
as booty Nicaraguan movable property that was taken from the
filibusters. _Mem. Camp. Nac._, _2d pt Carta_ (Pref.), p. ii.

[XVII-55] The official documents connected with the affair
clearly prove that the U. S. govt was desirous of maintaining
an honorable position before the world. _U. S. Govt Doc._,
Cong. 35, Sess. 1, vol. vii., H. Ex. Doc., no. 24, 1-82,
no. 26, 1; _Id._, Id., H. Jour., 165-73, 1302, 1368; _Id._,
Cong. 35, Sess. 1, vol. i., Sen. Ex. Doc., no. 13; _Id._,
Id., vol. xiii., Sen. Doc., no. 63; _Id._, Cong. 35, Sess.
2, vol. vii., no. 10; _Cong. Globe_, 1857-8, 1858-9, Index
'Cent. Am.,' 'Paulding,' 'Walker,' 'Neutrality Laws,'
'Clayton-Bulwer Treaty,' etc.; _Stout's Nic._, 211-21;
_Belly_, _Le Nic._, i. 294-7; _S. F. Bulletin_, Dec. 29,
1857; _S. F. Alta_, Jan. 14, 1858; _Sac. Union_, Feb. 3,
1858.

[XVII-56] To Paulding were voted thanks, a sword of honor,
and 20 caballerías of land. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Aug. 2,
1862; _Id._, _Leyes Emit._, 1830, 3-5; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._,
i. 217-20; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xv. 3; _Id._, _Informe
Rel._, 1858, 1-2.

[XVII-57] His ultimate destination was Nicaragua, whose
government hastened preparations for the defence of her
territory, as well as to aid Hond. in the event of her
needing assistance. _Nic._, _Mem. Gobern._, 1861, 9; _Id._,
_Mensaje del Presid._, Jan. 16, 1861.

[XVII-58] He received the consolation of religion from a
catholic priest, having joined that faith to become president
of Nic. His remains were buried in Trujillo. Among his
effects was found the seal of Nicaragua, which with his sword
the government of Hond. transmitted to that of the former.
_La Union de Nic._, Jan. 12, Sept. 28, 1861; _Nic._, _Informe
Gobern._, no. ii. 7-9; _El Nacional_, Sept. 8-0ct. 27, 1860;
_Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, 215-16; _Belly_, _Le
Nic._, i. 382; _Eco_, _Hisp.-Am._, Sept. 15-Nov. 15, 1860;
_Diario de Avisos_, Oct. 4, 1860; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._,
49-50; _Harper's Mag._, xxi. 693, 836; _S. F. Bulletin_,
Sept. 3, 8, 17, 19, Oct. 3, 29, Nov. 12, 1860.

[XVII-59] The members were: Vicario capitular, J. H.
Herdocia, J. de la Rocha, H. Zepeda, Gregorio Juarez, and
G. Lacayo; substitutes, J. Baca, F. Diaz Zapata, and Joaquin
Perez. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Jan. 23, 1857.

[XVII-60] The legitimists claimed it to be for the public
weal, whereas the democrats thought it would damage them.
_Perez_, _Mem. Camp. Nac._, 2d pt, 170-6.

[XVII-61] But for arbitrary measures, on the 12th of June,
the state would have divided into two parts, each following
its own bent, even to incorporation with other states, which
would have been the death of the republic. _Nic._, _Mensaje
del Poder Ejec._, 1857, 2-3.

[XVII-62] _Nic._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_, 1857, 135-8.

[XVII-63] In the decree of convocation the members of the
executive and the ministers were made ineligible for seats in
that body.

[XVII-64] Only two electoral votes were not cast for him.
The constituent assembly, which had been installed Nov.
8th, declared him to have been the people's choice. _Nic._,
_Gaceta_, Apr. 18, 1863.

[XVII-65] _Discurso Inaug._, 3. Tomás Martinez was a native
of Leon, and had been engaged in trade and mining without
taking part in the political agitations of his native
place until the revolution of 1854, which did not meet his
approval. It is believed that his reserve had made him an
object of suspicion on the part of the democrats, which
circumstance forced him to seek a refuge in the ranks of the
conservatives, and to embrace, much against his liking, the
military profession. Martinez was a lineal descendant of an
heroic woman, Rafael Mora, who in 1780 distinguished herself
in the defence of San Juan del Norte against Nelson's attack.
He was in 1857 about 45 years old, tall of stature, and of
reserved deportment. Self-instructed, plain, and unambitious
of popularity, he cared not for honors or display, and
abhorred sycophancy. He never used more words than were
necessary to express his thoughts, and his whole aim, after
he entered public life, was to serve his country. Moreover,
he possessed a kindly disposition, and in his family
relations was affectionate.

[XVII-66] During the war with Costa Rica he commanded the
forces in the field; meantime the executive office was
in charge of Deputy Agustin Avilés. He resumed the latter
Jan. 25, 1858. In the course of his term he several times
provisionally surrendered the office into the charge of
others, on account of illness. _Nic._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_,
1858, 3-7, 32; 1859, ii. 136, 137; 1860, iii. 71, 83-4, 177.

[XVII-67] The several portfolios were also for more or less
time in charge of Pedro Zeledon, J. de la Rocha, Eduardo
Castillo, Gerónimo Perez, Miguel Cárdenas, Nicasio del
Castillo, and H. Zepeda.

[XVII-68] A number of decrees acknowledging the indebtedness
appear in _Nic._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_, 1859, ii. 132-54.

[XVII-69] The catholic religion was placed under state
protection. The government was constituted in three branches;
namely, executive, legislative, and judicial. The executive
authority was vested in a president for four years, without
reëlection for the next term. In his absence or inability,
the office was to go into the hands of the senator called by
congress to fill it. The president was to be a native and
resident of Nic., 30 years of age or upwards, not having
lost the rights of citizenship within five years of the
election, and possessing real estate valued at no less than
$4,000. The legislative power was to consist of a senate
and house of deputies. The senators' term was to be of six
years; they were to be at least 30 years old, and to possess
no less than $2,000 in real estate, one third of their
number to be renewed every two years. The deputies were to
be upwards of 25 years old, and hold for four years, one
half their number being renewed every two years. The natives
of the other Central American states were eligible to the
senate or house, after a residence in Nic. of ten or five
years respectively. No churchman could be chosen president,
senator, or deputy. The justices of the supreme court had to
be lawyers of recognized ability and integrity. They were
to hold office four years, the members being renewed every
two years. The court was divided into two sections with
at least four justices each. The constitution recognized
liberty of thought, speech, writing, and the press; also the
rights of property and emigration. Torture in any form, cruel
punishments, confiscation of property, invasion of private
domicile, and establishment of special courts were strictly
forbidden. It was promulgated Sept. 15, 1858. _Rocha_, _Cód.
Legis. Nic._, i. 25-42; _Lévy_, _Nic._, 309-27; _El Porvenir
de Nic._, Feb. 11, 1872; _Nic._, _Mem. Gobern. y Guerra_,
1859, 3. The bishop and his chapter took the oath to obey it
on the 15th of Apr., 1861. _La Union de Nic._, May 11, 1861.

[XVII-70] Because its acts tended to the organization of
the country. But on the 25th of June, 1858, the government
of José M. Estrada was also exempted from that annulment.
_Rocha_, _Cód. Legis. Nic._, i. 82, 89-90.

[XVII-71] He was appointed minister plenipotentiary, first
in Costa Rica, next in Washington, and was empowered to
negotiate a treaty with the Spanish minister at the latter
place. _Nic._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_, 1857-8, 117, 243, ii. 21.

[XVII-72] Presid. Barrios of Salv. complained of the plots
carried on against him in Nic. by refugees, and made demands,
such as their being denied the use of the press, to which
the Nic. govt could not accede. _Nic._, _Mens. del Presid._,
in _La Union de Nic._, Jan. 19, 1861; _Id._, _Mem. Rel._, in
_Id._, March 2, 1861.

[XVII-73] 'Ningun Nicaragüense preso, ni confinado,
ni expulso por causas políticas; todos son libres, sin
restriccion alguna.' _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 24, 1863.

[XVII-74] Official corresp. in _Id._, Feb. 7, 1863.

[XVII-75] Treaty of amity, defensive alliance, commerce,
etc., duly ratified. _Id._, April 18, 1863.

[XVII-76] Jerez, Fernando Chamorro, and J. D. Estrada, for
taking part against their government, were degraded to the
ranks. _Id._, May 23, 30, 1863.

[XVII-77] Congress, Feb. 14, 1863, approved all his
administrative acts to date. It had been represented to the
people that Martinez, notwithstanding the clause in the
constitution forbidding reëlection, could be reëlected,
because the powers he had exercised in the past years
had come to him, not under the constitution which was of
subsequent date, but from the convocation decree of Aug.
26, 1857, and his choice was approved by the constituent
assembly.

[XVII-78] _Nic._, _Decretos_, 1867-8, pt ii. 10-11; _Rocha_,
_Cód. Leg. Nic._, i. 220. The cong. of Salv. voted him
a sword of honor for aiding to defeat Barrios and the
federalists. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, June 17, 24, 1865.

[XVII-79] During his second term the following persons
acted as his ministers: E. Castillo, B. Selva, B. Salinas,
B. Portocarrero, R. Alegría, R. Cortés, P. Zeledon, J. F.
Aguilar, J. J. Lescano, and Antonio Silva. _Nic._, _Semanal
Nic._, April 24, 1873.

[XVII-80] 'Quedan fuera de la amnistía todos aquellos que
como autores principales.' _Nic._, _Gaceta_, April 29, May
28, 1864.

[XVII-81] Congress had not only approved his acts, but gave
him two votes of thanks, March 11, 1865, and Jan. 19, 1867.
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, March 18, 1865; _Id._, _Dec. Legisl._,
1865-6, 21-2; 1867-8, 5.

[XVII-82] By 433 electoral votes against 139 cast for Juan
B. Sacasa; necessary for a choice, 285. _Id._, Oct. 27,
1866; _Id._, _Decretos_, 1867-8, pt ii. 4-5; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Feb. 19, 1867.

[XVII-83] Decrees of Jan. 22 and Feb. 28, 1867. _Nic._, _Dec.
Legisl._, 1867, 10-11, 25-6.

[XVII-84] 'Por estar en oposicion con las atribuciones del
Poder Ejecutivo.' Decree of Jan. 20, 1868. _Id._, 1868, 3.

[XVII-85] _Nic._, _Gaceta_, March 15, 1873; _Id._, _Semanal
Nic._, March 27, 1873.

[XVIII-1] Oct. 22d. _Album Semanal_, Sept. 26, 1856; _Costa
R._, _Col. Ley._, xiv. 41-2, 51-2.

[XVIII-2] The other ministers were Joaquin B. Calvo, of
government and eccles. affairs; and Rafael G. Escalante, of
treasury and war.

[XVIII-3] Dec. 11, 1856. _Costa R._, _Mem. Gobern._, 1857,
2-3.

[XVIII-4] In 1854 the pope bestowed on him the honor of
Knight grand cross of the order of Gregory the Great, and the
Costa Rican congress authorized him to accept it. _Costa R._,
_Col. Ley._, xiii. 28; xiv. 147-9.

[XVIII-5] Dec. 29, 1857, a medal was voted. Again, Feb.
26, 1858, a cross of honor was decreed to the generals and
field-officers. _Id._, 207; xv. 3.

[XVIII-6] Escalante had been vice-president since Oct. 1857,
and at the present time was temporarily in charge of the
executive office. _Id._, xvi. 30-1.

[XVIII-7] Political grievances and private animosities were
brought into action for his overthrow. He was accused of
intending to keep himself in power for life, like Carrera
in Guatemala, as was evidenced by his second reëlection,
which violated both the spirit and letter of the national
institutions; of his having imposed the weight of his own
will on the financial department, the judiciary, and even
the legislature, with the view of setting up the rule of one
family over the ruins of republican liberty; of his having
usurped the property and labor of others for his own benefit.
Even the organization of an army, and his campaign against
Walker, were made to appear as intended to improve his own
pecuniary interests, which were said to be in a very bad
state. The charge of assumption of dictatorial powers does
not seem to be sustained by facts. The opposition journal,
the _Album Semanal_, freely published strong articles against
his administration. Pamphlets filled with vituperation,
and traducing his character, circulated without hindrance;
one of the publications called him the tzar of Costa Rica.
This opposition was fanned by the hatred of persons who had
private grudges against Mora. Among them Vicente Aguilar,
his former partner, who had been made to disgorge $100,000 or
more, of which he had wrongfully deprived Mora. Capitalists
were hostile because the president had chartered a bank. The
sale of a tract of public land near San José, upon which many
persons had settled, was made the subject for much trouble.
The exile of the bishop did not fail to have a powerful
influence. Bishop Llorente had refused to pay, or to allow
his clergy to pay, an equitable tax decreed by congress Sept.
29, 1858, for the support of hospitals. He not only refused
compliance, but incited the populace to revolt. For this
he was expelled. He was, however, after Mora's overthrow,
recalled by the provisional government, and ruled the diocese
till his death, which took place Sept. 23, 1871. _Costa
R._, _Mem. Interior_, 1859, 9; 1860, 4; _Id._, _Col. Ley._,
xvi. 87-8; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 7, 1871; _El National_,
Jan. 15, 1859; _Belly_, _Le Nicaragua_, i. 379-81. One of
the publications which came out after Mora's downfall, not
only charged him with abuse of power, peculation, and almost
every conceivable offence, but of his having brought himself
into political prominence by intrigue, and by treachery
to Morazan, and to his relations and friends, who, it was
asserted, had been ruined by him. This publication is dated
San José, April 2, 1860, but is anonymous. _Costa R._,
_Expos. ... Motivos ... Cambio Polít._, 37 pp. and 1 I.

[XVIII-8] The provisional administration claimed that the
revolution had not merely changed the personnel, but also
the principles on which the government was based, the people
demanding greater freedom with clearly defined rights and
duties, and a more extended suffrage. _Costa R._, _Mem.
Interior_, 1860, 4; 1863, 2.

[XVIII-9] The govt was divided into three
branches—legislative, executive, and judicial—each
independent of the others. The legislative was vested
in a congress of two chambers, the senate and house of
representatives, and was to meet once a year in ordinary
session, and also to hold extraordinary sessions when
called for specified purposes. The senate was composed of
two senators for each province; the house was composed of
deputies chosen by the provinces in the ratio of population.
The term of the members of both houses was fixed at four
years. The executive authority was vested in a president for
three years, without reëlection for the immediate following
term. He had a council of state to deliberate upon such
affairs as the executive referred to it for advice. The
judiciary consisted of a supreme court, and such other lower
courts as might be established by law. None but a native
citizen, in full possession of his civil and political
rights, could be president, or member of the supreme court.
Churchmen were ineligible. _Costa R._, _Constituc. Polít._,
1-35; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, xvi. 110-45.

[XVIII-10] First designado, Francisco Montealegre; second,
Vicente Aguilar. _Id._, xvi. 169-71.

[XVIII-11] In January, Prudencio Blanco and others attempted
a revolution in Guanacaste, now called Moracia, and failed.
A decree of outlawry was issued against them Jan. 20, 1860,
and their property was made amenable for the government's
expenses. Another insurrection took place in Esparza with
the same result, the govt issuing a decree of similar
nature Sept. 16th, and on the 18th another, suspending the
constitution. This last decree was revoked March 18, 1861.
_Id._, xvi. 153-4, 188, 218-21; xvii. 9.

[XVIII-12] This place had been heavily intrenched, and a
battery mounted in it, which was protected on both flanks by
armed boats in the estuary, etc.

[XVIII-13] _Belly_, _Le Nic._, i. 382; _El Nacional_, Oct.
13, 27, Nov. 10, 1860; _Eco Hisp.-Am._, Oct. 31, 1860; _S.
F. Bulletin_, Oct. 24, 25, 29, Nov. 14, 27, 1860; _S. F.
Herald_, Oct. 29, 1860; _Harper's Monthly Mag._, xxii. 113;
_Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatémala_, 59-60.

[XVIII-14] The _Gaceta Oficial_, evidently inspired
by President Martinez, forgot past grievances, only to
bear in mind affectionately the promoter of the holy war
for independence. In fact, Mora was in the eyes of both
foreigners and natives the personification of Central
American patriotism.

[XVIII-15] It will be remembered that Cañas served with
distinction in the war against Walker.

[XVIII-16] Apr. 29, 1860. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xvi.
172-3; xvii. 87. A more gen. one was decreed May 1, 1862.

[XVIII-17] During this administration national industries
were developed, and the country became more prosperous than
ever. _Belly_, _Le Nic._, i. 383-6.

[XVIII-18] May 1, 1863. Men of all parties voted for him.
_Costa R._, _Mem. Min. Interior_, 1863, 1; _Id._, _Col.
Ley._, xviii. 15-16.

[XVIII-19] Congress afterward decreed that Montealegre's
portrait should be placed in the office of the president.
_Belly_, _Le Nic._, i. 386-7; _Costa R._, _Informe Min.
Interior_, 1864, 4; _Id._, _Discurso, Dr J. M. Montealegre_,
1863, 1.

[XVIII-20] _Costa R._, _Programa Admin._, 1863, 1. Jimenez
adopted the high-handed measure of dissolving congress. In
a proclamation to the people he stated that a majority of
the members had established a systematic opposition to his
government, and usurped all power in direct violation of the
constitution. _Id._, _Prod. del Presid._, Aug. 1, 1863.

[XVIII-21] Ending May 8, 1869. _Id._, _Col. Ley._, 1876,
111-12; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 17, Apr. 21, May 26, 1866.
Castro in his inaugural address used these words: 'Quiero
que mi patria, ya que no pueda ser temida por su fuerza, sea
considerada por su justificacion y cordura.... No tenemos
escuadras; tengamos la simpatía de las naciones.' _Costa R._,
_Discurso Inaug., Presid. J. M. Castro_, 1-3.

[XVIII-22] May 15, 1866. They were 2 for each department,
making together 16, besides the ministers. _Costa R._, _Col.
Rey._, 1866, 114-16.

[XVIII-23] _Nic._, _Gaceta_, May 25, 1867.

[XVIII-24] Castro's enemies averred that his course was
very mysterious, and some even suspected an intention on
his part to retain power in his hands, though he supported
the candidacy of his minister, Julian Volio. They said that
the barracks assumed a menacing attitude, and Castro was
on the point of decreeing several military promotions of
members of his own family, and concentrating all the forces
of the republic in and about his own residence. It came to
be believed that he intended to nullify Salazar first, and
Blanco next. But the former had in his favor most of the
wealthy families, as well as a large support in Alajuela,
Heredia, and Cartago. To make the story short, Salazar and
Blanco concluded to act together. _El Quincenal Josefino_,
no. 32, in _Star and Herald_, Dec. 24, 26, 1868. The editor
of this publication was Lorenzo Montúfar. Whatever may be
asserted against Castro, he had proved himself a liberal,
enlightened, and upright ruler. His administration had
given conclusive proof that the president valued liberty
of the press and speech as necessary to the existence of a
republican government. The country had been enjoying those
privileges, and prospering as it had never done before. _U.
S. Minister J. B. Blair, to Sec. Fish_, June 23, 1873.

[XVIII-25] The troops and people seemed to acquiesce in
the new order of things. There was no bloodshed. Castro was
left perfectly free in his own house. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Nov.
28, Dec. 5, 1868; Jan. 23, March 20, 1869; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Nov. 17, 1868; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xvii. 202-9;
_U. S. Mess. and Doc._ (Dept of State, pt ii.), p. xii.;
_Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 60-2.

[XVIII-26] Art. 5th, after declaring the Roman catholic
religion to be that of the state, recognizes toleration of
other forms of worship; 6th, makes primary education of both
sexes obligatory, free, and to be provided by the nation,
placing it under the direction of the municipal authorities;
17th, declares the military subordinate to the civil
authority, strictly passive, and forbidden to deliberate on
political affairs; 72d, grants eligibility for the position
of deputy to naturalized citizens after four years' residence
from the date of the certificate of naturalization. _Costa
R._, _Col. Ley._, 1869, 24-59. Art 31st recognized freedom
of the press, and yet it was considerably modified by a press
law issued by the provisional govt. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, May 8,
1839.

[XVIII-27] _Costa R._, _Informe Gobern._, etc., 1869, 12-15,
26-7; _Id._, _Informe Hac., Rel._ etc., 1869, 1-2. J. M.
Montealegre had been the other candidate. _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Dec. 19, 1868.

[XVIII-28] May 29, 1869. The action of the courts was
restored May 31st. But the president had now unrestricted
powers. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, 1869, 94-5, 100-1, 103.
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, June 19, 1869.

[XVIII-29] Those men drove to the barracks in an ox cart,
covered by grass, and dashed in. It looks as if there must
have been connivance on the part of the guard. Biscoubi had
been, it is understood, invited to join the movement, but
refused to lend himself.

[XVIII-30] Among the charges contemplated were that they
had appropriated large sums out of the public treasury for
personal purposes, and that upwards of $20,000 had been given
Eusebio Figueroa to go on a trip of pleasure to Europe.

[XVIII-31] The ministers were then placed under bonds. _Id._,
June 18, July 9, 1870.

[XVIII-32] April 29, 1870, Tomás Guardia was promoted to gen.
of division, and Victor Guardia to gen. of brigade. The two
Quirozes and Próspero Fernandez were made colonels. Other
officers also rose in rank. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xix.
41-4, 50-1.

[XVIII-33] This person was a captain early in 1856, and went
as Gen. Cañas' aide-de-camp to the Nic. campaign against
Walker. On his return he was made a maj. As comandante of
Alajuela he revolted against Presid. Castro Nov. 1, 1868. We
have seen how he came to be made a general of division.

[XVIII-34] Guat. had several times attempted interference in
Costa Rican affairs, insisting on the suppression of liberty
of the press, and on other violations of law, all of which
had been refused. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Aug. 27, 1870.

[XVIII-35] Report, Aug. 22, 1870, by Minister Lorenzo
Montúfar to the national constituent assembly. _Costa R._,
_Mem. Rel._, 1870, 1.

[XVIII-36] His ministers who countersigned that decree were
B. Carazo, Pedro García, Lorenzo Montúfar, and in the absence
of J. Lizano, sec. of the treasury, Salvador Gonzalez as
under-secretary. García and Carazo were made brigadiers.
García resigned Oct. 28th, and was succeeded by José Antonio
Pinto. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xix. 124-6, 150.

[XVIII-37] Vicente Herrera, Aniceto Esquivel, Jesus Salazar,
Cárlos Sancho, and Rafael Barroeta. _Id._, 127-31.

[XVIII-38] For supposed revolutionary schemes. It was even
alleged that there was a plot to murder Guardia. _Costa R._,
_Gac. Ofic._, May 12, 1871; _Nic._, _Gac._, May 27, June 3,
1871.

[XVIII-39] Excluding the president, his ministers, and the
bishop from being electors. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xx.
118-22.

[XVIII-40] The legislative consisted of a chamber of
deputies chosen for four years. During recess it was to
be represented near the executive by a comision permanente
of five deputies. All citizens able to read and write, and
possessing property to the value of $500, or an occupation
yielding $200 a year, could be chosen deputies, excepting
the president, his ministers, members of the supreme court,
and governors. Deputies could accept no offices except
ministerial or diplomatic, and then they must resign the
elections. The executive was vested in a president for four
years, who must be a native, thirty years and upwards, and
could not be reëlected for the next immediate term. He was
allowed a council of state, composed of his ministers, the
members of the comision permanente, and others that he might
invite to join the deliberations. The judicial authority was
vested in a supreme court, whose members must be natives of
the country, and such other courts as might be established
by law. _Id._, xx. 171-206; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Jan. 14,
1872; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 13, 1872.

[XVIII-41] Guardia went to Europe, where he was treated with
marked consideration. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xxi. 48-51;
xxii. 6. During his absence there was no harmony between the
acting president and the chief of the forces, Victor Guardia,
nor between the latter and the commandant of artillery.
_Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Oct. 17, 1872.

[XVIII-42] Guardia was accused of affording aid to the
supporters of retrogression against the liberal governments
existing in those states; and of openly permitting an
expedition to sail on the _Sherman_ to commit hostilities
against the other Cent. Am. states. _El Porvenir de Nic._,
Aug. 10, 1873; _Aguirre_, _Recortes de un Periód._, 5-6.
Circular of Nic. Foreign Min., Sept. 5, 1876, in _Salv._,
_Gaceta Ofic._, Oct. 26, 1876.

[XVIII-43] As an open infringement of previous conventions,
international law, and Costa Rica's rights. _U. S. Gov.
Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 43, Sess. 2, i. 113, 116.

[XVIII-44] A. H. Rivas, foreign minister of Nic., Nov. 11th,
in doing so, added that they were guarding their interests
against Costa Rica's insidious projects, in gathering large
quantities of war material to favor disgruntled Nicaraguans,
which his govt well knew, though not officially. _Nic._,
_Gaceta_, Nov. 15, 1873; _Id._, _Informe Min. Delgadillo_,
1-14; _Nic._, _Mem. Gobern._, 1875, 6-7.

[XVIII-45] _Nic._, _Gaceta_, App., Dec. 3, 1873; _Nic._,
_Semanal Nic._, Nov. 29, 1873.

[XVIII-46] It passed a decree on the 29th of November to
check all violations of neutrality, and in a note to the
other governments expressed itself in terms of conciliation,
tantamount to a withdrawal of the circular of Oct. 24th.
_Id._, suppl., Dec. 2, 13, 1873; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Dec.
11 1873; _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Dec. 11, 1873.

[XVIII-47] As stated in his organ, _El Costaricense_, no. 17,
suppl.

[XVIII-48] A number of persons who had promoted the new
policy, particularly some members of the cabinet, for their
credulity and good intentions became the victims of Guardia's
wrath, and were banished from their homes. Gonzalez had been
let down easy, as having declined to continue in charge of
the executive. _Costa R._, _Pap. Sueltos_, nos. 11, 12;
_Id._, _Col. Ley._, xxii. 194, 197, 200; 1874, 34-5, 53;
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 20, 1873; _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Dec.
11, 20, 1873.

[XVIII-49] He resumed control of the govt Nov. 4-5, 1875.
_Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xxiii. 75-6, 275.

[XVIII-50] _Costa R._, _Pap. Sueltos_, nos. 13, 14; _Id._,
_Informe Gobern._, 1875, app. 16-21; _Nic._, _Correspond.
sobre Recl._, 3-17; _Nic._, _Mens. Presid._, 1875, 5-6.

[XVIII-51] _El Costaricense_, March 24th, said that the
mission of Jerez was from Barrios, president of Guat., to
Guardia. The _Quincenal Josefino_, March 26th, gave it as
a certainty that Nic. would propose the withdrawal of both
forces from the frontier as a conciliatory measure. The
whole trouble arose from the boundary dispute. _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Apr. 4, 1876.

[XVIII-52] _Costa R._, _Mensaje_, 1876, 2; _Id._, _Col.
Ley._, xxiv. 24-5.

[XVIII-53] He assumed the office on the 8th, and formed his
cabinet with Juan R. Mata, S. Lizano, M. Carazo Peralta, and
B. Morales. _Id._, 36-8; _Id._, _Discurso ... Presid._, 1876,
1-4; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, May 22, 1876.

[XVIII-54] He had been declared a benemérito, and given
a vote of thanks. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xxiv. 62.
Guardia's administration during the past six years was
highly extolled in the _Gaceta Oficial_ of San José. It
said that his surrender of power proved the falsity of the
charge that he had intended holding it for life. We shall
see how much this statement was worth. It claimed for him
that he had at all times blended leniency with firmness,
which facts fail to establish. He was equally credited with
increasing the revenues by his successful measures to repress
smuggling; with protecting industry and labor; endeavoring
to provide the country with a railroad between the two
oceans; improving the morale of the country; spreading public
education; promoting political and commercial relations
with other countries; forwarding public works; and lastly,
vigorously defending Costa Rica's rights against Nicaragua's
pretensions. _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, May 22, 1876. On the
other hand, we are told that Costa Rica's revenues were
squandered in keeping 2,000 men on the frontier as a menace
to Nicaragua. _Pan. Star and Herald_, June 1, 1876. Guardia
has been justly called a tyrant, because of his arbitrary
acts and violations of the constitution. Electoral and
parliamentary freedom, under his rule, was a farce; results
at elections being what his will dictated, and congress
being mostly made up of his immediate friends and a number of
puppets. There were some honorable exceptions, like that of
Zacarías García, who, for acting as a real representative of
the people, was imprisoned without protest on the part of his
colleagues. The independence of the three powers, personal
rights, freedom of the press, and other constitutional
guaranties, were repeatedly trampled upon by Guardia, by his
favorite, Pedro Quiroz, and by other satellites. Justices
of the supreme court and numerous other prominent citizens
were either imprisoned, banished, or mulcted in heavy sums
of money, without any form of trial having preceded. José
M. Castro, chief justice, and Salvador Jimenez, justice of
the supreme court, were by Guardia's autocratic command
made to live for a time on the Pacific coast. Even his
brother, Victor Guardia, was harshly treated for showing an
independent spirit; and his brother-in-law, Leon Fernandez,
was several months kept in irons for some mysterious offence
that was never brought to trial, and afterward transferred
to a horrible dungeon in Limon, where he was cruelly
treated until he succeeded in effecting his escape. Other
infringements of the laws are also mentioned, and not a few
cases of brutality, even the use of the lash on respectable
citizens, which Guardia and his myrmidons were challenged
to contradict to the face of Costa Ricans. _Aguirre, J. M._,
_Recortes ... Corresp. Hist. Polít._, 1-21. This is a letter
dated and published at Panamá May 1, 1876, and addressed to
Francisco Chavez C., editor of _El Costaricense_, Guardia's
press organ, whom he handles without gloves for his defence
of Guardia's acts and abuse of Guardia's opponents. The
writer had been one of the victims of both, and was evidently
well posted on the history of Guardia's rule. Making
allowance for exaggeration in some instances, the conclusion
to be arrived at is that Guardia acted like an autocrat who
would brook no opposition. It does not appear, however, that
he was sanguinary.

[XVIII-55] The people took no part. It was a result of
the abuse by the salaried press of the government, of the
violation of pledges, and the tacit authorization of crimes
against good and loyal servants of the country. _Salv._,
_Gac. Ofic._, Aug. 20, 1876. Nepotism was also probably a
cause. Esquivel's min. of pub. works, and the superintendent
of the railroad were brothers-in-law of his. Incompetency,
mismanagement, and waste were said to prevail. _Pan. Star
and Herald_, June 1, Aug. 18, 1876. The government of Nic.
attributed Esquivel's downfall mainly to his friendly policy
toward her, which did not suit Guardia. Circular of Nic.
Foreign Min., Sept. 5, 1875, in _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Oct
26, 1876.

[XVIII-56] He represented himself as free from political
animosities, and promised to maintain order, and to push the
work of the railroad. He created a council of state of five
members, one of whom was Víctor Guardia. _El Costaricense_,
Aug. 4, 10, 1876; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xxiv. 145.

[XVIII-57] Because her govt had refused him recognition.
_Costa R._, _Informe Rel._, 1877, 1-3. Guardia had been
appointed plenipotentiary to Guat. and Salv. He visited Guat.
first, and arrived at San Salvador Aug. 3d. In presenting
his credentials he said that he had been instructed to pave
the way for the fusion of the positive interests of Cent. Am.
The real object of his mission seems, however, to have been
to enlist the two governments in his projects of war against
Nic. Both failed him. _Salv._, _Gac. Ofic._, Aug. 5, 15,
Dec. 7, 1876; Feb. 25, 1877; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Jan. 17,
1877; _Nic._, _Mem. Rel._, 1879, p. iii.-iv. 23-5. Relations
with Nic. were not restored till June 30, 1878. _Costa R._,
_Col. Ley._, xxiv. 168-9; xxv. 97-8.

[XVIII-58] Almost his first act was to dismiss from the
educational establishments the able teachers who had been
brought out at great expense, replacing them with jesuits.
For this act he was rewarded with an autograph letter from
the pope. He removed the competent foreigners from the
management of the railroad on the plea of economy, employing
in their places inefficient, because inexperienced, natives;
the result being deterioration of rolling stock, and general
mismanagement. He forbade cutting rubber on the waste lands,
and imposed a duty of 3 cents per ℔. He tried to force Great
Britain to recall one of her consular agents. _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Jan. 20, 1877.

[XVIII-59] He pretended to temporarily do so on the plea of
ill health.

[XVIII-60] He chose Pedro Quiróz and Rafael Barroeta his
substitutes. _Costa R._, _Informe Gobern._, 1878, 2.

[XVIII-61] Appointing members of the supreme court, enacting
laws, and discharging the functions of a consultive council.
_Id._, 1878, 1-2; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Sept. 25, Oct. 11,
1878.

[XVIII-62] Promulgated the 18th by Guardia. _Costa R._, _Col.
Ley._, xxv. 186-7, 210-11, 217-19, 228-30; _Id._, _Col. Disp.
Legis._, 1878, 16-17.

[XVIII-63] Decree of Dec. 19, 1877. _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex.
Doc., 45th Cong., 3d Sess., i. 76-9. Relations with Hond.
were also interrupted in 1878. _Costa R._, _Informe Min.
Rel._, 1879, 2; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, xxv. 237.

[XVIII-64] _Costa R._, _Col. Disp. Legis._, 1878, 19-20,
25-6; _Id._, _Procl._, Jan. 24, 1878; _Id._, _Informe
Gobern._, 1878, 2-3; _Id._, _Inf. Guerra y Marina_, 1878, 2.

[XVIII-65] Finally Mora was forbidden by the Nicaraguan
government to reside within the eastern and southern
departments. _Nic._, _Mem. Rel._, 1879, p. iv.

[XVIII-66] Sept. 12, 1878. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Oct. 11,
1878.

[XVIII-67] _Costa R._, _Instal. Asamblea Legis._, 1880, 7 f.

[XVIII-68] Abolition of capital punishment adopted; also
the following clauses: laws to have no retroactive effect;
all persons, not convicted of crime, were free, and to have
the privilege of entering and leaving the republic; right
of congregating unarmed to discuss public affairs, and
the conduct of officials, of petitioning individually or
collectively, and of expressing political opinions, together
with freedom of the press fully recognized. _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Oct. 16, 1880.

[XVIII-69] Free expressions of opinion were an open road to
persecution. _Id._, Nov. 6, 1880.

[XVIII-70] _Costa R._, _Honores Fún._, 1882, 1-59; _Pan. Star
and Herald_, July 20, 1882.

[XVIII-71] Fernandez was born in San José July 18, 1834.
He received a portion of his education in Guat., and at 18
years of age entered the Costa Rican army. In 1854 he was a
sub-lieutenant, and in 1856 served in Nic. against Walker. In
1860 he fought against the invaders under Ex-presid. Mora at
Angostura. In 1870 he was one of the few men that captured
the artillery barracks, thereby causing the overthrow of
Presid. Jimenez. During Guardia's rule he held several
positions of trust and rose to gen. of division. His wife was
named Cristina Guardia. _Costa R._, _Boletin Ofic._, March
14, 1885; _Id._, _Gaceta_, April 30, 1885.

[XVIII-72] Aug. 11, 1882, a gen. amnesty for political
offences to date was decreed.

[XVIII-73] A sort of compromise was agreed to; a few
officials were removed, and the _Quincenal Josefino_,
Montúfar's journal, ceased publication. _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Feb. 24, 1883.

[XVIII-74] They were embarked the 19th at Limon; and the
fact was telegraphed the same day to the other Cent. Am.
governments by Sec. of State Castro. _El Guatemalteco_, July
30, 1884; _Costa R._, _Informe Rel._, 1885, 17, 89-91; _Pan.
Star and Herald_, Sept. 18, 1885.

[XVIII-75] July 19th, cemeteries were secularized. July 22d,
religious orders were suppressed. All these executive decrees
were countersigned by Minister Bernardo Soto, who later
became president. _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, June 9, 1885.

[XVIII-76] The federation plan had been opposed in 1883
by Costa Rica refusing to accredit delegates. _Costa R._,
_Gaceta_, Feb. 3, 1885; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong.
48, Sess. 1, pt 1, 54.

[XVIII-77] _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, March 9-12, 1885.

[XVIII-78] Further honors to his memory at a later date. Aug.
3, 1885, it was ordered that his bust should be placed in the
public square of San José. _Id._, March 13, 14, Aug. 5, 1885;
_La Estrella de Pan._, March 28, 1885; _El Universal_ (Pan.),
March 17, 1885; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 23, Sept. 9,
1885.

[XVIII-79] Soto is a native of Alajuela, Feb. 12, 1854; his
parents being Gen. Apolinar de J. Soto, and Joaquin Alfaro.
He was educated in Costa Rica, and in 1877 was admitted
to the bar, and practised the legal profession till 1880,
when he travelled in the U. S. On his return he was made
governor of the province of Alajuela, in which position he
exerted himself for the advancement of the province. He did
not complete his term, having to make a visit to Europe. On
his return in April 1882, he was again appointed governor
of Alajuela, and in August of the same year the executive
called him to fill a position in his cabinet as minister
of government, police, and public works. Apr. 19, 1885, he
married Pacífica, a daughter of Ex-president Fernandez; and
May 15th, congress declared him a benemérito, and gen. of
division. _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, May 16, June 9, 1885.

[XVIII-80] The first named was given the portfolio of foreign
affairs. _Id._, March 13, 14, 1885.

[XVIII-81] Circular of March 17, 1885. It also explained
the motives prompting Costa R., Salv., and Nic. to resist
Barrios' projects. _Id._, _Manif. del Gob._, 1885-6. Costa
R. sent a contingent of troops to Nic., Hond., and Salv. Her
troops, however, had no opportunity to fight. Presid. Soto
tendered his resignation on the 5th of June, but it was not
accepted, and extraordinary powers were conferred on him for
sixty days. _Id._, _Gaceta_, May 22, 23, June 6, 1885.

[XVIII-82] He was also deprived of his political rights, 'por
el delito de conspiracion para rebelion, cometido en servicio
activo de las armas.' _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 27, 1885.

[XIX-1] In 1829, when convents were closed in Guat., he
had to leave the cloister, and afterward obtained a papal
dispensation from his vows. He then studied law, and received
the degree of licentiate in 1836.

[XIX-2] Slowness and procrastination ruled supreme. A citizen
of Salvador said of Dueñas to describe his policy: 'El mejor
caballo para Dueñas es el que no anda.'

[XIX-3] In Jan. 1866 he married a wealthy widow, who had been
educated in the U. S. That same year the university conferred
on him the degree of doctor of laws. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Feb.
3, March 3, 1866.

[XIX-4] The Hondurans claimed on the strength of art. 8th
of the treaty concluded at Santa Rosa on the 25th of March,
1862, the concentration in the interior of Salvador of Gen.
Florencio Xatruch, the priest Miguel Bustillo, and José
Manuel Selva, Hondurans; and also of certain Nicaraguans,
who after their rebellion against the government of Fernando
Guzman in their own country, had found a refuge in Salvador,
and made common cause with the enemies of President Medina,
because he had supported Guzman with the moral and diplomatic
influence of his government. The Salvadoran negotiator denied
that Xatruch was a political refugee. He was sent by Nic.
in 1863 to Salv. at the head of an auxiliary force. Later
with Nicaragua's permission he was employed by Salv., he
being since 1858 a general of division of her army, a rank
conferred on him for his services against Walker and his
filibusters; and was therefore entitled to all the rights of
a Salvadoran citizen. Salv. pledged, however, that he would
do no hostile act against Hond. As to adopting any action
against the Nicaraguans, the demand could not be acceded
to, because they did not come under the provisions of the
treaty with Honduras, nor were they political refugees at
all. The commissioner of Salv. made counter-charges: 1st.
Hond. had violated art. 9 of the treaty of Santa Rosa, in
that her legislature had empowered the executive to declare
war against Salv. without first complying with the terms
of that clause. 2d. She had allowed asylum to Salvadoran
refugees, giving them employment on the frontier of Salv.,
where they had been constantly plotting and uttering menaces
against their govt, using arms obtained from Honduran govt
warehouses. All remonstrances against such proceedings
had been disregarded. 3d. Hond., heeding false reports,
had raised 1,500 men, keeping a portion on the Salv.
frontier, and maintaining a warlike attitude. The Honduran
commissioners denied the correctness of the charges, and
quoted instances in which their government had given proofs
of deference and friendship toward its neighbor. _Salv._,
_Protocolo de las Conf._, 1-16.

[XIX-5] Nic. had mediated on behalf of peace, accrediting H.
Zepeda and M. Montealegre as commissioners at Amapala. But
an affair of arms at Pasaquina frustrated the efforts of the
legation. Circular of Nic. Foreign Min., Sept. 5, 1876, in
_Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Oct. 26, 1876.

[XIX-6] The oligarchs pretended contempt for Medina's action;
some said, 'Medina es un loco, y Honduras un esqueleto;'
others, 'La quijotesca actitud de Honduras afianzará mas
nuestro poder.' _Uriarte_, _Observ. ... Union Rep. Cent.
Am._, 3.

[XIX-7] It was said that Medina was enticed into assisting
the liberals, under the delusion that they would call him to
rule over the united states of Guat., Salv. and Hond.

[XIX-8] San Salvador, the capital, had been several days
fortified awaiting an assault, but the invaders, not knowing
how much force there might be at hand for its defence,
preferred to march on to Santa Ana.

[XIX-9] _Hond._, _Boletin Ofic._, no. 2, contains the
official report of the action, copied in _Nic._, _Gaceta_,
March 13, 1871.

[XIX-10] A guard was kept around the minister's house as long
as Dueñas was his guest.

[XIX-11] He was kept there, treated with respect and
consideration till after his trial. The particulars of his
surrender appear in the official correspondence of Min.
Torbert with both his own and the Salvadoran governments. _U.
S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 2, i. 693-5.

[XIX-12] There was no reason to keep him a prisoner. He could
no longer injure Medina, and moreover, the government took
into account his valuable services to Cent. Am. in 1856-7
against Walker. _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatémala_, 197-8.

[XIX-13] The process was accordingly passed to the cámara de
2d instancia. _El Porvenir de Nic._, June 2, 1872.

[XIX-14] The revolution was declared one for the restoration
of the people's rights, Gonzalez being recognized as
provisional president. His recall of the supreme court was
approved of.

[XIX-15] Freedom to meet peaceably for the discussion of
public affairs and the conduct of the rulers; freedom
of speech and of the press were fully recognized and
established, as also the inviolability of life, personal
liberty, property, and honor, which no man could be
deprived of except for cause after undergoing a fair
trial. A citizen's domicile and private papers were also
declared inviolable. Primary instruction was to be uniform,
gratuitous, and obligatory. Secondary and superior education
were to be free, though subject to the supervision of the
civil authorities. Passports were abolished. The Roman
catholic was declared to be the state religion, but other
christian sects not repugnant to morality and good order
were tolerated. Foreigners could become naturalized after
two years' residence, and Spanish Americans after one year.
All Salvadorans of 21 years or upwards, and of good moral
character, were citizens, provided they had either one of the
following qualifications: being father of a family, or head
of a household; knowing how to read and write; possessing an
independent livelihood. Those of only 18 years of age having
a literary degree were also voters. The military in active
service could neither vote nor be voted for. The government
was vested in three distinct powers: legislative, composed
of a senate, renewable yearly by thirds, each senator owning
at least $2,000 in real estate, and a house of deputies, the
whole renewed yearly; the executive, vested in a president
owning at least $10,000 in real estate, his term being
for only two years; and the judiciary, consisting of the
supreme and lower courts. No ecclesiastic was eligible.
The president, vice-president, and members of both houses
of congress were to be chosen by electoral colleges.
_Laferrière_, _De Paris á Guatémala_, 199-202; _El Porvenir
de Nic._, Nov. 26, 1871; Jan. 7, 1872; _Ruiz_, _Calend.
Salv._, 70.

[XIX-16] Full Sp. text in _Laferrière_, _De Paris á
Guatémala_, 343-82; _U. S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong.
43, Sess. 1, For. Rel., ii. 788-94, 811-20; _Nic._, _Gaceta_,
Nov. 30, 1872; _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Nov. 28, 1872.

[XIX-17] Salvador's acceptance of the war declared by
Hond. March 25th was signed by President Gonzalez, and
countersigned by his cabinet; namely, Gregorio Arbizú, min.
of foreign rel.; Manuel Mendez, min. of pub. instruction;
Borja Bustamante, min. of the treasury and war; and Antonio
G. Valdés, acting min. of govt. _El Porvenir de Nic._, May
12, 1872.

[XIX-18] A plot was to break out simultaneously in San
Salvador, San Vicente, Sensuntepeque and Cojutepeque, with
ramifications in Guatemala. The Indians of Cojutepeque rose
against the garrison and were beaten off.

[XIX-19] The report was dated Oct. 4th, and signed by the
ministers, G. Arbizú, J. J. Samayoa, and Fabio Castillo. The
legislative sanction was given Oct. 14th. Report of Thomas
Biddle, Am. minister, in _U. S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., For.
Rel., Cong. 43, Sess. 1, ii. 784-7.

[XIX-20] Mendez held also the position of minister of public
instruction, justice, and ecclesiastical affairs. He was
an honorable, energetic, and talented man, and his loss
was much deplored by the country, and particularly by Pres.
Gonzalez. _U. S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 3,
i. 547-8. The republic also lost this year, Dec. 10th, one
of her most gifted and valuable sons, Gregorio Arbizú, who
had likewise been vice-president, and for many years minister
of foreign relations. His funeral was conducted and the
expenses defrayed by the government, as a mark of respect and
appreciation of his services. _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Dec.
26, 1872.

[XIX-21] He was captured in Jan. 1875, and shot on the 29th
of Apr. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Jan. 20, May 1, 1875.

[XIX-22] Such was the flattering account given by the
government to the national congress, on the opening of its
labors Jan. 18th. _Salv._, _Mensaje del Presid._, Jan. 20.
1875; _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1875, 1-12; _Id._,
_Diario Ofic._, Jan. 20, 1875.

[XIX-23] Under a decree of amnesty of Nov. 2, 1875. _Salv._,
_Diario Ofic._, Nov. 4, 1875.

[XIX-24] The governments of Guat., Nic., and Hond. tendered
aid. The rebels were eventually pardoned after some months'
imprisonment. _Pan. Star and Herald_, July 6, 28, 1875;
_Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, June 23 to July 21, 1875.

[XIX-25] This intervention was apparently on the ground
of humanity, to stop the civil war raging there. But the
main reason recognized was that the situation in Hond. was
a menace to Salv., and might lead to an interruption of
friendly relations between the latter and Guat. Salv., on
being accused of violating the compact, alleged that by
strict rights it had become obsolete after the action of
Naranjo, when Leiva's administration demolished its foes and
recovered its full authority. However, Salv. was disposed
to fulfil her agreement. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, March 23,
1876.

[XIX-26] These decrees were countersigned by the other
ministers, J. Barberena, F. Lainfiesta, and Joaquin Macal.
_Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, 202-6; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Apr. 17, 1876.

[XIX-27] It denies all the charges of Barrios and his govt as
unfounded in fact and slanderous, and imputes to Barrios the
intent to conquer Cent. Am., beginning with Salv. and Hond.
This decree is countersigned by the ministers Manuel Cáceres,
Dositeo Fiallos, Julian Escoto, and Cárlos Bonilla. _Salv._,
_Diario Ofic._, March 29, 1876; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Apr.
8, 1876.

[XIX-28] Uraga acted under orders, and wonders why the
Salvadorans did not fall upon Chingo and capture all the
supplies there. _Réplica_, 12-16.

[XIX-29] The victors did not occupy Apaneca because the
enemy, though defeated, was still much superior in numbers.
The Salvadoran general-in-chief claimed a victory over 2,500
well-disciplined Guatemalans. The _Diario Ofic._ of San
Salv., Apr. 18, 1876, had it that 4,000 Guatemalans were
put hors de combat in the two fights of Apaneca—evidently an
exaggeration.

[XIX-30] The Salvadoran army of the east was annihilated.
Gen. Delgado, and colonels Henriquez and Jerez were killed,
Gen. Figueroa and Col Benj. Molina wounded. A large number
of prisoners, about 1,500 Remington rifles, and much other
war material fell into the victors' hands. _El Guatemalteco_,
Apr. 25, 1876; _Pan. Star and Herald_, May 1, 2, 1876.
According to a Salvadoran account, the eastern expeditionary
force consisted of 1,500, while that of Solares was of
2,500. The former claimed a victory on the 17th, confessing,
however, that they had finally to retreat. _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Apr. 19, 23, 25, 1876.

[XIX-31] He had thrown into it 900 bombs without other result
than destroying a few buildings. _Un Guatemalteco_, _Cartas_,
26; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Apr. 21, 1876. Gen. Gonzalez
told a different story.

[XIX-32] Gonzalez said that during the negotiations there
were 2,300 men in Ahuachapan and 2,000 in Santa Ana; of
the latter only one half were well armed. The Guatemalans
had every advantage—numbers, arms, discipline, and abundant
resources of every kind. They had but few desertions, whereas
from the Salv. ranks there had been many. Barrios' army on
entering Santa Ana exceeded 9,000 men. Salv. still had a
chance of obtaining honorable terms. If these were refused,
she could, after providing for the defense of the capital,
concentrate the remainder of her forces in Santa Ana, and
trust to the chances of a battle. _Gonzalez_, _Rel. de los
Hechos Ocurr._, 1-18, in _Pap. Var._, ccxxvii. no. 14.

[XIX-33] The commissioners were José Valle, Jacinto
Castellanos, and E. Mejía for Salv., and Gen. Lopez Uraga for
Guat. The terms are here epitomized: 1st. Presid. Valle was
to resign the executive office to the person hereafter named.
2d. Gen. Gonzalez to give up the command of the forces to
Valle. Both were to have full guaranties for their persons
and property. 3d. The Salv. forces now at Santa Ana were
to retire to San Salv.; Santa Ana to be evacuated by 12 M.
of the 27th inst. War material that could not be removed in
time was to be delivered to Uraga under inventory. 4th. Santa
Ana, and territory within two leagues of the town, were to
be occupied by the Guatemalans, the civil authorities being
allowed to exercise their functions therein, but expected to
furnish supplies; Barrios guaranteeing security of persons
and property to the inhabitants. The Guat. forces in the east
were to occupy San Miguel, and territory within one league,
under the same guaranties allowed the civil authorities and
people of Santa Ana. 5th. Presid. Valle was to convoke a
junta of notables, within four days from the ratification of
this convention, to meet at Santa Ana, and choose in accord
with Barrios the person in whose hands Valle must resign his
offices. 6th. The acting executive must, within ten days,
convoke the people of Salv. to freely choose, a month later,
the president of the republic. 7th. The person designated by
the notables shall have organized his government and issued
the convocation, the forces of Guat. will leave the Salv.
territory. 8th. Barrios and the provisional executive of
Salv. will make a treaty of peace between the two republics.
9th. This convention must be ratified by Barrios at once,
and by telegram within twenty-four hours by Valle, the
ratifications to be exchanged within six hours after. An
additional article made free the transit between the two
countries. The convention was duly ratified. Upwards of 200
persons at Santa Ana sent Barrios, after the occupation of
the town by his troops, April 30th, an address of thanks for
his magnanimity and generosity, adding that no Salvadoran
could justly complain of the behavior of the Guat. army.
_Guat._, _Boletin de Noticias_, no. 8; _Barrios_, _Mensaje_,
Sept. 11, 1876, 7-11; _Salv._, _Diario, Ofic._, May 4, 7,
1876; _Id._, _Gaceta Ofic._, May 26, 30, 1876; _Costa R._,
_Informe Sec. Rel._, 1876, 11-12; _Pan. Star and Herald_, May
16, 1876.

[XIX-34] Cruz Ulloa, min. of foreign relations, justice,
eccles. affairs, and pub. instruction; José Lopez, of
govern.; Estanislao Perez, of war; and Fabio Moran, of
treasury. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, May 6, 1876.

[XIX-35] By Cruz Ulloa and Marco Aurelio Soto. The treaty
provided also for the surrender of common criminals, the
concentration away from the frontier of political refugees;
fostering legitimate and checking illicit trade; excluding
Jesuits. In the event of misunderstandings, the parties must
resort to arbitration. The treaty of Jan. 24, 1872, and the
Rivas-Carazo with Nic., were repealed. Honduras and Costa
Rica were to be invited to join it. _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._,
May 11, 1876; _La Regeneracion_, May 16, 1876; _Salv._,
_Diario Ofic._, April 1, 1879; _Pan. Star and Herald_, June
1, 1876.

[XIX-36] _Costa R._, _Pap. Sueltos_, no. 17. Gen. Indalecio
Miranda, who had been proclaimed president in some parts,
recognized Zaldívar.

[XIX-37] A native of Salv., he studied medicine in Cent.
Am. and completed his professional studies in Paris. On his
return home he soon had a remunerative practice, and came
to be considered one of the best physicians in Cent. Am.
His professional duties did not, however, keep him out of
politics.

[XIX-38] He effected his escape from the capital disguised as
an Indian with a load of grass on his head.

[XIX-39] In Feb. 1879 congress thanked the emperor of Germany
for the honor of knighthood conferred on Zaldívar. In France
he was given the title of officer of pub. instruction. The
same month and year congress gave him a vote of thanks for
his services. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, March 6, 8, 1879.

[XIX-40] He therefore saw good reason to tender
congratulations to the representatives of the people on
the promising condition of Salvador and the other Cent. Am.
republics. _Zaldívar_, _Mensaje_, Jan. 5, 1883; _Pan. Star
and Herald_, Jan. 17, 1883; _Pan. El Cronista_, Jan. 20,
1883.

[XIX-41] Among the persons taken as leaders of the movement
were Gen. Francisco Menendez, Dr Manuel Gallardo, Marcial
Estevez, and Manuel A. Loucel. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Apr.
16, 17, 1883; _Pan. Star and Herald_, May 5, 7, 1883.

[XIX-42] June 1st. This decree caused much satisfaction among
all classes.

[XIX-43] The grounds for the convocation as stated were
that the people had almost unanimously declared that some of
the clauses of the constitution of 1880 were not suited to
the national requirements. The _Diario Oficial_ expressed
the hope that the revision would give a more judicious
application of the principles of a republican government,
thus strengthening the public liberties without weakening the
principle of authority.

[XIX-44] The govt was vested in three distinct powers:
legislative in two chambers; executive in a president for
four years; and judicial in a supreme court.

[XIX-45] He constituted his cabinet with the following
ministers: Salvador Gallegos, of foreign affairs; Domingo
Lopez, interior; Pedro Melendez, treasury and navy; Asun.
Mora, war and public works; Luciano Hernandez, education; and
Antonio J. Castro, justice. _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter._,
1884, p. 6; _Costa R._, _Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1884, 5-6;
_Pan. Star and Herald_, Jan. 16, Feb. 23, 26, 1884.

[XIX-46] He visited the U. S. and France, being received with
the honors due his rank as chief magistrate of a friendly
nation. _La Estrella de Pan._, Aug. 14, Sept. 11, 1884; _El
Guatemalteco_, Apr. 29, 1884.

[XIX-47] Proclamations and manifestoes of Pres. Zaldívar and
the assembly of Salv., March 14, 15, 17, 1885. _Costa R._,
_Boletin Ofic._, March 21, April 1, 1885; _La Estrella de
Pan._, March 28, 1885.

[XIX-48] The Salv. official reports claimed victories at Coco
and San Lorenzo. The attack against the latter was made at 10
P. M. of the 31st, and repulsed. Repeated the next day from
5 A. M. to 3 P. M.; the assailants were driven back by Gen.
Monterosa. _Costa R._, _Boletin Ofic._, April 2, 1885.

[XIX-49] According to a Guat. account, an error was committed
in not bombarding the Salv. stronghold, Casa Blanca. Barrios
at 8 A. M. of the 2d led the assault on the N. E. side of
the fortification with the Jiron brigade of Jalapas, which
on that day behaved cowardly. Shortly after the assault, a
little past 9, Barrios was mortally wounded, and forthwith
removed. The Jalapas gave way, divulging to other troops
the death of the president. Thus it came to pass that the
first who saw Barrios fall were the first to take to flight,
followed by men of several other brigades. To avert a
disaster, the troops operating on the N. side were recalled.
The firing ceased on both sides at 4:30, and the retreat to
the Magdalena began at 6:30, the Salvadorans not pursuing.
The same authority claimed that if the firing had been kept
up an hour longer, the Guatemalans would have won the day,
several bodies of troops having abandoned the town, and the
supply of ammunition in the place being already scanty. He
asserts that the Guat. loss in all the fights was in killed,
besides the president, and his son Gen. Venancio Barrios,
colonels A. Jiron, V. Bonilla Cruz, Urbano Sanchez, Major
Gonzalez, a few other officers, and 200 rank and file.
_Campaña de la Union Cent. Am._, in _La Estrella de Pan._,
May 30, 1885.

[XIX-50] Further details may be seen in _Zaldívar_,
_Mensaje_, May 4, 1885; _Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Rel.
Exter._, 1885, 1-4; _Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, Apr. 5, 1885;
_La Estrella de Pan._, Apr. 4, May 2, 9, 1885; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Apr. 10, 24, 27, 1885; _S. F. Cronista_, Apr. 4, 11,
15, 25, May 2, 1885; _Mex._, _Diario Ofic._, Apr. 4, 1885;
_Id._, _Monitor Rel._, June 20, 1885; _Id._, _La Prensa_,
supl. no. 162.

[XIX-51] The gov. of Salv. proclaimed peace on the 15th of
April, and granted a full amnesty to all who took part in
the war against Salv., and generally to all in exile for
political offences.

[XIX-52] Though the gov. had made common cause with Barrios,
it manifested a disposition to cut loose from the alliance
after the late events.

[XIX-53] _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, May 19, June 24, 1885.
Zaldívar well knew that there was a powerful opposition to
him.

[XIX-54] Menendez was a man of energy and courage. He
possessed good common sense and natural shrewdness. His
habits were simple. Polite and unassuming, he always made a
favorable impression.

[XIX-55] _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, July 1, 1885; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, July 18, 1885; _La Estrella de Pan._, July 25, 1885.

[XIX-56] Nov. 26 and 27, 1885. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Sept.
9, Dec. 7, 1885. This state of things still existed in March
1886. Correspondence of March 1st, to _S. F. Post_, April 2,
1886.

[XIX-57] The supreme court would not recognize the right of
the Salv. courts to demand it. _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 1,
1885; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Sept. 18, 1885.

[XX-1] A general officer then filling the position of civil
and military chief of the department of Chiquimula. It has
been said that Carrera, shortly before his death, suggested
him for the succession. The conservative element claimed
that for his abilities and meritorious services Cerna had
won himself popular regard. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, May 20, 1865.
Events will show that his mental calibre was very ordinary,
being a religious fanatic, and retrogressionist of the old
oligarchic school of the Aycinenas, Pavons, and Batres. He
was a warm friend and constant associate of the jesuits, to
whom he went to confession, if reports did not belie him,
about once a week; so he must have had a tender conscience,
or else was a confirmed sinner.

[XX-2] 'Su probidad, rectas intenciones, inteligencia,
y larga práctica de los negocios merecen la estimacion
y confianza de todos los buenos guatemaltecos.' _Guat._,
_Boletin de Noticias_, no. 3.

[XX-3] It is understood that his father, a peaceable citizen
of Los Altos, for some unguarded words against the govt, was
taken as a prisoner to the capital, and cruelly treated.
The son then had gone off to Chiapas, whence he had made
occasional raids.

[XX-4] The govt deprived Cruz of his rank as a mariscal de
campo, suspended constitutional guaranties, such as they
were, and declared traitors all persons implicated in the
rebellion, or holding relations with the insurgents. On
the 5th of Feb. troops were despatched to the disturbed
districts. _Pan. Mercantile Chronicle_, March 3, 1867.

[XX-5] One of his plans was to destroy the rum-stills
belonging to a monopoly, from which the treasury derived a
large revenue. The cry of Down with the aguardiente company!
raised by any popular man would bring him stanch followers.
Carrera himself had used it in his early days.

[XX-6] He had signed a pledge not to return to Guat. without
leave of the govt, and neither directly nor indirectly to
disturb the public peace. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Apr. 27, May 25,
1867; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Apr. 20, 1867; _Pan. Mercantile
Chronicle_, May 22, 1867.

[XX-7] Cruz and some of his officers were executed; others
were sentenced to ten years' confinement in San Felipe
castle. J. Rufino Barrios escaped, and his hacienda, El
Malacate, being partly in Guat. and partly in Soconusco,
an active pursuit of him was not easy. _Guat._, _Boletin de
Noticias_, Aug. 16, 1867; _Pan. Merc. Chronicle_, Sept. 4,
18, Oct. 4, 1867. Barrios made another raid from his hacienda
in Apr. 1838, which also failed in effecting his purpose.
_Guat._, _Gaceta_, Apr. 29, 1868; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, May 23,
1868.

[XX-8] May 8th, suspended certain clauses of the
constitution. The decree alleged that Cruz had been
inveigling the Indians of Los Altos 'con promesas peligrosas
de distribucion de tierras.' Cruz was declared amenable
to the laws for his seditious acts of 1867 as well as for
the present ones. All others concerned with him were made
indictable for treason, if after the public. of the decree
they did not surrender. Passports had to be obtained to
travel. _Guat._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Apr. 9, 1869; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Apr. 17, 1869; _Salv._, _Constitutional_, May 20,
1869.

[XX-9] The distillery was destroyed as a matter of course.

[XX-10] The official report added that the insurgents left 24
dead and 16 prisoners; and that it was rumored Cruz had been
shot in the heart.

[XX-11] _Nic._, _Gaceta_, June 12, 19, Aug. 7, Sept. 18, Dec.
18, 1869; _Pan. Star and Herald_, June 17, Sept. 17, 1869;
_Guat._, _Boletin de Noticias_, Nov. 24, 1869.

[XX-12] Zavala was accused by the conservatives of political
inconsistency, in that he had all along claimed to be a
supporter of Cerna. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Feb. 2, 1869.

[XX-13] The vote stood 31 for Cerna, 21 for Zavala, 5
scattered. Not a bad showing for the liberals, if we consider
that the electors had been chosen under the influence of the
oligarchic government. _Id._, Feb. 23, June 17, 1869.

[XX-14] In his message to congress Nov. 25th, Cerna
acknowledged that the country was in a sad plight. He called
his account 'un cuadro desconsolador,' and requested a
postponement of the session.

[XX-15] The govt had raised a loan in London, and for a
few months was able to tide over many of its difficulties,
internal debts, and arrears due the army and officials being
settled, and the treasury still having a surplus.

[XX-16] The government had supposed him in a distant
department fleeing from its troops, when he quietly slipped
into Palencia, a town distant 8 or 9 miles from Guatemala,
in the night of Saturday. Feeling certain that the govt
was ignorant of his whereabouts, and confident that the
people of Palencia were friendly, he failed to adopt proper
precautions, and even had high mass chanted for his troops
in the small hours of the morning. But it so happened that
the authorities of Guatemala received late in the night
information of his arrival, and of the number of his men.
An overwhelming force of Santa Rosa Indians, devoted to
Cerna and hostile to Cruz' Indians, was despatched under
command of Brig. Solares, who surrounded Cruz and attacked
him before he had begun to prepare for his own attack of the
capital. He made a desperate fight of two hours, however,
behind the adobe walls of a corral, but it availed naught.
His only chance of escape was in flight. A rush carried
him and his remaining men to the edge of a ravine, and he
had gone down half of the steep descent when a ball struck
him in the thigh and broke it. No quarter was asked or
given. He was slain while fiercely fighting to the last.
His fleeing men were relentlessly pursued for several days,
and such as were not killed in the ravines were captured
and executed. _Peatfield's Glimpse at a Cent. Am. Rep._, in
_Overland Monthly_, xiv. 163-5; see also _Guat._, _Boletin
de Noticias_, Jan. 15, 1870; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 28, 1870;
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 5, 19, 1870; _Nueva Era_, Paso del
Norte, Apr. 3, 1885. The victorious Solares was promoted
to mariscal de campo; his officers also received promotion,
and the rank and file one month's extra pay; but he lived to
enjoy his new honors less than a year, his death occurring in
Nov. 1870. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 3, 1870.

[XX-17] It was exposed to the public gaze at the door of the
hospital, where a photograph of it was taken, copies of which
were sold at half a dollar each.

[XX-18] On parole not to return without permission of the
govt. He and some members of his family had to sign a $10,000
bond.

[XX-19] Silas A. Hudson, the Am. minister, claimed that much
had been due to his advice, and the favorable opinion had
of his friendly course. _U. S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., For.
Rel., Cong. 41, Sess. 3, 444.

[XX-20] Cerna was blind himself, or tried to throw dust into
the eyes of the representatives of the people when in his
message of Nov. 25, 1870, he assured them that peace had been
fully restored. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 17, 1870.

[XX-21] The particulars of this revolution appear in another
chapter.

[XX-22] The _Boletin de Noticias_ said, respecting his
movement, 'cometió el acto de demencia.'

[XX-23] So said the _Boletin de Noticias_ of Guat., copied by
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, June 3, 1871.

[XX-24] The preamble said that Cerna's govt had become
intolerable by its arbitrary and cruel acts in violation of
the constitution and other laws; that it had usurped powers,
and had assailed the representatives of the people; it had
ruined the public treasury, and compromised the independence
of the country by contracting without authority of law
a ruinous loan in Europe. Consequently, the people would
no longer forbear with its tyrannical domination, and had
resolved to set it aside. The following are the resolutions
epitomized: 1st. To depose the tyrant and usurper Cerna;
2d. To appoint Miguel García Granados provisional president
with full authority to reorganize a government on the bases
proclaimed by him May 8, 1871; 3d. He was also instructed
when expedient to convoke a constituent assembly for framing
a new fundamental law; 4th. The officers solemnly bound
themselves not to lay down their arms until these purposes
were effected. Signed by Gen. of Brigade J. Rufino Barrios,
Colonel Francisco del Riego, lieut-colonels Juan Viteri,
Julio García Granados, etc. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley., Gob.
Democ._, i. 1-3 et seq.

[XX-25] He had been, he said, for 20 years energetically
opposing the government's illegal proceedings in the chamber
of deputies; and it had never dared to touch him until
after its triumph over Cruz in Jan. 1870. _García Granados_,
_Procl._, June 2, 1871.

[XX-26] A contemporary gives the following lists of bequests
left by the conservative rule of thirty years. A large number
of jesuits, well fed on the sweat of the people, and their
acolytes and choristers; another large quantity of Capuchin
friars who preyed on the inhabitants of Antigua, Guat.; about
200 friars and lay brothers in the capital, most of them
lazy and stupid; nearly 200 useless nuns, of whom some 40
were in a state of insanity or idiocy, and in condition to
be canonized; one archbishop, 2 bishops, 12 or 15 vicars and
canons, and a high steward of church property, etc; a foreign
debt of five million dollars; a nearly complete absence
of public education, necessitating the establishment of at
least 500 schools and colleges adequately supplied; few, if
any, roads or bridges; no steam vessels; no adequate postal
service; no telegraphs; no public lands, for immense tracts
of unproductive lands were held by the church and by a few
aristocrats. _Juan Álvarez_, _Dos Palabras_, 12-13. Prior to
the revolution of 1871, which regenerated the country, the
capital wore a monkish and funereal look. After the triumph
of this movement, abuses were eradicated, anachronisms
disappeared, and modern ideas began to prevail. _Batres_, _A
Sketch of Guat._, 16-17.

[XX-27] The men had been pressed into the service, and
moreover, dreading the superior arms of their opponents,
in several instances fled at the first onset, throwing down
their arms.

[XX-28] It has been averred that he partook of some coffee
which had been drugged.

[XX-29] Cerna must either pursue, giving him a
vantage-ground, or rush to the defence of the capital, making
the success of the revolution equally certain, for the whole
country would then rise against his detested rule.

[XX-30] An unfortunate circumstance occurred. A portion
of the troops with which Julio G. Granados had forced the
passage of the ravine, going toward the farm of Dieguez,
encountered two companies of Solares' men, and the two forces
mistaking one another for the enemy, fought some minutes;
some men were wounded, and a field-officer named Juan
Solórzano was slain. _Guat._, _Boletin de Noticias_, Aug. 4,
1871; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 16, 1871.

[XX-31] They all behaved well; but special credit must be
given, not only to the chief and Barrios, but to Solares and
Viteri, who struck decisive blows.

[XX-32] Cerna fled to Chiquimula with a few followers. The
Indians were still faithful to him, and begged he should
lead them to the field in defence of his cause; but he knew
any such effort must end in disaster, and refused. He then
continued his flight to Honduras. Most of his ministers also
escaped. Indeed, no effort was made to detain them, or other
men of the fallen administration, it being considered a
better policy not to be hampered with the responsibility of
disposing of them. The old minister of war remained behind
and was not molested. Full particulars on the campaign are
given in _Salv._, _El Republicano_, July 3, 1871; _Id._,
_Diario Ofic._, July 11, 12, 1879; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, July
21, 1871; _Costa R._, _Informe Min. Rel._, 1872, 14; _Id._,
_Boletin Ofic._, March 22, 1885; _J. J. Peatfield's Glimpse
at a Cent. Am. Rep._, in _Overland Monthly_, xiv. 166-7; _Un
Guatemalteco_, _Cartas_, 6-9; _Uriarte_, _Observ._, 4-6.

[XX-33] There were not wanting men who reproached García
Granados for his generosity to the vanquished.

[XX-34] Congress had ceased to exist; the heads of important
offices had fled; the treasury was empty. There was danger to
be apprehended from the radical element among the liberals,
composed of a large portion of the mechanics and artisans,
who claimed that the change had mainly resulted from their
influence, and they now wished to dictate measures which the
new government could not decree. Their violent feeling was
manifested specially toward the jesuits and other religious
orders. Their discussions in the club de los artesanos, and
elsewhere, often disclosed a marked suspicion of and conveyed
warnings to the authorities. There were also misgivings about
Barrios' intentions. Indeed, many believed that though not
actually at the head of affairs, he had the control; even
after leaving the city, he was supposed to aspire to the
presidency, to which he would have himself elected as soon as
the constituent assembly should meet. Meantime, it was said,
he would allow García Granados to put the disrupted state in
order, and enact the needed measures.

[XX-35] _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 3-4.
It recognized freedom of speech and of the press, though
requiring publications to bear the signatures of their
authors. Champerico was made a port of entry for both
export and import, which the people of Los Altos had
loudly demanded. The cultivation and sale of tobacco were
declared free to all; and the importation of Chiapas rum was
permitted. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Aug. 5, 1871.

[XX-36] He denied that his government had ever contemplated
wounding the religious feelings of the nation.

[XX-37] The power of the church had been almost as great as
that of the government. Under the constitution the church
nominated a number of deputies to the assembly, and was
the only one recognized or tolerated. Its influence in
the assembly had been large, and its interests were well
represented. _Crosby's Statement_, MS., 91, 110-11. This
influence had always been exercised to uphold the despotic
sway of the oligarchs.

[XX-38] The rebels were routed Sept. 24th at Santa Rosa
by the forces under Barrios, and again the 28th at Jalapa.
They lost their artillery, other arms, and much ammunition.
_Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 13-15; _Nic._,
_Gaceta_, Nov. 4, 1871; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Oct. 1, 1871.

[XX-39] _Id._, Nov. 26, 1871; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob.
Democ._, i. 24-5.

[XX-40] Decree no. 59, in _Boletin Ofic._, no. 52. The
order had been removed from Guat. by command of King Cárlos
III., in 1767, its members leaving the capital on the 1st
of July for the coast, and being embarked for Spain. _Hist.
of Mex._, iii. 432-3, this series. But a law of June 7,
1851, sanctioned by the assembly Nov. 5th, authorized their
permanent reëstablishment, revoking all other laws or decrees
to the contrary, notably one of 1845, notwithstanding the
many protests made against the measure. The most plausible
pretext for the restoration of the jesuits had been the
alleged scarcity of competent priests for the work of
spreading the gospel; which was equivalent to saying that the
300 priests living in the republic were both insufficient and
incapable. The real object of the hasty reintroduction of the
order was said to be the aggrandizement of the house of Canon
Juan José Aycinena, closely connected by family ties with
Manuel F. Pavon and Luis Batres. Aycinena had pledged himself
to bring the order in, and in exchange for this service it
was to influence his appointment as archbishop of Guatemala.
It was a well-understood bargain. _Guat._, _Carta al Ilmo.
Sr. Arzob. por un Catól. Apostól. romano_, Guat., Aug. 20,
1851, in _Cent. Am. Pamph._, v. no. 12.

[XX-41] Report of the comandante of San José, in _Boletin
Ofic._, Sept. 25, 1871; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, iii. 290;
_Id._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 89-90; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Oct.
22, 1871; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, June 9, 1885; _Mex._, _Diario
Ofic._, Oct. 15, 1871.

[XX-42] The jesuits fared no better in Salvador, where the
constituent assembly, being consulted as to whether they
should be allowed to enter, resolved that their presence in
the country would not be beneficial. Only four votes were
cast in their favor. _El Porvenir de Nic._, Oct. 1, 1871.
A few who lived in Salv. were made to depart in 1872, and
forbidden to reënter. A treaty was made with Guat., under
which neither government was ever after to allow jesuits to
reside within their respective territories. _Id._, March 24,
1872; _Ore. Uana_, _Refutacion_, 1-11.

[XX-43] The decree was issued with the clause that any
deficit experienced by the archdiocese in consequence should
be covered out of the pub. treasury. Decree of Dec. 22, 1871,
in _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, iii. 290; _Id._, _Gob. Democ._, i.
23-6, 70-1.

[XX-44] The decree contained nine articles, and regulated
the manner of disposing of the property which had belonged
to these associations. The religious orders thus suppressed
were those of the Franciscans, and recollects, dominicans,
mercedari, clergymen of the oratory of Saint Philip de
Neri, jesuits, paulists, and lastly the capuchins, otherwise
called bethlehemites. These capuchins were natives of Spain,
most of whom had been partisans of the pretender called
Cárlos V. They occupied a convent which had belonged to the
bethlehemites, when they were taken by a military guard to
the coast and shipped away, with orders never to return.
They had made themselves particularly obnoxious, and not
being citizens of the country, the gov. was free to make them
leave. Friars who were natives of Cent. Am. were permitted
to remain, and given a monthly allowance for their support;
but forbidden to show themselves in public with their habits
on. _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, July 4, 1872; _Id._, _Gaceta_,
Aug. 3, 1872; _El Porvenir de Nic._, July 14, 1872; _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, iii. 290-1; _Id._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 91,
101-2; _Peatfield's Glimpse_, in _S. F. Overland Monthly_,
xiv. 159; _S. F. Post_, July 2, 1872.

[XX-45] With toleration of all religious sects throughout the
republic. This subject was being discussed in the constituent
assembly, with much opposition to the clause being inserted
in the fundamental law. The govt then cut the gordian knot.
Later other decrees were passed, further curtailing eccles.
jurisdiction, including the secularization of cemeteries.
_Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Gob._, _Justicia, etc._, 1880, 2-5;
_Id._, 1882, 11-12; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i.
159-61; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Apr. 27, 1873.

[XX-46] Placing a notice on the convent door that any one
entering it without permission of the ecclesiastic authority
would be excommunicated. The nuns had been kept away from
intercourse with their relatives, and the civil authorities
had been debarred access to them. The official journal said,
March 6th, that history and indisputable facts proved they
had not always been the abode either of justice, morality,
or true religion. The removal of the teresas, capuchinas,
and claras to the Santa Catarina was made under the personal
inspection of the jefe político of the department. Their
number was about 126, and most of them were natives of the
other Cent. Am. republics. _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 24,
1873.

[XX-47] The property of all religious houses having been
confiscated, each one of these ex-nuns was allowed a life
pension of $12 per month. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob.
Democ._, ii. 13-14, 58, 64-5, 205.

[XX-48] The work was against Guat. and Salv. Costa R. was
expected to side with the latter. Nicaragua's administration
was not well disposed toward them. _Guat._, _El Centro
Americano_, Feb. 19, 1872; _El Porvenir de Nic._, May 5,
1872.

[XX-49] Martial law was established, together with stringent
rules for dealing with rebels. Freedom of the press was
temporarily suspended. This last measure was repealed in May.
_Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 73-5, 80-1, 95-100;
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 24, 1872.

[XX-50] García Granados' decree of May 8, 1872. _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 87-8; _U. S. Govt Doc._, H.
Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 518; _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._,
May 30, 1872.

[XX-51] _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, March 19, 1876; _Nic._,
_Semanal Nic._, May 30, June 6, July 4, 1872; _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 88, 102.

[XX-52] F. Alburez, in treasury; José M. Samayoa, in fomento;
Víctor Zavala, in war; Ramirez ad int., in foreign relations;
M. A. Soto ad int., in government, justice, and eccles.
affairs.

[XX-53] Notwithstanding that his conduct had been seditious
in 1871, he had been given the rank of col, and the offices
of jefe político and comandante de armas of Amatitlan.
_Barrios_, _Procl._, at Quezaltenango, Jan. 23, 1873.

[XX-54] Cerna had declined to take any part in the movement.
The defeat of the rebels by Solares at Las Arrayanas and
Cumbres de los Ajos on March 10th, with the loss of several
prominent men, reduced them to straits. _Id._, i. 155-6,
177-80; _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Feb. 20, March 6, May 8, July
24, Aug. 21, 1873; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Feb. 23, March 28,
Apr. 6, 27, 1873; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 11, 22, May
13, June 12, 1873; _El Monitor Repub._, Apr. 18, 1873.

[XX-55] The office had been in charge of Barrios since Feb.
11th. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 155. During
this tenure Barrios called for a forced loan. On the 15th
he summoned to his presence at the comandancia general a
number of citizens, one of whom imprudently said that he
would go armed to punish any insult. Barrios accused them
of hostility to the government, and of rendering pecuniary
assistance to the insurgents. He warned them of their danger,
and suggested the expediency of their aiding the govt to
bring the insurrection to an end. It is said that the armed
one, Rafael Batres, a son of the late minister of state, two
or three times laughed in a contemptuous manner, enraging
Barrios, who walked up to him, tore open his coat, and pulled
out of it a revolver, upbraiding him as a coward and would-be
murderer; then ordered that 100 blows should be inflicted
on his back with a supple stick or rod, such as was used to
punish private soldiers. Batres received his punishment, and
was afterward sent to jail. The other men were also confined
in the common jail, and the next morning were brought with
shackles on through the streets to the comandancia, and told
that they would not be released till they signed bonds to pay
their respective shares of the forced loan; after doing which
they were set at liberty. Julian Volio, ex-minister of Costa
R. and Guat., did not receive any ill treatment, but was made
to leave the country. Batres was also banished. Referring
to this incident in a message to congress, he said that the
rebellion had been instigated with the pretext that religion
was menaced. His measures he confessed had been severe, but
necessary. The result realized his expectations, for as soon
as these men ceased furnishing resources to the rebellion it
collapsed. _Barrios_, _Mensaje_, Sept. 11, 1876, 5-6.

[XX-56] It was called Dec. 11, 1871. _Id._, i. 53-69,
83-4; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Feb. 11, May 5, 1872; _Salv._,
_Gaceta_, Sept. 9, 1876.

[XX-57] All proposed amendments to the old constitution had
been rejected as not adequate to the present requirements of
the country. _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Oct. 10, 1872.

[XX-58] García Granados, who on the 2d of June had been
declared a benemérito de la patria, after surrendering the
presidency, made a visit to Europe, returning in March 1874,
when he was cordially welcomed by all classes. His death
occurred Sept. 8, 1878, and was much deplored. _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 182-3; _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Sept. 12, 1878; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Oct. 6, 1880.

[XXI-1] _Costa R._, _Boletin Ofic._, March 22, 1885.

[XXI-2] He rose to prominence by military prowess, and yet
knew but little of the military art. His enemies would not
even concede him courage, or that he had risen by any effort
of his own, but merely by circumstances. _Un Guatemalteco_,
_Cartas_, 6-8.

[XXI-3] I will quote in corroboration what foreign
correspondents said. Barrios' administration in 1875 was
enjoying the confidence of the people, and had the support of
public opinion. He had in his favor not only the testimony
of the liberal portion of the Cent. Am. press, but of
intelligent travellers just from the theatre of his so-called
atrocities against the liberty of his people. He had more:
the direct as well as tacit testimony of the property
holders, both native and foreign. The guiding principle of
Barrios' govt was to check evil practices, and to encourage
good deeds. Again in 1880 Barrios continued as indefatigable
as ever, travelling over the country, devising measures
for the benefit of his fellow-citizens. The country was at
peace. Foreigners, in comparing Dec. 1870 with Dec. 1880, can
scarcely realize that they are living in the same country,
and that only one decade has elapsed since the terrors of
1870. Since then Guat. has seen progress in every respect,
and all due to the energy of this man, who has not wavered
in his efforts to educate his fellow-citizens to the standard
of the times. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Jan. 12, 14, 1875; Jan.
12, 1881.

[XXI-4] In 1876 there were primary schools in all the towns
for the compulsory and gratuitous education of children of
the poor. _Boddam Whetham's Across Cent. Am._, 39. Later
there were established three high schools: the Politécnica,
for the education of officers at the expense of the state;
alumni were also admitted at their own charge, who were not
bound to accept commissions in the army; the Normal, for the
training of teachers; and the Belen, for the instruction of
females. All those schools were in charge of teachers from
the U. S. and Europe; the Belen being conducted on the plan
pursued in the U. S.

[XXI-5] He was a man of the people, flattered the lower
classes and the soldiers, especially those of Los Altos, and
won their good-will.

[XXI-6] Espionage existed. Domestic servants even were
used as spies. The postal service was like an office of the
old inquisition. These charges are probably true, and the
system, one of long standing, may have been demanded by the
political situation. It has been said that he had a young
Spanish priest named Félix Pagés murdered in cold blood. The
other side of the story is that Pagés shot at him Sept. 14,
1877, in San Pedro Jocopilas, missed him, a scuffle ensued
for the possession of the weapon, when other persons entered
the room, one of whom was Barrios' body-servant, Inés Cruz,
who seeing Pagés again trying to discharge the revolver at
his master, drew out his own weapon, and shot the priest
dead. This version is the official one, and was communicated
by U. S. Minister Williamson to his government. _U. S. Gov.
Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., 45th Cong., 3d Sess., i. pt 1, 73-4;
_Star and Herald_, Oct. 20, 1877. It is that some women were
gagged, confined in the common jail, and afterward banished
to distant towns. _Un Guatemalteco_, _Cartas_, 24. I have
no space for the innumerable accusations of anonymous and
irresponsible persons. The following are given because made
by a prominent Mexican general who served some time under
Barrios: Innocent men of respectable position were whipped by
his order, and women confined in the common jail. A judge was
set to sowing grass. A distinguished lawyer was made to march
in a religious procession through the streets dressed as a
private soldier. An ecclesiastic, for failing to salute him,
was kept for hours opposite his balcony with head uncovered
and erect, and treated with contumely. He had the head of
a city councilman shaved like a priest's, and then shut
him up in a convent. It was Barrios' practice to have men
beaten till they told what he wanted of them, and he invented
a cruel torture called el apreton, which was compressing
the person's temples. His assassinations were wanton and
cold-blooded. This general, however, was a considerable
time in Barrios' service, and had a falling out with him.
His statements may be the result of spite. As a ruler who
had in his hands during nearly 12 years the destinies of
his country, he undoubtedly committed many errors, and as a
man he had defects; but how deny, speaking with truth, the
benefits his abilities, patriotism, constancy, and energy
bestowed? _Uraga, J. L._, _Réplica á J. R. Barrios_, 6-7,
33-4. Another Mexican who says horrible things of Barrios,
whom he called La Pantera de Guat., signed himself I.
Martinez, in _S. F. El Cornista_, March 4, 1885; _La Estrella
de Pan._, May 2, 1885.

[XXI-7] Decree of Nov. 4, 1873, requiring them to surrender
with their arms. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._,
i. 203; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Oct. 23, Nov. 22, 1873;
_Barrios_, _Mensaje_, Sept. 11, 1876, 5. For his complicity
in the insurrection, the guardian of the archdiocese had to
leave the country, and remained absent till he was permitted
to return. _El Porvenir de Nic._, Aug. 17, 1873.

[XXI-8] Gonzalez was expelled in disgrace from the army, and
sentenced, moreover, to confinement for ten years in the
fortress of San Felipe. He was also deprived of all right
to hold office. Bulnes was also deprived of this right,
and condemned to three years imprisonment. And yet he had
instigated Gonzalez to commit the outrage, and was morally
the guiltier of the two. _U. S. Govt Docs._, H. Ex. Doc.,
For. Rel., Cong. 43, Sess. 2, Doc. 1, pt 1, 177-83.

[XXI-9] There were present on shore, upon that occasion,
the commanding gen. of the Guat. forces, the British
rear-admiral, Cochrane, and officers of four of his ships
lying at San José, the British chargé, the Am. minister,
and others, besides 200 Guat. troops, and a like number
of marines and sailors from the British ships. _U. S. Govt
Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 44, Sess. 1, Doc. 1, pt 1, 128-9.

[XXI-10] The victim of Gonzalez' brutality declined to
receive any portion of the money. Scolfield, the British
representative at Guatemala, for the manner in which he
conducted the affair, was knighted.

[XXI-11] Butler had several conferences with the min. of
foreign affairs, insisting on the revocation of that decree,
which the min. invariably refused. El Progreso, Aug. 29,
1875. However, it seems that Guat. gave way, and declared
her recognition of Cuban independ. to be null. _The Mexican
Financier_, Apr. 18, 1885.

[XXI-12] In 1876 the Sp. gov. recognized that the
captain-gen. had exceeded his powers, and must be censured.
But in March 1880 it asked Guat. as a favor to forego that
clause, which the latter acceded to on being reassured
that in future the usages of international etiquette should
be observed in the relations between the two governments.
_Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, ii. 129; _Id._, _Mem.
Min. Rel. Est._, 1881, 13-14.

[XXI-13] Circular of Nic. foreign min., Sept. 5, 1876, in
_Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Oct. 26, 1876.

[XXI-14] Both places within Guat. territory, but near the
boundaries of the other two states.

[XXI-15] Barrios reviewed in Guat. 11,000 men, and ostensibly
disbanded them. He really had about 18,000 under arms, and
it would have been easy for him to make the number 20,000 in
eight or ten days. Salv. went slow in the work of disarming.
She had 2,300 men in Santa Ana, 3,000 in San Salvador, and
2,000 in other places; and the government had decreed a
forced loan of half a million dollars, of which one half
had been collected. Having taken the laboring men from
their peaceful vocations, the govt feared a revolution if it
desisted from war with Guat. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Feb. 14,
16, 1876.

[XXI-16] Neither cajolery, argument, nor movement of troops
produced the desired effect, for the delegates could only
see in his propositions the destruction of their several
nationalities.

[XXI-17] The war cost Guat. about 2,000 lives, and one and
a half million dollars, however. The events connected with
Salvador and Honduras appear in the history of those states
for this period.

[XXI-18] Nicaragua in 1877 joined the three in treaties to
act in concert, and harmonize 'las tendencias de la familia
Centro-Americana.' _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Oct. 3, 1877.

[XXI-19] Gregorio Solares, to whom the successes were chiefly
due, entered the city quietly, receiving no share of the
popular plaudits, which were all bestowed on Barrios as the
victor.

[XXI-20] Sept. 9, 1876. It was revoked March 22, 1885, when
Barrios undertook to establish the Cent. Am. republic by
force. _Costa R._, _Boletin Ofic._, March 23, 1885.

[XXI-21] The sword was delivered him Sept. 15, 1877. _Salv._,
_Gaceta Ofic._, Sept. 26, 1876; Feb. 25, March 21, Sept. 28,
1877; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Nov. 1, 1877.

[XXI-22] He would not go to the palace, but made the
ministers come to his residence, and adopted measures without
consultation with them. He was in fear of being poisoned.
_Uraga, J. L._, _Réplica_, 18-20.

[XXI-23] It had been originally convoked Oct. 21, 1875, the
date of meeting being left for future consideration. Its
first meeting was Aug. 31st, when its officers were chosen.
This was the seventh constituent assembly in 55 years of
national existence. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._,
ii. 159-68; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Sept. 9, 24, 1876.

[XXI-24] In the temporary absence of the president, the
council of ministers was to take charge of the executive
office. In case of his death or other inability, the council
of state was to convoke an assembly. The president was called
upon to appoint a council of state composed of competent and
upright men, which he did. _Id._, Nov. 3, 9, Dec. 8, 1876.

[XXI-25] Samayoa gave way to J. M. Barrundia, and went to
Europe; Alburez, min. of the treasury, was succeeded by J. A.
Salazar; Lainfiesta in fomento by M. M. Herrera; Barberena
was min. of the interior, and Macal of foreign affairs, who
later was replaced by Lorenzo Montúfar.

[XXI-26] With the evidence obtained during the day and
night of the 1st, several persons said to be implicated were
arrested, and the judicial investigation was initiated. The
plan of the sedition was ascertained from the acknowledgments
and confessions of its promoters and others. The priest,
Gabriel Aguilar, José Lara Pavon, Enrique Guzman, and others,
as appeared in the testimony, had organized themselves as
a society, recognizing one another by means of signs, to
promote a revolt. The execution of their plan was left to
A. Kopeski, commander of the artillery, and his second,
Capt. Leon de Rodas, at whose quarters assembled in the
night of the 1st a number of men who were then armed,
to be ready for relieving the guards at the palace and
comandancia general, after they had been narcotized with
wine and morphine furnished by Aguilar. This part of the
plot once accomplished, the commanders of other bodies of
troops were to receive forged orders to bring their men,
without arms, into the city, when others in the conspiracy
stationed outside would seize the arms. One of these orders,
ostensibly signed by Barrios, was sent Oct. 31st to the
comandante at Palencia, who, not doubting its genuineness,
was on the point of obeying it; but despatched an officer
to inquire where he was to station his men, and the object
of the call. The president at once telegraphed to other
commanders, and was advised that they had similar orders.
One man was arrested, and then another, until the plot was
unravelled. A large portion of the criminal element, as well
as of the lower classes, were mixed up in the affair. The
president, his family, ministers, and friends were to be
assassinated. Rich men would have to ransom their lives with
sums ranging from $50,000 down to $10,000. Daggers, gags, and
morphine were discovered. Barrios decreed, Nov. 5th, that the
parties should be tried by court-martial. This decree was
countersigned by all his ministers; namely, J. Barberena,
José Ant. Salazar, Lorenzo Montúfar, and under sec. of
war A. Ubico, then in charge of the portfolio. Foreigners
as well as natives realized their narrow escape from a
fearful catastrophe, and commended Barrios and his ministers
for their action. The justice of the sentences was fully
acknowledged. Barrios, in his message to the constituent
assembly, in March 1879, alluding to the affair, said: 'La
sociedad guatemalteca se vió por un momento al borde de un
abismo de sangre y devastacion.' The reactionists, he added,
unable to demand the abolition of the reforms which had so
greatly improved the condition of the people, 'pedian al
puñal y al veneno, á ese recurso traidor y alevoso, una
hecatombe suprema, una montaña de cadáveres.' _Barrios_,
_Mensaje_, March 15, 1879; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Nov. 13,
18, 1877; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Dec. 1, 1877; _La Voz de
Méx._, S. F., Feb. 23, 1878.

[XXI-27] In the preamble he alludes to the declaration of
the last assembly on Oct. 23, 1876, adding that he accepted
the dictatorship as a necessity, because of the unsettled
condition of the country, though well aware that unrestricted
powers are incompatible with republican principles. The
election of deputies was to begin Jan. 10th, and all citizens
were made eligible, excepting only such as held certain
offices, as jefes políticos, revenue officials, judges, and
military commandants, who could not be candidates in their
official departments or districts. _U. S. Gov. Doc._, Cong.
46, Sess. 2, i. pt 1, 140; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Nov. 22,
1878; Jan. 22, 1879; _La Voz de Méx._, May 6, 1879.

[XXI-28] He had endeavored, he said, to maintain friendly
relations with the other Cent. Am. governments, and as for
those with Salv., Hond., and Nic., 'jamás se han cultivado
con el verdadero espíritu de fraternidad con que hoy se
mantienen y fomentan.'

[XXI-29] The same course was pursued by Guat. toward Mexican
citizens residing in her territory, who were causing in
1879 and 1880 disturbances in Soconusco and Chiapas. The
correspondence and proceedings of the governments in both
affairs appear in _Mex._, _Correspond. Dipl._, ii. 221-91;
_El Guatemalteco_, Sept. 7, 1879; _Mex._, _Diario Ofic._,
Nov. 8, Dec. 2, 1879.

[XXI-30] Every principle won with the loss of so much blood
was secured. The legislative authority was vested in a
chamber of representatives, and the executive in a president,
whose term of office was six years. _Guat._, _Mem.,
Sec. Gobern._, 1880, 7. Objections were made by foreign
representatives, including the minister of Mexico, to art.
5th of the constitution respecting Guatemalan nationality.
On this point a constituent assembly in 1885 authorized the
government to settle it by treaties, which was equivalent
to nullifying the clause. There were exceptions also to
the 14th, intended to set down as a principle that neither
citizens nor foreigners were entitled to indemnity for
damages accruing to them during civil wars from the acts of
revolutionary factions. The right of Guat. to insert in her
fundamental law every principle or rule she might deem proper
for her internal administration was fully recognized; but as
regarded those dependent for their sanction on the consent
of nations, in their intercourse with one another, the
representatives reserved their respective country's rights.
_Mex._, _Correspond. Dipl._, ii. 293-8; _Guat._, _Mem. Sec.
Rel. Est._, 1880, 6.

[XXI-31] The new constitution was to have effect from
March 1, 1880. Thus Barrios had the glory of endowing his
country with a political constitution of its own, and with
a republican and democratic form of government. It will
be borne in mind that after the disruption of the Cent.
Am. confederation, since 1840, Guat. had been under a
dictatorship, or under institutions which greatly curtailed
the political rights of the ruled.

[XXI-32] A treaty of peace, amity, commerce, and extradition
was concluded July 17, 1880, between Guat. and Hond., giving
to Guatemalans in Hond., and Hondurans in Guat., the same
civil and political rights enjoyed by the natives of the
respective country, though exempting them from military
service and forced loans. Refugees could be allowed asylum,
but were not to use the privilege to promote hostile acts
against their own or other governments. Merchandise,
excepting such articles as were subject to estanco, or
monopoly, were to be allowed free entry. _Guat._, _Mem. Min.
Rel. Exter._, 1881, 28-34.

[XXI-33] _Star and Herald_, Jan. 23, 1883; _Guat._, _Mem.
Min. Rel. Exter._, 1881-5; _Id._, _Gobern. y Just._, 1881-5;
_Id._, _Hac. y Créd. Púb._, 1881-5; _Id._, _Guerra_, 1881-5;
_Id._, _Formento_, 1881-5; _Id._, _Instruc. Púb._, 1881-5.
The following persons acted as ministers of state during
some portion of Barrios' present term: Lorenzo Montúfar,
Fernando Cruz, Cayetano Diaz Mérida, Delfino Sanchez, J. M.
Orantes, J. Martin Barrundia, M. M. Herrera, Ángel Peña, R.
A. Salazar, Ramon Murga, and F. Lainfiesta.

[XXI-34] The Guat. govt manifested its high appreciation of
those courtesies on the part of the authorities and people of
the U. S., in a note to the Am. minister, H. C. Hall. _U. S.
Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 47, Sess. 2, i. no. 1, pt 1,
46-7.

[XXI-35] This question is fully treated of in _Hist. Mex._,
vi. chap. xix., this series; _U. S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc.,
Cong. 47, Sess. 2, i., For Rel. no. 1, pt 1, 326-33.

[XXI-36] He did not resume his office till the 6th of
January, Gen. Orantes continuing at the head of the
government.

[XXI-37] He added that he wished to stand aloof, and observe
the working of the free institutions he had contributed to
establish on a firm basis as he hoped; without neglecting,
however, the duty he owed at all times to his country, and
to those who, like himself, shed their blood in their efforts
to the same end. He would be ever found ready to support the
liberal government, and hoped that no credence would be given
to the slander that he desired to leave the country, and
thus shirk responsibility. This charge was made when he left
for the U. S. to settle the boundary question with Mexico.
_Barrios_, _Mensaje_, Dec. 29, 1882. Even more had been said,
to wit, that he had the plan of annexing Guat. to the U. S.,
which was an absurd charge.

[XXI-38] It was beyond question that he had a strong hold on
the affections of those who did not belong to the reactionary
party, and 'even among the latter he would be preferred
to any one who would be likely to succeed him.' U. S. Min.
Hall's desp. to sec. of state, Jan. 8, 1883, in _U. S. Gov.
Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 48, Sess. 1, no. 1, pt 1, 32-3.

[XXI-39] A measure might be adopted in the next ordinary
session, when, perhaps, 'events may have occurred in regard
to the Cent. Am. union.'

[XXI-40] He urged them to labor for the development of the
country, whose progress and prosperity were certain, if all
would coöperate to that end.

[XXI-41] Barrios addressed, Feb. 24, 1883, an extensive
circular to the liberal party of Cent. Am., to assure
them that his motives in working for the consolidation
had been to promote the general weal, and not his personal
aggrandizement. He repeated that he did not wish, nor would
he accept, the presidency of Cent. Am., disclaiming that he
had ever tried to impose his will on the other states, and
pledging his word never to attempt it in the future. _Pan._,
_El Cronista_, March 10, et seq., 1884; _U. S. Gov. Doc._,
Cong. 48, Sess. 1, no. 1, pt 1, 49-53.

[XXI-42] As appears in a telegram of March 28th from Nic.
govt to Guat. foreign min., who replied next day, that if
Costa R. refused to join the diet, the meeting of delegates
from only four states could have no practical effect.
_Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1844, 3-5, annexes A to D;
_Costa R._, _Mem. Min. Rel._, 1883, 3, ann. 1 and 13; _Id._,
_Gaceta_, Feb. 3, 1885; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 5, 20,
23, 1883; _Pan. Canal_, Feb. 16, March 21, 22, 1883.

[XXI-43] 'Tantas ambiciones pequeñas, tantos menguados
intereses de localidad, y tantas miras estrechas.' _Barrios_,
_Mensaje_, March 1, 1884; _El Guatemalteco_, March 4, 1884.

[XXI-44] It was to be perpetual as to peace and friendship;
and as regarded the other clauses, its duration was to be of
ten years. _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1884, annex 3.

[XXI-45] Barrios published an address to the inhabitants
expressing gratitude for their sympathy. He made special
mention of the cordial manifestation of the diplomatic
corps, and the foreign residents. _El Guatemalteco_, Apr. 18,
22, 1884; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Apr. 17, 1884; _Hond._,
_Gaceta_, Apr. 21, 1884; _Méx._, _Clamor Púb._, June 2, 1884.

[XXI-46] Four to death, two to the chain-gang with hard labor
for life, one to simple imprisonment for 10 years, and two
others were acquitted. One of the chief implicated made a
full confession, the plot being to cause a change in the
govt by killing Barrios. _El Guatemalteco_, May 16, July 5,
12, 1884. The chief person implicated has, since the death
of Barrios, made a representation to the assembly declaring
the accusation false, and that the real authors of the bomb
plot were in the process made to appear as the victims.
_Rodriguez, G._, _Expos. y Docs._, pp. i.-iii., 1-120, 3-17.

[XXI-47] The president of Costa R. also received an
invitation, but being unable to leave the state, expressed
through his min. of foreign affairs warm congratulations.
_Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1885, 19-20.

[XXI-48] It was countersigned by all his ministers, to
wit: J. Martin Barrundia, of war; Fernando Cruz, of foreign
affairs; Francisco Lainfiesta, of fomento; Delfino Sanchez,
of treasury and pub. credit; Cayetano Diaz Mérida, of govt
and justice; and Ramon Murga, of pub. instruction. The
following is a synopsis of the decree. Art. 1. The ruler
of the rep. of Guat. proclaims the union of Cent. Am.; to
which end he assumes the rôle of supreme military chief with
absolute control. Art. 2. He will accept the coöperation of
such govts, communities, and rulers, as, within the terms
laid down, should acquiesce and make common cause with
them. Art. 3. A gen. assembly of 15 members from each state,
freely chosen by popular suffrage, should meet at Guatemala
May 1st to enact the political constitution of Cent. Am.,
and establish the manner, time, and form of choosing the
president, his official term, date upon which he was to
receive the executive authority from the assembly, and the
place where the supreme federal authorities were to reside.
Art. 4. Any person attempting by word or deed to oppose
this decree would be dealt with as a traitor to the cause
of Cent. Am. Art. 5. The people of Cent. Am. are urged to
aid the accomplishment of this project. Art. 6. Suitable
rewards offered to officers of army and militia efficaciously
aiding. Art. 7. Rewards also offered to the rank and file.
Art. 8. Establishes the flag of the rep.: three vertical
stripes, the middle one white, the other two blue; the white
stripe exhibiting the coat of arms, a quetzal perched upon a
column, with the following inscription: 'Libertad y Union—15
de Setiembre de 1821-28 de Febrero de 1885.' Art. 9. No
negotiations relating to territory, international treaties,
foreign or national loans, or other stipulations of analogous
nature or importance, entered into by the other states of
Cent. Am. after the date of this decree, would be recognized.
Art. 10. The minister of foreign affairs was directed to lay
this decree before the assembly of Guat., the other govern.
of Cent. Am., and all powers of Am. and Europe with which
Guat. had relations of friendship and trade. _La Estrella
de Pan._, March 28, 1885; _El Cronista_ (S. F.), March 14,
21, 1885; _S. F. Chronicle_, March 10, 13, 1885; _S. F.
Call_, March 13, 1885. It will be well to mention here the
reasons which prompted the legislative assembly to proclaim
the unity of Cent. Am. in the manner adopted by Barrios:
'El inmenso prestigio de que gozaba aquel memorable jefe, el
civismo de que siempre habia dado inequívocas muestras, y los
muchos elementos de que disponia para hacer práctico aquel
pensamiento, acariciado por todos los buenos hijos de la
América Central. This was said after Barrios was dead. _Costa
R._, _Informe Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1885, 21-5, 35.

[XXI-49] 'Bastante he saboreado, por triste experiencia,
todas las amarguras del poder.'

[XXI-50] Art. 1. The people of Hond. proclaim the union
of Cent. Am. Art. 2. Gives the executive full power to
render Barrios every possible aid. Art. 3. Congress and the
executive were to frankly explain the true motives of the
revolution.

[XXI-51] Zaldívar then, as well as afterward, denied having
betrayed Barrios. The circular of Feb. 24, 1883, to the
liberal party, was issued by the latter after a conference
with the former at Asuncion Mita. In that famous manifesto,
Barrios pledged his honor not to attempt effecting the
unification, except by peaceful means, and with the
concurrence of the five republics. His message to the Guat.
assembly in 1884 indicated that violent means were out of
the question. A correspondent of a Panamá paper, who seemed
to have personal knowledge of the negotiations, both public
and confidential, assures us that at every interview between
the two rulers the Salvadoran had opposed without ambiguity
all propositions, open or implied, to employ force; and that
Barrios had every time admitted the weight of the reasons
adduced by him. Indeed, only 20 days before his attempted
assumption of supreme command over Cent. Am. Barrios assured
of Salvadoran minister of foreign affairs, Gallegos, who
had gone to Guat. upon a confidential mission from Zaldívar,
of his conviction that never had the plan of reconstructing
Cent. Am. by compulsion been so unpropitious and dangerous
as at the present time; adding these words: 'Poner hoy la
mano en este asunto equivaldría á meterla en un avispero.'
_La Estella de Pan._, May 9, 1885; _S. F. Chronicle_, June 5,
1885.

[XXI-52] 'El gobierno de Vd. no responde, y no necesito
decir por qué no lo hace.' These words would seem to imply
that there had been an understanding between the two, and
treachery was suspected.

[XXI-53] Menendez, calling himself a soldier of the union,
had urged all Central Americans to aid Barrios. Zaldívar on
March 15th promulgated an act of the Salv. congress declaring
Menendez a traitor to his country. This decree was in force
only a short time.

[XXI-54] Melchor Ordoñez, Spanish minister accredited to both
republics, had in a telegram assured him that Zaldívar was
his sincere friend, but was in a difficult position, having
to act in accord with public opinion. He should bear in mind
the Salvadorans had been led to believe that he, Barrios,
intended to deprive them of their nationality to gratify his
own ambition.

[XXI-55] 'Las medidas á que toda nacion prudente apela
durante el estado de guerra en que se colocan sus vecinos.'

[XXI-56] The govt issued a stirring manifesto to friendly
powers on the 17th of March, 1885, against Barrios' coup
d'etat, signed by J. M. Castro, sec. of foreign relations.
_Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1885, 27-9; _Id._,
_Manif. del Gob. Rep._, 1-6.

[XXI-57] The telegraphic despatches and diplomatic notes
which passed between the two governments appear in _Mex._,
_Diario Ofic._, March 12, Apr. 1, 29, May 5, 1885; _Id._,
_Siglo XIX._, March 13, 25, 30, 1885; _Costa R._, _Boletin
Ofic._, March 14, 1885.

[XXI-58] The treaty was signed in the city of Santa Ana,
Salv., by the plenipotentiaries José Duran for Costa R.,
Buenav. Selva for Nic., and Salv. Gallegos for Salv. It
was to be in force until Barrios should be overthrown, and
another govt established entirely disconnected with him and
offering guaranties of peace for Cent. Am., after which the
issue of Cent. Am. union might be considered by the parties
in a proper spirit, and at an opportune occasion. Costa R.
pledged herself to furnish 3,000 men at her own cost, but
if only 1,000 were called for, she would contribute also
$100,000, and 1,000 Remington rifles with 500 cartridges for
each. Nic. agreed to furnish 4,000 troops also at her own
cost. Salv. would contribute her whole available military
force. The command-in-chief was vested first in the president
of Salv., next in that of Nic., and third in that of Costa
R., or of such persons as one or the other might designate.
Costa R., however, supplied 2,000 men, and offered to loan
money to Salv. _Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1885,
31-3. Mex. placed a force near the Guat. frontier as soon as
hostilities began in Cent. Am.

[XXI-59] In an unsuccessful assault against the
fortifications of Chalchuapa. He was slain between 9 and
10 o'clock in the morning. One of his sons also perished
fighting at his side. _La Estrella de Pan._, May 9, 1885;
_Méx._, _La Prensa_, suppl. ap. 4, 1885; _S. F. Chronicle_,
Apr. 3, 5, 10, 1885; _S. F. Alta_, Apr. 23, 1885; _S. F.
Chronicle_, Apr. 23, 1885.

[XXI-60] Barrios' last will executed at Guatemala on the 23d
of March, 1885, which was filed Dec. 7th of said year in the
office of the surrogate in New York, declared his wife to be
the sole heir of all his property and interests. He had full
confidence that she would deal fairly by each of their seven
children. He desired her to pay $25,000 to his nephew Luciano
Barrios as a memento of his good services. She was also to
continue providing for Antonio Barrios, then in the U. S.
_Pan. Star and Herald_, Dec. 21, 1885.

[XXI-61] Sinibaldi, chosen by the assembly Apr. 30, 1884, 1st
designado, vice J. M. Orantes resigned, had been in charge
of the executive office since Barrios prepared to go to the
front.

[XXI-62] On the following grounds: 1st. The decree of
Feb. 28th having been revoked, and Barrios being dead,
the causes which placed Guat. at war with Salv., Nic., and
Costa R. had ceased to exist; 2d. It was a patriotic duty
to promote feelings of fraternity and concord; 3. That the
governments of the republics of Cent. Am. were prompted by
the same sentiments, and those of Salv., Nic., and Costa R.
had already made peace with Hond., which had seconded the
movement of the late president of Guat.; 4. That through the
friendly mediation of the foreign corps an understanding with
Salv. had been easily arrived at, and honorable terms agreed
upon for a firm and stable peace between the two republics
and Salvador's allies.

[XXI-63] Salv., Nic., and Costa R., also made similar
declarations in regard to Guat.

[XXI-64] The same decree included a national vote of thanks
to the diplomatic body accredited to the governments of Cent.
Am. for their friendly intervention to bring the war to an
end, and appointed Sunday the 19th to solemnize the peace
thus restored. Countersigned by the four ministers, to wit:
Ángel M. Arroyo, of foreign relations and pub. instruction;
Antonio Aguirre, of treasury and pub. credit; Manuel J.
Dardon, of governm. and justice; and E. Martinez Sobral, of
fomento. _Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1885, 35-8;
_La Estrella de Pan._, May 23, 1885; _Pan. Star and Herald_,
May 23, 1885.

[XXI-65] Pres. Diaz also in a telegram to Zaldívar manifested
a desire to see cordial relations restored between Salv. and
Guat. _Mex._, _Diario Ofic._, Apr. 11 1885; _La Nueva Era_
(Paso del Norte), Apr. 17, 1885.

[XXI-66] _Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Rel. Exter._, 1885, 55-7;
_La Estrella de Pan._, May 23, 1885.

[XXI-67] Decrees of June 23d and 27th. All subsidies were
suspended for one year. The purpose of calling a convention
was to effect some amendments to the constitution, and to
enact some needed laws.

[XXI-68] Notwithstanding the great necessity of allaying
the excitement still existing, there were riotous scenes on
several occasions in the chamber. _Pan. Star and Herald_,
Sept. 9-30, 1885, passim.

[XXI-69] The president's inauguration was on the 15th of
March, 1886.

[XXII-1] Feb. 9th. He was to draw from the pub. treasury as
pay $200 monthly when in actual service. _Nic._, _Gaceta_,
April 14, 1866. Later he was made a captain-general.

[XXII-2] The escutcheon was to be the same as formerly, with
the sole exception of exhibiting a rising sun in lieu of
the Phrygian cap. The flag was to be as follows: Two blue
stripes with a white one between them, all three running
horizontally, three to four varas in length, and nine inches
in width; with the national coat of arms in the centre of the
white stripe, and a group of five blue stars in a semicircle
under it. Merchant vessels were to use the same dimensions
and colors without the coat of arms.

[XXII-3] Under the constitution of 1865 the congress
consisted of a senate with seven members, and a legislative
assembly of eleven. The council of state was constituted with
the ministers and seven other members.

[XXII-4] For the bestowal of decorations of the order was
created a senate of six members to reside in the capital.
This body was also empowered to dismiss any member of the
order for good cause. The president was authorized to frame
the statutes and appoint the senators, conferring grades
of the order before its installation. The senate, once
installed, was to grant decorations. The same right was
reserved for congress, and the president of the republic, who
was made ex-officio president of the senate of the order. A
copy of the decree in Spanish is given in _Nic._, _Gaceta_,
May 23, 1868; _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatémala_, 427-8.

[XXII-5] In connection with the subject is mentioned the name
of Bustelli Foscolo, an agent of the Hond. govt, sentenced to
imprisonment in Paris for fraudulent transactions.

[XXII-6] This body was called by the regular congress at
the solicitation, as it was made to appear, of the several
municipalities, and was installed Aug. 8, 1869. On the 13th
it declared that in view of the popular actas in the several
towns proclaiming Medina president for the next term, he
was actually elected. The same day the 33d article of the
fundamental law was amended to read thus: 'The presidential
term shall be of four years, commencing on the 1st of Feb. in
the year of renewal.' On the 19th the convention adjourned
sine die; Medina having warmly thanked it for the trust
reposed in him, and accepted it, with the pledge of not
holding the office a day after the expiration of his term.
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 11, 18, 1869; Feb. 5, 1870; _Pan.
Star and Herald_, Sept. 18, 1869.

[XXII-7] I will, however, repeat here in a few words the
causes alleged by Hond. Salvador had violated the treaty
of Santa Rosa of March 25, 1862, in refusing to surrender
the perpetrators of two atrocious murders. She had abetted
the refugees who, in the last six years, had been fanning
the flame of discord in Hond.; had refused to heed the
remonstrances of the latter; and on the contrary, had placed
a force on the frontier, and generally assumed a hostile
attitude.

[XXII-8] The guaranty was given as a consideration for
certain advantages, which could not accrue till after the
road was finished. The Am. gov. could not therefore be
required to repel an invasion of the route from abroad. The
correspondence between ministers Baxter and Torbert with the
govts of Hond. and Salv., and with their own, appears in _U.
S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 2, i. no. 1, pt
1, 575-8, 685-93.

[XXII-9] _Hond._, _Clarin Ofic._, March 26, 1871; _Nic._,
_Gaceta_, Apr. 22, 29, May 13, 1871.

[XXII-10] Particulars in Salv. historical chapter.

[XXII-11] This course was doubtless adopted because of the
dissatisfaction appearing, and of a revolution which was
attempted during the last war. _El Porvenir de Nic._, Oct. 1,
1871.

[XXII-12] A full amnesty was granted to all the insurgents.
_U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 300-2;
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 2 to Nov. 4, 1871; Feb. 3, 1872; _El
Porvenir de Nic._, Oct. 1 to Nov. 12, 1871; Jan. 7, 1872.

[XXII-13] Convention signed at Leon Dec. 18, 1871, by Manuel
Colindres, on behalf of Medina, Ex-pres. Martinez of Nic.,
Miguel Velez, Nicasio del Castillo, Rosalío Cortés, R.
Alegría, Buenav. Selva, Seferino Gonzalez, and three others.
This doc. at first was considered apocryphal, but proved to
be genuine. _El Porvenir de Nic._, June 23, 1872.

[XXII-14] With the avowed object of bringing Hond. under
republican institutions. _El Porvenir de Nic._, Apr. 28 to
Aug. 14, 1872, passim; _Nic._, _El Semanal Nic._, May 30,
1872.

[XXII-15] After this victory the presidents of Guat. and
Salv. had an interview with Arias, and returned with their
troops to their respective countries, leaving 800 men to aid
Arias in reorganizing the country. The campaign had lasted 24
days from the date on which Langue on the Hond. side of the
frontier was occupied.

[XXII-16] _Id._, Aug. 1, 1872; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob.
Democ._, i. 116-17.

[XXII-17] Juan A. Medina, Gen. Miranda, and a few friends
succeeded in escaping. _Nic._, _El Semanal Nic._, Aug. 8, 29,
1872.

[XXII-18] Further details may be found in _Costa R._,
_Informe Sec. Rel._, 1873, 7-8; _El Porvenir de Nic._, May
26, June 2, 1872; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42,
Sess. 3, i. 303-6; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, June 15 to Nov. 30,
1872; _Id._, _Col. Dec. y Acuerdos_, 1872, 50-1; _Mex._,
_Diario Ofic._, Aug. 9, 1872. Circular of Nic. Min. of For.
Rel., Sept. 5, 1876, referring to his government's fruitless
efforts at mediation between the belligerents, adds that it
finally accepted accomplished facts, and opened relations
with Arias' govt. _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Oct. 26, 1876.

[XXII-19] Crescencio Gomez, Máx. Aranjo, Casto Alvarado,
Jesús Inestrosa, and a few others were also pardoned, but
required to stay away from Hond. until after the promulgation
of a new constitution. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 30, 1872;
_Id._, _Semanal Nic._, Nov. 26, 1872.

[XXII-20] Life, liberty, equality, security, property,
inviolability of domicile, and correspondence, and writings,
freedom of transit, of peaceable assembling, and of the
press, rights of petition, and of preferring against public
officials.

[XXII-21] Juan N. Venero, of treas. and for. affairs; Miguel
del Cid, of justice, govt, and pub. worship; Andrés Van
Severen, of war.

[XXII-22] Any Honduran in full possession of his civil
rights, having besides property worth $1,000, or upwards,
or being a licentiate, could be chosen. The only exceptions
were the president of the repub., and the military in active
service.

[XXII-23] That expedition sailed from Colon, and was led
by Enrique Palacios, Casto Alvarado, Miranda Baraona, and
others. It landed at Utila, one of the Bay Islands, and
organized a govt for Hond., Colindres and Padilla, ministers
of Medina, assuming the executive under art. 30 of the
constitution of 1865, in view of the events of July 1872
at Omoa. From Utila the exped. proceeded to Trujillo, which
was surrendered June 9th. That part of the plan failed, and
the expedition then went to Puerto Cortés. The invaders had
an understanding with Betancourt, the officer in command at
Omoa, who toward the end of June rebelled with the garrison
of 150 men; but he was attacked and defeated by Streber, of
Arias' govt. It was during this trouble that Streber's troops
pillaged, in July, the mercantile houses of Omoa, foreign as
well as native, which culminated in the bombardment afterward
of the port by a British man-of-war, of which I gave the
details elsewhere. The house of the Am. consul having been
likewise invaded, the government had to give satisfaction,
saluting the U. S. flag March 22, 1874, in the plaza of
Comayagua, in the presence of their representative, troops,
the ministers of state, and others.

[XXII-24] _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, June 28, July 17, 1872.

[XXII-25] The remnants of the insurgents fled by the
railroad. _Id._, Aug. 7, 21, 28, Sept. 18, 1873.

[XXII-26] The constituent congress, called by Arias,
assembled Dec. 14th, and refused to accept his resignation.
It also adopted other measures, which it is unnecessary to
recite here, as they never took effect.

[XXII-27] A circular of the Nic. minister of foreign
affairs of Sept. 5, 1876, alludes to these events. Further
particulars appear in _Arias_, _Mensaje_, Dec. 14, 1873;
_U. S. Govt Docs._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 43, Sess. 2, i. 141;
_Barrios_, _Mensaje_, Sept. 11, 1876; _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._,
Jan. 18, 24, Feb, 19, 1874; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Oct. 26,
1876.

[XXII-28] Leiva seemed to be a non-partisan, a man of
intelligent and liberal views, and a popular favorite.

[XXII-29] Guat. objected to the treatment awarded Arias, and
sent Ramon Rosa as confidential agent to Leiva to represent
that Arias had been solemnly pledged security for his life
and liberty, and respect for his high character and personal
merits; against which pledge Arias had been kept in prison
and subjected to prosecution. The gov. of Guat. believed that
the men composing that assembly were not competent to try
Arias, for they were reactionists, and he one of the truest
liberals in Cent. Am. Leiva answered, July 8th, that he had
exerted himself in Arias' favor, and that the exile he was
sentenced to he would have undergone of his own accord; for
he could not live in the country for some time. It was for
his own benefit that the terms of the surrender had been
modified. _U. S. Gov. Docs._, H. Ex. Doc., For. Rel., Cong.
43, Sess. 2, Doc. 1, pt i. 179-80.

[XXII-30] _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 5, 12, March 3, 11,
Apr. 4, 1875; _Mex. Mem. Min. Rel._, 1875, annex 3, Doc. 7,
p. 36; _Nic._, _Mem. Sec. Rel. Est._, 1875, vi.-xi., app.
7-10.

[XXII-31] The grounds alleged for the revolt were: 1st,
that the liberties of Hond. were under thraldom to Salv.,
which had failed to carry out the objects of the revolution
of 1871; 2d, the deplorable state of the finances, because
Amapala had been made a free port; 3d, that the die of Hond.
had been given to Salvador. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Jan. 4,
5, 21, 30, March 26, 1876; _La Regeneracion_, Oct. 9, 1876.

[XXII-32] Further particulars in _Pan. Star and Herald_,
March 2 to June 1, 1876, passim; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._,
June 8, Oct. 26, 1876.

[XXII-33] At this time war broke out between Guat. and
Salvador, and the former sent an army under Solares through
Honduras to operate against Salvador's eastern departments.
Details on these events are given in other chapters on
treating of the relations between the two belligerents. At
the conclusion of peace, Hond. joined them in a treaty of
alliance.

[XXII-34] He resigned his portfolio Feb. 26th, with the
understanding that he was to be president of Honduras.

[XXII-35] Negotiated by Cruz Lozano, on behalf of both
Salvador and Medina, and M. Vigil and Luis Bogran for Leiva,
both contestants giving up their claims, and agreeing to
recognize Marcelino Mejía as the provisional president, which
was done. _Id._, June 24, 1876.

[XXII-36] It was said that Soto had been proclaimed in
several places, and that he enjoyed the confidence of the
governments of Guat., Salv., and Costa R.

[XXII-37] Another version is that Roderico Toledo arrived at
Comayagua, as commissioner from Guat. and Salv., and demanded
of Gomez the surrender of the executive to Soto, which is
quite possible, Gomez affecting the surrender through his
former chief, Medina.

[XXII-38] The garrison had declared in his favor on the 21st,
the comandante Col Salvador Ferrandis losing his life.

[XXII-39] _El Porvenir de Nic._, March 18, 1876; _Pan. Star
and Herald_, Apr. 4, 1876; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc.,
44th Cong., 2d Sess., i. 36-9; _Costa R._, _Informe Min.
Rel._, 1876, 11-14.

[XXII-40] _Soto_, _Mensaje_, May 27, 1877; _Salv._, _Gaceta
Ofic._, June 22, 1877.

[XXII-41] The order for their trial was issued by the
comandante general of the republic Dec. 12th, the executive
having first, on the 10th, asked the advice of the supreme
court of justice, which was given on the next day. The crimes
preferred against the prisoners were conspiracy, instigation
to rebellion, high treason, and concealment of government
arms. The officers forming the court-martial were Gen. Emilio
Delgado, president, generals Eusebio Toro and Luis Bogran,
colonels Inocente Solís, Belisario Villela, Manuel Bonilla,
Antonio Cerro; auditor de guerra, Justo Cáliz; prosecuting
officer, Gen. Agustin Aguilar. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._,
suppl., Feb. 28, 1878; _Voz de Méx._, July 17, 1878.

[XXII-42] U. S. Minister Geo. Williamson, in reporting these
executions to his gov., Feb. 16, 1878, uses these words:
'Medina's lack of wisdom in yielding to the selection (as
president) of a man who from the dictates of a cowardly or
cruel policy thought it necessary to select so illustrious a
victim as himself, has led to this deplorable event.... It
is said neither the victims nor any one else believed the
sentence of the council of war would be either approved or
executed.' _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 45, Sess. 3,
i. 79-80. It has been said that the execution of Medina, now
aged and infirm, was in obedience to orders from Barrios. _Un
Guatemalteco_, _Cartas_, 25.

[XXII-43] Had generals Juan Lopez and J. A. Medina carried
out the order to the letter, every inhabitant of Olancho
would have been annihilated. As it was, 200 men were shot and
500 hanged, all without trial. _El Porvenir de Nic._, Nov.
26, 1871.

[XXII-44] _Diario Cent. Am._, Dec. 27, 1880.

[XXII-45] The exhibit of the state of affairs, both present
and prospective, was encouraging, and appeared to be well
founded. A synopsis of the address is given in _Pan. Daily
Canal_, March 20, 1883; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 23,
1883.

[XXII-46] He was permitted to visit the U. S. and Europe,
where, as the majority of the committee to whom the subject
had been referred said, free from official cares he might
place himself under medical treatment, if necessary. Some
members of the committee favored the acceptance, claiming
it as a matter of justice, but the majority thought it
would cause inconveniences in the orderly march of affairs.
A journal, _La Paz_ of Tegucigalpa, remarked: 'Friends
and enemies of Dr Soto, men and parties the most opposite
in ideas, join in considering that the withdrawal of Dr
Soto would be the precursor of political misfortunes and
catastrophes.' _Id._, Apr. 18, 1883.

[XXII-47] To adjust Honduras' share of the old federal
debt, which was still unpaid; and to make some settlement
respecting the loans contracted in London and Paris for
constructing the interoceanic railway.

[XXII-48] A little later Barrios of Guat. claimed that it
was due to his own constant support rather than to Soto's
administration, which he declared to have been bad and
ruinous to Hond.

[XXII-49] In his journey he was accompanied by his kinsman
and former minister of relations, Ramon Rosa.

[XXII-50] 'Hasta el punto de valerse de mi, como del pretexto
mejor para justificar el paso de fuga y desercion que ha dado
y se propone consumar; no piense que ese plan tan ruin se
oculta á ninguno.' Both letters are given in full in _Pan._,
_El Cronista_, Aug. 25, 29, 1883; _La República_ (S. F.),
Sept. 1, 8, 1883.

[XXII-51] _Pan. Star and Herald_, Nov. 17, 1883; _La
República_ (S. F.), Sept. 15, 24, 1883; _Diaz_, _Miscel._,
no. 12, 3.

[XXII-52] Bogran was quite young, energetic, and frank in his
manners, open-hearted and unpretentious. His character was in
keeping with his appearance. He was master of the political
situation.

[XXII-53] Rafael Alvarado, of war, education, and justice;
Jerónimo Zelaya, of foreign affairs; Crescencio Gomez, of
govt; Abelardo Zelaya, of treasury and public credit; and
Francisco Planas, of public works. _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Rel.
Ext._, 1884, 8; _Costa R._, _Mem. Min. Rel._, 1884, 3; _El
Guatemalteco_, Jan. 19, 1884; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Jan.
18, 1884.

[XXII-54] So said _La República_, of Tegucigalpa, official
organ. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Sept. 10, 1885.

[XXIII-1] All appropriations had been covered, and a portion
of the foreign debt paid. _Presid. Martinez' Mess._, in
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 19, 1867.

[XXIII-2] 'Donde la libertad, la seguridad, y el órden no
sean una quimera.' _Nic._, _Manif._, 1867, 1-7.

[XXIII-3] _Nic._, _Decretos_, 1869-70, 3, 26. It will be
well to mention here that on the 4th of Jan. an attempt had
been made to poison the president with arsenic placed in
pine-apple preserve, of which he, together with his son and
two or three others, partook.

[XXIII-4] It was remarkable that Martinez, an old
conservative, should be acting in conjunction with and under
Jerez, the confirmed radical democrat.

[XXIII-5] The grounds alleged by the insurgents were:
1st. Violation by Guzman of the pledges given at his
inauguration. It was said that as he had detached himself
from the party which raised him to the presidential chair,
and on the other hand, had not shown any predilection for
the old conservatives, who had tried to surround him, the
true liberals had reposed faith in him, but he had not
realized their expectations. Jerez and his associates, on
their return from Costa Rica, had awaited an invitation to
effect a fusion of parties, in order that the people should
see the govt pursuing a liberal and generous policy. Jerez'
advances had been coldly, and even disdainfully, met. Hence
his letter to Guzman of June 26th, telling him that while he
had pretended sympathy for the liberal cause, its friends
had never seen any tangible proof of it. 'Muchas veces V.
ha manifestado simpatías por las causas liberales; pero no
las hemos visto eficaces.' Other charges were: usurpation of
powers, inefficiency, illegal expenditures of public moneys,
nepotism, encouragement to smugglers, etc. At a subsequent
date, after his arms had proved victorious, Guzman denied
that he had done any of the things imputed to him, proudly
asserting that no government had in these latter days
respected the rights of all citizens as his administration
had done, and he challenged one and all to bring forward
proofs that he had before the revolution broke out deprived
any citizen of his life, liberty, or property. Faults may
have been committed by the govt, but it was folly to deny
that republicanism had not become a reality under it. The
knowledge of this by the people confined the revolution
within narrow bounds, and gave victory to Guzman; and it was
by his generosity that the promoters of the rebellion escaped
the consequences of their ill-advised step.

[XXIII-6] 1. Special attention to primary instruction
supported by the gov.; 2. Freedom to teach; 3. Suppression
of monopolies, and establishment of a single tax; 4.
Protection to industry and trade; 5. Americanism, or unity
on the American continent, for the support and progress of
republican liberty; 6. Restoration of the Cent. Am. union, by
force of arms if necessary; 7. Encouragement of immigration
by liberal measures; 8. Liberal principles in religious
matters, as far as willingly accepted by the gen. convictions
of the people; 9. Abolition of the death penalty; 10. Trial
by jury; 11. Direct elections. This plan was signed by
M. Jerez, T. Martinez, Buenav. Selva, and Francisco Baca.
_Nic._, _Boletin Gob._ (Leon), July 1, 1869.

[XXIII-7] Holding it till Aug. 11th, when for ill health,
as was made to appear, he turned it over to Martinez. _Id._,
July 30, Aug. 4, 1869. The latter in joining the revolution
said that he had left his retirement 'para ponerme á cubierto
de las demasías y violencias de la administracion.' It
appears, however, that the govt of Guzman had tendered him
the position of minister plenipotentiary in London. _Nic._,
_Gaceta_, June 8, 1867.

[XXIII-8] Martial law established throughout the republic;
passports were required to leave the same, and to go from one
department to another; a forced loan of $100,000; and a board
created to procure resources for the army. _Nic._, _Gaceta_,
July 3, 1869. A number of citizens known or suspected to
favor the rebellion were arrested and their property seized.
Their friends accused the government of having confined
the prisoners 'en calabozos inmundos, oscuros, y malsanos,'
which is not unlikely. Others fled, among them being Gerónimo
Perez.

[XXIII-9] 'Proclamar con los revolucionarios la libertad de
cultos, la separacion de la Iglesia y el Estado, la enseñanza
libre.' _Nic._, _Inf. Min. Neg. Ecles._, 1870, 8.

[XXIII-10] Text of Min. Delgadillo's note in _Nic._,
_Gaceta_, Aug. 14, 1869.

[XXIII-11] At any rate, no step was taken to check them,
nor effort made on behalf of peace. When the govern. won a
signal victory, and was on the point of attacking Leon, the
bishop went off to Rome, leaving his flock in tribulation.
At the end of the war the vicar acknowledged the guilt of the
parish priests, and by his edict of Nov. 6th suspended them.
But after a while he allowed them one third of the parochial
fees, and the privilege of exercising priestly functions. The
consequence was that they kept up their disorderly behavior,
as well as their hostility to the govt.

[XXIII-12] Once because the terms proposed by the insurgents
were declared by the government inadmissible; again a
convention was signed Sept. 25th at Masaya, which had
no effect because the authorities at Leon insisted on
amendments. _Nic._, _Boletin Gob._ (Leon), Aug. 4, 19, 28,
Sept. 4, 1869; _Id._, _Informe Min. Gobern._, Doc. no. iv.
5-6; _Id._, _Doc. Mediacion_, 1-32; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Aug.
28-Oct. 23, passim; Nov. 6, 1869.

[XXIII-13] They claimed a signal victory, for which their
commander, Seferino Gonzalez, wounded in the fight, was
promoted to gen. of division. _Nic._, _Boletin Gob._ (Leon),
July 30, Aug. 4, 1869; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Aug. 28, 1869.

[XXIII-14] According to Gen. Jerez' report of Aug. 31st,
the fight lasted from 3 o'clock till dark; Medina's defeat
was complete, losing 360 rifles and 4 pieces of artillery.
The victors also had several prominent officers killed and
wounded. _Nic._, _Boletin Gob._ (Leon), Aug. 31, 1869.

[XXIII-15] Sept. 12th. The former gen.-in-chief, J. D.
Estrada, an officer who distinguished himself in the campaign
against Walker, had died Aug. 12th. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Sept.
18, 1869.

[XXIII-16] _Nic._, _Informe Min. Gobern._, 1870, Doc. iv. 6,
14-15.

[XXIII-17] He also asked them to forsake the cause of those
men. The govt had on the 21st, decreed a full pardon to all
who should voluntarily surrender. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 23,
1869.

[XXIII-18] Convention of Oct. 24th, between Guzman and
Riotte, associated with Francisco Zamora, the representative
of the insurgent chiefs. 1. Full amnesty. 2. Gen. Sebastian
Gutierrez, one of the two officers asked for by the
revolutionists, was to be made military governor of the dept
of Leon. 3. A constituent congress to be convoked within six
months, or earlier, if possible. 4. The constituent congress
to resolve upon the recognition and payment of the debt
contracted by the revolution, the govt being willing to place
it on the same footing with that incurred by it since June
25th. 5. The insurgents were to surrender all public arms and
war material of every kind to the person appointed by Guzman
to receive them. Riotte was authorized to do so. 6. Perfect
freedom in the elections about to be made. 7. The government
to place at the head of the departments only peaceably
disposed men, to promote and maintain conciliation between
political parties. 8. The convention to be definitive from
the moment of its being signed, Riotte promising that the
delivery of arms by the insurgents should begin on the 26th.
This convention was ratified at Managua Oct. 25th by Acting
Pres. Chamorro, countersigned by Antonio Falla, sec. of govt
and war. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 8, March 19, 1870; _Nic._,
_Semanal Nic._, Jan. 2, 1873; _Nic._, _Informe Min. Gobern._,
1870, Doc. iv. In 1870 congress rejected the 3d clause and
approved the 4th. During these troubles the rights of foreign
residents were protected by Min. Riotte. _Id._, _Informe Min.
Rel._, 1870, 1-24. Credit is also due to the efforts of the
commissioners from the other Cent. Am. states to bring about
peace. The revolutionists began the surrender of arms on the
27th, placing at Riotte's command 20 pieces of artillery,
2,292 other fire-arms, etc.

[XXIII-19] _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 30, Nov. 20, Dec. 4, 1869.

[XXIII-20] 'Por el tino, firmeza, y energía que supo
desplegar en la emergencia por que acaba de pasar Nicaragua.'
_Id._, Jan. 29, 1870; _Nic._, _Decretos Legisl._, 1869-70,
94.

[XXIII-21] In his inaugural speech, he promised to follow in
the footsteps of his predecessor, whose policy he extolled,
expressing his acknowledgments. His words were: 'Dejando
en práctica principios políticos, y mejoras materiales,
que antes de él apénas se habian ensayado.' _Id._, March
4, 11, 1871; _Id._, _Manif. Disc. Inaug._, no. ix.; _Id._,
_Mensaje_, March 1, 1871, 1-10.

[XXIII-22] Message and reply in _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Apr. 8,
1871.

[XXIII-23] The gov. encountered much difficulty to effect a
loan, except on ruinous terms. Meantime, the utmost economy
was observed; nearly all public works were at a stand-still.

[XXIII-24] Their supporters believed that their example would
be beneficial to the morals of the native clergy, which made
a writer remark: 'Debe hacerle mucha cosquilla á nuestros
clérigos, que casi todos son doblemente padres.' _El Porvenir
de Nic._, Dec. 3, 1871.

[XXIII-25] Its opponents abused Quadra for doing what the
condition of the country required. Easing the treasury,
reforming the administrative system, and restoring public
credit. For this they called him a retrogressionist, a
despot, and a fool; for being a respecter of the laws they
claimed he should be censured.

[XXIII-26] It was insinuated that the Pan. R. R. Co. might
be underhandedly promoting discord, to throw obstacles in
the way of an interoceanic canal being made in Nic. The
company had been also suspected of doing so in the late war
between Salv. and Hond., to prevent, or at least retard, the
construction of an interoceanic railway in the latter state.
Such reports probably had no foundation in fact.

[XXIII-27] In Subtiava, dept of Leon, there was a sedition
of Indians, accompanied with murders, and finally the
authorities had to resort to force. _Salgado_, _Mem._, 1-18;
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 12, 19, 1872. There were scandalous
proceedings in Rivas, Chinandega, Chichigalpa, island of
Ometepe, Matagalpa, and elsewhere. In some places the priests
headed the drunken rabble, armed with clubs and crying Viva
la religion! Mueran los herejes! To the native priests and
jesuits were imputed all the troubles. _El Porvenir de Nic._,
Oct. 20, 1872.

[XXIII-28] He spoke of certain exiles, 'individuos de órdenes
monásticas, cuyo establecimiento definitivo en el país no
permiten las leyes, pero que permanecen aún asilados.' _Id._,
Jan. 12, 1873; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 11, 1873; _Id._,
_Semanal Nic._, Jan. 2, 1873.

[XXIII-29] Several members visited him to congratulate him
on the second anniversary of his accession to the executive
office. _Nic._, _Renuncia_, 1-3; _Id._, _Gaceta_, March 8,
1873.

[XXIII-30] By a vote of 10 against 5 in the chamber of
deputies. _El Porvenir de Nic._, Feb. 16, 1873; _Nic._,
_Gaceta_, Apr. 12, 1873.

[XXIII-31] Congress acknowledged that Nic. could not remain
a passive spectator of those events. _Nic._, _Mensaje_, 1-8;
_Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Aug. 28, 1873; _El Porvenir de Nic._,
Sept. 7, 1873; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 27, Oct. 4, 18, 1873.

[XXIII-32] The Costa Rican officer Ramon Tinoco was
implicated. The money—some $22,000—was brought by P.
Salamanca, apparently for the purchase of cattle, but really
for revolutionary purposes. Both Salamanca and Tinoco, when
their plan became known, escaped. _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._,
Aug. 28, 1873.

[XXIII-33] The memorandum of B. Carazo, minister of Guatemala
and Salvador, had for its main objects the overthrow of the
existing govt of Costa R., and the expulsion of the jesuits
from Nicaraguan territory. After a discussion on the latter
point, Carazo no longer insisted on that action. _Nic._,
_Informe Min. Rel._, in _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 18, 1873. In
the last preceding chapter this subject was also mentioned.

[XXIII-34] _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 198-200;
_U. S. Govt Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 43, Sess. 2, 112, 117,
123.

[XXIII-35] Máximo Jerez, though a champion of unity, opposed
the treaty on the ground that it violated that of friendship
with Costa Rica, wherein it was stipulated that neither party
should wage war against the other, nor enter into offensive
alliances without first having asked for explanations; which
formality he claimed had not yet been complied with. _Nic._,
_Gaceta_, Oct. 18, Nov. 8, 1873. The treaty was approved
in the senate by nine votes against two, the two nays being
those of Jerez and Seferino Gonzalez. _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._,
Oct. 9, 1873; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Oct. 12, 1873.

[XXIII-36] The loyal people of Nic. at once manifested their
resolve to sustain the govt. _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Nov. 20,
29, Dec. 4, 6, 11, 20, 1873; Jan. 3, 10, 1874.

[XXIII-37] Dec. 6th, to Gen. F. Espinosa, the Salvadoran
commander. _Nic._, _Mem. Min. Gobern_, 1875, 3-5; _Id._,
_Semanal Nic._, Nov. 6-20, 1873; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 15,
Dec. 20, 1873; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Dec. 16, 1873.

[XXIII-38] The troops were congratulated on their good
fortune in not being used as 'instrumentos inocentes de
venganzas y pasiones ajenas,' as so many before them had
been. _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Jan. 31, 1874. The proprietor
and editor of this journal was A. H. Rivas, the min. of
foreign affairs.

[XXIII-39] There were a few local riots, and the government
was made the subject of violent abuse in flying sheets.
_Nic._, _Mem. Min. Gobern._, 1875, 7-12; _Id._, _Gaceta_,
Oct. 10, Nov. 21, 1874.

[XXIII-40] _Nic._, _Mensaje del Presid._, 1-11; _Id._,
_Contestacion_, 1-2; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Feb. 3, 1875.

[XXIII-41] No policy was laid down by him to be pursued
without deviation, except that in general terms he assured
congress and the people of his disposition to respect the
laws, maintain peace, and do his best for the happiness and
prosperity of his country. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Apr. 10,
11, 1875.

[XXIII-42] She placed a large force in Guanacaste, and Nic.
had to station another on the frontier under Gen. Joaquin
Zavala. A plot was discovered in March 1876, and about 20
prominent persons concerned in it were expelled, some going
to Costa R., and others to Hond. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._,
March 22, 26, 1876.

[XXIII-43] The govt had endeavored to maintain and
develop the harmony which Quadra had established with the
ecclesiastical authorities. The bishop and his clergy
efficaciously impressed on the masses respect for pub.
authority, love for their institutions, and a spirit of
independence. _Nic._, _Mensaje del Presid._, Jan. 24, 1877.

[XXIII-44] Nov. 15, 1876. Later on the govts of Guat. and
Salv. united their efforts to restore a friendly feeling
betw. Nic. and Costa R., and finally succeeded in their
purpose. _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, June 7, 12, 1877. Relations
were reopened in June 1878.

[XXIII-45] A visitation of locusts did great havoc in the
corps; and a succession of gales from the 3d to the 5th of
October caused heavy damages in the city and department of
Managua, in Granada, Rivas, and other parts, including a
large portion of Mosquitia, ruining many valuable estates.

[XXIII-46] _Chamorro_, _Discurso en el acto de entrega_,
March 1, 1879.

[XXIII-47] He based his conclusion on this ground: 'La
trasmision legal y tranquila del Mando Supremo, que viene
repitiéndose desde tantos años en Nicaragua.' _Nic._,
_Discurso Inaug. del Presid. Zavala_, March 1, 1879; _Salv._,
_Diario Ofic._, Sept. 28, Nov. 12, Dec. 12, 22, 1878; Jan.
22, March 13, 1879; _Voz de Méj._, May 6, 1879.

[XXIII-48] The following measures were passed: law of
civil registration; penal code; mode of procedure in
criminal cases; creation of justices of the peace, and
military courts of first resort, to take the place of the
governors of departments, where for greater economy it has
been deemed expedient to suppress these officers, as well
as the respective military garrisons; restoration of the
universities; and the appropriations for the current fiscal
biennial term. It also sanctioned the treaty concluded with
Guat. and Salv. in 1877, and the treaties and conventions
lately entered into with Hond.; namely, amity, commerce,
extradition, exportation of cattle, postal, and telegraphic.

[XXIII-49] Those on the railway decreed by the assembly
of 1876, and begun by the former administration, were
progressing. Two important contracts were made, one for
navigation on the lake by fair-sized steam vessels, and
another for the construction of a railroad from Chinandega
to Moábita or Leon Viejo, and thence to Granada. The section
between Corinto and Chinandega went into operation Jan. 1st.
Telegraphic lines were in working order. A contract had also
been concluded to lay a submarine cable to connect with the
Mexican telegraphs.

[XXIII-50] Excise tax on real estates, export duties, and
certain monopolies were abolished.

[XXIII-51] _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 5, 1881.

[XXIII-52] Among them were one for amending the constitution,
and for abolishing judicial fees, in order to have gratuitous
administration of justice. An act to seize private lands,
by paying for it, for facilitating the construction of
railroads, was passed. _Id._, Apr. 1, 1881.

[XXIII-53] It was proved beyond a doubt. _El Porvenir de
Nic._, May 28, 1881.

[XXIII-54] In exhorting the young to avail themselves of
the advantages the institute would afford them, he said that
christianity was the true basis of education, and added that
liberty of conscience and of speech was necessary for the
perfect education of free men.

[XXIII-55] Several prominent citizens, among whom were
Ex-president Chamorro, and Ex-minister Rivas, urged the govt
to let the jesuits remain; but their arguments could not
stand against Zavala's determination to rid his country of a
dangerous religious and political body. _Nic._, _Mem. Min.
Gobern._, 1883, 5-6, annexes A and B; _Costa R._, June 9,
1885; _Pan. Star and Herald_, May 21, June 16-18, 1883; _S.
F. Bulletin_, July 6, 16, 1881.

[XXIII-56] He was a man about 55 years of age, of small
stature, gray-haired, and wearing spectacles. His sharp,
intelligent eyes showed the man of culture and shrewdness.

[XXIII-57] He organized his cabinet with the following
ministers: Teodoro Delgadillo, of justice and religion;
Francisco Castellon, of foreign affairs and pub. instruction;
Jose Chamorro, of pub. works; Joaquin Elizondo, of war and
marine. _Nic._, _Mem. Min. Rel._, 1884, 8; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Oct. 20, Dec. 1, 1882; March 20, Apr. 17, 1883.

[XXIII-58] Vicente Navas, Enrique Guzman, Gilberto Larios,
and Ladislao Argüello were appointed to represent Nic. at the
conference of delegates of the five republics.

[XXIII-59] Small-pox and dysentery broke out in several
districts, destroying many lives. The town of San Cárlos
was burned down; and the eruption of Ometepe volcano drove
the inhabitants of that island from their homes. The govt
afforded relief to the sufferers. Other places have been
lately injured by earthquakes. _Nic._, _Mensaje Pres.
Cárdenas_, Jan. 15, 1885; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 3, 4,
1885.

[XXIII-60] On the 13th and 14th of March they issued
manifestos to Central Americans in general, as well as
to their own people, inviting them to resist Barrios,
who, as they said, claiming to seek the reconstruction
of the old union, really was bent on conquest for his own
aggrandizement. _Costa R._, _Boletin Ofic._, March 13, 23,
29, Apr. 2, 1885; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, Sen Jour., 1884-5,
568-71; _S. F. Call_, March 13, 1885; _S. F. Chronicle_,
March 13, 1885.

[XXIII-61] _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, June 2, 1885.

[XXIII-62] They fled in disorder on the approach of govt
troops. Costa R. and Hond. had placed forces on the frontiers
to secure their neutrality. _Id._, Nov. 4, 8, 10, Dec. 4,
1885; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Dec. 29, 1885.

[XXIV-1] Urbina was made a brigadier a few months after he
became governor, and died Feb. 22, 1805, on which day the
teniente rey Mata took the govt. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Oct.
3, 1868.

[XXIV-2] Each province was ruled by a governor and comandante
de armas, and the partidos by alcaldes mayores, all being,
however, under the governor at the capital, in whose hands
were the superior civil government, the real patronato,
and the superintendency of the treasury. _Pan. Docs._, in
_Pan._, _Col. Docs._, MS., no. 36, 6; _Arosemena_, _Apunt.
Hist._, 3-4; _Id._, in _Pan. Bol. Ofic._, Feb. 25, 1868;
_Arosemena, Mariano_, _Apuntamientos Históricos con relacion
al Istmo de Panamá_, Pan., 1868, 8vo, 48 pp. The author, one
of the prominent citizens who took an active part in the
affairs related by him, and was one of the signers of the
independence, kept a diary of events occurring on the Isthmus
during many years, and in 1868, as he tells us, purposed
the publication of his memoranda from 1801 to 1840. I have
succeeded in obtaining a portion of his writings, and find
them important for the period embraced. Mariano Arosemena
died at Panamá on the 31st of May, 1868. He had several sons
and daughters, one of the former being the distinguished
Colombian statesman, Justo Arosemena, who has held high
diplomatic positions in Europe, the United States, and
South American republics, besides some of the most important
offices in his own country.

[XXIV-3] _Arosemena_, _Apunt._, 5; _Bol. Of._ (1868), 32. For
the district of Panamá proper, there was, moreover, a high
justice, 'justicia mayor de cruces,' who on entering the city
had power to take cognizance of all affairs laid before the
alcaldes.

[XXIV-4] In addition to the regular troops of one company
of artillery and one battalion of infantry, distributed in
various places, there were militia forces comprising one
battalion of white and one of colored soldiers at Panamá, an
equal force at Natá, one battalion of whites in Veragua, and
seven companies infantry and artillery scattered in different
places. _Bol. Of._ (1868), 32.

[XXIV-5] Arosemena, _Apunt._, 10-11, gives several titles
of such books, of which as specimens may be mentioned _Las
Fábulas de Samaniego_, _El Año Cristiano_, _El Semanario
Santo_.

[XXIV-6] There was a college de propaganda fide of
Franciscans; convents of barefooted Augustinians, Dominicans,
and the order of Mercy; nunneries of la Concepcion and
San Juan de Dios; moreover a hospital, and a charitable
institution, dedicated to Santo Tomás de Villanueva, for poor
women. Hospitals belonging to the order of San Juan de Dios
existed likewise at Natá and Portobello. _Bol. Of._ (1868),
32.

[XXIV-7] The transportation into town was effected at night,
and generally in packages, similar in size and shape to those
used for carrying country products to market. _Arosemena_,
_Apunt._, 8.

[XXIV-8] Prompted by the Franciscans, public processions were
held, at which some persons wore crowns of thorns, others
carried heavy crosses on their shoulders, or ropes round
their necks, etc.

[XXIV-9] Full particulars on this point have been given in
connection with the histories of Mexico and Guatemala for
that period.

[XXIV-10] Distinctions of classes, resulting from differences
of color, were natural enough; but the rivalry was now
intense between natives of Spain, and Americans of pure
Spanish descent.

[XXIV-11] The permission was granted by the governor of
Panamá, and never revoked even though its political influence
became apparent, because of the increase of revenue resulting
from that trade. _Bol. Of._ (1868), 72.

[XXIV-12] A detailed account of the occurrences at Cartagena
is given in _Restrepo_, _Hist. Col._, ii. 165-8.

[XXIV-13] The governor of Panamá had hastened to send an
auxiliary force of several hundred men, but it arrived too
late. _Arosemena_, _Apunt._, 19.

[XXIV-14] 'Una expresion indiscreta que el español Don
José Llorente dijo á Don Francisco Morales ... por la que
despreciaba á los americanos.' _Restrepo_, _Hist. Col._, ii.
174.

[XXIV-15] In August the same junta obliged the viceroy to go
to Cartagena, and thence to Spain. _Id._, 191.

[XXIV-16] Indeed, the authority of the Spanish córtes was
formally recognized by the several provinces as late as
1811, and it was only afterward that thoughts of absolute
independence were expressed.

[XXIV-17] The Spanish party ridiculed the aspirations of the
patriots, because of certain dissensions already cropping out
among them. _Bol. Ofic._, 1868, 75.

[XXIV-18] 'Deben ser el primer objeto de la defensa y de la
tierna solicitud del congreso ... redimiendo las segundas de
las cadenas que hoy las oprimen.' _Arosemena_, _Apunt._, 22;
_Bol. Ofic._, 1868, 75.

[XXIV-19] He assumed the government at Portobello, Feb. 19th,
and somewhat later transferred himself to Panamá. _Restrepo_,
_Hist. Col._, viii. 28, followed by Perez, _Jeog._, 109.

[XXIV-20] A letter from the vice-president of the junta
gubernativa at Cartagena to Commandant Ríbon at Mompós let
out the object of the mission. _Arosemena_, _Apunt._, 24.

[XXIV-21] Gov. Mata had died in 1812, soon after his
promotion to mariscal de campo. He was succeeded by Brigadier
Victor Salcedo, who ruled only a few days.

[XXIV-22] The cause was dissatisfaction of the regency at
Cádiz because he had remained in Panamá instead of selecting
some other place from which he might have reached Bogotá.

[XXIV-23] 'Arrancó el ayuntamiento de Panamá con insidiosos
manejos del gobierno de Cádiz el decreto de que fuese el R.
Obispo removido de su silla.' _Torrente_, _Hist. Rev._, ii.
69. The name of the bishop was Joaquin Gonzalez, who died
in July 1813. His successor was José Higinio Duran y Martel,
mentioned as bishop for the first time in 1814, who was one
of the signers of the independence—_Bol. Of._ (1868), 88—and
still in office in 1821. See also _Pan. Col. Doc._, no. 125,
MS.

[XXIV-24] Other distinctions, among which an addition to
the coat of arms, were also resolved in the same session.
_Córtes_, _Actas Ord._ (1814), ii. 206.

[XXIV-25] His decree of May 4, 1814, was carried out on the
Isthmus in August of the same year. _Pan._, _Doc. Hist._, in
_Pan._, _Col. Doc._, no. 36, MS., 8-19.

[XXIV-26] Bustamante, _Cuad. Hist._, iv. 161-3, gives the
number as 10,473, which agrees with the figures given by
Restrepo, _Hist. Col._, vi. 49; but this authority refers
only to the troops.

[XXIV-27] This was the principal object; 'asegurar este istmo
en sujecion perpetua á la España, fuera cual fuese el éxito
final de la guerra de la independencia de las colonias de S.
M. C. en el Nuevo Mundo;' which is confirmed by the words of
the royal order of May 9, 1815, speaking of the expedition as
made in view of 'la importancia de poner en el respetable pié
de defensa que conviene, al Istmo de Panamá, llave de ambas
Américas.' _Arosemena_, _Apunt._, 29-30.

[XXIV-28] The vessel carrying Hore and part of his force
was captured near Cartagena by two small ships belonging
to the revolutionists. _Restrepo_, _Hist. Col._, vi. 95-6;
_Torrente_, _Hist. Rev._, ii. 178-9.

[XXIV-29] It had been held ad interim by Juan Domingo
Iturralde, _Arosemena_, _Apunt._, 30-1, who was the governor
of Veragua and adjoining districts. _Pan._, _Doc. Hist._, in
_Pan._, _Col. Doc._, no. 36, MS., 8.

[XXIV-30] Arosemena, _Apunt._, 31, speaks of his 'detestacion
de los principios de gobierno representativo,' and says on
page 42 that he was the man employed by Fernando VII. to
dissolve in 1814 the Spanish córtes.

[XXIV-31] The king had decreed the reëstablishment of the
order in Spanish America, but it was not carried out on the
Isthmus, there being no members of the society here, nor any
one willing to join it. 'Andábamos ya algo despreocupados,'
says an authority. The society was already looked on as an
agent of despotism and perpetual state of vassalage. _Bol.
Ofic._, 1868, 112.

[XXIV-32] 'Prometiéndoles ganancias enormes, pero propias de
las circunstancias.' _Restrepo_, _Hist. Col._, vii. 168.

[XXIV-33] While the assailants had all their attention
centred on Portobello, a Spanish vessel, with $70,000 on
board, passed the port unperceived. _Weatherhead's Darien_,
29.

[XXIV-34] MacGregor had probably never read the adventures of
Vasco Nuñez de Balboa.

[XXIV-35] Weatherhead, _Darien_, 43, says that Spanish
officers in disguise fearlessly walked the streets, and
entered the fort to drink with the men. They had passports
issued by the former alcalde, who had returned after the
occupation of the city, and in whom MacGregor foolishly
placed confidence.

[XXIV-36] Such is Weatherhead's version. _Darien_, 57-62.
Hore denied having agreed to the capitulation, adding that
he regarded the men as bandits; and had demanded their
surrender at discretion. Restrepo, giving no credence to
Hore's assertion, declares his proceeding 'accion vil, digna
de los jefes españoles de América.' Arosemena says: 'Bajo
capitulacion, ó sin ella, pues esto no es del todo conocido,
se sindieron.' _Apunt._, 38-9. Santa Cruz, who was made
governor of Portobello, shortly after Hore went to Panamá
captured two vessels which had on board about 100 men brought
from England to reinforce MacGregor; but it is unknown what
became of the prisoners. _Restrepo_, _Hist. Col._, vii.
173-4, 176.

[XXIV-37] 'Terminó por la ineptitud del gefe esta espedicion
que hizo mucho ruido,' observes Restrepo, _Hist. Col._,
vii. 175. Weatherhead, _Darien_, 63-7, though admitting the
general's incompetency, tries to apologize for his behavior.

[XXIV-38] This was pursuant to general orders from the king.
The same treatment was to be awarded to persons captured
under similar circumstances, 'sin dar cuenta, ni consultar
á esta superioridad hasta despues de haberlo verificado.'
_Doc._, in _Restrepo_, _Hist. Col._, x. 190.

[XXIV-39] Weatherhead, _Darien_, 96, speaks of 14, while
Restrepo, _Hist. Col._, vii. 177-8, mentions only 10.

[XXIV-40] Restrepo says that only 40 had survived, while
Weatherhead gives the figures as in the text. I have in
most cases preferred to follow the latter authority in his
_An Account of the Late Expedition against the Isthmus of
Darien_, London, 1821, pp. 134, map, by W. D. Weatherhead,
as the work was written under the fresh impression of the
events described, and by one whose position and participation
in the expedition as a surgeon enabled him to obtain the
most reliable information. This is furnished, together with
such other historical data as the author, by means of slight
investigation, could procure in addition to the narrative of
the expedition and descriptions of different places on the
Isthmus. Appended is professional information on diseases,
climates, and state of medical science in the province of
Tierra Firme.

[XXIV-41] The constitution of the Spanish monarchy was
published on the Isthmus about May 1821. Its publication in
Alange took place in that month. _Pan._, _Doc. Hist._, in
_Pan._, _Col. Doc._, MS., no. 36, fol. 26.

[XXIV-42] Alcaldes—Luis Laso de la Vega, and Mariano
Arosemena. Regidores—Manuel de Arce Delgado, Juan Manuel
Berguido, Pedro Jimenez, Cárlos Icaza, Juan José Calvo,
Remigio Laso, José Pablo Jimenez, and Tadeo Perez.
Secretary—Manuel Maria Ayala. _Arosemena_, _Apunt._, 41-2.

[XXIV-43] He died July 8, 1820. Arosemena, _Apunt._, 42,
places the death in Aug. Another trouble was his inability to
pay the soldiers, who clamored for their dues. _Weatherhead's
Darien_, 116-17.

[XXIV-44] The application of municipal revenue to local
purposes; and that the police be composed of citizens under
the control of the cabildo; the military patrols should be
discontinued.

[XXIV-45] Many families abandoned the city to escape his
persecutions.

[XXIV-46] His influence was to be seen, nevertheless, in the
low tone of the press, and in the discontinuance of political
meetings.

[XXIV-47] Their names are given in _Bol. Of._ (1869), 31.

[XXIV-48] _Restrepo_, _Hist. Col._, viii. 28; _Arosemena_,
_Apunt._, 47.

[XXIV-49] Perez, _Jeog._, 110, calls him Murjea.

[XXIV-50] His arrival at Chagres is set down by Arosemena,
_Apunt._, 47-8, on the 2d of Aug., 1821; others place him
in Panamá on the 17th. _Restrepo_, _Hist. Col._, viii. 29;
_Perez_, _Jeog._, 110.

[XXIV-51] Porras had been transferred to Yucatan, and his
successor, Brigadier Tomás Cires, had been detained at Puerto
Cabello. _Arosemena_, _Apunt._, 48. Fábrega was the governor
of Veragua and adjoining districts. _Pan._, _Doc. Hist._, in
_Pan._, _Col. Doc._, MS., no. 36, 25.

[XXIV-52] The church lent him some money, and he obtained
$20,000 more from the sale of armament to Peru. _Bol. Ofic._,
1869, 31.

[XXIV-53] Mourgeon had the idea of taking with him some
persons whom he suspected of disloyalty, but desisted.
_Arosemena_, _Apunt._, 48.

[XXIV-54] 'No declararon el gobierno que se daban, ni cosa
alguna sobre los negocios de la transformacion política:
novicios, se contentaron con llamarse independientes.' _Bol._
_Ofic._, 1869, 31.

[XXIV-55] The commissioners were José María Chiari and Juan
de la Cruz Perez.

[XXIV-56] Mollien, _Colombie_, ii. 140-1, asserts that the
officers were induced to desert, partly by threats, and
partly by paying them two months' arrears due them by the
government.

[XXIV-57] Blas, Mariano, and Gaspar Arosemena, and José María
Barrientos.

[XXIV-58] The deserters became so many recruits for an
independent army.

[XXIV-59] 'Panamá, espontáneamente, y conforme al voto
general de los pueblos de su comprension, se declara libre
é independiente del Gobierno español.' Bol. _Ofic._, 1869,
32. The anniversary of the independence has been ever since
celebrated with due honors on the 28th of November.

[XXIV-60] Some had favored absolute independence, and others
union with Peru.

[XXIV-61] The military were left free to stay or leave the
Isthmus. In the latter event they would be furnished means to
go to Cuba, provided they pledged themselves not to use arms
against the independent states of America. Similar provisions
were made for soldiers and officers detained by sickness.
Another document speaks only of defraying the expenses to
Chagres or Portobello, the transfer to be made as soon as the
forts there surrendered. _Pan. Doc._

[XXIV-62] In the _Bol. Of._ (1869), 32, the names of 25
are given, whereas a printed copy of the act in _Pan. Doc._
gives four more. Other copies of the text will be found in
the _Gac._, _Imp. Mex._ (1821), ii. 110-12; _Gac._, _Guad._
(1822), 315-16; _Am. St. Pap._, iv. 832-5; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Nov. 28, 1883.

[XXIV-63] Niles, _S. Am. and Mex._, ii. 118, gives the day
as Dec. 15th, a date also vaguely indicated by Scheffer in
_Revue Amér._, i. 183.

[XXIV-64] The motion had been made by the inhabitants of
Natá, and was adopted by the citizens assembled at Santiago
under the presidency of Casimiro del Bal, the political
chief ad interim. The oath of independence included also
the condition to uphold the Roman catholic religion, and to
defend the purity of the virgin Mary. The full text is given
in _Veraguas_, _Acta de Independencia_, in _Pan. Col. Doc._,
no. 54, a certified manuscript copy of the original record in
the archives of Santiago.

[XXIV-65] 'Otros pensaron que viniera otra espedicion
española sin que tuviéramos previo conocimiento de ella.'
_Bol. Ofic._, 1869, 32.

[XXIV-66] 'Con esta clase de pasaporte zarparon del puerto,
diciendo, sin embargo, que no podian llevar á efecto el
convenio.... Pero mas tarde se entregaron, al fin, al
Gobierno republicano del Perú.' _Bol. Ofic._, 1869, 32.
From that time, it is believed no Spanish war vessel visited
the Isthmus till August 1863, when, though Spain had not as
yet recognized Colombia's independence, a squadron of that
nation entered Panamá Bay. The visit was altogether friendly.
_Bidwell's Isth. Pan._, 71.

[XXIV-67] Copies of the various constitutions framed from
1811 to 1821 will be found in _Restrepo_, _Hist. Col._, i.
135-42; viii. 5-19, 221-44; ix. 5-31; x. 37-54. A French
translation of the last of Aug. 30, 1821, appears in
_Colombia Const._, in _Ancillon_, _Mélanges Pol._, 9-120, and
commented on in _Revue Amér._, i. 186-215.

[XXIV-68] _Veraguas_, _Decretos del Libertador Bolívar,
Presidente de Colombia_, 1827-8, in _Pan. Col. Docs._, MS.,
no. 64.

[XXIV-69] _Pan. Comand. gen. del istmo_, in _Pan. Col. Doc._,
MS., no. 30, p. 3-8, 11. The Spanish córtes, not knowing
what had occurred on the Isthmus, authorized the government,
Apr. 30, 1822, to create an intendencia in Panamá. _Córtes_,
_Diario, _, 1822, v. Apr. 30, 2.

[XXIV-70] _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, v. 581-2; _Méx._, _Col.
Órd. y Dec._, ii. 38-9.

[XXIV-71] _Seemann's Voy._, i. 301. In Veragua orders were
issued, July 23, 1822, to register in future as free all
colored children born of slave mothers. In 1847 there were
only about 380 slaves in the province of Panamá. The national
government in April of that year prohibited the importation
and exportation of slaves. In the latter part of 1849 there
were left in the province of Chiriquí only 32 slaves, and
measures were proposed for their manumission. _Gov. Herrera's
mess._, Sept. 15, 1847, in _Bogotá_, _Gaceta Ofic._, Feb. 6,
1848; _Pan. Col. Doc._, MS., nos. 81, 82; _Chiriquí_, _Mem.
de su prim. gobr_, in _Id._, no. 85, p. 10-11.

[XXIV-72] Soon after there were no slaves in the country.
_Bidwell's Isth. Pan._, 32-3; _Pan._, _Crón. Ofic._, Jan.
22, March 29, Aug. 29, 1852; _S. F. Daily Herald_, Feb.
9, 1852. It was currently reported, and indeed with good
foundation, that a plot was carried out by certain parties
from Cartagena, in or about 1862, who ran off a number of
colored men and women of Panamá to Cuba, where they were sold
into slavery. _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, Nov. 27, 1862.

[XXV-1] It was supposed that France, now under an absolute
king, by the prompting of the alliance, had conceived a vast
plan for the conquest of the Spanish American countries,
which till within a few years had been under the catholic
king's domination. Many eminent men in Europe and the U. S.
approved the idea of the American congress, and bestowed
high encomiums on its author. Abbé de Pradt championed it
in his work, _Congrés de Panamá_, saying: 'The congress of
Panamá will be one of the greatest events of our times, and
its effects will be felt to the remotest posterity.' _Pradt_,
_Cong. de Pan._ (Sp. Transl.), 171.

[XXV-2] The plenipotentiaries of the U. S. were R. G.
Anderson, then minister to Bogotá, and J. Sergeant. Anderson
died at Cartagena while on his journey to the Isthmus.
Sergeant arrived too late, but afterward proceeded to Mexico
for the purpose of carrying out his instructions. Full
particulars on the course of the U. S. government will be
found in _Niles' Reg._, xxviii. 131-2; xxix. index 'Panamá'
and 'Congress,' subhead 'Pan.;' xxx. index, p. iv., p. vii.,
54-172, passim, 248; xxxi. index 'Pan.,' 263, 318, 400, 16,
38, 44-7, 65, 129, 312-16; xxxii. 214, 282, 308; xxxvi. index
'Pan.', p. iii., 23-80, passim; _Benton's Thirty Years_, i.
65-9; _Am. St. Pap._, For. Rel., v. 834-40, 899-905, 916-20;
vi. (new set) 356-65, 383-4, 555; _U. S. Cong. Debates_,
1825-6, i. index, p. ii. iii. viii. x.; ii., app. p. 43-105;
_Id._, 1828-9, Index, p. i.; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, Cong. 19,
Sess. 1, H. Doc., 740; _Id._, H. Ex. Doc. 144, viii.; _Id._,
Cong. 19, Sess. 2, H. Ex. Doc. 23, ii. St. Pap.; _Id._,
Cong. 19, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc., i. p. 9, vol. i.; _Id._, Cong.
19, Sess. 1, Sen. Jour., 411-70; _Id._, Cong. 19, Sess. 1,
Rept Commit., ii. Doc. 137, app. nos. 36-41; _Pan. Miss.
Speeches_; _Johnson's Speech on Pan. Miss._; _Hayne's Speech
on Pan. Miss._, _Mayer's Mex. as it was, etc._, 368; _Rev.
Amér._, 111-25, 542-8; _Dem. Rev._, i. 489; _Young's Am.
Statesman_, 352-61; _Lafond_, _Voy._, i. bk. i. 289-90; _N.
Am. Rev._, xxi. 162-76; _Am. Annual Reg._, 1825-6, 79-126;
_Pub. Doc._ 49, 103.

[XXV-3] Dawkins, the British commissioner, according to
Restrepo, _Hist. Revol. Colombia_, acted with commendable
frankness. He limited himself to imparting good advice,
assuring the Sp. Am. plenipotentiaries that his government
would assuredly mediate with Spain; meantime they should
avoid all cause of offence to European powers. Col Van Veer,
the gentleman from Holland, held no public capacity; his
mission was a private one, confined to the expression of his
sovereign's warm wishes for the happiness of the American
republics. _Bidwell's Isth. Pan._, 186-90.

[XXV-4] Their representatives were: for Colombia, Pedro
Gual and Pedro Briceño Mendez; for Central America, Pedro
Molina and Antonio Larrazábal; for Peru, Manuel de Vidaurre
and Manuel Perez de Tudela; and for Mexico, José Mariano
Michelena and José Dominguez. _Santangelo_, _Cong. Pan._,
1-166.

[XXV-5] In proof of the assertion, Colombia was to furnish
15,250 men of the three arms, one line-of-battle ship of 70
to 80 guns, one frigate of 64, and two of 44. These vessels
would cost her nearly two and a quarter million dollars,
besides the expense to maintain them armed, manned, and
otherwise thoroughly equipped. Where was Colombia, already
burdened with a considerable annual deficit, to get the means
for supporting such an army and navy?

[XXV-6] On the 8th of Aug., 1826, he wrote to Gen. Paez from
Lima: 'The congress of Panamá, an admirable institution were
it more efficacious, resembles the Greek lunatic that wanted
to direct from a rock the sailing of ships. Its power will
be but a shadow, and its decrees mere counsels.' _Caicedo_,
_Union Lat. Am._, 33-10, 97-110.

[XXV-7] There were doubtless other reasons, such as the
agitations menacing Colombia, fear of an invasion by France
in the name of the holy alliance; or the bad climate and lack
of facilities in Panamá. _Méx._, _El Sol_, no. 1203; _Guat._,
_Redaitor Gen._, suppl. to no. 27; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist.
Cent. Am._, i. 138-9.

[XXV-8] The enemies of Bolívar accused him of aiming, through
an American league, at the control of all Spanish America
to make himself its ruler. The following authorities have
also treated more or less fully of the Panamá congress:
_Mora_, _Revol. Mej._, i. 354-8; _La Palanca_, Sept. 14,
Oct. 26, 1826; _Zavala_, _Revol. Mex._, i. 389-90; _Cuevas_,
_Porvenir_, 387-497; _Mex._, _Mem. Rel._, 1827, Doc. 2,
11-13; _Bustamante_, _Voz de la Patria_, ii. no. 15, 2-3;
_Amigo del Pueblo_, ii. no. 5, 132-3; iii. 395-419; iv.
223-4; _Cor. Fed. Mex._, Nov. 28, 1826; _Rivera_, _Hist.
Jalapa_, ii. 395-6; _Tornel_, _Breve Reseña_, 48-50; _Gaz.
Mex. Extraord._, 1826, i. no. 5; _Mex._, _Gac. de Gob._, July
4-Sept. 21, 1826, passim; _Tucker's Monroe Doctrine_, 23-36.

[XXV-9] The capital of Spanish Guiana, near the Orinoco and
Old Guiana.

[XXV-10] Among the governors of Veragua were, in Jan. 1823,
José M. Chiari; in June 1823, Miguel A. Figueredo; in 1824-5,
Pedro Guillen; and in 1828, F. Fábrega. Gov. of Panamá,
1826, J. J. Argote. Intendente and comandante general of
the departm. of the Isthmus in 1827, Col Man. Muñoz; in June
1828, J. Sardá. _Veraguas_, _Gob._, in _Pinart_, _Pan. Col.
Doc._, MS., no. 29, 34; _Pinart_, _Pan. Col. Doc._, MS., no.
2, 80, et seq.

[XXV-11] José Vallarino of Panamá was one of its members,
and soon after was made vice-president, and a little later
councillor of state. A popular man in his section, he was
at one time thought of for a senatorship, and at another for
the presidency of the republic. In 1816 he had been the royal
treasurer, an office conferred on him as a reward of his own
past services, as well as of those of his father, Bernardo,
and his uncle, Bruno, who had been a member of the council
of the Indies. At the separation from the mother country he
joined the independent movement, afterward holding several
honorable positions. His descendants live on the Isthmus.
_Id._, no. 1, 1-8.

[XXV-12] Since 1829 Nueva Granada had been divided into
departments with a prefect at the head of each. The prefect
of Panamá was J. Sardá. His rule was despotic, involving the
abuse of prominent citizens, and levying a forced loan for
pretended defence of the Isthmus. _Sardá, J._, _Decreto_, May
25, 1829. He was executed at Bogotá in 1833 under sentence of
the law for a plot to murder the president. _Necrología_, in
_El Constitucional del Istmo_.

[XXV-13] Their functions were those of the former prefect.
_Pinart_, _Pan. Coll. Doc._, MS., no. 62.

[XXV-14] The constitution of 1830, of the old republic,
had been in force till now. _Obando, J. M._, _Decreto_,
in _Pinart_, _Pan. Coll. Miscell. Pap._, no. 14; _El
Constitutional del Istmo_, Jan. 14, 28; Apr. 21, May 7, 14,
28, 1832; _Veraguas_, _Recop. Ordenanzas_, 20.

[XXV-15] The following authorities appear in official
documents: Province of Panamá, 1832-3, Gov. Juan José Argote;
in 1834, acting gov., M. A. Hurtado; in 1836-8, Gov. Pedro
Obarrio. Prov. of Veragua, in 1874, Gov. M. J. Guisado;
in 1835-7, Gov. Manuel de Ayala. In 1836 Veragua had a
provincial legislature. _Pinart_, _Pan. Col. Doc._, MS., no.
25, no. 31, p. 4, 12, 18, 38, 40, 75, 91; nos. 59, 65, 78,
104; _El Constitutional del Istmo_, May 7, 14, 1832; Oct.
30, 1824; Aug. 30, 1836; _Registro Ofic._, _N. Gran._, 8;
_Veraguas_, _Esposic._, in _Pinart_, _Pan. Col. Doc._, MS.,
no. 76.

[XXV-16] For which he was awarded thanks. _El Constitutional
del Istmo_, Dec. 28, 1831.

[XXV-17] Dec. 3, 1831. _Id._, Dec. 21, 1831.

[XXV-18] Lieut Melchor Duran, and Brevet Sub-lieutenant F.
Casana of the battalion No. 9. _Id._, March 14, 1832.

[XXV-19] During the past nine years the Isthmus seems to
have enjoyed comparative quiet. In Sept. 1833, the provincial
legislature chose Agustin Tallaferro deputy to the national
congress, and Juan de la Cruz Perez his suplente. _Id._,
Sept. 15, 1833.

[XXV-20] He accompanied resolutions of the officials, heads
of families, and other citizens of Santiago to remain under
the national authority, and lend no aid to any attempt to
sever the connection or promote public disturbance. _El
Constitucional de Cundinamarca_, March 27, 1842.

[XXV-21] He said: 'Marcharé hasta donde sea necesario para
arreglanos con Veraguas definitivamente.' Though hoping that
for the common interest, the voice of peace will be heeded,
'la fuerza alcanzará lo que se le ha negado á la fraternidad
y á los principios.' _Gaceta del Istmo_, Sept. 15, 1840, in
_Pinart_, _Pan. Coll. Doc._, no. 3; _Herrera_, _Decreto_, in
_Pinart_, _Miscell. Pap._, no. 13.

[XXV-22] Costa Rica recognized the independence of the
Isthmus, and entered with Obarrio into a convention of amity
and trade. The boundary question was left open for future
settlement. _Gaceta del Istmo_, Oct. 20, 1841; _Costa R._,
_Col. Ley._, vii. 234-6.

[XXV-23] This was acknowledged on the 16th of October,
1841, by F. W. Byrne, acting Brit. consul, in a note to Sec.
Arosemena.

[XXV-24] Meantime José Agustin Arango, sec. of war, had been
engaged in regulating the national guard. _Id._, Sept. 20,
1841.

[XXV-25] It is understood that the commissioners were not
even clothed with sufficient powers; but the chief men
surrendered the Isthmus to them. The men of the revolution,
José Obaldía, Pedro de Obarrio, Mariano Arosemena, Cárlos de
Icaza, José Agustin Arango, and others, now left Herrera to
the consequences.

[XXV-26] Gen. Herrera fell in battle, not in the state of
Panamá, on the 4th of Dec., 1854, in defence of liberal
institutions. The legislature of Pan., Sept. 22, 1855,
decreed that several of his portraits should be placed in
official halls. In Oct. 1857 it appropriated $3,000 to bring
his remains to Panamá; in May 1868 a monument was decreed.
A statue of the general was placed in the cathedral plaza
of the city of Panamá. _Pan._, _Gaceta del Est._, Sept. 29,
1855; _Id._, Oct. 15, 1857; _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, Jan. 8,
May 12, 1868.

[XXV-27] Gen. Tomás C. Mosquera, commander-in-chief of the
forces on the coast, Aug. 1, 1842, at Panamá, granted in
the name of his government an amnesty to the revolutionists.
Again, March 15, 1845, congress passed a general amnesty law,
including all persons who participated in the rebellion from
1839 to 1842. _Pinart_, _Pan. Col. Doc._, MS., no. 31, 183-5;
_N. Gran._, _Ley. y Dec._, 1-2; _Seemann's Hist. Isth. Pan._,
in _Pan. Star and Herald_, May 14, 1868. The rulers of the
provinces of Panamá and Veragua in the following years are
given in continuation: Gov. of Panamá in 1843, Miguel Chiari;
in 1844-5, Col Anselmo Pineda; in 1845, Joaquin M. Barriga,
with José Agustin Arango as government secretary. Intendente
gen. de hacienda in 1848, Mariano Arosemena. Gov. of Veragua
in 1840-2, Cárlos Fábrega; acting-gov. in 1843, José Fábrega
Barrera; in 1843-5, Antonio del Rio; in 1845-9, Escolástico
Romero; in June 1849, Diego García; in Aug. 1849, Ricardo de
la Parra; in 1850-2, J. Fábrega Barrera; in 1852, Francisco
de Fábrega; in Oct. 1853, Eustasio Fábrega; in 1855, Agustin
Lopez; May 15, 1855, Francisco Fábrega. Appointed gov. Aug.
1855, Agustin Lopez. _Pinart_, _Pan. Col. Docs._, MS., nos.
17, 21, 31, 53, 57-8, 68-75, 79, 105; _El Movimiento_, Dec.
29, 1844; _Veraguas_, _Recop. Ordenanzas_, 2-66; _Pan._,
_Gaceta del Est._, Aug. 28, 1855; _N. Gran._, _Ley. y Dec._,
1-3.

[XXV-28] Aug. 1, 1849, the electoral junta chose one
proprietary senator, Antonio Villeros, and his suplente,
Nicolás Lopez; one deputy, Domingo Arosemena, and his
substitute, Gabriel Diez, to the national congress; seven
deputies and an equal number of suplentes, to constitute the
provincial legislature. The first local legislature met Sept.
15th, and closed the session on the 24th of Oct. From this
time the new province had the following governors, namely:
July 24 to Dec. 20, 1849, Pablo Arosemena; Dec. 20, 1849,
acting gov. Juan Man. Gallegos; June 1850, P. Arosemena
again in office till Aug. 1851, when Rafael Nuñez succeeded
ad int.; Sept. 1851 to 1852, Francisco Esquivel; Sept.
1852, Escolástico Romero; 1854, Santiago Agnew; Aug. 1855,
Domingo Obaldía, against whom complaints were made of abuses
of power. _Pinart_, _Pan. Coll. Doc._, MS., 2-11, 31, 46-8,
83-93; _U. S. Govt Doc._, Cong. 36, Sess. 2, House Ex. Doc.,
vi. 41, p. 59; _Pan._, _Gaceta del Est._, Dec. 1, 1855.

[XXV-29] The first official doc. I have found with the
name of Fábrega in a decree of the gov. of July 25, 1850.
_Pinart_, _Pan. Coll. Doc._, MS., no. 89, p. 59-60.

[XXV-30] Chiriquí's capital, David; Veragua's, Santiago;
Azuero's, Villa de los Santos. The first gov. of Azuero,
receiving like the rest his appointment from the gen.
government, was Juan Arosemena, in 1851. Antonio Baraya
became gov. in April 1852. _Gobn. Prov. Azuero_, in _Pinart_,
_Pan. Coll. Doc._, MS., no. 43.

[XXV-31] Annexed to Veragua. _Sac. Daily Union_, May 18,
1855; _Veraguas_, _Ord. y Resol._, in _Pinart_, _Pan. Coll.
Doc._, no. 6; _Pan._, _Gaceta del Est._, Sept. 15, 1855.

[XXV-32] Dated June 22, 1850. _Chiriquí_, _Ofic. de la
Gobn._, in _Pinart_, _Pan. Coll. Doc._, MS., no. 84;
_Chiriquí_, _Decretos_, in _Id._, MS., no. 89; _Chiriquí_,
_Inf. Gen. del Canton_, in _Id._, MS., no. 41.

[XXV-33] The local authorities were paid out of the national
treasury. Chiriquí could not tax the inhabitants.

[XXV-34] The vice-consul's release; restoration with all
respect and publicity to the consulate of its archives and
other effects, together with satisfaction to the British
government, and a compensation of £1,000 to Russell. _Peña y
Peña_, _Práctica Forense_, iii. 375-94; _Scarlett's S. Am._,
ii. 257-9; _Mensaje_, _Presid. N. Gran._, 1837.

[XXV-35] British war vessels made a demonstration at Panamá
the following year. _S. F. Alta Cal._, Dec. 1, 1856; _S. F.
Even. Bulletin_, Jan. 2, May 16, 1857.

[XXV-36] They said it was notorious that no passenger arrived
at either end of the route without being abused, robbed,
or otherwise maltreated; many had been wounded, and not a
few murdered; hardly a party passed without their baggage
being plundered; women were insulted, and even outraged. No
effort had been made by the authorities to ferret out the
perpetrators of such crimes. _Pan._, _La Crónica Ofic._,
March 1, 1854.

[XXV-37] The governor did not fail to mention that in several
instances his troops had done valuable service in protecting
treasure and recovering stolen property, without claiming or
receiving pay.

[XXV-38] Runnels acted with characteristic energy. Without
scandal or noise, he captured one by one the banditti that
infested the roads, and out of sight and without witnesses,
other than his own men, had the criminals hanged and buried.
Those of this class that did not fall into the hands of
the Isthmus guard made haste to leave the country, which
soon was cleared of foreign evil-doers. This object being
accomplished, the guard was dissolved, its valuable services
being fully appreciated. The governor had no authority for
his action, but no fault was found with him. The measure had
been one of absolute necessity; 'fué redentora.' _Maldonado_,
_Asuntos Polít. Pan._, 9. Runnels in after years lived in
Nicaragua, and died of consumption in Rivas, July 7, 1882,
aged 52. _Pan. Star and Herald_, July 22, 1882.

[XXV-39] Jefe Superior Justo Arosemena wrote Consul Ward a
courteous letter of explanation on the 29th of Sept. _Pan._,
_Gaceta del Est._, Oct. 3, 1855.

[XXV-40] Ships and passengers had been paying a moderate
sum, and when the official's greed was aroused to levy a
burdensome tax, formal objection to it was made.

[XXV-41] It added that the policy of demanding such a tax
would be detrimental to the interests of the Isthmus. The
whole correspondence appears in _Pan. Crón. Ofic._, March 10,
Apr. 10, May 23, 1854; _Pan._, _Gaceta del Est._, Nov. 3, 10,
18, 1855; _Id._, Dec. 11, 1856; _S. F. Alta_, Sept. 20, 1856;
_Sac. Union._, Sept. 22, 1856; _S. F. Bulletin_, Sept. 30,
1856; Minister Herran to Sec. Marcy, Dec. 8, 1856, in _Pan._,
_Gaceta del Est._, March 28, 1857.

[XXV-42] It must be confessed that the impression caused
by the influx of foreigners, parading the streets, many of
them armed with bowie-knives and revolvers, often incited by
intoxication and gambling to acts of lawlessness, was not a
favorable one. They often appeared to the natives as lawless
invaders. The laws were not framed for the emergency, and the
authorities were powerless to stop the scandals occurring
every day in the streets. Robberies and other crimes among
the foreigners themselves were common. Gambling-houses, in
violation of law, were publicly kept, exhibiting strange
signs, such as Card Room, Owls' Club, etc. Once a crowd of
Americans fell upon the small guard of the jail, disarmed it,
and set free some of their countrymen. _Maldonado_, _Asuntos
Polít. Pan._, MS., 2, 5-6. A writer relates that he saw
ruffians in 1850 throw filth on religious processions. Once
an American rode a mule into the cathedral, and tried to make
it drink from the baptismal font. Fortunately Theller, an
American resident, interfered. 'Often the dirty red-shirted
fellows would stride into the chapels and light their cigars
at the altar.' _Cal. Chronicle_, May 20, 1856.

[XXV-43] The trouble originated in the act of a drunken man
named Jack Oliver, who seized a slice of watermelon from a
fruit stall, and refused to pay for it. Simultaneously and
without preconcertion, fights occurred between parties of
passengers and the colored population in various parts of
the town. The city was soon in commotion. Residents retired
to their homes and barred themselves in. The fights lasted
about three hours, when the foreigners were driven into
the depot. The negroes, who had formerly been humble and
submissive to the whites, remembered on that day the abusive
treatment often received by them at the hands of transient
foreigners; but did not confine their expressions of
hatred to foreigners only, for they transversed the streets
crying, Mueran los blancos! They were now ungovernable. They
rushed to the Panamá depot—at a moment when from 250 to 300
passengers of both sexes and all ages, landed at Colon from
the steamship _Illinois_, were procuring their tickets for
San Francisco—and began firing at the building, hitting one
man. The doors were then closed, and some of the passengers
armed themselves. It has been stated by eye-witnesses that
some of the armed passengers went out and discharged their
arms at the black mob before any shot had been fired at
the building; but the weight of testimony is against this
assertion. U. S. Consul Ward came on horseback, saying that
the government at his request would soon send a force to
quell the disturbance. The force did come, but instead of
affording protection to the passengers huddled in the depot,
fired a volley of musketry in their midst, and followed it
by others, besides stray shots. The only reasons assigned
for this conduct of the force were that it sympathized with
the mob, or was awed by it. The latter was the real cause.
The active firing from the outside continued about one and
a half hours even after it had ceased from the inside. The
mob for a time did not succeed in entering the building, but
finally broke into the baggage-room, killing and wounding
several persons. Fortunately, the rabble was bent more on
plunder than slaughter. It is said that even the wounded had
their boots pulled from their feet and carried away. Many
robberies had also been committed by the negroes in the city,
principally in shops and barrooms. _S. F. Bulletin_, May 1-3,
17, Aug. 30, Oct. 14, Dec. 17, 1856; _Cal. Chronicle_, May
20, 1856; _Sac. Union_, May 5, 13, 1856; _S. F. Alta_, May 2,
3, 18, 1856.

[XXV-44] Totten, chief engineer of the railroad, and Ward,
in their protests held Fábrega's government responsible,
and claimed damages. They also demanded protection for the
passengers and treasure then expected from California on
the _Golden Gate_. Fábrega, upon the latter point, gave
the required assurances, recommending that the railroad
officials should also adopt precautionary measures. In his
report to the supreme government on the 22d of April, 1856,
he denied the charges preferred against him by Totten and
Ward, declaring that the whole affair had been sudden and
unpremeditated; and he, as well as the gens d'armes had the
best intentions to protect the passengers, and the firing
upon them had been unauthorized, though resulting from the
fact that the passengers had continued shooting. He kept to
himself, however, that fear for the lives of himself and the
few other white people of the city, which were in great peril
from the infuriated blacks, had deterred him from attacking
the mob. The latter was calmed and dispersed only through the
good offices, called for by Fábrega, of the influential men
among the negro population. _Pan._, _Gaceta del Est._, Apr.
26, May 3, 10, 27, 1856.

[XXV-45] On their landing at Colon, the other steamship was
ready at Panamá to receive them and put off as soon as they
were on board. They traversed the Isthmus without scarcely
setting foot on the soil. _Maldonado_, _Asuntos Polít. Pan._,
MS., 11-12.

[XXV-46] _Corwine's Rep. and Coll. of Evidence_, 1-69; _U.
S. Govt Doc._, Cong. 34, Sess. 1, vol. xi., H. Ex. Doc., no.
103, 154-76.

[XXV-47] It stipulated a board of arbitration composed
of commissioners of both governments to award upon claims
presented prior to Sept. 1, 1859. The total amount of awards
N. Granada would pay in equal semiannual instalments, the
first, six months after the termination of the commission;
and the whole payment to be completed within eight years;
each of the sums bearing interest at 6 per cent per annum.
To secure said payments, N. G. govt appropriated one half
of the compensation accruing to her from the Panamá railroad
company; if such fund should prove insufficient, it was then
to provide for the deficit from its other sources of revenue.
_U. S. Govt Doc._, Cong. 36, Sess. 2, Sen. Miscell., no. 13,
1-7. After the riot the federal government endeavored to have
a force on the Isthmus to protect foreign interests, which it
should have done before. _Maldonado_, _Asuntos Polít. Pan._,
MS., 10-11.

[XXV-48] _U. S. Govt Doc._, Cong. 35, Sess. 2, H. Ex. Dec.,
no. 2, 21, 22, vol. ii. pt i.; _Id._, Id., Sen. Doc., no. 33,
x. 1-3.

[XXV-49] Thomas Savage, U. S. acting consul-general at
Habana, had sent timely notice of their plans. They were
taken with arms, munitions of war, and written proof of their
intent.

[XXV-50] Calancha, president of Panamá, pleaded that he had
no authority to allow it; the national constitution reserving
to the general government of Colombia the control of the
foreign relations. _Bidwell's Pan. Isth._, 207-11.

[XXV-51] They were sentenced by court-martial, their chief
to death, and the others to imprisonment at hard labor; the
sentence of the first was commuted, and all were released
at or before the termination of the war. _Hogg et al._ v.
_U. S._, 1-22; _S. F. Call_, Nov. 26, 1864; May 25-31, June
6-8, July 6, 16, 1865; _S. F. Bulletin_, Nov. 28, 29, Dec. 7,
1864; May 22, 1865.

[XXV-52] This affair took place about one month prior to that
of the prisoners arrested on the _Salvador_. _Bidwell's Pan.
Isth._, 206.

[XXV-53] Questions of neutrality with Spain during the Cuban
revolution in 1871-2; and in 1880, at the time of the war of
Chile against Peru and Bolivia, on the subject of contraband
of war passing through for the uses of either belligerent.
_Gaceta de Pan._, Sept. 21, 1871; Apr. 12, 1872; July 4, 15,
Sept. 2, 16, Nov. 7, 1880.

[XXV-54] _Pan. Star_, March 29, 1850; _Polynesian_, vii. 42,
50; _Holinski_, _La Californie_, 83; _S. F. Alta_, Mar. 22,
Apr. 3, 1851; _S. F. News_, Apr. 3, 1851. The most serious
one was on the 22d and 23d of Oct., 1851, at Chagres, among
boatmen and passengers, in which several lives were lost,
and the town was much damaged. _Pan. Star_, Oct. 28, 1851;
_S. F. Alta_, Nov. 18, 20, 1851; _S. F. Daily Herald_,
Nov. 18, 1851. The official report of the jefe político
on the 3d of Nov. said there were two or three killed and
a number wounded. _Bogotá_, _Gaceta Ofic._, Dec. 3, 1851.
The vigilants of the Isthmus had a thief well flogged at
Chagres in 1851. _S. F. Courier_, Jan. 21, 1851. Another
case of lynch law occurred on the island of Tabogá in 1855.
The carpenter of the American steamship company was one
morning dragged out of bed and murdered. As there was no
police on the island, the employés of the company captured
the murderers, one of whom made full confession, and their
captors without more ado hanged them. The state authorities
took no notice of the matter, other than issuing, some time
after, a full pardon to the executioners. _Bidwell's Isth. of
Pan._, 216; _Pan._, _Gaceta del Est._, Sept. 29, 1855.

[XXV-55] This occurred on the Cruces route. The escort
was fired upon, two arrieros were mortally wounded. The
banditti endeavored to run off one of the laden mules, but
were prevented by the escort and passengers. _Holinski_, _La
Californie_, 83-4; _S. F. Alta_, Oct. 18, 1851; _S. F. Daily
Herald_, Oct. 18, 1851.

[XXV-56] A mere alcalde met with no difficulty whatever to
have his orders carried out.

[XXV-57] Judges and alcaldes were not only civil officials,
but also agents of the ecclesiastical authorities. Their
double rôle insured them great influence with a people
'barbarizado por la ignorancia y el fanatismo.' _Maldonado_,
_Asuntos Polít. Pan._, MS., 3.

[XXV-58] Public documents speak in general terms of outrages
committed by the revolutionists. They marched from Veragua
against Los Santos in Azuero, and were defeated. _Pan.
Gobern._, in _Pinart_, _Pan. Coll. Doc._, MS., no. 43, 5-9.
An amnesty was decreed in favor of the revolutionists Sept.
29, 1856, excepting a few leaders, who were finally pardoned
in a later one of Sept. 12, 1857. _Pan._, _Gaceta del Est._,
Sept. 16, 23, 1857. The following authorities appear in pub.
docs. July 23, 1852, Gen. Manuel M. Franco, appointed from
Bogotá, comandante general, in place of Gen. Antonio Morales,
deceased. Aug. 6, 1852, Gov. Manuel M. Diaz summoned the
provincial legislature to hold its yearly session. Sept. 1,
1853, Bernardo Arce Mata took possession of the office of
gov. Jan. 1, 1854, José María Urrutia Añino, who had been
chosen gov. of the prov., assumed his duties. _Pan._, _Crón.
Ofic._, Aug. 22, 29, 1852; Sept. 4, 1853; Jan. 4, 1854;
_Pan._ _Gobern._, in _Pinart_, _Coll. Doc._, MS., no. 43,
11. This governor seems to have been elected wholly by votes
of the interior departments, which greatly displeased the
citizens of the capital, who had hitherto controlled affairs.
Añino was an honorable and just man, and fairly intelligent;
but was made the object of ungenerous hostility and ridicule,
and on one occasion, at least, his life was in danger. In
1855, under the pretext of an official visit in the interior,
he went to his home and never returned. _Maldonado_, _Asuntos
Polít. Pan._, MS., 10. The vice-gov., Manuel M. Diaz, took
the executive chair on the 19th of May, and occupied it till
the 18th of July. _Pan._, _Gaceta del Est._, July 28, 1855.

[XXV-59] This arrangement seems to have been against the
wishes of the three last named. The national congress having
asked the provinces for their opinion, the legislature of
Chiriquí, on the 19th of Oct., 1852, approved a report
of Nicolás Lopez to the effect that Veragua, Chiriquí,
and Azuero should not be harnessed to the car of Panamá.
_Chiriquí_, _Ordenanzas_, in _Pinart_, _Pan. Coll. Doc._,
MS., no. 96, p. 64.

[XXV-60] The gen. govt ceded to Panamá the buildings that
had been used as custom-houses till 1849 in Portobello and
Panamá; also two others in the plazuela de armas and calle
de Jirardot in Pan.; and likewise the fortresses of Panamá,
Chagres, and Portobello, excepting the esplanades and
artillery. _Pan._, _Gaceta del Est._, July 20, 1855.

[XXV-61] The governor's salary was fixed at $400 per month.
The new order of things was formally communicated to the
foreign consuls, all of whom offered their congratulations,
etc. Id., July 28, Aug. 4, 1855; _Veraguas_, _Ordenanzas y
Resol._, in _Pinart_, _Pan. Coll. Docs._, MS., no. 68, p.
68; _Correoso, B._, _Statemt_, MS., 3; _Heraldo de Lima_,
Oct. 10, 1855. A decree of the assembly of Sept. 12, 1855,
divided the state into seven departments: Colon, Panamá,
Coclé, Herrera, Los Santos, Fábrega, and Chiriquí. Their
respective chief towns were to be Colon, Panamá, Natá, Pesé,
Los Santos, Santiago, and David. Governors were appointed by
the executive, to enter upon their duties on the 1st of Aug.
_Pan._, _Gaceta del Est._, Sept. 15, 1855.

[XXV-62] This assembly was the most able and responsible body
of men that ever came together in Panamá, excepting only that
which proclaimed the independence from Spain. _Maldonado_,
_Asuntos Polít. Pan._, MS., 12-13. The officers on the
day the constitution was signed were: Mariano Arosemena,
president; Dionisio Facio, vice-president; Santiago de
la Guardia, designado; Manuel Morro, deputy for Panamá,
secretary. Among the other signers were Bernardo Arce Mata,
José Arosemena, Bartolomé Calvo, Jil Colunje, Fermin Jované,
José de Obaldía, Ramon Vallarino, four Fábregas, nearly
all of whom have since held high office in the republic and
the state. A general amnesty was also decreed on the 6th of
Oct., for all political offences to Sept. 30th, whether the
persons were sentenced or not. This included some who had in
July last disturbed the peace in Azuero. _Pan._, _Gaceta del
Estado_, Sept. 20, Oct. 13, 1855.

[XXV-63] It is understood that Fábrega accepted the jefatura
superior only on condition that Bartolomé Calvo should assume
the government secretaryship, which had been thrown up by
Icaza Arosemena. Calvo became the secretary. _Id._, Oct. 3,
10, 27, 1855; _Correoso_, _Statemt_, MS., 3.

[XXV-64] Previous to it the executive had to go with troops
to quell a disobedience to the authorities in Los Santos.
No opposition being encountered, some prisoners were made,
who afterward received a pardon on the 6th of March. _Pan._,
_Gaceta del Est._, Feb. 2, 25, March 24, 1856.

[XXV-65] Some deputies of the opposition were arrested in the
legislative chamber, and despotically exiled.

[XXV-66] This vessel hauled into shore and landed her marines
to protect the whites. _S. F. Alta_, Oct. 2, 14, 1856.

[XXV-67] _Pan. Star_, Sept. 16, Oct. 1, 1856; _Pan._, _Gaceta
del Est._, Nov. 20, 1856; _Correoso_, _Statemt_, MS., 3-4.

[XXV-68] 'Dejó el puesto sin haber merecido imputacion de
que hubiese tomado del tesoro público otra cosa mas que sus
sueldos.' _Maldonado_, _Asuntos Polít. Pan._, MS., 14.

[XXV-69] He had been meantime elected attorney-general of
the republic, and his residence had to be in Bogotá. _Pan._,
_Gaceta del Est._, May 20, 1858.

[XXV-70] He showed weakness during his short occupancy of
the presidential seat at Bogotá, and afterward as governor of
Panamá. He was also lazy and negligent.

[XXV-71] Capt Navarro and one soldier were killed, and two
others wounded. The governor himself was struck on the head
with a stone. An Am. force of marines landed from their ship,
but had no occasion to use their arms. No damage was done to
property. _Id._, Apr. 24, 1859; _S. F. Alta_, May 8, 1859.

[XXV-72] On the 29th it being feared that there would be
another disturbance, the more timid of the citizens sought
refuge in the foreign consulates. The intendente general, J.
M. Hurtado, then asked the commanders of the _Clio_, and U.
S. sloop of war _St Louis_, to land 100 men. It was done, and
the trouble was warded off for the time. _S. F. Bulletin_,
Oct. 29, Nov. 14, 1860; _U. S. Govt Doc._, Cong. 36, Sess. 2,
Sen. Doc., 1, p. 15, vol. iii., pt. 1; _Pan Scraps_, 31.

[XXV-73] Member of a respectable family in the interior; he
was an honorable man, and much respected by the whites. He
was conservative, and became the victim of politics when
exerting himself to develop every branch of his country's
resources. _Bidwell's Isth. of Pan._, 200-2; _Maldonado_,
_Asuntos Polít. Pan._, MS., 15-16.

[XXV-74] The gov. was authorized by the legislature on the
15th of Oct., 1861, to join the state to the new confederacy.
The state was therefore thus annexed, and the foreign
consuls were formally apprised of it. Justo Arosemena was
appointed on the 8th of Jan., 1862, its plenipotentiary to
the convention. _Pan._, _Gaceta del Est._, Sept. 27, 1861;
Feb. 26, March 8, 1862.

[XXV-75] The Am. government, though willing to interpose
its aid for the benefit of all nations in the execution of
the neutrality treaty of 1846, feared to become involved in
the revolutionary strife going on in Nueva Granada, besides
incurring danger of misrepresentation by other powers if
it should act without consulting them. The 35th art. of
the treaty of December 12, 1846, says: 'And in order to
secure to themselves the tranquil and constant enjoyment of
these advantages, and as an especial compensation for said
advantages, and for the favors they have acquired by the
4th, 5th, and 6th art. of this treaty, the U. S. guarantee
positively and efficaciously to N. Granada, by the present
stipulation, the perfect neutrality of the before-mentioned
Isthmus, with the view that the free transit from the one to
the other sea may not be interrupted or embarrassed in any
future time while this treaty exists; and in consequence,
the U. S. also guarantee in the same manner the rights of
sovereignty and property which N. Granada has and possesses
over the said territory.' Sec. Seward laid the request of
Gen. Herran before the British and French governments to
ascertain their views. Earl Russell thought there was no
occasion as yet for armed intervention. Should it occur, his
government would coöperate with the U. S. Thouvenel, French
minister of foreign affairs, said if the railway should be in
danger of interruption, he would not deem it improper for the
U. S. to interfere. _U. S. Govt Doc._, Foreign Affairs, 1862,
pp. 132, 164, 380-1.

[XXV-76] This occurred on the 25th of July, 1862. _Pan._,
_Boletin Ofic._, July 27, 1862; _La Voz de Méj._, Aug. 26,
1862.

[XXV-77] At Paso de las capellanías del Rio Chico, or
Matapalo. Towns were shamefully sacked by the victorious
liberals, and several families, especially those of Guardia
and Fábrega, were ruined. _Maldonado_, _Asuntos Polít. Pan._,
MS., 16; _Gaceta de Pan._, Aug. 11, 1870. Santiago de Veragua
was plundered Aug. 22. _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, Sept. 6,
1862. The constituent assembly of the state, sitting Aug. 9,
1865, passed an act recognizing that Guardia had lost his
life in defence of right, and honoring his memory. _Id._,
Sept. 11, 1865. Correoso, who served among his opponents,
speaks of Guardia in the highest terms of commendation, and
bewails the loss Panamá suffered with his death. _Sucesos de
Pan._, 3.

[XXV-78] A decree was issued in Sept. for election of
deputies; another calling to arms, for the defence of the
state, all citizens between the ages of 18 and 60. Panamá was
on the 2d of that month declared the provisional capital of
the state. On the 20th of Oct. was convoked a constitutional
assembly which met on the 28th of Nov., on which date the
governor, in a message, made a statement of events. On Oct.
28th was issued an amnesty excepting only such persons as
still refused to recognize the provisional government. _Id._,
Sept. 6, 19, Oct. 1, 22, Nov. 3, 10, Dec. 11, 1862; _S. F.
Bulletin_, Sept. 17, Nov. 26, 1862.

[XXV-79] May 8, 1863. Ratified the same day, by the
representatives of Panamá, who were Justo Arosemena,
Guillermo Figueroa, G. Neira, J. E. Brandao, Guillermo Lynch,
and Buenaventura Correoso. _Colombia_, _Const. Polít._, 1-42;
_Correoso's Statemt_, MS., 2-3; _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, June
25, 1863.

[XXVI-1] Its officers were: Pablo E. Icaza, president; Juan
Mendoza, vice-president; J. J. Maitin, designado; Quintin
Miranda, sec. by appoint. _Id._, May 11, 1863.

[XXVI-2] Dated July 4, 1863, and published the 6th of the
same month. It contained 21 titles covering 112 articles,
and was a most liberal fundamental law, intending to give,
if honestly administered, every possible guaranty of life,
liberty, property, and political rights. The death penalty,
torture, and other cruel punishments were done away with.
Corporal punishment in no case was to exceed ten years.
Nearly all the public functionaries, representative,
executive, and judicial, were made elective by popular vote.
_Id._, July 11, 1863; _Bidwell's Isth. Pan._, 364-88.

[XXVI-3] Goitia took the presidency on the 5th of July, and
soon after received the congratulations of several foreign
consuls. _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, July 17, 1863.

[XXVI-4] Correspond. with foreign consuls and others. _Id._,
Aug. 30, 1863.

[XXVI-5] _Correoso's Statemt_, MS., 4.

[XXVI-6] By the battalion Tiradores, of national troops.
Calancha had no popularity in the country. He has been
accused of scandalous corruption and connivance at robbery.
However, he seems to have confined his peculation to the
public revenue, a practice which was not new since Guardia's
fall. Some time after, Calancha together with Gabriel Neira
invaded the state with a force from Cauca; but while crossing
the river Santa María in the hacienda Las Cruces, they were
met by the government troops under Col Vicente Olarte, and
routed with the loss of many killed, wounded, and prisoners,
Neira being one of the latter. Calancha was again defeated
at San Francisco near Natá, and delivered by his men to the
victors. His brother Francisco was also taken. It is recorded
that Mrs Jane White Ball, an American, together with other
women, provided a hospital and nursed the wounded of both
bands. _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, Apr. 22, June 7, Sept. 18,
Oct. 10, 1865; _Correoso's Statem._, MS., 4; _Bidwell's Isth.
Pan._, 211.

[XXVI-7] A colored man of good political ability, as he
proved in the high official positions filled under the
national government. He has been accused, however, of immoral
practices. His administration was peaceable, but left evils
that were never eradicated. He inaugurated the corrupt
system of extorting contributions from political opponents,
whereby, as the latter averred, he materially improved his
own financial condition, though he had decreed himself only
the modest salary of $200 per month. _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._,
Apr. 1, 1865. Every citizen who had a competency was made
to contribute. One day he had all the respectable citizens
arrested to extort money, for which he never accounted. The
majority of the public employés had to sell their salary
warrants for one half or one fourth of their value. The
country derived no other fruit from his administration than
poverty.

[XXVI-8] The assembly met, and its first act was to confirm
all that Colunje had done. A pardon was decreed to political
offenders on the 28th of Nov. _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, Apr.
20, 22, July 20, 25, Dec. 6, 1865; _Pan._, _Informe Sec.
Est._, 1866, 1-4.

[XXVI-9] An attempted outbreak in March at Panamá, and one
in August at David, were quelled. _Pan._, _Mensaje Presid.
Est._, 1866, 1-3; _Gaceta Nic._, Apr. 7, 1866; _Pim and
Seemann's Dottings_, 1-11.

[XXVI-10] He belonged to the liberal party; a well-disposed
man, and a friend of peace, which he endeavored to foster,
by trying to heal dissensions. He made himself popular among
the better class of the community by his just proceedings,
and efforts to better the condition of the country, though
not a native of the Isthmus. _Maldonado_, _Asuntos Polít.
Pan._, MS., 20. It has been, however, said of him that he
appropriated considerable amounts from the public treasury,
and placed them in London through the agency of a Jamaican
who lived in Colon.

[XXVI-11] 'Ante la imponente autoridad de su sable á la
cabeza del batallon Tiradores.' _Id._

[XXVI-12] They plotted an assault on the battalion in its
barracks, but were detected by Olarte. The assault was made
at midnight, and a fight ensued, in which the negroes lost
heavily, including almost all their leaders, and among them
Gregorio Sigurvia. _Id._, 20-1.

[XXVI-13] It must be borne in mind that whatever the words
liberal and conservador may mean in other Spanish American
countries, in Panamá the former has been appropriated by the
colored portion of the inhabitants, who have been joined by
a few whites for their own political and pecuniary aims.
The conservador party was made up mostly of white men and
property holders, and they have often been victimized by the
gamonales, or leaders of the other party, whenever the latter
has been in power.

[XXVI-14] The circumstances connected with the sickness and
death of Gen. Olarte and Manuel M. Morro afford presumptive
evidence of foul play. After a banquet in San Miguel, on
the last day Olarte was to be there, wine prepared with fish
poison was served him and his secretary, José M. Bermudez.
The latter, by accident, escaped the fate prepared for him,
and Morro, being invited by Olarte to join him, partook of
the wine. Olarte, having his stomach full of food and wine,
immediately threw up all. Morro, on feeling the effects,
took two doses of ipecacuanha, and succeeded in vomiting.
But neither victim saved himself. Both were taken to Panamá,
where Olarte died in five days, and Morro in about eleven.
The facts have been strenuously denied. Correoso, _Statem._,
MS., 5, asserts that Olarte contracted a fever in his visit
to Darien. The first diagnosis of the physicians, it is
understood, was that the patients were suffering from yellow
fever, or some other malignant disease. Morro was a talented
young man belonging to one of the prominent families of the
city, and much liked by all.

[XXVI-15] Details on his funeral in _Pan._, _Mercantile
Chronicle_, March 4, 1868; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 5,
7, 12, 1868; _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, March 7, 1868.

[XXVI-16] Amador finally declined the office. _Id._, March 7,
1868.

[XXVI-17] He was afterward exiled, and went to California.
_S. F. Times_, Aug. 3, 1868; _S. F. Bulletin_, Aug. 1, 1868.
The negroes declared Diaz a traitor, but the public never saw
any evidence of it. _Maldonado_, _Asuntos Polít. Pan._, MS.,
23.

[XXVI-18] The acta appears in full in _Boletin Ofic._, July
8, 1868; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, July 25, 1868; _S. F. Times_,
July 25, 28, 31, 1868; _S. F. Call_, July 25, 1868; _S. F.
Bulletin_, July 25, 27, 1868.

[XXVI-19] Ponce's first act was to declare martial law
by a decree of July 6th, countersigned by Dídimo Parra,
as secretary of state. The superior court, in view of
the situation, on the same date adjourned, to escape
participation in the infringement of the constitution, which
had been just perpetrated.

[XXVI-20] Even Chiriquí, which had held back, finally
recognized the new government. _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, July
30, 1868; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Aug. 22, 1868.

[XXVI-21] The Panamá assailed the barracks of the other
troops, and captured it, Captain U. Meza being killed, and
Alejandro Arce and Rafael Aizpuru slightly wounded. Ponce was
seized and carried to the barracks, where much enthusiasm for
him, it is said, was manifested; but he was not satisfied
with the condition of affairs, resigned, and left the
state. _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, Sept. 5, 1868; _Correoso's
Statement_, MS., 5; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 19, 1868; _Pan.
Star and Herald_, Sept. 1, 10, 1868; _Maldonado_, _Asuntos
Polít. Pan._, MS., 24.

[XXVI-22] His public life began when he was 18 years old, and
he has, in the civil service of the state, held every office
from alderman to president or governor, both inclusive. In
the judiciary, he has served as district judge and member
of the superior court. In the military service he began as
a lieut in 1854, and rose to be gen. of division. He was
a deputy of the state legislature, and a senator in the
national congress, and also for a while vice-president of the
republic, besides being a member of several conventions. He
represented his country as minister plenipotentiary near the
five republics of Central America, and always belonged to the
liberal party, and fought for it. _Correoso's Statem._, MS.,
1-2.

[XXVI-23] In assuming the executive office, Correoso
found no money in the treasury. He at once resorted to the
device employed by his predecessor Colunje of arresting
the prominent citizens of the capital, whom he kept in
confinement till they paid the amounts severally demanded.
The same outrage was afterward practised in the interior. The
result was an increase of poverty from day to day.

[XXVI-24] The government was left for the transaction of
local affairs in charge of Juan Mendoza, governor of the
capital. _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, Oct. 9, 1868. During this
revolution, the U. S. consul was directed by his government
to warn Am. citizens from taking part in the broils of the
country. He was also to see that unoffending Americans were
not compelled to do military service, or to contribute in
the form of forced loans or otherwise. _S. F. Call_, Dec.
4, 1868; _S. F. Times_, Dec. 4, 1868. Nevertheless, the
government doubled the commercial tax against the solemn
protests of foreign consuls, and much foreign property
was seized. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Oct. 24, 1868; _Pan._,
_Boletin Ofic._, Nov. 14, 1868.

[XXVI-25] The fighting took place between 9 and 12 o'clock of
the 12th of Nov. Both sides behaved well, but Correoso's men,
having better arms, were victorious. According to Correoso's
account there were in all about 200 killed and wounded, Gen.
P. Goitia being among the latter. _Correoso's Statemt_, MS.,
6. The negroes with relentless ferocity gave no quarters to
the greater part of the prisoners, who were shot. They also
plundered to their heart's content. _Maldonado_, _Asuntos
Polít. Pan._, MS., 25. Arístides Obaldía was slain and his
untimely end was much regretted. He was severely wounded
early in the action, and his friends took him out of harm's
way; but during the route some of Correoso's men discovered
and put him to death. His remains were interred with military
honors by Correoso's orders. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Nov. 19,
1868; _Pan._, _Mercantile Chronicle_, Nov. 17, 1868; _S. F.
Times_, Dec. 4, 11, 1868; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 28, 1868.

[XXVI-26] Cervera appointed J. M. Lleras his secretary of
state, and on the same day called several officers of the
militia to active service, the chief, Col. Rafael Aizpuru,
being made comandante gen. of the forces of the state.
_Gaceta de Pan._, Apr. 19, 1873.

[XXVI-27] The farce was performed to have Neira chosen
president, and Correoso 1st designado; and then it was
expected that the former would after a while resign, and
enable the latter to again assume the presidency without
violating the constitution. The elections took place as
desired. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Apr. 8, 1873.

[XXVI-28] One hundred men occupied the railway station, and
100 were stationed in the town hall. Capt. Kennedy, of the
Brit. war ship _Reindeer_, offered his coöperation if needed.

[XXVI-29] This arrangement was arrived at through
commissioners; namely, Gregorio Miró and Francisco Ardila
for the Pichincha no. 8; José Agustin Arango and Florentino
Dutari, for Cervera. _Pan. Star and Herald_, May 10, 13,
1873. Correoso claims that upon hearing in Costa Rica,
where he was then accredited as Colombian minister, of the
revolution against Neira, he returned in haste to Panamá, and
by his influence induced the revolutionists to replace Neira.
_Statement_, MS., 6; _S. F. Bulletin_, May 19, 26, June 6,
1873; _S. F. Alta_, May 20, 1873; _S. F. Chronicle_, May 20,
26, June 7, 18, 1873.

[XXVI-30] The latter resigned the command June 23d, _Gaceta
de Pan._, June 7, July 5, 1873. Aizpuru, who had been kept a
prisoner was afterward released.

[XXVI-31] Senators: Pablo Arosemena, B. Correoso, and
Agustin Arias. Representatives: Fernando Casanova, Man. de
J. Bermudez, Juan C. Carranza, Marcelino Villalaz, and José
de la Rosa Jurado. A corresponding number of suplentes or
substitutes was also chosen. _Gaceta de Pan._, July 19, 1873.

[XXVI-32] During its occupation over 500 women and children
sought its protection. The whole force retired about the 7th
or 8th of October. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Sept. 25-30, 1873.

[XXVI-33] The minister reminded the executive of Colombia
that though the American government guaranteed by the
treaty of 1846 the neutrality of the Isthmus, it did not
imply protection to the road against such factions. _Pan._,
_Informe Sec. Est._, 1874, 9-10, annex A.

[XXVI-34] 1st, Gregorio Miró; 2d, J. M. Bermudez; 3d, Mateo
Iturralde; 4th, Tomás Herrera; 5th, Joaquin Arosemena. All
Neira's acts were approved; and thanks were voted to both
the national and state troops for their services. _Gaceta de
Pan._, Oct. 2, 1873.

[XXVI-35] The assembly granted the president additional
powers to restore peace, among which was that of obtaining
$60,000 by means of voluntary or forced loans. Those powers
were rescinded on the 14th of Nov. _Id._, Oct. 11, 18, Nov.
1, Dec. 5, 1873; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 43,
Sess. 1, 351.

[XXVI-36] Under this constitution the legislative assembly
appoints the five substitutes of the president of the state,
and also the three justices of the superior court. A council
of state is created, to be composed of the president of the
state, the last president of the legislative assembly, the
president of the superior court, and the attorney-general
of the state. For all important affairs, the executive is to
consult the council. _Id._, Nov. 15, 1873.

[XXVI-37] He made the pledge required by law before the
assembly, the foreign consuls, public functionaries residing
in the city, and a large number of citizens. _Id._, Dec. 5,
1873; Jan. 17, 1874; _Mex._, _Mem. Min. Rel._, 1875, 10.

[XXVI-38] _Id._, Aug. 7, 15, 1874; _Pan._, _Informe Sec.
Est._, 1874, 30.

[XXVI-39] The persons appointed to fill them were José
M. Bermudez, who had been acting as secretary-general for
sec. of state, and Dionisio Facio for sec. of the treasury.
_Gaceta de Pan._, Apr. 17, 1875.

[XXVI-40] The president on the 25th of Aug., 1875, delegated
his powers to J. M. Bermudez to preserve order in the
interior or restore it as the case might be. _Id._, Sept. 4,
1875; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Aug. 24, 1875.

[XXVI-41] He had been on the 2d of July declared elected
president of the state. At the same time the following
persons were declared to have been chosen to represent Panamá
in the national congress: Senators, Justo Arosemena, José
M. Bermudez, and Marcelino Villalaz; representatives, Juan
J. Diaz, Juan J. Miró, Joaquin Arosemena, B. Asprilla, and
M. R. de la Torre. These were subsequently annulled by the
constituent assembly, Dec. 11th. _Gaceta de Pan._, July 24,
Dec. 16, 1875.

[XXVI-42] Particulars of the insurrection and arrest of
Arosemena appear in Camargos' despatch, in _Colombia_,
_Diario Ofic._, Nov. 13, 15, 1875; _Gaceta de Pan._, Oct. 5,
7, 16, 23, Nov. 13, 17, 23, 1875; _S. F. Call_, Nov. 5, 1875;
_Correoso's Statem._, MS., 7.

[XXVI-43] Oct. 18th, he empowered B. Correoso, comandante
gen., to use his best endeavors to restore order in the
departments of Coclé, Los Santos, Veragua, and Chiriquí. His
government was recognized at once by the foreign consuls.
_Gaceta de Pan._, Oct. 16, 23, 1875.

[XXVI-44] The executive is vested in a president, to be
elected by popular vote for two years. The legislative
assembly elects the justices of the superior court and
their suplentes, the five substitutes of the president,
the attorney-general, and his suplente; also the
administrator-gen. of the treasury, and the contador by
absolute majority. No change was made in the council of
state. _Gaceta de Pan._, Jan. 1, 1876; _Pan._, _Constit.
Polít. del Est. Sobo._, 1-20.

[XXVI-45] His government was soon after recognized by
the national executive. On the 13th of Dec., 1876, the
legislative assembly chose Dámaso Cervera, Francisco Ardila,
José R. Casorla, Quintin Miranda, and M. Losada Plisé,
designados for the presidency, in the order named. _Gaceta de
Pan._, Jan. 8, Feb. 20, Dec. 17, 1876.

[XXVI-46] _Pan. Leyes_, 1876-7, 11.

[XXVI-47] _Pan._, _Mem. Sec. Est._, 1876, 1-6. On Sept. 25,
1876, the president assumed personal command of the state
troops. _Gaceta de Pan._, Oct. 15, 1876.

[XXVI-48] The president attempted both recourses; till on the
10th of March the citizens tendered a loan of $30,000. _Id._,
March 1, 8, 22, 1877; _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Feb. 18, 1877.

[XXVI-49] Dec. 30, 1878. _Correoso's Statem._, MS., 9;
_Pan._, _Mem. Sec. Hacienda_, 1878, i.-xl.; _Gaceta de Pan._,
March 10, May 30, July 21, 28, Sept. 26, Oct. 13, Nov. 17,
Dec. 8, 19, 1878; _Pinart_, _Pan. Col. Docs._, MS., no. 101;
_Colombia, Diario Ofic._, Jan. 31, 1879; _Pan._, _Mem. Sec.
Gob._, 1878.

[XXVI-50] The object was to upset the state government; but
it was defeated by the state troops, after a fight that
lasted till the 18th, and caused great havoc. Among the
killed were the commander of the battalion, Col Carvajal,
and his son, Lieut Carvajal, who were trying to check the
infuriated soldiery. _Pan._, _Mem. Sec. Gob._, 1879, 5-6.

[XXVI-51] The government sent troops against the
revolutionists, and some fighting ensued without decisive
results. At last the contending parties came to an
arrangement by which Aizpuru agreed to surrender the
person of Casorla, and to recognize the 2d designado as the
provisional president. He also agreed to lay down his arms.
The government consented to pay Aizpuru's war expenses, and
to issue a general amnesty. _Pan._, _Mem. Sec. Gob._, 1879,
7-12; _S. F. Chronicle_, June 19, 25, 1879.

[XXVI-52] Mateo Iturralde was made secretary of government,
and Juan José Miró of the treasury. Several changes
took place afterward, and the final secretaries were: of
government, Benjamin Ruiz, and of the treasury, Juan B.
Amador. José Vives Leon was government secretary in Sept.
1881.

[XXVI-53] The assembly to be formed of one deputy for every
6,000 inhabitants, and every fraction of 3,500 and upwards.
_Gaceta de Pan._, June 17, 1881.

[XXVI-54] His candidature had been opposed by Correoso, Icaza
Arosemena, Ardila, Ortega, and others, for the sake of union
in the liberal party. _Pan. Canal_, June 25, 1881.

[XXVI-55] His election as first designado by the legislature
was on the 28th of June, 1881. The other substitutes chosen
were the following, in the order named: Miguel Borbúa,
Benjamin Ruiz, José M. Vives Leon, and Antonio Casanova.
_Pan._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, 1882, 1; _Correoso_, _Sucesos de
Pan._, 5, 6.

[XXVI-56] _Pan. Canal_, Nov. 20, Dec. 6, 1882; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Nov. 20, 1882; Jan. 29, 1883.

[XXVI-57] _Pan. Cronista_, Jan. 3, 1883. Dec. 3, 1882, a
deputation composed of Correoso, Iturralde, and Diaz had
waited on him to request that he should resign his position
of 1st designado and acting president, which he declined.
_Pan. Canal_, Dec. 5, 1882.

[XXVI-58] Nuñez had been chosen for a term ending Oct. 31,
1884. On the other hand, the constitution said that the
president elect should assume office on the 1st day of Nov.
following his election. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Jan. 29,
1883.

[XXVI-59] His sec.-gen., Victor Dubarry, countersigned the
decree. This measure was intended to rid the government of
an incubus, and to effect a yearly saving of about $16,000.
_Pan. Canal_, March 19, 1883.

[XXVI-60] At Popayan, Aug. 27, 1883. Joaquin M. Perez was
Panamá's commissioner. The convention was ratified Sept.
10th, by Cervera, countersigned by J. M. Casís, sec.-gen.
_Pan._, _El País_, Sept. 21, 1883.

[XXVI-61] He adopted for all his confidence precautionary
measures to preserve public order. _Pan. Cronista_, Oct. 24,
1883.

[XXVI-62] In the first part of 1884 there were about 14,000
men on the canal-works. Still another source of danger was
the mongrel population of Santa Ana and Calidonia districts,
in the city of Panamá, ever disposed to seize opportunities
for plunder, as was made evident in the last fire. J. M.
Rodriguez, of Panamá, moved in the national senate that the
federal force should be increased to 800 or 1,000 men. _Cent.
Am. Miscel._, no. 1.

[XXVI-63] The representatives were, S. Jurado, J. del C.
Pino, Leonidas Flores, Waldino Izasa, and Cárlos Otálora.
_Pan. Cronista_, Oct. 20, 1883.

[XXVI-64] By Juan P. Jaen, president of the superior court.
_Id._ Jan. 2, 1884.

[XXVI-65] Cervera had likewise claimed immunity from
prosecution, as a senator elect.

[XXVI-66] Correoso stated in the _Pan. Star and Herald_
of July 12th that Ruiz' government had been upset 'á
punta de sable' by Porto, whose authority sprang from
the condescension of Ibañez in recognizing as authentic
a telegram received that morning by Porto. He repeats
the charge in his _Sucesos de Pan._, 7. The fact was that
Ibañez' brigade was by the telegram incorporated with the 3d
division, and thus came to be under the control of Porto, who
was chief of staff of that division. _Pan._, _Cronista_, July
9 to Aug. 2, Aug. 13, 1884.

[XXVI-67] In Coclé, Chiriquí, and Panamá. _Gaceta de Pan._,
Oct. 15, 1884; _Cent. Am. Miscel._, no. 2.

[XXVI-68] The _Morro_ was a British boat, which the rebels
seized in the night from the 14th to the 15th, and then
went on her alongside the _Alajuela_, which was a Costa Rica
vessel, seized her, and proceeded to sea, leaving the _Morro_
behind. _S. F. Cronista_, Oct. 18, 1884; _La Estrella de
Pan._, Oct. 23, 1884; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Oct. 17, 23,
Nov. 26, Dec. 30, 1884; _Cent. Am. Miscel._, nos. 3, 9, 10.

[XXVI-69] A Colombian armed steamer was ordered to Panamá;
and Gen. Santodomingo Vita was despatched to coöperate with
the commander of the federal forces. The decree was issued
Oct. 22, 1884. Gen. Benjamin Ruiz was on the 28th dismissed
from the Colombian army. _Bogotá_, _Diario Ofic._, Oct. 30,
1884.

[XXVI-70] The assembly, being notified that the legally
constituted authorities were now recognized, passed a vote of
thanks to Cervera, his secretaries, Victor Dubarry and J. F.
Ucrós, and Gen. C. A. Gónima, for their successful efforts
for peace. _La Estrella de Pan._, Nov. 6, 13, 1884; _Pan.
Star and Herald_, Nov. 6, 1884; _Pan. Cronista_, Nov. 8,
1884.

[XXVI-71] 27,505 votes against 1,550 for Justo Arosemena, and
95 in Colon for B. Ruiz. An attempt had been made by what was
called the Alianza Liberal to have Justo Arosemena as its
candidate, but he virtually declined it, and his name was
retired from the field early in July. _Id._, July 30, Oct.
18, 1884; _La Estrella de Pan._, Sept. 4, 1884.

[XXVI-72] Gónima telegraphed Nuñez at Bogotá, on the 30th of
Sept., the day before the assembly met, that it would call a
convention, and adds that, thanks to the patriotic efforts
of Cervera, 'Lambert no será presidente. Sus indicaciones
oidas.' _Bogotá_, _Diario Ofic._, Oct. 8, 1884; _Bogotá_,
_La Luz_, Oct. 8, 1884. Lambert, on the 12th of November,
in an address to the Colombian people, protested against
the unjustifiable interference of the federal govt in the
internal affairs of Panamá, by which he had been prevented
from assuming the chief magistracy he had been chosen to
by the suffrages of his fellow-citizens. At the same time
he made known his intention to cause no disturbance, but to
remain peaceably in private life. _La Estrella de Pan._, Oct.
30, Nov. 20, 1884.

[XXVI-73] Details may be found in _Pan. Star and Herald_,
Oct. 23, 1884; _Pan. Cronista_, Oct. 22, 1884.

[XXVI-74] The assembly adjourned sine die on the 13th of Nov.

[XXVI-75] The convocation was not made according to the
requirements of the constitution; and moreover, martial law
existing in many parts of the state, no free elections could
be effected in such localities.

[XXVI-76] Gen. Lorenzo Segundo was made comandante gen., and
Col F. Figueroa his second in command. _La Estrella de Pan._,
Jan. 8, 1885.

[XXVI-77] _Pan. Cronista_, Nov. 29, 1884; _La Estrella de
Pan._, Dec. 4, 1884.

[XXVI-78] He took possession the next day. _Pan. Cronista_,
Jan, 7, 10, 1885; _Gaceta de Pan._, Jan. 9, 1885; _Pan._,
_Actualidad_, Jan. 8, 1885; _La Estrella de Pan._, Jan. 15,
1885; _Cent. Am. Miscel._, no. 20; _Correoso_, _Sucesos de
Pan._, 7-8.

[XXVI-79] _Pan. Cronista_, Jan. 7, 1885.

[XXVI-80] Isidoro Burges, sec. of gov.; L. C. Herrera, of
treasury; José M. Aleman, of fomento. _Gaceta de Pan._, Jan.
9, 1855; _Cent. Am. Miscel._, no. 22.

[XXVI-81] The government had now only a small force in Colon
or Panamá, having on the 9th sent away the federal troops to
uphold the general government at Barranquilla, against rebels
in arms. _Pan. Cronista_, Jan. 21, 24, 1885.

[XXVI-82] It seems that some of its members were implicated
in this plot, and orders for their arrest were issued.
That body alleged that legislation had been hampered by the
government. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Feb. 11, 1885; _Pan._,
_El Cronista_, Feb. 14, 1885; _Correoso_, _Sucesos de Pan._,
11.

[XXVI-83] _Id._, Feb. 18, 1885; _Cent. Am. Miscel._, no. 28;
_Gaceta de Pan._, Feb. 18, 1885.

[XXVI-84] During that morning the revolutionists compelled
merchants having arms in their warehouses to deliver them.
They thus provided themselves with upwards of 600 rifles.

[XXVI-85] There had been many killed and wounded on both
sides. An outsider, a French citizen, who imprudently put
out his head, also lost his life. Much property was stolen,
destroyed, or injured. At midday on the 16th the prisoners
in the jail effected their escape, and made themselves
conspicuous with their cries of Viva la libertad! The
government force made several prisoners, and seized a number
of arms in the arrabal. A number of young Panameños formed
themselves into a guard to protect the city during the night
of the 17th. _Pan. Cronista_, March 18, 21, 25, 1885.

[XXVI-86] A mulatto from Cartagena. In 1881, when a member
of the legislative assembly from Colon, he was concerned in
a personal rencontre with and killed M. Céspedes, and an
Englishman. He was tried and acquitted, and his immediate
release from prison was demanded by the assembly. _Pan.
Canal_, June 7, 1881.

[XXVI-87] Correoso blames Gónima for leaving Colon utterly
defenceless. _Sucesos de Pan._, 12.

[XXVI-88] Those who refused to furnish the supplies were
imprisoned, and their goods confiscated. _La Estrella de
Pan._, March 19, 1885; _El Universal de Pan._, March 20,
1885; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 31, 1885.

[XXVI-89] The object of the notifications was to allow
time for non-combatants to get out of harm's way. Families
accordingly abandoned the city, and business houses were
closed. About 8 o'clock Gen. Ibañez visited Aizpuru's camp,
and brought back assurance that no assault would be made that
night.

[XXVI-90] Gónima despatched Correoso and Jerardo Ortega as
commissioners, the former to Aizpuru, and the latter to
Prestan. Both missions resulted in nothing satisfactory.
Aizpuru proposed the following terms: 1st. Recognition of
Gónima as civil chief of the state; 2d. Aizpuru to have the
command of the troops, which were to be increased to 1,000
men. Prestan to be the prefect at Colon. After reflecting
a moment, Gónima, rejected the proposals. Correoso then
resigned the office of secretary-general. _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Apr. 9, 1885; _La Estrella de Pan._, March 28, Apr.
4, 1885; _Pan. Cronista_, March 28, 1885; _S. F. Cronista_,
Apr. 4, 1885; _Correoso_, _Sucesos de Pan._, 13-16.

[XXVI-91] Prestan demanded the arms on the _Colon_, and being
refused, first arrested Connor, then after grossly insulting
Mr Burt, the superintendent of the Panamá R. R. Co., took
possession of the wharf, placed a guard on the _Colon_, and
made a search for the arms, but could not get at them. _Pan.
Star and Herald_, March 31, 1885; _La Estrella de Pan._, Apr.
4, 1885; _Pan. Cronista_, Apr. 4, 1885.

[XXVI-92] They had been taken to Monkey Hill at 3 A. M. on
the 31st, and placed in a dangerous position under guard, but
in the mêlée that followed they escaped.

[XXVI-93] At 1:30 A. M. of the 30th 160 men, under cols Ulloa
and Brun, were despatched from Panamá to attack Prestan at
Colon.

[XXVI-94] Prestan succeeded in joining the rebels against
the national government, who were beleaguering Cartagena,
and was received into their service, even though their
chiefs had been made aware of his conduct at Colon. He was
afterward captured, brought to Colon, tried by court-martial,
and hanged on the 18th of August. Two of his principal
men, captured by the _Galena's_ force, had been also tried
by a Colombian court-martial, convicted of incendiarism,
and publicly hanged on the 6th of May. They were named
Geo. Davis, a West Indian negro, and Antoine Portuzelle or
Pautrizelle, a native of Hayti, who left a letter charging
Prestan with the infamous act of destroying Colon. Three
other accomplices, Grant and Guerrero, and a Cuban named F.
G. de Peralta, were subsequently sentenced to imprisonment
for a number of years. _La Estrella de Pan._, May 9, 16, Aug.
15, 1885; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Aug. 19, 22, Dec. 11, 25,
1885.

[XXVI-95] The only buildings that remained standing were
those of the railway, Pacific mail, and canal company. Ten
thousand persons were left without shelter.

[XXVI-96] _Pan. Star and Herald_, April 10, 1885. Burt and
the canal company's officers caused supplies to be brought
to Colon. Their houses and offices offered shelter to the
destitute inhabitants. Kane and his officers and men labored
day and night to relieve suffering, and won themselves the
gratitude of the distressed community. _La Estrella de Pan._,
Apr. 4, 1885. According to later accounts, the losses by the
burning of Colon were 18 lives, and about $6,000,000. _Pan.
Ev'g Telegram_, Apr. 3, 1886.

[XXVI-97] The number killed probably did not exceed 25. The
prisoners were treated with every consideration, and soon
after released. Much property was damaged. _Pan. Cronista_,
Apr. 11, 1885; _Nueva Era_, of Paso del Norte, Apr. 1, 1885;
_La Estrella de Pan._, Apr. 4, 1885.

[XXVI-98] Sec. of gov., C. A. Mendoza; of war and fomento,
Jerónimo Ossa; of treasury, Cárlos Icaza Arosemena. The last
two declined the appointments. Commander of the state forces,
B. Correoso. _Gaceta de Pan._, Apr. 7, 1885; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Apr. 9, 1885; _Cent. Am. Miscel._, no. 29, 41-3.

[XXVI-99] Toward the latter part of April, there were about
400 in Panamá city. Total number of marines on the Isthmus
600, their commanding officer being Brevet Lieut-col. Charles
Heywood, who commanded at Panamá. McCalla held command in
Colon. In case of need, the Am. squadron could place on
shore 1,800 men, and 30 pieces of artillery. _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Apr. 23, 1855; _La Estrella de Pan._, May 2, 1885.

[XXVI-100] Aizpuru expected soon to be attacked by a superior
force from Cauca. He despatched B. Correoso and A. Clément as
peace commissioners to Buenaventura, but they were arrested
there. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Apr. 25, 27, May 4, 1885.

[XXVI-101] After which it was to proceed to Cartagena. _La
Estrella de Pan._, May 4, 1885.

[XXVI-102] Aizpuru's terms were as follows: 1st. To resign
his powers into the hands of Vives Leon, Pablo Arosemena,
or any other constitutionally entitled to receive them. 2d.
General pardon for all offences of a strictly political
character, but the punishment of the guilty of crimes in
Panamá, Colon, or elsewhere on the Isthmus. _Id._, Apr. 29,
1885.

[XXVI-103] On the 4th he claimed to have delivered a larger
number of arms than his commissioners had bound him to
surrender. _La Estrella de Pan._, May 3, 9, 1885.

[XXVI-104] _La Estrella de Occid._, May 16, 1885. Both
Aizpuru and Correoso were subsequently deprived of their
military rank. The former, being tried by court-martial in
Bogotá, was sentenced, Nov. 3, 1885, to 10 years' exile,
with loss of offices, income, and political rights during
that time, and payment of costs and of damages caused by his
rebellion. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Oct. 1, Dec. 10, 24, 1885.

[XXVI-105] Upon which they were publicly complimented by
Rear-admiral Jouett in general orders.

[XXVI-106] 'No siembran mas que lo que justamente consumen
por temor de ser robados en la forma de contribuciones.'
_Maldonado_, _Asuntos Polit. Pan._, MS., 25.

[XXVI-107] Witness the proceedings of the troops brought
by Santa Coloma, and later, at different times, by the
battalions Tiradores, Pichincha, 3d de línea, and others.
Upon the subject of undue federal interference with the
domestic affairs of the Isthmus, the following charges
preferred by M. J. Perez from Panamá in a letter of Oct. 22,
1884, to Aníbal Galindo, are worthy of notice: 1st. Public
intervention of the general government in internal affairs
of the state; 2d. Barefaced protection by the gen. govt
to rebels in arms against the constitutional govt of the
state; 3d. Intimate alliance of the federal force with the
opposing conservatives and with the radicals to disarm the
government, and exercise pressure on the assembly, forcibly
hindering its performance of constitutional functions; 4th.
Consequences of the foregoing course; acts of piracy on
the part of the rebels, violence, bloodshed, international
claims, humiliation. _Pan. Cronista_, Oct. 25, 1884. Correoso
corroborates all this in his remarks on the conduct of the
Guardia Colombiana on the Isthmus, in 1860, 1865, 1868,
1873-5, 1878, and subsequently. _Sucesos de Pan._, 3-8.

[XXVI-108] 'No solo es víctima de sus propios males, sino
tambien de los que le vienen de fuera.' _Maldonado_, _Asuntos
Polít. Pan._, MS., 26.

[XXVI-109] Discussions in the national Consejo de
Delegatarios, in Nov. and Dec. 1885, and law of Dec. 11,
1885, to regulate the gov. of Panamá. _Pan. Star and Herald_,
Jan. 6-15, 1886.

[XXVI-110] _Id._, March 20, 29, supplem., 1886. The
publication of the journal was restored after the term of
suspension expired. Vila's course was disapproved by the
general government, and he was peremptorily recalled for
disobedience of orders. The proprietors of the journal have
made a claim for heavy damages. _Buenaventura Correoso_,
_Sucesos de Panamá Informe á la Nacion_, Buga, 1886, 4to, 24
pp. The writer, one of the prominent political men of Panamá,
in this pamphlet purposes, as he assures us, to point out
the source of the almost continuous disturbances that have
occurred on the Isthmus since 1860, laying particular stress
on the events from 1880 to 1885. It might be expecting too
much that he should express an impartial and wholly unwarped
judgment on those events, and on his political opponents. It
must be acknowledged, however, that his statements appear to
be fair enough, and that his assumption of responsibility
for some of the acts which he censures is frank. _Simon
Maldonado_, _Asuntos Políticos de Panamá_, MS., 42 pp. The
author of this review is a native of Panamá, and has filled
responsible positions in his country, more especially in
the judiciary. His views of affairs there are impartial, and
entitled to consideration for their soundness.

[XXVII-1] An official doc. of the U. S. govt gives 174,800;
_Am. Cyclop._, of 1873-6, 178,277; Crowe, _Gospel in Cent.
Am._, roughly computes it at 200,000. Other authorities
widely differ. I refer the reader to the following maps,
namely: John Baily's, 1850; Max. Von Sonnenstern's offic.
maps of Salv., 1858, and Guat., 1859; Herman Au's, of Guat.,
1875; Paul Levy's, of Nic., 1873; Molina's map of Costa R. in
his Bosquejo.

[XXVII-2] 'Never so great as during the summer months in
England.' _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 258; _Crosby's Statem._, MS.,
114-17: _Guat._, _Mem. Min. Hac._, 1883, 15-16.

[XXVII-3] The same may be said, though in a less degree, of
the northern and eastern coast of Hond. from Omoa to Gracias
á Dios.

[XXVII-4] La Union, San Miguel, Acajutla, Sonsonate, etc.,
owing to local causes.

[XXVII-5] The average temperature at Tegucigalpa, Comayagua,
Juticalpa, and Gracias is about 74°. _Squier's Notes on Cent.
Am._, 25-7; _Belly_, _A travers l'Amér. Cent._, i. 53-4.

[XXVII-6] Cold and salubrious on the table-lands in the
interior, the thermom. ranging from 65° to 75° Fahr.
_Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 28. The climate of Costa R.
varies from 50° to 60° Fahr., according to elevation.
_Galindo_, in _Journ. Royal Geog. Soc. of London_, vi. 134;
_Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 47-8.

[XXVII-7] This is by far the pleasanter season, the forenoons
being usually cloudless, with a clear, elastic, and balmy
atmosphere. Owing to local influences in some portions of the
eastern coasts it rains more or less the whole year. _Crowe's
Gospel_, 1-12.

[XXVII-8] Consisting of three groups; viz, the Costa Rican
traversing that republic and Panama, the Honduran and
Nicaraguan, and the Guatemalan.

[XXVII-9] Some of the summits are 17,000 ft high. Several
spurs from the Sierra Madre—the main ridge—cut the plains at
right angles, and sometimes reach the sea-shore.

[XXVII-10] All the volcanoes of Cent. Am. are on the Pacific
coast, almost in a line, and running due north-west and
south-east, beginning with the Cartago or Irazú, in Costa
Rica, which is 11,480 ft high, and has left traces of violent
eruptions before the historic period; the only proof of its
present activity being a small rill of smoke visible from the
foot of the mountain. There are hundreds of other volcanic
peaks and extinct craters on the line, the most notable
being the Turrialba, which was in active eruption in 1866,
the ashy matter from it having been beneficial to the coffee
plantations; Chirripó, Blanco, Závalo, Barba, Los Votos 9,840
ft high, also in Costa R. Abogado, Cerro Pelado, Tenorio,
Cucuilapa, Miravalles, Rincon de la Vieja, La Hedionda,
Orosi, Madera, Ometepec, Zapatera, Guanapepe, Guanacaure,
Solentinami, Mombacho, Chiltepe, Masaya or Nindirí; this
last said to have been in a state of eruption upwards of
250 years ago, and still continues active; it had a small
eruption Nov. 10, 1858; Managua; Momotombo, 6,500 ft high,
near the Managua or Leon Lake, about which the Indians had
a tradition of a tremendous eruption some 100 years before
the coming of the Spaniards, the lava running into the lake
and destroying all the fish; the latter part of the story
seems to be incorrect, there being evidence that the lava
did not reach the lake shore; it partially revived in 1852;
Las Pilas, Asososca, Orota, Telica, Santa Clara, El Viejo
6,000 ft high; El Chonco; Cosigüina, whose first eruption
was Jan. 20, 1835, believed to have been the most violent
ever recorded in history; and Joltepec—all in Nic. El Tigre,
Nacaome, and Amapala, or Conchagua, in Hond. In the republic
of Salv. are several; namely, the San Salvador, which had not
broken out in upwards of three centuries; but in old times
it ejected immense masses of lava and scoriæ to a distance
of more than 18 miles. It is of great depth, computed by
Weems, an American who descended it, at about 5,000 varas;
the bottom is occupied by a lake; San Miguel, about 15,000
ft high. In old times it ejected large quantities of cinders
and half-melted stones of immense size. The country for 30
miles or more, including the site of San Miguel, one of the
oldest towns in Am., being covered with lava and scoriæ;
San Vicente; Izalco, which broke out about 100 years ago,
is in constant activity, but has not caused any serious
damage; Paneon, and Santa Ana. In Guat. are the Pacaya;
the Volcan de Agua; the Volcan de Fuego constantly smoking
with occasional explosion and shocks, its last eruption
being in 1880; Encuentro, Acatenango; Atitlan so remarkable
at one time for frequent and violent eruptions, the last
ones being in 1828 and 1833, which caused much destruction
on the coast of Suchitepequez; Tesamielco, Zapotitlan,
Amilpas, Quezaltenango, and Cerro Quemado whose last eruption
was in 1785. There are many other nameless ones. Near a
number of the active and extinct volcanoes are small and
almost circular openings in the ground, through which is
ejected smoke or steam. The natives call them ausoles or
infiernillos, little hells. _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 3, 13-17,
52-5, 91-2, 118-20, 284-90; _Squier's Trav._, ii. 101-19;
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 359-61, 492-8. Other authorities
speaking of the volcanoes of Cent. Am. are: _Stout's Nic._,
143; _Silliman's Journal_, xxviii. 332; _Levy_, _Nic._,
75-85, 147-53; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 10, 1854; _Diario de
Avisos_, Nov. 22, 1856; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, June 5, Aug. 7,
1869; March 18, 1871; _Salv._, _Diario Oficial_, Oct. 11,
Nov. 15, 1878; _Overland Monthly_, xiii. 324; _La Voz de
Méj._, March 17, 1866; _Pim and Seemann's Dottings_, 39-40;
_Baily's Cent. Am._, 75-8; _Wells' Hond._, 231-2; _Harper's
Mag._, xix. 739; and the _Encyclopædias_; _Guat._, _Revista
Observatorio Meteor._, i. 21-3.

[XXVII-11] About 300 have been recorded in 3½ centuries,
which are probably the hundredth part of the actual number.

[XXVII-12] _Hist. Cent. Am._, ii. 719-21, this series.

[XXVII-13] June 20th, at 3 A. M., was felt a heavy shock in
Guat.; no great damage was done. In Comayagua and Tegucigalpa
the shocks continued from the 20th to the 25th; the people
abandoning their dwellings. Many buildings, both public and
private, were much injured. The shocks were also felt in
Trujillo.

[XXVII-14] Apr. 23, 1830, Guat. experienced one said to
have been the most severe since that of 1773. Feb. and
Sept. 1831, a great part of San Salvador was ruined. The
authorities and most of the people fled to Cojutepeque. This
was the sixth time the city had been more or less damaged
by earthquakes. Sept. 2, 1841, Cartago, in Costa R., was
nearly levelled to the ground; of 3,000 houses previously
existing, not 100 remained entire; of the 8 churches, the
smallest and ugliest was the only one escaping uninjured.
May 1844, the city of Granada was nearly ruined; the town of
Nicaragua was greatly damaged, the lake of this name rising
and falling several times, as if having a tide. Amatitlan,
Petapa, Palin, and other places near the volcano of Pacaya,
hardly had a house left standing in the end of March and in
beginning of April 1845. In the repub. of Guat. shocks have
been repeatedly experienced, those of 1884 and 1885 causing
devastation in Amatitlan. San Salvador experienced heavy
ones in 1575, 1593, 1625, 1656, and 1798, and was completely
ruined in 1839, 1854, and 1873, and several other towns in
the republic fared almost as badly in the latter year. Oct.
2, 1878, there was loss of life. Dec. 27-29, 1879, Ilopango,
Candelaria, and other places were demolished. In Costa R. the
destruction of Puntarenita occurred Aug. 4, 1854; and in 1882
the towns of Alajuela, San Ramon, Grecia, and Heredia were
damaged, with heavy loss of life. In Dec. 1867, a tidal wave
swallowed the island of Zapotilla, in Golfo Dulce, drowning
all the inhabitants. The earthquake shocks seem to be of two
kinds, namely, the perpendicular, which are felt only in the
vicinity of volcanoes, and the horizontal, reaching great
distances from the places where they originate, being very
unequal in their progress, in some parts rocking the ground
violently, and in others, in their direct line, nearer their
source, being but slightly felt. _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 290-3;
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 298, 304-7, 465; _Squier's Travels_,
ii. 85, 120-6; _Ponton's Earthquakes_, 69, 76-7; _Reichardt_,
_Cent. Am._, 83-4; _Nouv. Annales Voy._, clxv. 360-1; lxxxv.
264; lciii. 121; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 608-9;
_Wagner_, _Costa R._, Pref. viii.; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._,
vii. 101-3; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 10, 1853; July 15, Aug.
5, 26, Sept. 2, 1854; _Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, Aug. 31, Dec.
23, 1854; _Niles' Reg._, lxi. 257; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._,
26; _Mission Scient. au Mex. Geol._, 13-16, 511-12; _Wells'
Hond._, 233; _Salv._, _El Siglo_, May 28, June 3, 1851, Sept.
3, 1852; _Id._, _Diario Ofic._, Oct. 5-27, 1878; Jan. 13, 14,
1880; _Id._, _Gaceta_, May 20, 1854; _Id._, _El Rol_, Oct.
13, 20, Nov. 10, 17, Dec. 1, 1854; Feb. 9, 1855; _Guat._,
_Gaceta_, Oct. 21, 1853; May 5, 1854; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, March
26, 1864; Feb. 10, 1866; Jan. 18, May 9, Oct. 31, 1868; Jan.
8, June 18, Aug. 20, 1870; _La Union de Nic._, Jan. 12, 1861;
_El Porvenir de Nic._, Oct. 15, 1871; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H.
Ex. Doc., Cong. 43, Sess. 1, i. pt 1, 796, 808, 814; _Id._,
Cong. 44, Sess. 1, i. pt 1, 129; _Uriarte_, _Terremotos de
Cent. Am._, in _Mex. Soc. Geog._, _Boletin_, ii. 189-95;
_Mex._, _Eco Mercantil_, Apr. 24, 1882; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Jan. 5, 7, 11, 1886. Very full information from 1469
to 1882 in _Guat._, _Revista Observatorio Meteor._, i. 24-39.

[XXVII-15] Worthy of mention were the shocks of July 11,
1854, felt throughout the Isthmus, Sept. 11th, the same year,
felt in Chiriquí; 1857, 1858, 1868, and Sept. 7, 1882; this
last was a heavy one, damaging public and private buildings;
also delaying the transmission of passengers and merchandise
over the railway. _Salv._, _El Rol_, Dec. 1, 1854; _Costa
R._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 21, 1854; _S. F. Alta_, Oct. 2, 1857;
_Sac. Union_, Aug. 2, 1858; _S. F. Call_, June 23, 1868;
Sept. 8, 9, 25, 1882; _S. F. Chronicle_, Sept. 9, 1882; _La
Estrella de Pan._, Sept. 14, 1882; _Pan. Star and Herald_,
Sept. 14, 1882.

[XXVII-16] The most important ones are the Usumasinta, known
also under the names of Lacandon, Pasion, etc., in Guat.,
of about the size of the Garonne or Elbe in Europe, or the
Hudson in the U. S., which drains nearly half of the state,
and pours its waters through several mouths into the bay of
Campeche and the laguna de Términos. The Dulce unites the
bay of Hond. with the Dulce Gulf. The Hondo; the Belize,
or Old River, famous for the fine mahogany its banks have
yielded; the Motagua and the Polochic; the Black or Tinto
in the Poyais country; the San Juan del Norte, Coco, also
named Telpaneca and Wanks, Grande or Chocoyos, and the Mico
or Blewfields; the Tipitapa, uniting lakes Nicaragua and
Managua; the Paz, separating Guat. and Salv.; and the deep
and rapid Lempa, the largest on the western shore, at its
lowest ebb exceeds 140 yards in breadth.

[XXVII-17] The following are the notable ones: Atitlan, in
Guat., covering upwards of 250 square miles; declared to be
unfathomable, a line of 300 fathoms not reaching the bottom.
Though receiving the waters of many rivers, no outlet has
been found for its dark and benumbing waters; still, it
is probable that a subterraneous outlet exists, as in the
lakes of Guijar and Metapa in Salv., which are united by a
subterraneous communication. Golfo Dulce, or Izabal Lake, of
about 50 miles in circuit, subject to violent agitations,
and forming the port of Izabal on the Atlantic coast of
Guat. The small Amatitlan, about 20 miles from the city of
Guat., which, notwithstanding its hot springs and brackish
waters, abounds in a delicate fish called mojarra, in other
small fish, and in wild fowl. In Hond. is the Yojos. In Nic.,
the lake of the same name, whose surplus waters run to the
Atlantic by the San Juan del Norte River; an inland sea, 96
miles long, and 40 miles in its greatest breadth, forming an
ellipse with its main axis due N. W. to S. E. Its depth in
some parts is of 45 fathoms, and its area must be at least
2,000 square miles. It contains a small archipelago. Lake
Managua is 38 or 35 miles in length, and 16 in its greatest
breadth. It has little depth, and several sand banks render
navigation difficult. The laguna de Masaya, 340 ft lower
than the city of the same name, which is 750 ft above the sea
level. Its area is of about 10 square miles. _Lévy_, _Nic._,
86, 95-8.

[XXVII-18] From 8° to 11° 16´ N. lat., and 81° 40´ to 85°
40´ long. W. of Greenwich. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._,
25. Between 8° and 17° 30´ N. lat., and 11° 50´ to 22° 32´
W. of Santiago de Chile, which is situate in meridian 70°
38´ 6´´ west of Greenwich. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 2.
_Am. Cyclopædia_, v. 393, gives it betw. 8° 11´ and 11°
8´ N. lat., and long. 82° 28´ to 85° 45´ W. of Greenwich.
Between about 8° and 11° N. lat., and 82° to 86° W. long.
_Encyclopædia Britannica_, vi. 397.

[XXVII-19] By the law of March 27, 1835, the country was
divided into three departments; namely, Cartago, Alajuela,
and Guanacaste, with a jefe político at the head of each.
Repealed by executive decree of April 28, 1843, after having
had several amendments. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, iv. 180-3.

[XXVII-20] San José has 9 regidores, Cartago and Heredia
7. Each municipality chooses a president and vice-president
from among its own members, and a secretary. At each cantonal
head town there are alcaldes, and in each barrio a juez de
paz. _Costa R._, _Id._, iii. 226-40; x. 465-92; xi. 89-138;
xvii. 161-98; xix. 168-74; _Costa R._, _Mem. Instruc. Púb._,
1884, annexes 12-17; _Id._, _Mem. Gobern._, 1852-84; _El
Costaricense_, Nov. 24, 1849; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 9,
16, March 2, 1850.

[XXVII-21] San José, the national capital, was founded a
little more than 100 years ago, owing its existence to the
earthquakes which nearly destroyed Cartago, the old capital.
San José is situated on an elevation of about 4,500 ft.,
upon the table-land formed between the mountains of Dota or
Herradura on the south, and those of Barba on the north. On
one side flows the river Torres, and on the other the María
Aguilar. Its streets are paved, straight, and forming right
angles. The dwellings are mostly of a single story, with
spacious courts; there are, however, a good many buildings of
two stories. The majority are made of adobe, plastered over;
but the national palace is of stone, and a fine building. An
aqueduct supplies the city with water from the Torres, though
a large portion of the fluid consumed is drawn from the
wells existing in almost every house. Besides, the government
palace, the university, Mora theatre, some of the churches,
and a few other buildings, do honor to the city. The electric
light was introduced in 1884. Cartago, the oldest town in
the state, though it has lost its political importance,
and has been shattered by earthquakes, retains some traces
of its former magnificence. It is gradually improving.
_Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 51; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._,
50; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 463-4; _Boyle's Ride Across a
Continent_, ii. 217; _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 47;
_Wappäus_, _Mex. und Cent. Am._, 364-5; _Costa R._, _Informe
Gobern._, 1874, 2-3; _El Cronista_, S. F., Oct. 18, 1884.

[XXVII-22] It is situated between lat. 10° 45´ and 14° 55´,
and between long. 83° 15´ and 87° 38´. _Am. Cyc._, xii. 420.
Between 10° 30´ and 15° lat., and from 83° 11´ to 87° long.
_Encyclop. Brit._, xvii. 490. Between 9° 45´ and 15° lat.
N., and between 83° 20´ and 87° 30´ long. W. _Squier's Cent.
Am._, 348. Between 10° 50´ and 15° N. lat., and between 83°
13´ and 87° 37´ long. W. of Greenwich. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Jan.
18, 1868.

[XXVII-23] That is the civilized region. There is, besides,
a wild portion comprising about 24,000 geographical miles.
_Lévy_, _Nic._, 372.

[XXVII-24] In the absence of the prefecto the first alcalde
of the head town acts in his place ad int., with the full
pay of the office. _Nic._, _Acuerdos y Dec._, 1857-8, 70-8,
203-5; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 58-77, 145-8, 195-6; ii.
5-20; _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Apr. 16, 1856; Feb. 8 to Nov.
15, passim, 1862; _Id._, _Gaceta_, March 5, 1864; _Id._,
_Informe Gobern._, 1863-83.

[XXVII-25] The corporations are formed, according to the
importance of the locality, with one or two alcaldes, and
their respective suplentes, regidores, one secretary, one
síndico, and the agricultural judge, all serving without
pay. The prefecto controls the municipal affairs of his
whole department, and especially those of the chief town.
He presides ex-officio over all the municipalities, and in
case of a tie has a casting vote. He cannot be accused except
before the senate, and is consequently a petty president in
his department. _Lévy_, _Nic._, 331-5.

[XXVII-26] It was made a city in 1846, and special ordinances
were provided for it from time to time. _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._,
i. 148; _Sandoval_, _Rev. Polít._, 58; _Nic._, _Registro
Ofic._, 342; _Id._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_, 1863, 2, 46, 118-19;
_Id._, _Dec. y Acuerdos de la Junta_, 12-13, 145-8.

[XXVII-27] It has been greatly damaged by military
operations, but never burned down, like Granada.

[XXVII-28] Leon was connected in 1881 with Corinto by rail;
and the line has been afterward extended to Leon Viejo,
on Lake Managua, and thence to Granada. Notable places in
the department of Leon are Telica, birthplace of Miguel
Larreyuaga, an oidor of the last Spanish audiencia, or
superior court of judicature, who drew up the declaration
of independence; El Sáuce, Santa Rosa, El Jicaral or San
Buenaventura, and San Nicolas.

[XXVII-29] Granada has a good commercial position on the N.
W. end of Lake Nicaragua, and at the foot of the Mombacho
volcano. It was burned by pirates in 1665, nearly ruined
by the freebooters in 1670, the raiders having come on
both occasions by the San Juan River and the lake; and a
third time destroyed by fire in 1685, the work of pirates
who landed at Escalante on the Pacific. In 1844 it was
greatly damaged by earthquakes. In 1856 it was burned by
William Walker, the filibuster. But it has risen from its
ashes, and become prosperous. The city is irregular in its
construction, the streets not being straight or rectangular.
They are mostly unpaved, and generally in a bad condition.
The city obtains water for consumption from the lake, distant
about a mile, brought by men on their shoulders; and its
food supplies, not from the surrounding fields, but from
numerous Indian pueblos on the S. E. Masaya was an Indian
town, but raised to the rank of a city in 1839. _Rocha_,
_Cód. Nic._, i. 148. It is supplied with water from the deep
lagoon south of and near the city. There were women who for
80 cents monthly supplied two large jars of water every
day. A steam-pump was put up in 1872 to raise the water
of the lake to the plaza. There is no building worthy of
mention in the place. Other notable towns in the department
of Granada are Nandaimé, Jinotepe, San Rafael de la Costa,
Diriomo, Tipitapa, Nindirí, and Zapatera Island. The towns
of San Cárlos and El Castillo, on the San Juan, belong to
the same department, though governed in a special manner.
San Juan del Norte, alias Greytown, has little importance
now; its houses are of wood and palm-thatched. Rivas bore
the name of Nicaragua till the early part of the present
century. The city has suffered greatly from earthquakes,
particularly in 1844. It was partially destroyed during the
Walker war. A real curiosity in the department of Rivas is
the island of Ometepe in the lake, having two towns, the
Pueblo Grande, or villa de Altagracia, and the Moyogalpa,
united by a good wagon road. Chinandega is one of the most
beautiful spots in Nic. It is a perfect garden. In the wild
or uncivilized portion of the territory lies the Mosquito
region, whose chief town is Blewfields, having two wooden
buildings; the rest being mere huts. _Lévy_, _Nic._, 373-90;
_Laferrière_, _De Paris á Guatém._, 73-6; _Saravia_, _Bosq.
Polít. Estadist._, 10-11; _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
153-4; _Froebel's Cent. Am._, 19, 29-47, 62-75, 92-104;
_Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, i. 250-80, 311-17, 350-4; _Squier's
Trav._, i. 138-40, 146-50, 211-15, 258-67, 339, 353-6, 365;
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 346-7, 356-9, 366-76; _Squier's Nic._,
646; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 196-9, 212, 225-9, 249; _Stillman's
Golden Fleece_, 206-8; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 6-8; _Stout's
Nic._, 27-9, 41-5, 98-100, 156-64; _Baily's Cent. Am._,
117-18; _Bates' Cent. Am._, 131-2; _Marr_, _Cent. Am._, i.
158-9, 165-71, 228-30; _Boyle's Ride_, i. 13, 83-91; ii. 8;
_Reichardt_, _Nic._, 6-18, 20-7, 59, 62-3, 71-2, 81-9, 105-6,
129-31, 134, 155-9, 165-9, 231; _Wells' Hond._, 39, 42, 72-4.

[XXVII-30] Hond. is therefore betw. 13° 10' and 16° lat.
N., and within 83° 20' and 89° 30' long. W. _Squier's Cent.
Am._, 68; _Encyclop. Brit._, xii. 133. Between 13° 10' and
16° 5' N. lat., and within 83° 12' and 89° 47' W. long. _Am.
Cyclop._, viii. 787.

[XXVII-31] The towns have their municipal corporations, whose
members are required by law to be able to read and write.

[XXVII-32] Before 1827 it was a prosperous city; but the
serviles burnt it that year. Since then it has suffered
several times, especially in 1872 and 1873.

[XXVII-33] _Squier's Cent. Am._, 129-30; this authority also
gives a cut of the cathedral on p. 261; _Wappäus_, _Mex. und
Cent. Am._, 310-11; _Huston's Journey_, 24-7.

[XXVII-34] The town stands on the right bank of the Choluteca
River in an amphitheatre among the hills. It has a fine stone
bridge of ten arches spanning the river. _Wells' Hond._,
186-8; _Laferrière_, _De Paris á Guatém._, 95-6; _Squier's
Cent. Am._, 155.

[XXVII-35] Omoa is situated about a quarter of a mile from
the beach on level ground, but the back country rises rapidly
into a chain of high mountains, beginning abruptly at Puerto
Caballos, now called Puerto Cortés. Owing to its position,
Omoa is generally cool and healthy, has seldom been visited
by epidemics. The place is defended by the San Fernando
castle. Trujillo lies close by the sea at the foot of a lofty
mountain covered with vegetation, and reaching to the very
edge of the water. The town was at one time of considerable
importance, both in a commercial and military point of
view; but now it has an antique, dilapidated, and abandoned
appearance. Amapala, on the island of Tigre, was in old times
a favorite resort of pirates; it was here that Drake had his
depot during his operations in the Pacific. Owing to the
visits of those marauders, the Indian population of Tigre
and Zacate Grande retired to the mainland, and the islands
remained almost entirely deserted till 1838, when Amapala
was made a free port, since which time it has become a very
important place. It has a salubrious climate. Further details
on the towns of Honduras may be found in _Montgomery's Narr.
of a Journey to Guat., etc., in 1838_, 31; _Squier's Cent.
Am._, 98-129, 142-161; _Squier's Hond. R. R._, 74-84, 99-102;
_Squier's Trav._, ii. 164-8; _Young's Resid. Mosq. Shore_,
138-40; _Wells' Hond._, 324-5, 574-9; _Reichardt_, _Cent.
Am._, 89-90, 93-5; _Wappäus_, _Mex. und Cent. Am._, 311-19;
_Froebel's Cent. Am._, 177-83; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._,
28-9.

[XXVII-36] It is comprised within lat. 13° and 14° 30' N.,
and long. 87° 30' and 90° 20' W. _Am. Cyclop._, xiv. 610.
Between 13° and 14° 10' N. lat., and between 87° and 90° W.
long. _Squier's Cent. Am._, 279; _Laferrière_, _De Paris á
Guatém._, 111.

[XXVII-37] By decree of President Gonzalez, July 14, 1875,
the department of San Miguel was cut up, and that of Gotera
created with the districts of Gotera and Osicala. San Miguel
was compensated with Chinameca, detached from Usulutan.
_Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, July 20, 1875.

[XXVII-38] It is made a part of the governor's duty to keep
the gen. govt apprised of every important occurrence within
his department or its vicinity; in addition to which he
must furnish annually a gen. report on every branch of the
public service, with suggestions for the further improvement
and progress of the communities under his charge. His
subordinates in districts and towns report to him. A number
of governors' reports may be seen in _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Sept.
3 to Dec. 24, 1876; Jan. 2 to Dec. 18, 1877; _Id._, _Diario
Ofic._, May 17 to Dec. 3, 1879; Jan. 15, 1880, etc.

[XXVII-39] Towns of from 200 to 2,000 inhabitants two
regidores, of upwards of 2,000 to 10,000 four, and those
exceeding the latter number six. Each corporation elects a
competent clerk to authenticate its acts and those of the
alcalde.

[XXVII-40] _Id._, May 1-16, 1875; March 5-22, 1879.

[XXVII-41] Like other Spanish towns, it covers a large area
in proportion to the population. The houses are built low,
of a single story, and adapted to resist the constant shakes
of the earth. Each house has an inner court, frequently
containing a fountain and garden. The dwellers run out to the
court on feeling a temblor of some force. When the shocks are
heavy and continuous, they seek safety in the plazas and open
fields, where they erect tents.

[XXVII-42] It is situated between N. lat. 13° 50' and 18°
15', and within W. long. 88° 14' and 93° 12'. _Am. Cyclop._,
viii. 288. Between 13° 42' and 18° lat. N., and between 88°
and 93° 5' W. long. _Encyclop. Brit._, xi. 211.

[XXVII-43] The chief towns have the same names as the
departments to which they belong, excepting those of
Sacatepéquez, Quiché, Peten, Baja Verapaz, Alta Verapaz,
and Santa Rosa, whose respective names are Antigua, Santa
Cruz del Quiché, Flores, Salamá, Coban, and Cuajiniquilapa.
_Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, June 6, 1877; _Guat._, _Mem. Sec.
Gobern. y Just._, 1884, 4-5, annex 4; _El Guatemalteco_, May
10, 1884.

[XXVII-44] Under the old system the department was under a
corregidor who was not only civil governor, but also military
chief, judge, revenue collector, and postmaster. _Berendt_,
in _Smithsonian Rept_, 1867, 424.

[XXVII-45] Under art. 34 of this organic law the jefes were
required to send the supreme gov. for approbation police
regulations, under the instructions furnished them for the
sake of uniformity. They did not fail to comply. _Guat._,
_Mem. Sec. Gobern. y Just._, 1880, 1-2.

[XXVII-46] The law determined with precision the manner
of organizing the municipalities, and the functions of
the councilmen, increasing at the same time the number of
committees; at that time they had committees of finance,
supplies, water, police, health, ornamentation, schools,
vaccination, roads, and statistics. Further information
on internal administration, police, and gen. condition of
the departments may be found in _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i.
492-512, 527-75; _Barrios_, _Mensaje_, 1876; _Salv. Diario
Ofic._, May 13 to 16, 1875; _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Gobern._,
1880, 1881, 1882, 1884; _Batres' Sketch Guat._, 23;
_Conkling's Guide_, 341.

[XXVII-47] With only three exceptions every department had a
surplus. The three excepted had deficits amounting together
to $3,578.

[XXVII-48] I will name a few of the authorities: _Dillon_,
_Beautés de l'hist._, 218-38; _Thompson's Guat._, 465-9;
_Stephens' Trav. Cent. Am._, i. 192-4; _Nuevo Viajero Univ._,
iii. 602-7; _Baily's Cent. Am._, 49-54; _Valois_, _Mexique_,
291-6; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 54; _Crosby's Statem._, MS.,
86-90; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 114-16; _Laferrière_, _De Paris
à Guatém._, 259-60; _Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog._, iii. 724-7;
_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 76-86; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 497-50;
_U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc. Cong. 43, Sess. 1, i. 444-5;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 78-9; _Am. Cyclop._, viii. 290-2;
_Encyclop. Brit._, xi. 214.

[XXVII-49] There are two fortresses, the Matamoros and San
José. Among the open places are the plaza mayor, and the
recently laid out plaza de la Concordia, now the favorite
resort of the inhabitants. There is another plaza containing
a fine theatre.

[XXVII-50] San Francisco, La Recoleccion, La Merced, and
Santo Domingo are among the notable ones.

[XXVII-51] The govt in late years has provided for an
increase of the water supply to meet the future requirements
of a town whose population is rapidly growing. _Guat._, _Mem.
Sec. Fomento_, 1884, 43-4; 1885, 49-51, 56-8.

[XXVII-52] With government aid, a jockey club was also
established in 1882. _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, 47-50, 75.

[XXVII-53] Antigua, or Old Guat., presents its majestic
ruins, much the same as they were left by the earthquakes of
1773. Many of the buildings appear like fortresses. Among
the best preserved are the old government palace and the
university. The place was much damaged by an earthquake in
1874. Thompson in his _Cent. Am._ has a description of the
ruins as they were in 1825, 245-9; others have described them
at later dates. _Stephens' Trav._, i. 266-71, 278-80; ii.
204; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 53-5; _Macgregor's Prog. of
Am._, i. 791-2; _Valois_, _Mexique_, 376-8, 390; _Squier's
Cent. Am._, 456, 504-10; _Batres' Sketch_, 27-9, 40.
Quezaltenango is 8,130 feet above the sea. It is every day
growing in importance and wealth. Living is cheap there; the
climate is cool and healthy. Most of the streets are narrow,
but they are well paved and have flagstone sidewalks. The
houses are of good appearance, some of them of two stories.
Among the public buildings are the penitentiary, on the plan
of that in Philadelphia, the Indian cabildo of two stories,
the hospital, national institute, and other educational
establishments, some fine churches, etc. _Boddam Whetham's
Across Cent. Am._, 66-7; _Conkling's Guide_, 334, 337, 343.
The city of Flores, head town of the department of Peten, is
worthy of mention for its picturesque position on one of the
islands of Lake Itzal, and its charming view from a distance.
The place is hot, however, and uncleanly.

[XXVII-54] Occupying the Isthmus which connects North and
South America, between lat. N. 6° 45´ and 9° 40´, and within
long. W. 77° and 83°. The area is of about 31,921 square
miles. In its general form it is an arc curving from east to
west, with the convex side toward the north. In the widest
part from sea, to sea it is about 120 miles, in the narrowest
from the gulf of San Blas to the mouth of the Bayano River
about 30, and along the line of the railway 47½ miles. _Am.
Cyclop._, xiii. 31.

[XXVII-55] In addition to these are Taboguilla, Urabá, Naos,
Perico, Culebra, San José, Tórtola, Tortolita, Iguana,
Washington, Napoleon, Stanley, and many smaller ones.
_Tavares_, _Gulf and Isthmus of Darien_, March 31, 1761,
MS., 52-65; _Imray's Sail. Directions_, 6-12; _Humboldt_,
_Tableau_, 710.

[XXVII-56] The largest being the Tuira, 160 miles long,
navigable about 102 for barges, empties into the gulf of San
Miguel; the Chagres, navigable for bungos about 30 miles,
runs into the Caribbean Sea; the Chepo flows into the bay of
Panamá.

[XXVII-57] The principal town of Coclé is Penonomé; of
Chiriquí, David; and of Veragua, Santiago. The rest bear the
same names as their respective departments.

[XXVII-58] The governor and prefectos report yearly to
the chief of the Isthmus the state of their respective
departments. _Pan._, _Mem. Soc. Jeneral_, 1877, etc.

[XXVII-59] Just prior to the influx of the foreign element,
upon the discovery of the gold placers in California, the
town had a gloomy and ruinous aspect. There was nothing to
be seen all around but ruin and poverty; whole blocks and
streets of old, dilapidated buildings, propped-up houses
with people living in them, and luxuriant vegetation in
the plazas, walls, etc. With the coming of foreigners a
great change took place within the short space of three or
four years. Nearly all the old dwellings underwent repairs,
and new ones were built. In lieu of the old sad appearance
and silence, all was now bustle and movement. _Maldonado_,
_Asuntos Polít. Pan._, MS., 7.

[XXVII-60] The cathedral has nothing to recommend it except
its two fine towers. It is in a ruinous condition, and
though repaired a few years ago and reduced to a single nave,
further repairs are loudly called for. This building as well
as the cabildo face the main plaza.

[XXVII-61] Efforts have been made in late years by the state
government for the construction of an aqueduct; but without
success. _Pan._, _Gaceta_, May 16, 1874; Apr. 9, 30, 1876;
_Pan. Star and Herald_, May 19, 1874; Feb. 14, Apr. 13, 1876.

[XXVII-62] The following are among the authorities giving
more or less detailed descriptions of the city of Panamá:
_Cash's Sketch_, 54-61, 29-71; _Bidwell's Pan._, 1-9, 75-7,
119-35, 341-8; _Beechy's Voy._, i. 11-17, 23-4; _Scarlett's
South Am._, ii. 189-211, 221-9, 254-69; _Seemann's Narr._,
84-8, 275-95, 289-94; _Wilson's Trav. in Cal._, 9-10, 17-19;
_Wortley's Trav._, 320-2; _Scherzer_, _Narr._, ii. 424-5;
_Pim's Gate_, 209-20.

[XXVII-63] _Gisborne's Darien_, 160-70, 205-9; _Otis' Isth.
Pan._, 70-127; _Harper's Mag._, xvii. 19-28, 32-9; _Tomes'
Pan._, 40-66. The following contain descriptions of other
places as well as of the transit between the two seas:
_London Geog. Soc. Jour._, i. 69-101; xxiii., 184; _Niles'
Reg._, xxxviii. 141; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 201-2;
_Willey's Person. Mem._, 37-8; _Masset's Exper. of a '49er_,
MS., 1; _Lachapelle's Raousset-Boulbon_, 43-7; _Champagnac_,
_Voyageur_, 175-6; _Froebel_, _Aus Amerika_, 211-31;
_Nic._, _Cor. Ist._, May 30, 1850; _Marryatt's Mountains_,
1-17; _Holinski_, _La Californie_, 45-61; _Rouhaud_, _Reg.
Nouvelles_, 167; _Nouv. Annales des Voy._, cxxiii. 220-2,
226-7; cxlv. 17-22; cxlvii. 15-17; _Polynesian_, v. 29;
vi. 121; _Thornton's Or. and Cal._, ii. 348-54; _Oswald
Cal. und Seine_, 87-92; _Kelley's Canal Mantimera_, 27-8;
_Auger_, _Voy. en Cal._, 35-92; _Saint-Amant_, 25-62,
80-97; _Griswold's Pan._, 41-7; _Rossi_, _Souvenirs_, 47-50;
_Esguerra_, _Dicc. Geog. Colombia_, 2-275; _Pan._, _Gaceta_,
Jan. 23, 1881.

[XXVII-64] Department of Pan., including 18,378 in the
city, 43,462; Coclé, 33,134; Colon, including 4,000 in that
port, 1,057 in Chagres, and 1,319 in Portobello, 8,276;
Los Santos, 37,670; Veragua, 36,210; Bocas del Toro, 5,250;
Darien, 1,036. _Pan._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, 1882, 43-6. The
population at the time the Isthmus seceded from Spain was
variously estimated at from 80,000 to 111,550; 1843, 129,697;
the census of 1863 yielded 180,000; but it is believed the
population was made to appear larger than it really was, so
as to gain one more representative in the national congress.
The best informed citizens computed it at only 150,000. In
1868, 220,542, authorities keeping the same figures till
1879, excepting one estimate for 1874 reducing it to 174,000.
_Humboldt_, _Pers. Narr._, vi., pt i. 142; _Seemann's Voy._,
i. 296; _Imray's Sail. Dir._, 14; _Bidwell's Isth. Pan._,
178-80; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Feb. 18, 1868; _Mex. Soc.
Geog. Boletin_, 3d ép. i. 728; _Colombia_, _Diario Ofic._,
Sept. 6, 1872; Aug. 4, 1874; March 1, 1876; _Esguerra_,
_Dicc. Geog. Colomb._, 171.

[XXVII-65] _Veraguas_, _Decr. de la Cám._; _Id._, _Notas
Ofic._; _Id._, _Ordenanzas_, 1853; _Chiriquí_, _Corresp.
Gob. Nac._, 1851; _Id._, _Ofic. del Gob._; _Id._, _Comp. de
Fomento_, 1855; all in _Pinart_, _Pan. Coll. Doc._, MSS.,
nos. 63, 65, 69, p. 25-7, no. 39, 4-9, no. 88, p. 22, no. 40,
1-4; besides other doc. in the same Coll., no. 31, p. 40-1,
nos. 49, 50, 52, 103; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc. 41,
Cong. 36, Sess. 2, vi. 55; _El Noticioso del Istmo Am._, in
the _Californian_, S. F., ii., June 12, 1847.

[XXVII-66] For their dwelling-places I refer to _Native Races
of the Pac. States_, i. 795-7, this series.

[XXVII-67] In 1835. _Veraguas_, _Dec. de la Cám._, in _Pin._,
_Pan. Col. Doc._, MS., no. 57, 17-22; _Id._, _Informe_, in
_Id._, MS., no. 78.

[XXVII-68] Their chief at times visited the British consul at
Panamá, but never agreed to his returning the visit at their
homes. _Seemann's Voy._, i. 321. Neither would they accept
presents from any white person. One of their chiefs who
accepted a present was degraded by his tribe, and the present
was sent back. _Bidwell's Isth. Pan._, 36.

[XXVII-69] Many persons were killed by the Bayanos in Oct.
1870; and their hostilities were repeated in 1874. _Pan._,
_Gaceta_, Nov. 10, 1870; Dec. 23, 1873; Apr. 14, 1874; _Id._,
_Star and Herald_, Feb. 17, March 12, 1874; _Id._, _Informe
Sec. Est._, 1874, 18-19.

[XXVII-70] The lower classes are improvident and fond of
dress and finery.

[XXVII-71] Low dresses without sleeves, and with lace
trimmings on the bust.

[XXVII-72] There are many of them given to gossiping and
propagating scandalous reports even about their friends.
Politics and the bottle have in late years debauched many
a fine young man, the vice of drunkenness of late gaining
ground.

[XXVII-73] There are associations of various kinds, including
secret ones, like the masonic, of which there are several
lodges, with many native Panamanians among their members. The
natives still observe the custom of long mournings as of old.
In a community where families are more or less connected by
ties of blood or marriage, the result is that mourning often
seems to be the common dress.

[XXVII-74] Details in _Constitucional del Istmo_, Nov. 21,
1832; _Colegio de Pan._, _Decreto_, 1-2; _El Movimiento_,
Dec. 1, 1844; _N. Granada_, _Gaceta_, Feb. 22, 1846;
_Bogotá_, _Gac. Ofic._, Feb. 6, 1848; _Chiriquí_, _Decretos_,
MS., 1849; _Pan._, _Crón. Ofic._, Nov. 9, 1849, to March
1, 1854, passim; _Chiriquí_, _Inf. del Gob._, MSS., 1851-2;
_Pan._, _Gaceta Extraord._, Dec. 23, 1857; March 30, 1858.

[XXVII-75] In 1869 there were no public primary schools in
the state. Parents with means had teachers at home, or sent
their children to the few private schools then existing, to
Bogotá, the national capital, or abroad. Children of poor
parents had to grow in utter ignorance.

[XXVII-76] In 1874 there were in the state 17 primary
schools with 1,065 pupils. The numbers steadily increased
till 1882, when the schools were 59 and the pupils 2,167.
There were appropriated for supporting the schools in 1873
$14,191, and every year after there was an increase; the
amount allowed in 1882 being $33,310, and in 1883 $63,962,
the govt now becoming alive to the fact that the funds
formerly supplied were insufficient, as appeared in the
report of the educational bureau on Nov. 15, 1881. _Pan._,
_El Elector_, May 1, 1883; _Pan._, _Inf. Sec. Est._, 1866;
_Id._, _Mensaje_, 1872; _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Est._, 1876;
_Id._, _Informe Direct. Gen. Instruc. Púb._, 1877-80; _Id._,
_Leyes_, 1876-7, 26-32; _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Gob._, 1877; _Id._,
_Min. Sec. Gob._, 1879; _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, May 28,
1863, to Sept. 8, 1869, passim; _Id._, _Gaceta_, July 28,
1870, to Feb. 20, 1881, passim; _Colombia_, _Diario Ofic._,
Feb. 18, Aug. 14, 1874; Jan. 27, March 2, 1876.

[XXVII-77] It began its existence as the _Panamá Star_, a
very small sheet, in 1849; now it has eight large pages.
_S. F. Times_, March 13, 1869; _S. F. Alta_, March 13, 1869;
_Pan. Star and Herald_, Jan. 11, 1886.

[XXVII-78] I have had occasion to quote both publications
repeatedly on narrating events on the Isthmus and in Central
America.

[XXVII-79] The bull is led by a rope into the most public
streets. A number of men challenge the brute, which
occasionally rushes at its tormentors; but as the rope holds
it, only by a rare chance is any one hurt. The bull is thus
worried by the men-brutes till it is ready to drop.

[XXVII-80] Games of chance and night orgies having become
prevalent, in 1878 a heavy tax was levied on gambling-houses,
and a severe decree issued to check orgies and brawls.
_Pan._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 31, Aug. 15, 1878.

[XXVII-81] The following authorities have spoken of the
manners and customs of the Isthmus, and character of
its people at different periods from 1845 to late years:
_Macgregor's Progress of Am._, i. 820-34; _Seemann's Narr._,
i. 140-1, 299-310, passim; _Oliveira_, in _Nouv. Ann. Voy._,
cxxiii., 216-27; _McCollum's Cal._, 16-26; _Worthy's Trav._,
335-6; _Johnson's Sights_, 11-87; _Foote's Recoll._, 135-47;
_Merrill's Statem._, MS., i.; _Fremont's Am. Trav._, 57-65,
166-7; _Griswold's Isth._, 130-68, 179-80; _Gisborne's
Darien_, 170-216, pass.; _Delano's Chips_, 80-92; _Helper's
Land of Gold_, 209-23; _Mollhausen's Diary_, ii. 374-9;
_Harper's Mag._, xix. 433, 437-54; _Trollope's W. Ind._, 240,
248-50; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._, 210-14; _Gazlay's Pac.
Monthly_, i. 17-30; _Baxley's What I Saw_, 30-45; _China
Route_, _Sketch of New_, 54-74; _Gordon's Guide_, 14-15;
_Eardley-Wilmot's Our Jour._, 66-71; _Pan. Star and Herald_,
Feb. 7, 1875.

[XXVII-82] In 1840 small-pox prevailed in Chagres among
the natives; foreigners, being mostly vaccinated, escaped
unscathed. It visited the Isthmus again as an epidemic in
1863, 1880, and 1881, with great ravages each time, owing
to neglect of the common rules of hygiene, or aversion of
the lower classes to vaccination. _Niles' Reg._, lix. 17;
_Bidwell's Isth. Pan._, 222-3; _Cash's Sketch_, 62-3; _Pan._,
_Gaceta_, March 14, Aug. 1, Oct. 17, 1880; Sept. 22, 1881;
_El Coclesano_, Aug. 5, 20, 1881; _S. F. Bulletin_, July 16,
1881.

[XXVII-83] The Isthmus seems to have been spared on its first
visit to Am. in 1832-4. _Pan._, _Doc. Ofic._, in _Pinart_,
_Col. Doc._, MS., no. 31, 41-4.

[XXVII-84] The havoc, however, was greater among transient
foreigners and the native colored population. _Maldonado_,
_Asuntos Polít. Pan._, MS., 7-8. It was most virulent from
Jan. to July 1849. There were cases nearly to the end of
1850. _Williams' Statem._, MS., 2; _Willey's Pers. Mem._,
MS., 48-53; _Roach's Statem._, MS., 1; _Cannon's Statem._,
MS., 1; _S. F. News_, Nov. 8, 1850. Chiriquí escaped
the infliction by the timely establishment of a rigorous
quarantine against Pan. _Chiriquí_, _Dec. Gobern._, in
_Pinart_, _Pan. Col. Doc._, MS., 89, 2-5, 25; _Veraguas_,
Dec., in _Id._, MS., nos. 70-2.

[XXVII-85] If we except Colon, Chagres, and Portobello,
the climate is healthy. Men abstaining from the abuse of
alcoholic drinks, and observing the common rules of hygiene,
need not be apprehensive of the climate.

[XXVII-86] The symptoms were cramps, severe pain in
the spine, vomiting, and fever, followed by loss of
consciousness. The attack generally lasted several days.

[XXVII-87] _Pan._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 11, 1877; Apr. 29, 1880.

[XXVII-88] There was, however, a private hospital, mainly
supported by the French and Italians, where sick foreigners
found good attendance. Many a life has been saved in it.

[XXVII-89] Four disastrous conflagrations visited the present
city of Panamá prior to 1825; namely, in 1737, 1756, 1781,
and 1821, the first being the work of incendiaries from Guat.
_Seemann's Voy._, 288. Chagres was nearly all burned down
Dec. 9, 1847. _Polynesian_, in _S. F. Californian_, iii.
no. 4, Aug. 14, 1848. Gorgona was ruined in 1851. Panamá had
property destroyed in 1856 valued at half a million dollars.
Colon was afflicted in 1863 and 1868, and finally ruined by
the incendiaries Prestan and others in 1885. Panamá had three
great conflagrations; viz., June 5, 1870, Feb. 19, 1874, and
March 6, 1878. The loss of property in the three probably
exceeded four million dollars. _Pan._, _Merc. Chronicle_,
March 29, 1868; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 7, 1863; Apr. 25,
1868; June, 1870; _Id._, _Boletin_ _Ofic._, June 18, Dec. 25,
1870; _Jülfs_, _Die Seehäfen_, 3; _S. F. Chronicle_, June 21,
30, 1870; March 10, 1878; _S. F. Alta_, July 1, 1870; Feb.
28, March 9, 1874; _S. F. Call_, June 9, 1870; March 9, 1874;
Apr. 2, 1878; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Feb. 21, 24, 1874;
_Pan._, _Gaceta_, July 10, 1874; March 17 to July 1, Dec. 15,
1878; _Colombia_, _Diario Ofic._, May 30, 1874, p. 1749; _S.
F. Post_, Feb. 28, 1874; March 8, 1878.

[XXVIII-1] Being an estimated increase since 1877 of 245,847.
_Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Dec. 4, 1877. The population was
computed in 1810 at different figures, none reliable. The one
deemed most accurate was as follows: 646,666 Indians, 313,334
mulattoes and some negroes, 40,000 whites, making a total of
1,000,000, probably including 100,000 for Chiapas. _Guat._,
_Apuntam._, 105, 110; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, July 2, 1879;
_Lastarría_, in _La América_, 445; _Baily's Cent. Am._, 28,
32; _Nouv. Annales des Voy._, iv. 1820, 36; _Ocios de Esp.
Emig._, v. 2. In 1823 the whole was set down at 1,600,000.
_Humboldt's Pers. Narr._, vi. pt 1, 127, 131. Marure computed
it in 1824, giving Costa R. 70,000, Nic. 207,269, Salv.
212,573, Hond. 137,069, and Guat. 660,580; total, 1,287,491.
_Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 148, and app. no. 6. G. A. Thompson,
Brit. commissioner to Cent. Am., in 1823 estimated 2,000,000
in the following proportions: one fifth of whites, two fifths
of mixed classes, and two fifths of Indians. _Narr. Official
Visit_, 451. Galindo, an intelligent officer of the Cent. Am.
govt, about 1837 set the population at 685,000 Ind., 740,000
ladinos or mestizos, and 475,000 whites; total, 1,900,000.
He evidently overestimated the number of whites. Crowe,
_Gospel_, 40, referring specifically to Guat., estimated the
number of pure whites at not over 5,000, which seems to be
short of the truth. The proportions he gave were: Indians,
three fifths; ladinos or mestizos, one fourth; whites, one
fortieth; mulattoes, one eighty-third; negroes, one fiftieth;
zambos, one hundredth. It is unnecessary to burden this note
with figures for each year after 1837. I will merely append
those for 1866, given by a writer who must have got his data
from reliable sources: Costa R., 150,000, mostly white, and
including from 5,000 to 10,000 Talamanca Indians. According
to a Costa Rica census, there were in the republic in 1864
112 persons of 90 years and upwards; of whom 14 were of
100, 4 of 102, one of 103, one of 104, one of 111, one of
117, one of 118, and one of 122. The majority of cases of
great longevity were of women. _Costa R._, _Censo_, 100-3.
Nic., 380,000, of whom 80,000 pure Indians, 30,000 whites,
30,000 negroes, and the rest of mixed breeds, the mestizos
of white and Indian predominating on the Pac. coast, and the
zambos, or mixture of negro and Indian, on the Atlantic;
there were probably 30,000 in Mosquitia; Salv., 750,000;
Hond., 300,000; Guat., 1,219,500. _Laferrière_, _De Paris á
Guatém._, 47, 71, 93, 189, 251; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._,
37, 75. Other publications treating of the subject from
time to time: _Costa R._, _Boletin Ofic._, Feb. 9, March
30, 1854; _Id._, _Gaceta_, July 15, 1854; _Id._, _Mem. Sec.
Interior_, 1860 and 1861; _Id._, _Informe Gobern._, 1868 and
1874; _Id._, _Censo_, 1864; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, xxxii. 250-2;
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 21, 45-57, 279, 348, 449, 465, 648-9;
_Id._, _Travels_, i. 32-3; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 28-9;
_Belly_, _Nic._, i. 138-42, 249-54; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i.
185-6; _Nic._, _Registro Ofic._, 270, 312, 316, 382; _Id._,
_Boletin Ofic._, March to Aug. 1862, pass.; _Id._, _Gaceta_,
Jan. 1863 to Apr. 11, 1874, pass.; _Lévy_, _Nic._, 234 et
seq.; _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 26 to Nov. 18, 1850; Feb. 3,
March 3, 1854; Apr. 1, 1876; May 28 to Nov. 28, 1878; May
18 to Nov. 29, 1879; _Crosby's Statem._, MS., 93; _Wells'
Hond._, 554-7; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 473; _Guat._, _Mem.
Sec. Fomento_, 1880-5, with tables; and numerous others.

[XXVIII-2] The departments of Guat. having the largest
numbers were Totomicapam, 144,312; Guat., 130,581;
Huehuetenango, 121,123; Alta Verapaz, 93,407. The rest range
from 76,103 in Lalolá and 75,553 in Quiché, to 31,637 in
Jalapa. Peten is put down with 8,297, Izabal with 3,761, and
Livingston with 1,471. _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, July 11, Aug.
13, 1885; _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, 1884, 40, annex 6;
1885, 43-4, annex 12; _El Guatemalteco_, Jan. 1 to Dec. 5,
1884, pass.; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Feb. 9, 1884; Sept. 30,
1885.

[XXVIII-3] The proportions in 1880 were, white and mixed,
men, 183,536, females, 196,292; pure Indians, men, 421,518,
females, 423,256. Grand total, 1,224,602. _Guat._, _Mem. Sec.
Fomento_, 1885, annex 12, table 16.

[XXVIII-4] The first law to promote colonization was issued
Jan. 22, 1824, by the national constituent assembly of
Cent. Am. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, 133, app.
xviii.-xxvii.; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 815-20; _Id._,
_Boletin Ofic._, June 22, 1835; _Nic._, _Corr. Ist._, Aug. 8,
1850; _Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, March 20, 1854; _Rocha_, _Cód.
Nic._, i. 42-3, 53; _Baily's Cent. Am._, 43-5.

[XXVIII-5] Containing upwards of 14,000,000 acres of virgin
soil, and affording every climate. _Brief Statem. of the
Important Grants Conceded to ... by the State of Guat._,
Lond., 1839; _Guat. Charte de Concession du territ. de Vera
Paz_, Bruxelles, 1840, 8vo, 1-34; _Guat._, _Mem. Concession_,
17-130; _Marure_, _Efem._, 38; _Squier's Travels_, i. 422-4;
_Id._, _Compend. Hist. Cent. Am._, 77-9.

[XXVIII-6] It was first formed out of, or at least originated
from, the débris of the Poyais bubble, of which I spoke
elsewhere in connection with Mosquitia.

[XXVIII-7] They talked of their ability to spread Brit.
influence in the country. They even threatened to sell their
charter to some other government.

[XXVIII-8] Details on the subject will be found in _Dunlop's
Cent. Am._, 160, 190-1; _Niles' Reg._, li. 36; _Reichardt_,
_Cent. Am._, 39, 238; _Guat._, _Memoria_, 1837, 17-19; _Id._,
_Comm. and Agric. Co._, 1-132; _Anderson's Cent. Am._, 5-93,
97-138.

[XXVIII-9] It stipulated a conditional sale of the lands
lying between the left bank of the river Motagua and the
right bank of the river Cahabon to where it runs into the
Polochic, including all the coast and neighboring islands
within these limits; and inland as far as Gualan, and the
interior limits of the province of Santo Tomás. The company
was to pay for the computed 8,000 caballerías at the rate
of $20 for each caballería, in ten yearly instalments of
$16,000. It was also to present the Guat. govt 2,000 muskets,
similar to those used by the Belgian army, and four large
guns; likewise pay one fifth the expense of erecting a city
at Santo Tomás, make a cart road to the river Motagua, and
introduce steamers for navigating the river. _Guat._, _Recop.
Ley._, i. 824-38; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 239-43; _Belly_,
_Nic._, ii. 36-7; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 303-6; _Crowe's
Gospel_, 169-70; _Amerique Cent. Cie. Belge_, pt i. 5-64, pt
ii. 110-13; _Valois_, _Mexique_, 438-42; _Claquet_, _Rapport
S. Tomás_, 7-9; _Cuelebrouk, Blondeel van_, _Colonie de Santo
Tomas_, 1-240 pp., with maps and plans; _Laferrière_, _De
Paris á Guatém._, 250-1; _Brouez_, _Colonie Belge_, 103-29.

[XXVIII-10] With a few exceptions, however, they were to be
governed by their own laws, and were, besides, to enjoy a
number of exemptions. The custom-house of Izabal was to be
removed to Santo Tomás.

[XXVIII-11] The grants were repealed in April 1854. _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, i. 838-9; _Belize_, _Packet Intelligencer_,
June 17, 1854; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 512-13; _Payne's Hist.
Europ. Colonies_, 327; _Crosby's Statem._, MS., 98.

[XXVIII-12] See laws and decrees of Feb. 29, 1868, Oct. 2,
1873, Aug. 19, 1878, June 27, 1884, and a decree of Presid.
Barillas in 1885; also official correspond with the U. S.
govt. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 841-5; _Id._, _Id._, _Gob.
Democ._, i. 197-8; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Apr. 18, 1868; _S.
F. Times_, May 9, 1868; _Mex._, _Diario Ofic._, Sept. 18,
1878; _Manero_, _Doc. Interes._, 105-6; _U. S. Govt Doc._,
Cong. 42, Sess. 2, H. Ex. Doc. 1 (For. Rel.), 542-3; _El
Guatemalteco_, June 30, 1884; _S. F. Bulletin_, June 15,
1885.

[XXVIII-13] Cultivating one half, and becoming a citizen,
provided he had not been imprisoned meanwhile for crime. The
concession involved several other facilities, and privileges.
_Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, 1884, 7-8; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, July 23, 1883.

[XXVIII-14] On the ground that a large number of
English-speaking negroes thus introduced could never become
assimilated with their already mixed population, and would
soon create a balance of power in their hands, as against
the remainder of the population. The rulers saw in the plan
danger to their institutions and customs. _U. S. Govt Docs._,
Cong. 35, Sess. 2, Sen. Miscel. Doc., 26; _Foreign Affairs_,
1862, 881-4, 897-910; _Crosby's Statem. of Events in Cal._,
MS., 95-100; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._, 138-46.

[XXVIII-15] _Squier's Cent. Am._, 275-6; _Squier's Hond._,
267-78; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 21, 1867; Jan. 4, 25, Nov.
14, 1868; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Sept. 17, Dec. 4, 1885.

[XXVIII-16] The government granting 500,000 square varas of
land to each family, and specifying the number of families
to be settled. It was to guard against improper persons
being introduced, that is to say, only those of good moral
character and industrious habits, professing the catholic
religion, and willing to sever their connection with and
throw off the protection of their former nationalities, were
to be received. Upon complying with the required conditions,
they would be granted the rights of citizenship. _Rocha_,
_Cód. Nic._, i. 167-8. A number of Prussians, among whom
were several families, arrived in September 1846 on the brig
_Frisch_ at San Juan del Norte, desiring to settle in the
country. The government tendered them facilities to settle
in the interior, provided they would first relinquish their
allegiance to Prussia. Only six men remained; the rest went
away. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, 345-6, 367. In 1851 it was
contemplated to establish, under liberal grants, a French
colony in Nic.; but it was not carried out. _Dupuy_, _Nic._,
8-27.

[XXVIII-17] Congress on Feb. 13, 1862, declared the former
null and void, and refused to sanction the latter. _Rocha_,
_Cód. Nic._, i. 187; _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, March 1, 1862.

[XXVIII-18] The deed of full ownership was to be executed six
months after the immigrant's arrival. He was also exempted
from import dues on everything he brought to enable him
to settle. Fabens, Walker's friend, was named director of
colonization. _Perez_, _Mem._, 7; _El Nicaragüense_, Jan.
5, 1856; _Wells' Walker's Exped._, 106-11; _Nic._, _Boletin
Ofic._, Apr. 16, 1856.

[XXVIII-19] The govt declared it null in 1866. _La Union de
Nic._, May 18, 1861; _Nic._, _Decretos_, 1865-6, 74-5.

[XXVIII-20] The govt has not ceased to promote immigration.
In 1873 concessions were made to the colony in Gottel
Valley, and in 1878 efforts were made to bring colonists
from Alsace-Loraine. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 11, 1865; Apr. 6,
Aug. 24, 1867; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Apr. 13, Aug. 3, 1873;
_Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Dec. 12, 1878.

[XXVIII-21] It has refrained from introducing the African
element, though men of that race can alone be advantageously
employed in her low-lying hot region. The immigration of
Chinese has been prohibited as injurious. _Bates' Cent. Am._,
140; _Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Hac._, 1875, 7-8.

[XXVIII-22] With the same civil and political rights enjoyed
by natives. Those desiring to retain their nationality are
equally protected, and are exempted from military service
and extraordinary taxation. They may freely dispose of their
property, which at their death goes to their legal heir,
whether by will or ab intestato. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, v.
114-16; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 44.

[XXVIII-23] They were exempted from imposts for 15 years.

[XXVIII-24] The settlement was effected where there were no
ready means to procure supplies, or to dispose of products
without great trouble and expense. Besides, the settlers were
unfamiliar with tropical agriculture.

[XXVIII-25] Nineteen died at San José. One was killed by
a tiger on the way there, and his remains, with those of
his wife and child, were buried under the evergreens of San
Miguel; the rest went up the Sesapiqui River, where 9 were
soon after put under the sod; 9 died at Miravalles, and 4 at
Alajuela.

[XXVIII-26] Concession to Sir Henry Bulwer. _Costa R._,
_Boletin Ofic._, July 20, 1854.

[XXVIII-27] The grant covered 54 square miles in the
Reventazon Valley, between Cartago and the Atlantic Ocean;
the company were to settle 7,000 adult colonists within 20
years. An additional absolute concession of 32 acres for each
colonist was also made. But the principal grant was to be
forfeited if the main condition was not fulfilled. _Bülow_,
_Nic._, 124-39; _Costa R._, _Boletin Ofic._, March 9, 1854;
_Calvo_, _Memoria_, 8; _Costa R._, _Mem. Sec. Rel._, 1851,
7-8; 1854, 8; _Id._, _Informe Gobern. y Rel._, 1853, 13-14;
_Id._, _Doc. Soc. Itin._, 1-102; _Wagner_, _Costa R._, 181-3,
332-5; _Marr_, _Cent. Am._, ii. 172-3, 179-81, 218-19, 228-9.

[XXVIII-28] Each family was to have 10 acres, a temporary
dwelling, provisions for six months, the use of a cow and
ox for one year, all for $80, reimbursable in equal annual
instalments during 10 years. _Wagner_, _Costa R._, 250-6,
473-93.

[XXVIII-29] Further details on the subject may be found in
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 462, 473-80; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 355-6;
_Reichardt_, _Nic._, 245-8, 290-6, ix.-xiv.; _Molina_, _Bosq.
Costa R._, 126; _Id._, _Coup d'œil Costa R._, 30-3; _Id._,
_Der Freistaat Costa R._, 67-83.

[XXVIII-30] That same year the colonization of Golfo Dulce
was contemplated. _El Nicaragüense_, July 19, 1856; _Lafond_,
_Golfo Dulce_.

[XXVIII-31] _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xv. 176-9.

[XXVIII-32] In 1878 with Barreto to introduce Canary
Islanders, and in 1881 with Perera. _Voz de Méj._, Aug. 30,
1878; _Mex._, _Diario Ofic._, Sept. 2, 1878; _Costa R._,
_Col. Ley._, 1881, 94-8.

[XXVIII-33] Mestizo is the offspring of white and Indian;
mulatto of white and black; quadroon of white and mulatto;
octoroon of white and quadroon; zambo is an offspring of
Indian and negro, more extended intermixtures are given
elsewhere.

[XXVIII-34] For examples, in Nic., Gen. Corral, Walker's
victim, Gregorio Juarez and Rosalío Cortez, ministers of
state, were mulattoes. Anselmo Rivas, also a minister,
resembled an Abyssinian; Fruto Chamorro, the conservative
president, showed evidences of many mixtures. _Belly_,
_Nic._, i. 255.

[XXVIII-35] The whites in their social intercourse maintain a
certain exclusion, but in other respects equality prevails.
Knowing their numerical inferiority, they have followed the
policy of concession. _Squier's Travels_, i. 268.

[XXVIII-36] According to Trollope, pure Spanish blood is
an exception. He thinks there must be a great admixture of
Indian blood with it. The gen. color is that of a white man,
but of a very swarthy one. _W. Ind. and the Sp. Main._, 275.

[XXVIII-37] _Belly_, _Nic._, ii. 132. Trollope, _West
Ind._, 275-6, speaks disparagingly of Costa Rican women's
personal appearance. Another Englishman treats them with
more gallantry: 'Blonde hair, gray eyes, and red cheeks
are rare in no class; and many a pretty face may be seen on
market-day, scarcely darker or more Spanish-looking than a
west-country girl's. _Boyle's Ride Across a Continent_, 225.

[XXVIII-38] Being a compact population, and constantly
thrown into the company of one another through family or
business relations, a certain fraternity became established,
and the practice obtained of calling each other hermano and
hermanitico at every meeting. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._,
52-3. Owing to that practice, the Costa Ricans have been
nicknamed hermaniticos.

[XXVIII-39] That is to say, they are not given to stealing or
barefaced cheating; but at a bargain they will take all the
advantage they can; and if a lie will help, their conscience
is elastic enough to use it. In this they are neither better
nor worse than other nations claiming a high standard of
honesty. Their sense of morality, in sex relations, is not
what it should be. Divorces and separations are common, and
concubinage quite prevalent. The superintendent of the census
for 1864 recorded '1,200 separados de hecho, quienes sin
equivocarme puedo decir que viven en concubinato, sin contar
la frecuencia de este entre solteros y solteras.' _Costa R._,
_Censo_, 1864, xxv.

[XXVIII-40] They dislike wasting their resources in wars
or war material, preferring the arts of peace, and to
welcome those bringing them wealth from other countries.
_Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatémala_, 45-6, 57.

[XXVIII-41] A large number of houses in Cent. Am. are made
with tapial, which is common earth put moist into boxes of
the dimensions of the walls, and beaten with mallets. Another
sort of building is made by driving a number of poles into
the ground at a yard or two from each other, to which long
canes are tied, the space between the canes being filled
up with mud, or with mud and stones. When dry, the outside
is plastered over with mortar. The houses are protected by
projecting roofs. There are likewise many houses built with
thick adobe walls, covered with concave tiles.

[XXVIII-42] Dirty and slovenly. _Trollope's W. Ind._, 260,
268. The only articles of furniture in them are a hammock, a
table, a bedstead without mattress, and two or three of the
commonest wooden chairs.

[XXVIII-43] _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 367-8.

[XXVIII-44] Hence the constant use of emetics, castor oil,
soda purgante or refrescante, rhubarb, quinine, sarsaparilla,
and florida water, which are looked upon as universal
panaceas. _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 57. The large
revenue derived by the government from the monopoly of
the sale of spirituous liquors shows how great must be the
consumption. _Boyle's Ride Across a Continent_, ii. 225.

[XXVIII-45] The Indians are never found in the cities.
_Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 42-4.

[XXVIII-46] Belly speaks of the great variety and abundance
of commodities exhibited in the market on such days. Cacao
nibs were used as small change. The sales of one Saturday
that he visited the market exceeded $100,000. _Nic._, i. 392.

[XXVIII-47] Some of these rebozos are of silk, made in San
Salvador, and sold in Costa Rica at $18 or $20 apiece.

[XXVIII-48] All classes seem to be given to the vice. At
the club a minister of state or some other high functionary
presides over the faro-bank. _Boyle's Ride_, 226.

[XXVIII-49] There is a good deal of heresy and infidelity
exhibited by the higher class; but the poor people are very
devout.

[XXVIII-50] A favorite amusement of all Cent. Am.
_Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 56-7; _Reichardt_, _Nic._,
123-5. In connection with the manners and customs of Costa
Ricans, see also _Frisch_, _Staaten von Mex._, 88; _Wagner_,
_Costa R._, 170-8, 189-92, 194.

[XXVIII-51] The native women when carrying a jar of water on
their heads present the sculptural profiles of caryatides.
_Belly_, _Nic._, i. 198. Beautifully moulded and unobtrusive
in their manners; kind and hospitable to strangers. _Squier's
Travels_, i. 284, 294.

[XXVIII-52] The women are not well educated; but they are
simple and unaffected, quick of apprehension, and ready at
good-natured repartee. _Id._, 269.

[XXVIII-53] Cemeteries being generally in bad condition.
Squier has it that the priests have perpetuated the practice,
because they derive a considerable fee from each burial.
_Travels_, i. 383-4.

[XXVIII-54] 'The aristocracy keeps the shops, and there it
dozes;... the lower orders keep the plaza, and there they
doze.' _Boyle's Ride Across a Continent_, 102.

[XXVIII-55] Belly, _Nic._, 217, speaking of those of mixed
blood, says they are the victims of traditional indolence,
and of the absence of moral light rather than of actual
depravity. The nearer to the pure Indian type, the more
reliable and faithful they are. Stout, _Nic._, 118, says that
the Nicaraguans are possessed of many virtues.

[XXVIII-56] Such offences which in other countries would be
indelible blots, throwing their authors out of the company
of honorable people, are after a while overlooked, and the
perpetrators reinstated in society. _Lévy_, _Nic._, 275.

[XXVIII-57] The waistcoat and cravat are often dispensed
with. Gloves are rarely worn. Loud colors, with large chains
and trinkets are too often displayed.

[XXVIII-58] The ordinary saddle or albarda is a cheap affair
and uncomfortable. There are horses of an easy amble, which
are quite rapid and yet gentle. _Squier's Travels_, i. 157;
ii. 91.

[XXVIII-59] _Lévy_, _Nic._, 272; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 198;
_Wells' Explor._, 74-5. The people generally are clean in
their persons except when travelling, or when ill, and in
the latter case the touch of water is prohibited. _Squier's
Travels_, 59, 153-4, 269, 271, 289.

[XXVIII-60] For a hot climate the adobe, warm in winter and
cool in summer, is not to be surpassed as a dwelling. In the
courts are shade trees, making the corridors upon which all
the rooms open exceedingly pleasant. _Id._, i. 33-4; _Id._,
_Cent. Am._, 365; _Id._, _Nic._, 649; _Stout's Nic._, 38,
62-4, 66. Doors and windows are wide. The windows have no
glass, being enclosed on the outside with an iron railing
constructed sometimes like a balcony. The floors are of soft
brick. The roof, sloping considerably, is of concave tiles.
The yard often has a flower garden, or is used for raising
poultry, or maybe pigs.

[XXVIII-61] Kitchen, laundry, stables, etc., are at the end
of the yard, or when possible, in a separate yard.

[XXVIII-62] In late years some foreign furniture has been
imported. Most parlors are furnished as follows: Chairs with
leather seats, easy chairs of the same, mostly rockers. In
houses of the wealthy is a round or oval centre-table, and
other tables fitting into the corners, and possibly a piano,
a hanging lamp, and small mirrors, together with framed
lithographs or paintings hanging on the walls. The bedrooms
have similar chairs, a hammock, and a bed of rawhide extended
and nailed to a wooden frame, supported by four legs. At each
end rises a pillar to sustain a sort of awning which covers
the whole bed, and answers also for a mosquito net. The
appurtenances of the bed are a mat, sheets, and pillows. No
mattresses are ever used. Some persons prefer a common cot.
_Levy_, _Nic._, 262-7; _Belly_, _Nic._, 197.

[XXVIII-63] In some places coyol oil or lard in tin lamps are
used, with or without a glass chimney. In Segovia the people
often have no other light than that emitted by a burning
piece of resinous pine.

[XXVIII-64] Quite simple. _Squier's Travels_, 120, 272-5.
Breakfast invariably comprises eggs, roast meat, beans, and
cheese, to which other dishes may be added or not; finishing
with chocolate or coffee, the former mixed with roasted corn,
and the latter with milk. The dinner consists of soup, boiled
meat and greens, followed by a stew of beef, pork, fish,
or fowl, with some vegetables, and dessert in the form of a
variety of dulces. Rice is as necessary at dinner as beans
at breakfast. Between breakfast and dinner, fruits or some
cooling beverage are partaken of. Supper is a frugal meal,
accompanied with chocolate, or tiste, which is the national
beverage of Nic.—a mixture of cacao, and ground roasted
corn, beaten in cold water with sugar. Wheaten bread is made
of imported flour; but it is too expensive for general use,
and is generally sweetened. The tortilla of Nic. is larger,
thicker, and of coarser dough than in other parts. In many
places it is considered 'artículo de lujo,' and instead
of it, boiled or roasted green plantains are used. Wine is
rarely brought into requisition. The only fermented liquor
in common use is the aguardiente distilled from molasses,
which only the lower classes drink, and not to excess. The
poorer classes are very irregular in their eating, for they
eat at all hours; living mostly on plantains, beans, cheese,
and chicharrones and other fat portions of pork. Fruit in
superabundance is eaten. _Lévy_, _Nic._, 267-72; _Stout's
Nic._, 130-2; _Squier's Travels_, i. 271.

[XXVIII-65] The govt has at the capital a fine military band,
which gives public concerts in the open air twice a week. The
marimba and old Spanish guitar are much used. Occasionally a
Spanish dramatic or zarzuela company, or a troupe of acrobats
or other artists, visit the country.

[XXVIII-66] In Leon some of the élite do not frequent the
place, but they, not excepting the priests, practise it in
their corridors. Little parties are got up of afternoons to
have chicken-fights, and at times large sums change hands.

[XXVIII-67] Govt has from time to time passed laws to
prohibit gaming. _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, ii. 81-3; _La Union de
Nic._, March 9, 1861; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 15, 1870; _Pan.
Star and Herald_, March 20, 1886.

[XXVIII-68] Occasionally those who take part in the dangerous
amusement receive fatal injuries. _Lévy_, _Nic._, 288-94;
_Squier's Travels_, i. 331-3. The following authorities
also treat of the character, and manners, and customs of
the Nicaraguans. _Reichardt_, _Nic._, 80-1, 88-90, 102-25;
_Heine_, _Wanderbilder_, 96-107, 187-204, passim; _De Bow's
Rev._, xiii. 236-58; _Wells' Walker's Exped._, 44-79, 84-5,
106-7, 241-2, 422.

[XXVIII-69] 'Whatever may be the future history of Cent. Am.,
its most important part, in all that requires intelligence,
activity, concentration, and force, will be performed by San
Salvador.' _Squier's Cent. Am._, 315.

[XXVIII-70] Aboriginal names of places have been generally
preserved; and there are a few towns, exclusively inhabited
by Indians, who use their own language among themselves.
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 318-23.

[XXVIII-71] About 50 miles in length, and 20 to 25 miles in
breadth, lying between La Libertad and Acajutla.

[XXVIII-72] Nevertheless, in business transactions he is
indisposed to trust others.

[XXVIII-73] This garment is elaborately but rudely
embroidered about the neck and shoulders with colored thread.
It is often laid aside in the country towns. _Montgomery's
Narr._, 98-9; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 321.

[XXVIII-74] _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 211-21.

[XXVIII-75] Upon the death of an infant, all rejoice, dance,
and carouse, the parents also taking part, presumably on the
belief that it has joined the choir of angels in heaven. If
the child is a male one, they paint whiskers and a mustache
on its face to make it resemble that of Jesus, and call it a
jesusito.

[XXIX-1] A large number of the priests are blacks, and they
regard with ill-concealed jealousy the advance of Americans
in Cent. Am. Every measure of the liberals to promote foreign
immigration meets with opposition on the part of the black
priests.

[XXIX-2] Lying between the Rio Roman and Cape or Segovia
River, an area of some 15,000 square miles.

[XXIX-3] Their ancestors had favored the French in the
squabbles with England, and in 1796 were, by order of
the British government, transported en masse, to the
number of about 5,000, and at heavy expense, to the then
deserted island of Roatan, in the bay of Honduras. They
were subsequently invited by the Spanish authorities to the
mainland; and aided to found settlements near the port of
Trujillo. Since then they have rapidly increased, extending
themselves both to the eastward and westward of that port.
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 232.

[XXIX-4] The black Caribs are represented as tall and stout,
and more mercurial and vehement than the pure Caribs; the
latter are shorter, but powerfully built.

[XXIX-5] Leaving out the dignified and courteous members
of the old and wealthy families, the people show a
strange mixture of politeness, simplicity, shrewdness,
and effrontery, and above all, an indescribably passive
indifference of countenance. _Wells' Hond._, 202-3.

[XXIX-6] It has been said of the Cent. Am. woman, 'she
nursed, made tortillas, and died.' _Id._, 215.

[XXIX-7] The women of this class lead a degraded life. If the
man has large means, his mistress has menials under her; if
not, she is maid of all work. _Bates' Cent. Am._, 115.

[XXIX-8] Notwithstanding this lack of education, Cent. Am.
women never fail to interest the traveller by the peculiar
gentleness and dignity of their demeanor. _Wells' Hond._,
227-8.

[XXIX-9] 'Sitting at the window in the afternoon and evening
to recover from the fatigue of it.' _Id._, 195.

[XXIX-10] Breakfast bill of fare: boiled rice and beans,
salads, bread, butter, cheese, tortillas, coffee and milk,
fruit. Dinner: soup, beef, salad, a variety of vegetables.
There are other dishes, such as ollas fried with garlic,
piccadillo of half-cooked lights, oil, rice, and plantains,
baked slices of liver, salchichas or blood puddings with
plenty of garlic, catamales filled with bits of fat meat and
cheese, boiled meat, broth, etc.; the repast concludes with
sweetmeats and coffee. Wines and liquors are generally of
poor quality. The rum of the country is the most harmless.
Cooking is generally done on an adobe fogon, or range, in a
small building behind the dwelling-house. _Id._, 192-4.

[XXIX-11] The couriers, wearing leathern caites, travel that
distance every day, at a gait between a fast walk and a run.

[XXIX-12] Gloves fringed around the cuffs with silver, and
a small riding-whip, complete the attire. To ride and dance
well are parts of the Central American's education. _Id._,
201, 227.

[XXIX-13] Religious feasts are common, and the people seem to
be close observants of the ceremonies, and yet cannot be said
to be as much priest-ridden as other Central Americans.

[XXIX-14] Even manacled prisoners are permitted, under guard,
to beg for money to relieve their condition.

[XXIX-15] Good colored servants brought in from abroad soon
fall into the indolent habits of the blacks surrounding them.
The stranger then finds that his man 'Bob Long has become Don
Roberto Longorio.'

[XXIX-16] An official document sets the whole population on
the 1st of Jan., 1886, at 1,322,544 souls. _Guat._, _Mem.
Sec. Fomento_, 1886, annex no. 1.

[XXIX-17] Among those traders are a number of European
Spaniards, who are every year joined by some of their
relations from the old country.

[XXIX-18] Of mild disposition, good natural talents, aptitude
for learning, and lively imagination. Hospitality is one of
their virtues. _Montgomery's Narr._, 157-60.

[XXIX-19] Belly, who wrote before the upsetting of the old
conservative régime, says: 'Un population que son beau
climat sollicite à l'inertie, et qui sort a peine de la
plus abominable éducation religieuse et morale que jamais
un peuple ait subie.' _A trav. l'Amér. Cent._, i. 153-4.
Laferrière visited the country some years later, and fully
confirms the above. _De Paris à Guatém._, 263.

[XXIX-20] 'Those of the better class will compare well with
any people for good morals, discreet conduct, and admirable
behavior.' _Min. Hudson's Rept_, in _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex.
Doc., Cong. 43, Sess. 1, i. 446.

[XXIX-21] Most of the women smoke, the elder ones cigars, and
the young cigarettes. They do it, however, in a pretty and
refined manner. _Stephens' Trav. Cent. Am._, i. 256.

[XXIX-22] 'A natural roving appetite inclines them to favor
and to freely indulge such intercourse.' _Min. Hudson's
Rept_, in _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 43, Sess. 1,
i. 445.

[XXIX-23] Every Ind. village has its own authorities, most of
whom are chosen from among the inhabitants.

[XXIX-24] The old system attempted to improve their condition
by enacting laws believed to be conducive to that end.
Witness clauses of a decree of the constituent assembly
of Nov. 8, 1851, giving force to certain laws of 1839,
and reviving others of the old Spanish Recop. de Indios,
which were intended to prevent the maltreatment of Indians.
_Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 246, 512-15, 846-53. On the
6th of Sept., 1879, a decree was passed, acknowledging the
lamentable condition of ignorance and abjectedness the Indian
had been kept in, and providing that at least a portion of
them should attend the pub. schools already established in
nearly all the departments. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Sept.
20, 1879.

[XXIX-25] The German writers Scherzer and Von Tempski, and
the American Stephens, have occupied themselves with those
people. According to them the inhabitants live isolated, and
render no service to Guat. They practise a religion which
is a mixture of catholic and heathen rites. The only ladinos
allowed to live with them are the priest and his attendants.

[XXIX-26] The towns conquered by the Spaniards did not
contain all the Lacandones. According to Pinelo, the
Lacandones and Manchés were computed, in 1637, at 100,000.
This was subsequent to the invasion of their territory by
Quiñones. Squier, _Cent. Am._, 568-72, gives much information
on the subject.

[XXIX-27] Now and then a few of them visit the Mexican states
of Chiapas, Tabasco, and Campeche to procure tobacco and
other things, and suddenly disappear by unknown paths, and
never allow strangers to visit them.

[XXIX-28] The eastern Lacandones are tillers of the soil,
hunters, and fishermen. Though occasionally baptized by
catholic missionaries, and fond of saying prayers, they still
adhere to their old heathen worship, and indulge in polygamy.
They visit the whites and settled Indians to sell their
produce. _Berendt's Explor. in Cent. Am._, in _Smithsonian
Rept_, 1867, 425.

[XXIX-29] Fine and costly tortoise-shell combs were at
one time much used. Women wear hats only when riding on
horseback. The Guat. female is fond of embroidered articles,
costly fans, rich jewelry, and every other finery. There are
other women in the world like them.

[XXIX-30] It being starched into stiff folds, it supplied in
some measure the place of a jacket.

[XXIX-31] Wealthy women objected to their female servants
wearing other than naguas, and would have none that wore
shoes.

[XXIX-32] Such places are convenient, though not agreeable,
owing to the variety and abundance of fleas, jiggers, etc.
_Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 267; _Stephens' Trav.
Cent. Am._, i. 163-81.

[XXIX-33] In bull-fights they merely worry and torture the
animal, but never kill it in presence of the public.

[XXIX-34] The vice is not prevalent among the Indians who
live apart in their villages. During the bathing season
in Amatitlan, for instance, the time is spent in gambling,
and intrigues between the sexes, and among the visitors are
always a number of veritable sharpers. The native generally
bears his losses with hardly a sign of impatience. _Dunlop's
Cent. Am._, 152-3; _Stephens' Trav. Cent. Am._, i. 261,
298-301; _Boddam Whetham_, _Across Cent. Am._, 136-8.

[XXIX-35] _Barrios_, _Mensaje_, 1876, 55-6; _Guat._, _Mem.
Sec. Fomento_, 1880, 35-6; 1883, 59-60; 1884, 40-1; 1885,
44-6.

[XXIX-36] _Bates' Cent. Am., etc._, 110.

[XXIX-37] The fevers of the country are the intermittent,
resembling the worst form of fever and ague in the western
U. S.; the calentura, which is a type of the same. It is
not common in the interior, and yields usually to strong
cathartics, followed by quinine, which physicians are
wont to administer in heavy doses. _Wells' Hond._, 547-8.
Yellow fever breaks out with more or less virulence some
years at the ports, particularly on the Atlantic side;
it has occasionally spread to the interior. _Diario de
Méx._, 539-40, 569-71; _Amér. Cent. Cie Belge_, ii. 48-52;
_Disturnell's Infl. of Clim._, 252; _Costa R._, _Informe Sec.
Gobern._, 1869, 15; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, May 9 to Aug. 8, 1868;
_Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 47-8, and table 444 B.
Measles and scarlet fever have also made their appearance
epidemically, destroying many lives. _Salv._, _El Siglo_, May
28 to Aug. 14, 1851; _Id._, _Diario Ofic._, July 31, 1875;
_Costa R._, _Mem. Sec. Guerra_, etc., 1867, doc. D, 31.

[XXIX-38] Nic. adopted timely precautions to escape it, by
having the people vaccinated. _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Aug.
2, 1862.

[XXIX-39] _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, ii. 165; _Costa R._, _Mem.
Min. Gobern._, 1852-3; _Id._, 1884, annex A.

[XXIX-40] Elephantiasis is not common, but occasionally found
in the upland regions. Only one leg is stricken; the swelling
often reaches above the knee. It is considered incurable
and fatal. _Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Interior_, 1864, 9-10;
_Nic._, _Informe Min. Gobern._, 1871, 7; _Guat._, _Recop.
Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, ii. 21; _Wells' Hond._, 548.

[XXIX-41] _Journ. of a Voy._, in _Am. Register_, iii. 147;
_Soc. Mex. Geog._, _Bol._, viii. 507; _Costa R._, _Col.
Ley._, xxiii. 259-63; _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Gobern._, 1884,
99-100.

[XXIX-42] But few cases appeared in Hond. down to 1856.
_Wells' Hond._, 549. A malady presenting some of the symptoms
of cholera did considerable havoc in Costa R. in 1845, and
it was apprehended that it might degenerate into the Asiatic
type, but it fortunately did not. In the same state the
government, to ward off an expected invasion of the disease
on the 9th of Feb., 1849, established a strict quarantine,
which was raised on the 9th of April. _Nic._, _Registro
Ofic._, 107; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xi. 14-15, 20.

[XXIX-43] We have seen how previous to and during the
Walker war cholera destroyed a conservative army in Managua,
and later one from Costa Rica, and how for a long time it
hindered military operations. _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev.
Nic._, 140; _Costa R._, _Mem. Min. Rel._, 1856, 9-11; _S.
F. Herald_, Sept. 5, 1855; _Id._, _Bulletin_, June 6, 1856;
_Id._, _Alta_, Oct. 2, 1857; _El Tiempo_, Aug. 14, Sept. 15,
1857; _El Estandarte Nac._, Sept. 15, 1857; _El Eco Nac._,
Oct. 1, 1857.

[XXIX-44] Costa R. by timely precautions escaped the
infliction. _Nic._, _Gac._, Dec. 22, 1866; March 9 to Nov.
9, 1867, passim; Jan. 25, 1868; _Id._, _Decretos_, 1867, 50;
_Id._, _Mem. Min. Fomento_, 1869, 7; _Costa R._, _Mem. Sec.
Guerra_, etc., 1867, 8, doc. A, 23, D, 31; _El Porvenir de
Nic._, Feb. 18, 1872.

[XXX-1] Thus were established in Salv. the Colegio Seminario,
which subsequently assumed the name of Colegio y Universidad
del Salvador, in Nic., the Universidad de Leon, and in
Guatemala was founded the Academia de Estudios, with which
became incorporated the old university of San Cárlos, the
Colegio de Abogados, and the Protomedicato, which had existed
several years of the colonial period. _Squier's Trav. Cent.
Am._, ii. 390-1; _Squier_, _Compend. Hist. Cent. Am._, 36-7;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 22; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 181;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 333; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._,
i. 798-806; iii. 11-214. The Colegio de Abogados y Junta
Académica de Jurisprudencia had been installed June 5, 1810.
_Diario de Méx._, Sept. 22, 1810; _Juarros_, _Guat._, ii., p.
vii.

[XXX-2] See laws, official reports, and statements of
travellers. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, iii. 223-6; xi. 158-215;
xii. 156; _Montúfar_, _Resúmen Hist._, iii. 562-4, 640-1;
Ministerial annual reports, 1848-54; _El Costaricense_, Nov.
10, 17, 1849; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 46-7; _Squier's
Cent. Am._, 468-9; _Wagner_, _Costa R._, 186-8, 219-29;
_Costa R._, _Bol. Ofic._, Jan. 10, 1856.

[XXX-3] There was a normal school for training teachers, at
San José, and institutes for secondary instruction in several
cities.

[XXX-4] It was created May 3, 1843, made pontificial in 1853
by Pius IX. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, viii. 25-8, 121-82; xi.
9-12; xii. 268-75; _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iv. 412-14,
419; _El Costaricense_, Dec. 1, 1849; _Wagner_, _Costa R._,
220-3.

[XXX-5] The percentage of each dept given in _Costa R._,
_Gaceta_, July 11, 1885, suppl. See also _Annual Repts of
Min. of Pub. Instruc._, 1858-83; _Wappäus_, _Mex. und Cent.
Am._, 359-60.

[XXX-6] Early in 1872 the university of Leon, the former
Colegio Tridentino, had but three chairs and 66 alumni, and
four classes of secondary instruction attended by 102 pupils;
that of Granada had only a chair of law, and seven classes
of secondary instruction attended by 160 pupils. In primary
instruction, there were at that time only 92 schools for boys
and 9 for girls, a number of them private, and one missionary
in Cuapa, attended by 3,871 boys and 532 girls, out of
a population of 205,500, or say 20 children out of 1,000
inhabitants; only 532 girls out of 18,000 of school age, and
4,000 boys out of 12,000, were receiving instruction. _Lévy_,
_Nic._, 360-3. Teachers of pub. schools are paid $12 a month
and a little extra in larger towns. That state of things was
due mainly to the neglect of parents. The funds appropriated
for education were constantly tampered with and defrauded;
this was acknowledged by the minister of instruction. There
were no schools for adults, no professional institutes. As a
rule, wealthy families sent their sons to be educated abroad,
or at least in Guat. There was in 1873 no scientific course
provided with the requisite materials, no laboratories, no
museum, no public or private collections, no observatory,
nothing; not even a small library. The conclusion to be drawn
from the above is that the general intellectual level could
not be high.

[XXX-7] 'Fuera de la multitud de causas dependientes del
carácter, y del estado social de nuestros pueblos ... no
tenemos nuestros idóneos suficientes.' _Mensaje_, in _Costa
R._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 4, 1885.

[XXX-8] The newspapers often contain fine poetical
compositions by native writers.

[XXX-9] The following authorities contain further details:
The official reports of ministers from 1850 to the present
time; _Nic._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_, from 1851 down; _Id._,
_Gaceta_, Oct. 14, 1848; March 31, 1849; and for years 1862
to 1874 passim, and others.

[XXX-10] Even in the dark days, when her affairs were in the
hands of despotic rulers, education was not neglected as much
as might have been expected.

[XXX-11] _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v. 52-3, 270.

[XXX-12] The Am. min., Jan. 8, 1872, says: 'Primary
instruction is expanding yearly in its numbers and area.'
Min. Biddle's Desp., in _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong.
42, Sess. 3, i. 511-12.

[XXX-13] At San Salvador, Santa Ana, and San Miguel.

[XXX-14] In 1875 there were 333 primary schools for boys, 50
for girls, 23 mixed, 29 high schools, one normal for males
and one for females, one telegraphic, one lithographic, and
one academy of fine arts. The appropriations for teachers in
1874 were nearly $69,000. It must be also remarked that many
are teaching without compensation to benefit their country.
Secondary and higher instruction are free. The primary is
uniform, gratuitous, and obligatory. _Laferrière_, _De Paris
à Guatém._, 202, 206, 282.

[XXX-15] The press, though not fully developed, has,
nevertheless, given at times evidences of ability, when not
hampered by restrictions on the part of would-be despotic
rulers. _Salv._, _Gac._, Dec. 21, 1849; Dec. 5, 1877;
_Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Jan. 2, 1875, to Oct. 23, 1879,
passim; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 4, May 10, 1875; Sept.
18, 1882; Sept. 9 and 18, 1885.

[XXX-16] Montúfar gives the causes, speaking on the subject
for 1838. _Resúmen Hist._, iii. 278-9.

[XXX-17] In chemistry, engineering, the higher mathematics,
they are deficient, and cannot compete with the universities
of Nic., Salv., or Guat. They are, in fact, but little in
advance of the common schools in the U. S. Still, they give
promise of greater usefulness and advancement in the future.
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 267-8.

[XXX-18] Hond. has furnished more than her quota of the
distinguished men of Cent. Am.; among them soldiers,
statesmen, and orators. _Wells' Hond._, 549.

[XXX-19] Such as exist with only a feeble life are generally
engaged in acrimonious political wranglings.

[XXX-20] President Soto in his message of 1877 enumerates the
improvements made, but confesses that they do not satisfy his
aspirations. _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, June 19, 20, 1877.

[XXX-21] In 1881 about $64,000, and in 1882 nearly $74,000,
were expended for public instruction. A number of teachers
arrived early in 1883 from Europe, as also a complete outfit
for a scientific college. _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 23,
1883.

[XXX-22] At the end of 1882 there were 811 primary schools;
namely, 528 elementary for boys and 226 for girls, 5
complementary for boys, 3 for girls; one Sunday school for
working-women, and 48 night schools for artisans, etc. This
was an increase of 26 over 1881. The attendance was of 26,773
boys and 10,696 girls, an increase of 2,166 of both sexes
over 1881. Early in 1884, the primary schools were 844,
including 47 night schools for men, one for women, one Sunday
school for women, and 16 mixed schools. The attendance had
also greatly increased. The buildings confiscated from the
church in 1872 were applied to education. There were likewise
several private and municipal schools. _Barrios_, _Mensaje_,
Sept. 11, 1876, 33-8; _B. Whetham's Across Cent. Am._, 39;
_U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 44, Sess. I, i. pt i.
137-8, 148, 175; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, ii.
81-192, passim; _Belly_, _A trav. l'Amér. Cent._, i. 131-4;
_Salv._, _Gaceta_, Aug. 18, Oct. 7, Nov. 8, 1876; Feb. 11 to
Nov. 27, 1877, passim; _Id._, _Diario Ofic._, Aug. 15, 1878;
_Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Instruc. Púb._, 1880-4; _Reichardt_,
_Cent. Am._, 57, 227; _La Estrella de Pan._, Jan. 10, 1884;
_Batres_, _Sketch of Guat._, 19-20, 40-72, passim; _El
Guatemalteco_, Jan. 26, Feb. 2, Dec. 24, 1884; _Conkling's
Guide_, 337, 341.

[XXX-23] _Pan. Ev'g Telegram_, May 26, 1886.

[XXX-24] The academy has pupils who pay their own expenses,
and are not obliged to join the military service; and others
placed therein by the govt, and intended to be commissioned
as officers of the army. _Pan. Star and Herald_, Jan. 11,
1877; _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Guerra_, 1882-4; _Guat._, _Recop.
Ley._, ii. 692-700; _Id._, _Id._, _Gob. Democ._, i. 141-54;
ii. 125-8; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Sept. 19, 1877; July 5,
1878.

[XXX-25] Besides having a school of drawing, painting,
and modelling, and a night-school for artisans, it is
provided with a cabinet of physics, with the view of
establishing a school of chemistry applicable to industry.
The museum installed in 1866 is every day enriched with new
acquisitions.

[XXX-26] 1872-4, paid by municipalities, $16,051; by national
govt, $112,048; 1879-83, paid by municipalities, to whom had
been ceded the urban tax, $36,242; by the national treasury,
$1,773,899. It seems that the total amount paid for pub.
instruction from 1860 to 1870 had not much exceeded $60,000.
_Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, 1885, annex 12, table 16.

[XXX-27] Under the former régime books objectionable to the
church, for sustaining liberal ideas on social or religious
topics, were placed, by a decree of the national assembly of
Oct. 16, 1841, in the list of the forbidden; and the church
was authorized to proceed against them. _Guat._, _Recop.
Ley._, iii. 286-7.

[XXX-28] This was made evident in several acts. The clergy
were daily abused; the liberal leaders constantly inveighing
against their fanaticism and intolerance, and ridiculing
many things which the populace looked upon as sacred. Friars
were held up in a multitude of anecdotes, and otherwise, as
so many destructive insects. _El Liberal_, nos. 28-30, 41,
45, 49. The arts and objects of priestcraft were exposed
to ridicule, contempt, and reprobation. A play called 'La
Inquisicion por dentro' had a great run, and brought that
institution into effectual and lasting odium. _Squier's
Travels Cent. Am._, i. 372. The inquisition of Mex. had had
jurisdiction over Cent. Am. After its final abolishment, the
king of Spain decreed, March 9, 1820, that all cases pending
before its courts should be referred to the ordinaries for
determination. The inquisitors failed to obey, and removed
from the archives of Guat. all the cases pending there,
alleging complicity on the part of the archbishop. The matter
was laid before the córtes by Deputy Mendez of Salv. May 14,
1821. _Dispos. Var._, iii. 152; _Fernando VII._, _Decretos_,
285-6; _Córtes_, _Diario_, xviii. 1821, May 14, 6.

[XXX-29] One on pastorals; another required the archbishop's
appointments of parish priests to be previously submitted
for confirmation to the chief of the state. _La Tertulia
Patriótica_, no. 4. By law of Nov. 8, 1824, the clergy were
deprived of their privilege to import goods free of duties;
another of June 9, 1826, reduced the tithes to one half. _El
Liberal_, no. 36. Others of May 3, and June 9, 1826, gave
natural children the right to inherit either extestamento or
abintestato, and those of ordained priests and professed nuns
were placed in the same category; one forbidding, Sept. 1,
1826, the prelates of religious orders to recognize obedience
to or hold relations with their respective generals in Spain;
and finally, the famous decrees of June 10 and July 20,
1826, forbidding the admission into convents or nunneries
of persons under 23 years, or to profession any under
25. _Marure_, _Bosq. Rev. Cent. Am._, i. 244-6; _Guat._,
_Gaceta_, Feb. 16, 1856; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 265-7.

[XXX-30] Such writings appeared in _El Indicador_, nos. 90,
94, 95, 149, 152.

[XXX-31] This was almost unanimously sanctioned by the
people, and at once carried into effect. _Rocha_, _Cód.
Nic._, i. 373; ii. 373-80; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 273;
_Id._, _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, i. 156-8; _Squier_,
_Compend. Hist. Cent. Am._, 61; _Squier's Trav. Cent. Am._,
i. 370-1; ii. 390-4; _Thompson's Guat._, 145-50; _Stout's
Nic._, 149-51; _Crowe's Gospel_, 123-32, 135; _Reichardt_,
_Cent. Am._, 39; _Cal. Overland Monthly_, xiv. 160-1;
_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 178, 181, 186; _Nic._, _El Porvenir_,
Oct. 22, 1871; Feb. 16, 1873.

[XXX-32] Under this law Fred. Crowe, an English protestant
missionary, and the author of the _Gospel in Central
America_, resided several years in Guat., till he was driven
away by the serviles.

[XXX-33] Pursuant to which Father Delgado was chosen and
acted as bishop of San Salvador, though without confirmation
by the pope, for about four years. He was never confirmed,
but retained as vicar-general, under the archb. of Guat.
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii. 13-17; _Marure_, _Bosq Hist.
Rev. Cent. Am._, 196-9, and Docs, xviii.-xix., xxx.-xxxii.;
_Id._, _Efem._, 14; _Mem., Hist. Rev. Cent. Am._, 32-7;
_Cabildo_, _Ecles. Informe_, 54-5; _Squier's Trav. Cent.
Am._, i. 370-1; _Niles' Reg._, xxix. 39.

[XXX-34] _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, iii. 273, 294-324;
_Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 522-4; iv. 146, 205-7, 552;
_Crosby's Statem._, MS., 91, 105-7, 110-11; _Squier's Cent.
Am._, 515-16; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 162-3.

[XXX-35] Infidelity spread extensively among the mestizos,
and the white people also, so that the requirements of the
church became constantly neglected. Obnoxious books were in
the hands of all classes. Some of the more candid priests
avowed deistical and atheistical notions. _Crowe's Gospel_,
256-7.

[XXX-36] A large number were charged with libidinous
practices; even unnatural crimes were among the number.
Excesses in eating and drinking, gambling, rioting, and bad
language were quite common with them. Exorbitant fees, and
extorting personal services, and grinding the poor were of
daily occurrence. And yet the offenders were not punished,
nor even suspended.

[XXX-37] At Habana, Cuba, whose diocese he had charge of for
many years, never resigning the see of Guatemala, though he
repeatedly refused to return thereto. His remains were taken
there, however, by the Spanish war schooner _Polka_, and
interred in Santa Teresa church, June 1846, with the utmost
pomp of church and state. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, v.
12-13, 19-25.

[XXX-38] The Marquis José de Aycinena, who had expected the
appointment, was balked in his ambition, but was made bishop
of Trajanapolis in part. infid.; he died Feb. 17, 1865. A few
months earlier, Aug. 23, 1864, occurred the death of another
prelate, a native of Guat., named José M. Barrutia y Cróquer,
bishop of Camaco in part. infid. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Sept.
24, 1864; March 18, 1865. Antonio Larrazábal, who had also
been made a bishop in part. infid., had died Dec. 2, 1853.
_Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 7, 1854; _Belly_, _A trav. l'Amér.
Cent._, i. 136-7.

[XXX-39] _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 16, 1867; _Pan. Mercantile
Chronicle_, Feb. 17, 1867.

[XXX-40] Piñol died at Habana, June 24, 1881; Urruela's
demise was on June 8, 1873, at Leon. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, June
14, 1873; _Voz de Méj._, July 28, 1881.

[XXX-41] In 1872 the Capuchin friars of La Antigua, who were
natives of Spain, were sent out of the country; all convents
of friars were closed, and the property of the several
orders was confiscated. In 1873 the consolidation of mortmain
property, proceeding from pious endowments, capellanías, and
legacies to the church and benevolent establishments, was
decreed. In 1874 nunneries were closed, and the confiscation
of their estates went on. The government agreed to allow
pensions to the nuns and native friars for their support.
At the same time all communities of religions of either sex
under any form whatever were forbidden forever. The fuero
eclesiástico was abolished, and the most unlimited freedom
of religion proclaimed. Civil marriage was declared legal,
and where the parties desired a religious ceremony the former
must precede it. Ecclesiastics were forbidden to appear
with frocks or other official insignia in public out of the
church. Cemeteries were secularized. _Barrios_, _Mensaje_,
Sept. 11, 1876; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley. Gob. Democ._, i.
159-61, 192-6; ii. 13-14, 23-7, 58, 64-5, 205; _El Porvenir
de Nic._, Apr. 20, 27, 1873; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex.
Doc., Cong. 43, Sess. 2, i. 99-101, 106, 147; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Oct. 23, 1873; _Salv._, _Diario_, Dec. 21, 1878;
_Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Gobern. y Just._, 1880, 2-5; 1882, 11-12.

[XXX-42] In 1883 a protestant chapel was established in the
capital, in charge of Rev. Mr Hill. _Pan. Star and Herald_,
March 23, 1883.

[XXX-43] There had been before him, from 1539 to 1810,
twenty bishops, the immediate predecessor of Barranco being
Manuel Julian Rodriguez, who ruled till 1810. Bernardo Pavon
was appointed but died before his consecration. _Juarros_,
_Guat._, i. 181; _Mex._, _Compend. Concilio III. en Mex._,
418-21; _Morelli_, _Fast. Nov. Orb._, 107.

[XXX-44] _Nic._, _Corr. Ist._, Dec. 1, 1849; _Guat._, _Gac._,
Nov. 30, 1849.

[XXX-45] Formerly there were convents of Franciscan, Merced,
and Carmelite orders.

[XXX-46] The church has no property whatever; the priests
are generally poor, and entirely dependent on fees, and on
contributions of the devout for festivals, etc.

[XXX-47] _Wells' Hond._, 551-2, 555; _Wappäus_, _Mex. und
Cent. Am._, 305.

[XXX-48] The papal bull to erect the diocese of San Salvador
is dated 4th day of the Kalends of Oct., 1842. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iv. 171-85.

[XXX-49] He was a strong, finely formed, and pretentious
individual; a count palatine, and attendant on the
pontifical throne, one who had a right to be preceded by a
tintinnabulum. He was not like the poor, meek man who was
born in a stable at Bethlehem.

[XXX-50] _Id._, _Reseña Hist._, v. 649, 661-2; _Salv._,
_Gac._, July 29, 1853; _Id._, _Diario Ofic._, Nov. 4, 1875;
_Nic._, _Corr. Ist._, May 23, 1851.

[XXX-51] _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Aug. 8, 13, 1875.

[XXX-52] The most noted were: Friar Benito de Baldonado,
1620-9, who founded two hospitals; he died in Leon; Diego
Morsillo Rubio de Auñon, 1704-9, who being afterward
transferred to La Paz, was twice viceroy and captain-general
of Peru; Isidro Marin de Bullon y Figueroa, 1746-8, who
began the construction of the cathedral of Leon, and died
in Guatemala; Estévan Lorenzo de Tristan, 1775-83; in 1780
he finished and inaugurated the cathedral, and it is added
that through his exertions Cent. Am. obtained the privilege
of free trade; José Antonio de la Huerta Casso, 1795-1804,
notable for his efforts in developing education. Montúfar
makes severe comments on some of the prelates. _Reseña
Hist._, iv. 136-9. Nicolás García Jerez, a Dominican, became
bishop in 1810, and figured prominently in the revolutionary
period. He had to emigrate in 1824 to Guatemala, where he
died in 1825. Vicar Cuadra was guardian till 1851, when
under a reconstruction of the diocese, Costa R. having
been detached, Jorge Viteri y Ungo was transferred to it
from Salvador. He died July 25, 1853. The see had no bishop
till the appointment of Bernardo Piñol y Aycinena. It took
place in Nov. 1855, and the papal bulls reached Granada in
1856, where, owing to Walker's war, they were kept in the
parish church, and finally destroyed with the city. Piñol
was consecrated in Guat. July 17, 1859, and performed his
functions till Sept. 14, 1868, when he departed for Guat.
as archb. During his rule Manuel Ulloa was made bishop of
Lemira, in part. infid., and coadjutor; he was made bishop
of Nic. in 1871, and resigned the office in 1883. _El
Costaricense_, Nov. 10, 1849; _Salv._, _Gaceta_, March 8,
1850; Aug. 12, 1853; _Pio IX._, _Carta_; _Squier's Trav.
Cent. Am._, i. 391; _Nic._, _Corr. Ist._, Feb. 6, March 7,
June 20, Dec. 12, 1850; _Id._, _Gac._, Aug. 13, Sept. 3,
1853, Dec. 16, 1865; Jan. 6, Apr. 21, 1866; _Id._, _Semanal
Nic._, Oct. 10, 1872; _Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, Apr. 12, 1862;
_Id._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_, 1859, ii. 162; 1863, 215; 1865,
136; _El Rol_, March 15, 1855; _Decreto sobre la bula de
S. S._; _Perez_, _Mem. Rev. Nic._, i. 8-9; _El Porvenir de
Nic._, Feb. 25, 1872; _Levy_, _Nic._, 62-6; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, July 2, 1883.

[XXX-53] In 1871 a number of jesuits expelled from Guat.
managed to get into the country, and were allowed to remain
several years, but were finally sent away. Details have been
given in a former chapter. In 1872 several friars expelled
from other parts tried to enter the country, but were not
permitted to stay. _El Porvenir de Nic._, Oct. 1, 1871, to
Feb. 16, 1873, passim; _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, June 18, 1872;
_Id._, _Mem. Min. Gobern._, 1875, 23-4; 1883, 25-6, annex B,
27-8, F, 1-4.

[XXX-54] For the seminary $2,000; the bishop $3,000; the
chapter and other ecclesiastics $4,158; music $1,000;
other expenses about $4,000. The chapter consists of dean,
archdeacon, chancellor, three canons, and six or seven other
officials. The church gets the first-fruits from farmers.
Tithes have been abolished since 1862. 300 or 400 priests
without parishes depend entirely on fees. The cathedral has
no valuables, having been sacked several times. _Nic._,
_Boletin Ofic._, Dec. 6, 1856; March 1, 1862; _Union_,
_Nic._, March 2, 1861; _Nic._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_, 1857-8,
261-5; _Id._, _Gac._, Aug. 6, 1870; _Lévy_, _Nic._, 383-4.

[XXX-55] See treaty with France of Apr. 11, 1859.

[XXX-56] Appointments of parish priests, and publications
of papal bulls or briefs, and decrees of ecclesiastical
councils must first obtain an exequatur from the president
of the republic. Parish priests before assuming their offices
must take the oath to support the constitution, and to do no
act against the nation's independence or the public peace.
_Nic._, _Mem. Min. Fomento_, 1869, 13-16; 1871, 9-10; _Id._,
_Mem. Min. Rel._, 1871, 7-10, 25-8; _Id._, _Gaceta_, May 30,
1868; Oct. 29, Nov. 5, 1870.

[XXX-57] Anselmo Llorente y Lafuente was the first called
to fill the position of bishop of San José de Costa Rica,
April 10, 1851. He had not been long in office when he tried
to collect tithes on coffee, but failed, and his course
greatly displeased the people and lowered their regard for
the church. The matter was finally settled by a concordat
entered into at Rome, Oct. 2, 1852, and tithes were declared
abolished. He died in 1872; and the government soon after
proposed a successor, who was not approved of by the Roman
curia. Finally, Oct. 11, 1879, the government nominated
Bernard August Thiel, a native of Germany, and professor
of the university of Costa Rica, for the office, and he was
confirmed by the pope Feb. 27, 1880. During the vacancy the
see was under the guardianship of the bishop of Abydos, in
part. infid. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, v. 155-60; _Marure_,
_Bosq. Hist. Rev. Cent. Am._, 208; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, ii. 247-9; _Costa R._, _Mem. Min. Rel._, 1851, 1-2,
10-12; 1854, 11-12; _Id._, _Informe Sec. Rel._, 1872, 19-20;
1873, 19; 1874, 12; 1880, 19-20; _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._,
63, 111-12; _El Siglo_, July 18, 1851.

[XXX-58] For the bishop $3,000, the ecclesiastical chapter
$3,000, and the Colegio Tridentino $3,000. _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, ii. 207; _Costa R._, _Mem. Min. Rel._, 1859,
11; _Id._, _Gac. Gob._, July 16, 23, 30, 1853; _Hond._,
_Gac. Ofic._, Jan. 24, 1853, suppl.; _Salv._, _Gac._,
Aug. 12, 1853; _Guat._, _Gac._, Sept. 16, Oct. 14, 1853;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 49-50.

[XXX-59] _Costa R._, _Mem. Sec. Rel._, 1884, 31.

[XXX-60] The clergy have, indeed, lost much of their
influence. The mode of life of the majority of them cannot
inspire respect. Letter from Costa R. by a British consul,
quoted in _Squier's Cent. Am._, 468-9; _Wappäus_, _Mex.
und Cent. Am._, 360. Laferrière, writing for 1873, gives a
discreditable picture of the church, its priests and feasts.
_De Paris à Guatém._, 56.

[XXX-61] There is a protestant church and cemetery in San
José. The government cordially upholds the liberal laws on
the subject of religion. _Costa R._, _Mem. Sec. Rel._, 1884,
32.

[XXX-62] His salary was also suspended. _Costa R._, _Mem.
Sec. Rel._, 1885, 17.

[XXX-63] Of whom 39 received their offices during the
colonial period, the last one being Friar Higinio Duran, of
the order of Mercy and a native of Lima. He took possession
in 1818, and died in Chepo on the 22d of Oct., 1823.
This bishop was one of the signers of the declaration of
independ. of the Isthmus in 1821. His successors were Manuel
Vasquez, Juan J. Cabarcas Gonzalez, Juan F. del R. Manfiedo
y Ballestas, Friar Eduardo Vasquez, who died in Rome, Jan.
2, 1870, Ignacio Antonio Parra, who took possession June 3,
1871. _Hernaez_, _Extracto del Libro de la Comp. de Jesus_,
in _Maldonado_, _Asuntos Polít de Pan._, MS., 34-5; _Pan._,
_Col. Docs._, MS., nos. 125-6; _Pan. Docs._; _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, iv. 344; _Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Nov.
1, 1862; _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, March 4, 1869; _Id._,
_Gaceta_, June 6, 1871. Parra held the office only a few
years, and was succeeded by Telésforo Paúl, who occupied it
till Dec. 1884, when he repaired to Bogotá, his native city,
to fill that archepiscopal see. The assembly of the state
on the 22d of Dec., 1884, adopted a resolution recognizing
his efforts to promote harmony, and appointed a committee
to escort him as far as Barranquilla. _La Estrella de Pan._,
Jan. 1, 1885; _El Cronista_ (Pan.), Jan. 3, 1885.

[XXX-64] _Bidwell's Isth. Pan._, 242. The congress of Nueva
Granada in 1837 fixed the bishop's salary at $4,000. _N.
Granada_, _Registro Ofic._, 21.

[XXX-65] Originally there were 11 churches, 4 convents of
friars, one nunnery, a cathedral, and one ecclesiastical
college established by the government of Old Colombia under
a rector, vice-rector, and assistant, with a sufficient
revenue. A law of New Granada provided for the sale at
auction of all property that had formerly belonged to the
jesuits not required for national use. _Pan._, _Crón. Ofic._,
Aug. 5, 1852. Stories are related of buried treasures having
been disinterred in after years by jesuit agents, from the
ground of their old house, and from the orchard of T. M.
Feuillet. These stories bear some semblance of truth. See
Memoranda, in _Maldonado_, _Apuntes_, MS., 36 et seq.

[XXX-66] The bishops in the exercise of their functions,
and administration of church property, had the assistance of
the civil authorities, who carried out their orders without
questioning them.

[XXX-67] Every New Granadan or Colombian assigned, to the
prejudice of his heirs, a certain amount to the church for
masses and other supposed benefits it could do to his soul.
Successive descendants followed the example. The priests
often threatened the dying with the penalties of hell if they
did not purchase their salvation. Clerical intolerance knew
no limits.

[XXX-68] Excepting only cathedrals, the chief church of each
parish, and the sacred vessels and ornaments. _Maldonado_,
_Asuntos Polít. Pan._, MS., 3-5, 15, 17.

[XXX-69] The bishop of Panamá left, and his priests followed
his example one by one. Panamá was thus left without a
priest; the dead had to be buried without the offices
of a minister; for more than a year the churches had no
bell-tolling or officiating minister. An English catholic
missionary, passing to San Francisco, ventured to say mass
and baptize in private. He was arrested, though finally
allowed to embark. _Bidwell's Isth. Pan._, 238-43.

[XXX-70] The laws were modified in May 1864. The govt
reserved the right of inspection, but made the oath of
submission obligatory on the chief of the church having
authority as such. Bulls or orders emanating from any one
residing in a foreign country could not be published or
enforced without first obtaining permission from the national
executive. _Pan._, _Boletin Ofic._, Jan. 16, 1868.

[XXX-71] Under Mosquera's decrees when he was dictator, the
few nuns—four aged and one young—occupying the convent of La
Concepcion in Panamá were made to abandon it in Sept. 1862.
_Nic._, _Boletin Ofic._, Oct. 4, 1862. These women would
not forsake the cloister, but sought an asylum in Lima. With
tearful eyes they exiled themselves from their home, and from
friends, many of whom had received their education from them.
Their departure caused no little feeling in the pub. heart.
_Maldonado_, _Asuntos Polít. Pan._, MS., 18.

[XXX-72] Dec. 15, 1868, a charter was granted by the state
govt to a protestant church association. _Pan._, _Boletin
Ofic._, Feb. 18, 1869.

[XXXI-1] Some of the alcaldes mayores had in 1810 only
$300 allowed them yearly, others $500, and the highest
paid received $1,200. The system did not recommend itself.
_Guat._, _Apunt._, 65-71. There was also a consulado or
tribunal of commerce established in Guat. April 30, 1794.
_Juarros' Stat. and Comm. Hist. Guat._, 142-3.

[XXXI-2] Royal decree of July 25, 1814. _Fernando VII._,
Dec., 12.

[XXXI-3] The king ratified it June 4, 1820. The Indians were
benefited thereby, for even priests were strictly forbidden
to flog them. _Id._, 301-2.

[XXXI-4] Those desirous of studying the judiciary of Guat.
as it existed down to 1872 may find information in _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, i. 241-2, 603-4; ii. 21-45, 51-69; iii.
215-29, 365-6; _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, ii. 242-3; _Montúfar_,
_Reseña Hist._, ii. 336-41; _Guat._, _Boletin Ofic._, 132-7.

[XXXI-5] The first complete reorganization was by the law
of May 22, 1872. The creation of the superior court at
Quezaltenango was by law of July 29, 1872. _Guat._, _Recop.
Ley. Gob. Democ._, i. 88-9, 114-15. On the 15th of Oct.,
1876, a supreme court, composed of a president and four
magistrados, was established, because the organization of
the superior courts hindered the prompt administration
of justice. _Salv._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Oct. 13, 14, 1876.
Subsequently, there was an increase in the number of
justices, the court was divided into five sections or
chambers, of which the fifth was suppressed March 29, 1882.

[XXXI-6] Trial by jury had been decreed, on the promulgation
of the Livingston code in Jan. 1837, under the law of Aug.
27, 1836. It was suspended by decree of March 13, 1838, on
the ground of its impracticability in a country so unprepared
for it as Guat. then was. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, ii.
289-343; iii. 63-84; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 14, 1875;
_Pineda de Mont_, _Nota_, in _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 464;
_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 192; _Squier's Trav. Cent. Am._, ii.
419, 426.

[XXXI-7] In consequence 350 reformatory articles were adopted
in connection with the civil code, and the reforms to the
code of procedure in civil cases were almost as extensive;
a few were also made to the commercial; and a considerable
number to the penal code, and to that of procedure in
criminal causes. _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Gobern., etc._, 1880-3.

[XXXI-8] _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, 1880, 38-9, 65-6,
1885, 53, and annex 13.

[XXXI-9] During 1881 the supreme court, issued 1,995
sentences in criminal cases, only two of them were capital,
one of which was commuted; in 1882, 1,467; 1883, 1,726; 1884,
2,489 offences were classified as crimes, and 10,130 as mere
misdemeanors; of the former 1,321, and of the latter 1,460,
were acquitted; 1,168 of the former and 8,670 of the latter
were sentenced, none to death, and only two to extraordinary
imprisonment.

[XXXI-10] It was notorious that escaped criminals freely
moved, menacing the lives of those who had had any agency
in their arrest. The facility for evading the action of the
law was such that criminals did not fear it. _Hond._, _Mem.
Ministro Gen._, 1852, 9-10.

[XXXI-11] A robber and murderer named Umansor, who effected
his escape from the fort at Omoa, survived under 400 blows on
two occasions; but 200 blows on the bare back generally ended
the sufferings of the culprit when applied with that design.
_Wells' Hond._, 229-30.

[XXXI-12] _Presid. Soto_, _Mensaje_, May 27, 1877.

[XXXI-13] _Salv._, _Mem. Sec. Gobern._, 1875; _Id._, _Diario
Ofic._, March 17, 1875.

[XXXI-14] Trial by jury in criminal cases was first
established in Aug. 1832, but being found impracticable,
owing to the ignorance of the masses, it was abolished.
_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 186. The system was restored by the
constitution of 1872. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Oct. 17, 1875.

[XXXI-15] The supreme court is composed of eleven
magistrados, one of whom is the president. In San Salv. there
are two chambers of 2d resort with two justices in each, and
one of 3d resort composed of the president and the two senior
justices. A majority of the magistrados constitutes the
full supreme court. There is also a chamber of 2d instance
in San Miguel, and another in Santa Ana. Seven suplentes
or substitutes fill temporary absences of the incumbents,
three for the capital, and two for each of the others. No
magistrado, or judge of a court of first resort, can hold
office in the executive or legislative departments of the
government. The supreme court-martial was abolished by law of
Aug. 31, 1875. Military courts of first instance existing in
the depts were suppressed, excepting that in the capital, and
their functions devolved on the comandantes. _Salv._, _Diario
Ofic._, Sept. 3d-8th; _Id._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Sept. 13, 1876.

[XXXI-16] _Presid. Zaldívar_, _Mensaje_, Jan. 14, 1878.

[XXXI-17] The 1st chamber of 2d instance in the capital,
1,736; the 2d, 1,889; that of Santa Ana, 2,323; and the one
at San Miguel, 1,370. _Salv._, _Mem. Sec. Rel. Just., etc._,
1879; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, June 26, 28, July 4, 13, 1878.

[XXXI-18] The Livingston code of Louisiana with trial by jury
was established in 1836, but suspended in 1845. _Dunlop's
Cent. Am._, 192; _Sandoval_, _Rev. Polít._, 22. The organic
law of the courts is dated July 4, 1857, and underwent
modifications Sept. 3, 1858. _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, ii.
167-98; _Nic._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_, 1859, ii. 27-8; _Informe_,
_Min. Gobern._, 1859.

[XXXI-19] The former has jurisdiction over the depts of
Leon, Chinandega, and Segovia; and the latter over those of
Granada, Rivas, Chontales, and Matagalpa. _Lévy_, _Nic._,
344.

[XXXI-20] There is in each department or district a court
for civil and criminal affairs; but in largely populated
departments there is also a court of criminal jurisdiction.
_Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, ii. 217, 244-316. There should also be
a juez de agricultura, and a juez de la mesta, under existing
laws. Cases involving only $100 are acted upon verbally; all
others in writing.

[XXXI-21] _Nic._, _Informe Min. Fomento_, 1869; _Id._, _Dec.
y Acuerdos_, 1871, 123-33; _Id._, _Gaceta_, March 18, Apr. 1,
22, June 3, 1871; _El Porvenir de Nic._, Oct. 22, 1871; Feb.
25, 1872; _Nic._, _Mem. Min. Hac._, 1872; _Id._, _Informe
Min. Gobern._, 1875.

[XXXI-22] 'Los pleitos, por decirlo así, se eternizan, y
es muy raro ver uno que llegue á concluirse.' _Mensaje del
Presid._, Marzo 1871.

[XXXI-23] _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Oct. 16, 1873.

[XXXI-24] _Marure_, _Efem._, 49. It has been asserted that
as a rule offenders are not vigorously prosecuted, and for
various reasons often go unpunished.

[XXXI-25] _Ley de presidios_, Aug. 18, 1858; _Ley de Palos_,
Sept. 1, 1858. Prisoners sentenced to hard labor serve out
their terms on the works in forts San Juan and San Cárlos,
by president's order of Oct. 6, 1880. _Nic._, _Mem. Min.
Gobern._, 1883, 22-3, and annex B, 27.

[XXXI-26] Of which 578 resulted in conviction; 244 were
dismissed; and 1,087 were pending. _Id._, annex G, no. vi.

[XXXI-27] _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, iii.-xxii., passim; _Id._,
_Mem. Min. Gobern._, 1857 and 1859; _Montúfar_, _Reseña
Hist._, v. 344, 348.

[XXXI-28] The yearly salaries are: chief president, $2,160;
the other presidents, $2,040 each; justices, $1,800 each;
secretary, $1,200. The yearly appropriation for the supreme
court is nearly $43,000. _Costa R._, _Mem. Sec. Gobern._,
1884, annex D.

[XXXI-29] Suits for sums not exceeding $100 and trivial
offences are attended to by alcaldes and jueces de paz.
There is also a special court of hacienda to adjudicate upon
claims of the treasury against private parties, and for the
trial of offences against the revenue, including also the
counterfeiting of coin. The expense of this court is nearly
$700 per month. In Limon there is an alcalde who acts as
judge. The civil and criminal judges of San José receive $105
a month each; the other judges, $125; the alcalde at Limon,
$50. The yearly expenditure of the judiciary, including
the supreme court, fiscal agencies, casa de reclusion $720;
presidio de San Lúcas $11,560; and contingents for the year
1884 was a little over $90,100. In former years, when the
ecclesiastic and military fueros were recognized, each had
its own courts, the system being an inheritance from the old
Spanish rule. It has been abolished.

[XXXI-30] _Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Int._, 1860 and 1865.

[XXXI-31] This was recognized by the min. of justice in
his report of May 15, 1884. _Costa R._, _Mem. Soc. Just. y
Gracia_, 1884, 29.

[XXXI-32] The commissions began their labors at once, but had
not completed them in July 1885. _Costa R._, _Mem. Just. y
Gracia_, 1872-85.

[XXXI-33] A law of July 10, 1873, introduced the jury system
in criminal causes. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xxii. 52-69;
_Id._, _Informe Sec. Just._, 1873, 23-4; 1876, 19-20.

[XXXI-34] The prison on Coco was first decreed July 3, 1874,
but the law not having been carried out, it was reiterated
Jan. 21, 1878. The regulation of Feb. 25, 1874, for San Lúcas
placed it under the control of the governor of the comarca
of Puntarenas. _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xxii. 35-48, 89-90;
_Id._, _Inf. Sec. Gobern._, 1874, 28; 1879, 16-18; _Id._,
_Col. Dispos. Leg._, 1878, 92-3.

[XXXI-35] Composed of three justices, whose terms of office
are of four years. There are substitutes to fill temporary
vacancies.

[XXXI-36] The alcaldes and regidores have charge of the
preservation of order in their respective districts, and
initiate proceedings for offences against the laws, and after
the investigation has been completed, pass the papers to the
proper court. These officials also have jurisdiction over
civil causes not exceeding $200 in value. When the claim
does not exceed $25, the court's decision is final. If it
does, the court hears the parties, receives the testimony
of witnesses, and renders a decision, which may be appealed
from to the superior court. Judges and alcaldes in former
years were greatly respected by the people, and their decrees
obeyed without demur. _Maldonado_, _Asuntos Polít. Pan._,
MS., 2, 5.

[XXXI-37] Other penalties: imprisonment, banishment,
deprivation or suspension of political rights, surveillance
of the authorities, fines, etc. Credits are allowed prisoners
for good behavior. Trial by jury in criminal cases exists. A
jury of seven meet at the chief town, hear the evidence, and
by an absolute majority convict, qualifying the offence, or
acquit. _Pan._, _Gaceta_, Aug. 30, to Sept. 24, 1863; Feb.
19, 1880; _Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, Nov. 18, 1865.

[XXXI-38] The civil, penal, procedure, military, and
commercial codes. _Id._, Sept. 5, 1868; _Id._, _Inf. Mem.
Sec. Est._, 1872, 13; 1877, 33.

[XXXI-39] He drew the conclusion that the jury system, in the
state of ignorance so general among the masses, instead of
being a safeguard for society served to afford impunity to
criminals. _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Jen. Est._, 1876, 19-22; 1879,
102-3.

[XXXI-40] _Pan._, _Ley._, 1879-80, 52-5.

[XXXI-41] _Pan._, _Informe Gobernador_, 17-19.

[XXXI-42] A decree of Dec. 23, 1879, fixed the force at 140
with the officers; a second of March 1, 1880, ordered the
organization of the battalion Ancon no. 1 with 95 to 125;
another of Feb. 22, 1881, reduced it to 75. The pay of the
rank and file was fixed in 1880 as follows: 1st sergt, $27;
2d sergt, $24; 1st corporal, $21; 2d corp., $18; private,
$15. No rations allowed. _Pan._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 8, March 21,
May 9, June 24, 27, 1880; Sept. 15, 25, 1881. The force was
greatly augmented during the disturbances of 1885. _Pan. Star
and Herald_, Dec. 22, 1885.

[XXXI-43] A law of 1881 established the ranks of
gen.-in-chief, gen. of division, gen. of brigade, colonel,
lieut-col, major, capt., lieut, and sub-lieut. On the 1st of
Dec., 1877, there were 8 generals, 43 colonels, lieut-col,
and majors, and 254 from captains down. The appropriations
for 1877 and 1878 were $64,000 each, of which $45,000 was for
pay. _Pan._, _Mem. Sec. Jen. Est._, 1878, p. xxvii.-xxxii.;
_Id._, _Id._, _Hacienda_, 1878, annex X.

[XXXI-44] Laferrière, writing for 1873, says that the
regulars did not count for much as to numbers, though the
country had been of late years under a military gov. _De
Paris à Guatém._, 55-6.

[XXXI-45] _Costa R._, _Mem. Min. Guer._, 1883 and 1884.

[XXXI-46] There were garrisons in Managua, Granada,
Leon, Corinto, San Cárlos, Castillo Viejo, and Matagalpa,
aggregating with the officers 506 men. The revenue guards
and police number about 460. _Nic._, _Mem. Min. Guer._, 1883.
The battalions stationed at Managua, the capital, bears the
name of guardia de los supremos poderes, being the guard
of honor of congress or the executive. The officers and
soldiers are well dressed. The other troops merely get a pair
of pants and a shirt. The bright trimmings distinguish them
from civilians. As to pay, the general of division in active
service receives $5 per day; the private only 30 cts per day
and no rations. _Lévy_, _Nic._, 343-4.

[XXXI-47] In 1882 the monthly appropriation for pensions was
$1,188. _Nic._, _Mem. Min. Guer._, 1883.

[XXXI-48] The army might be raised to 30,000 or 40,000
men. _Pan. Star and Herald_, June 2, 1886. The practice has
been to send out press-gangs, to seize men and force them
into the ranks, thus forming as motley a set as can well be
imagined; some have shirts, some jackets, and others neither.
Most of them probably have breeches, but exceedingly short
at the legs. _Wells' Hond._, 238-40; Laferrière, _De Paris
à Guatém._, 100-1; _Squier's Trav._, ii. 183-4.

[XXXI-49] The eastern, furnished by the departments of San
Miguel, Usulutan, La Union, and Gotera; the central, by San
Vicente, Cabañas, Cuscatlan, and Chalatenango; the western,
by Santa Ana, Sonsonat, and Ahuachapan; and the reserve, by
San Salvador, La Paz, and La Libertad. Each division was
formed with four brigades, and another of artillery; each
brigade to have 1,000 men in two battalions; five companies
of 100 men to form a battalion. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Apr.
6, May 16, July 9, 10, 1879.

[XXXI-50] Divisions to be commanded by generals of division,
brigades by generals of brigade; battalions to have colonels
and lieut-colonels; and each company a capt., 1st lieut,
2d lieut, and 2 sub-lieuts, 5 sergeants, and 8 corporals.
Brevets were recognized in all grades of commissioned
officers, under an executive decree of 1875. _Id._, Aug. 13,
1875.

[XXXI-51] The pay of a gen. of div. was $150 per month, of
a gen. of brig. $125, col $100, lieut-col $90, capt. $57,
lieut $45, sub-lieut $37.50, serg. $15, corporals, $13⅛, and
private $11.25. The new organization given the army at that
time was said to secure a saving of $200,000 a year. _Salv._,
_Gaceta Ofic._, Oct. 7, 11, 1876.

[XXXI-52] The scale was fixed in March 1877, from $50 for a
general of division down to $10 for a sub-lieut, sergeants
$7 and $6, corporals $5, and privates $4. The same scale
standing for widows and orphans to whom pensions might be
allowed. _Id._, Feb. 16, March 6, 1877.

[XXXI-53] It went into effect on the 15th of that month and
year. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Jan. 2-14, 1880.

[XXXI-54] A few paid for their exemption till 1892. _Guat._,
_Mem. Sec. Hac._, 1883, 24, and annex 19.

[XXXI-55] The ranks of captain-general and lieutenant-gen.,
created for Miguel García Granados and J. Rufino Barrios
respectively, soon after the overthrow of the oligarchs,
were suppressed by the latter in his decree of Feb. 9,
1873, together with the grade of mariscal de campo formerly
existing. He likewise annulled the grade of sargento mayor,
creating in lieu thereof those of segundo comandante and
primer comandante. _Guat._, _Recop. Ley. Gob. Democ._, ii.
12-13, 25.

[XXXI-56] The pay of a private is three reales per day, out
of which he supports and clothes himself.

[XXXI-57] The secretary of war said of it: 'Este
establecimiento promete mucho para el porvenir.' And indeed,
a number of its graduates were already engaged in engineering
work on the northern railroad, in running the boundary line
with Mexico, and in instructing the several battalions. Some
had been also assigned to the artillery department. _Guat._,
_Mem. Sec. Guer._, 1884, 6, annex no. 1.

[XXXI-58] Officers in active service cannot marry without
leave from the sec. of war, which is not granted if their
marriage may prove detrimental to the service. _Id._, 1882,
5, 13-14.

[XXXI-59] It has been properly kept, with beneficial results.
_Id._, 1882, 15; 1883, 6-7, annex 3; 1884, 9-10, doc. 3.

[XXXI-60] _Id._, 1884, annex no. 1. Other authorities
containing information on military affairs of Guat. from 1822
to 1873: _Thompson's Guat._, 496-504; _Dunlop's Cent. Am._,
168-9; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, ii. 639-759, passim; _Id._,
_Gob. Democ._, i. 6, 103-5, 132-7; _Id._, _Decretos_, nos.
11, 23, 36-7; _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Guer._, 1837, 24-6, table 6;
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 516-17; _Boddam Whetham's Across Cent.
Am._, 205-8.

[XXXII-1] Humboldt estimated the production at the value
of $4,500,000. _Essai Polit._, ii. 446; _Guat._, _Apunt._,
17-20; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, vi. 70-1, 293-337, passim.

[XXXII-2] The yearly products of Cent. Am. were estimated in
1826 at $52,529,450. _Ocios Esp. Emigr._, v. 3-11.

[XXXII-3] _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 658-89, 744-60.

[XXXII-4] Though land was free to all, agriculture was so low
that even on the richest soil staples were scarcely produced
in sufficient quantities for the consumption. _Berendt_, in
_Smithsonian Rept_, 1867, 424.

[XXXII-5] The annual export was estimated at nearly
$1,100,000, but chemical substances having been discovered to
take its place for coloring, the decadence of the industry
soon followed. Cochineal could not fetch over 2 to 3 francs
per kilogr. in France. _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._,
247.

[XXXII-6] It had young trees planted in every department,
and for the further increase of the staple, exempts the
product from interior taxation and export dues. _Pan. Star
and Herald_, May 29, 1886.

[XXXII-7] _Presid. Barrios_, _Mensaje_, Sept. 11, 1876.

[XXXII-8] _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Gobern. y Just._, 1880; _Id._,
_Mem. Sec. Fomento_, 1880-2; _Id._, _Sec. Hac._, 1882-3;
_Pan. Star and Herald_, March 2, May 29, 1886.

[XXXII-9] Cochineal, reduced from 67,709 qls in 1860-4
to 2,845 in 1879-83. Coffee, 1860-4, none; crop of 1883-4
was 495,385 qls; next year's estimated 520,000, valued at
$5,291,074. Sugar, 1860-4, 115,486 qls; the production of
1883 of sugar, panela, muscovado, and molasses valued at
$976,902; 1884, $1,058,551; 1885, $915,789. Rubber, 1879-83,
9,074 qls. Sundries, 1879-83, 115,999 qls. Flour, 1884,
probable production 931,144 qls. Tobacco cult. progressing.
Live-stock, 1884, horses, 107,187; mules and asses, 41,386;
neat cattle, 441,307; sheep, 417,577; goats, 27,618; swine,
177,118. Total value, $15,112,233. _Guat._, _Mem. Sec.
Fomento_, 1885-5; _El Guatemalteco_, Jan. 1, Sept. 15, 1884;
_Pan. Ev'g Telegram_, May 26, 1886.

[XXXII-10] As early as 1800 there were 9,600 trees of China
cotton. _Quinta Junta Púb._, 14-15; _Juarros_, _Guat._, i.
38-46.

[XXXII-11] _Viag. Univ._, xxvii. 172-4. The Sp. gov. had all
the vines destroyed for fear of injury to the wine industry
of the mother country. _Squier's Cent. Am._, 273; _W. Ind._,
_Descr. Sp. Settlers_, 45.

[XXXII-12] _Squier's Cent. Am._, 192-204; _Laferrière_, _De
Paris à Guatém._, 97.

[XXXII-13] They do not yield a high income, however, the
consumption at home being comparatively small, and the demand
of the neighboring states limited. _Id._, 209-11, 272. Gov.
is endeavoring to improve the breed.

[XXXII-14] Comparative values: Indigo—as early as 1630 the
yield was 10,000 quintals a year; the production from 1791 to
1800 was 8,752,562 ℔s. at $2 a ℔.; 1864, $1,129,105; 1877,
$2,146,423. Coffee—1864, about $80,000; 1877, $2,115,669.
Maize—1877, $2,786,433. Sugar and muscovado—1877, $334,361.
Rice—1877, $154,728. Hides and deer-skins—1876, $444,805.
Cattle—1876, $672,948. Aggregate values for 1876-7—including
rum made from molasses, and set down at $925,457—were
$15,448,794. These figures are from official sources, but may
not be altogether reliable. _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Oct. 21,
1875; _Id._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Feb. 7, 24, 1877; Feb. 19, 1878.

[XXXII-15] The cotton is of superior quality, and grown
in considerable quantities; the cacao is second only to
Soconusco; the sugar-cane is indigenous, and yields beautiful
sugar; the indigo has a high reputation; the coffee is fully
as good as Costa Rica's, and flourishes well in the higher
grounds. The same may be said of tobacco. Maize and rice grow
in perfection and abundance. _Stout's Nic._, 73-85, 345-53;
_Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 265-7; _Baily's Cent. Am._, 120-4;
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 363-4, 377-8, 663; _Id._, _Trav._, i.
34-9, 158-63; _Id._, _Nic._, 620-2; _Lévy_, _Nic._, 458-81;
_Wells' Hond._, 141-3; _Id._, _Walker's Exped._, 116;
_Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 77-80; _U. S. Gov. Doc._,
H. Ex. Doc., 75, 210-12, 216, vol. x. Cong. 31, Sess. 1;
_Pan. Star and Herald_, March 13, 1886.

[XXXII-16] Exempting them from taxation and otherwise.
_Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 191-4, 206-11; ii. 106-11; _Nic._,
_Reg. Ofic._, 328-9; _Id._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_, vol. for
1851-61, passim; _Ley de Agric._, Feb. 18, 1862; _Nic._,
_Boletin Ofic._, Feb. 15, 1862; _Id._, _Gaceta_, years
1865-74, passim.

[XXXII-17] Mahogany abounds, especially on the margins of
the branches of the large rivers. The cutters are mostly
Mosquitos and Caribs, who hire themselves for the season at
$10 to $15 a month and fed. In 1862-9 the govt adopted the
plan of farming out the privilege of cutting mahogany. The
caoutchouc trees were by law declared in 1860 govt property.
_Nic._, _Mem. Min. Hac._, 1862; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Apr. 1,
1865; _El Nacional_, Nov. 10, 1860.

[XXXII-18] Nutritious grasses and water are scarce in the
summer. On the other hand, an immense quantity of vermin
constantly torment the animals, and disease takes hold of
them, killing many. Cows yield only a small quantity of milk.
A dairy possessing 150 to 200 milch cows is said to do well
if they yield 50 lbs. of cheese per day. _Lévy_, _Nic._, 478.

[XXXII-19] Said to be as good as that of Soconusco; but the
country is generally too high and cold for cacao culture;
nor is the climate favorable for cochineal, cotton, or grape,
owing to excessive rains. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 30-1;
_Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 37. Spec. laws have been passed
for the promotion of cacao and indigo culture. _Costa R._,
_Col. Ley._, xi. 299-301; xii. 216-17; _Id._, _Col. Ley._,
1866, 161-2; _Id._, xix. 184-6.

[XXXII-20] As late as 1829 her sole article of export was
Brazil wood. The miserable condition of the country made
its name ridiculous. But in a few years the situation became
changed. An act was passed Sept. 7, 1831, to promote coffee
culture, and in 1835 the first export of the article took
place. Another decree for the same purpose was issued in
1843. _Id._, iii. 94-6; _El Nicaragüense_, Jan. 9, 1856.
In 1845 no less than 45,000 quintals were produced; in 1848
double that quantity; and in 1850, 140,000 qls; from 1854 to
1856 there was no increase, owing to cholera, locusts, and
the Walker war in Nic. However, the crop of 1856 was about
55,200 qls. _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 26, 1850; July 1 to
Sept. 23, 1854; _Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, June 29, 1854; _Id._,
_Mem. Sec. Rel._, 1856, 10-12; _Guat._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 7,
1853; _Wagner_, _Costa R._, 41, 307-21; _Squier's Cent. Am._,
454-72; _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 48-9; _Belly_, _A
trav. l'Amér. Cent._, i. 397-400.

[XXXII-21] In 1862 there was a fair crop: 1873, 333,843 qls;
1874, about 300,000 valued in Puntarenas port at $15.50 per
quintal of 100 lbs.; 1876, a scanty crop; 1877, 186,000;
1877, 180,652; 1879, excessive rains caused heavy loss; 1884,
about 375,000 quintals; but 1885 only yielded 125,000 or
130,000. _Costa R._, _Informe Sec. Interior_, 1862, 10-11;
_Id._, _Sec. Agric._, 1874, 28; 1876, 20-1; 1878, 14; 1879,
22; _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 34; _Jülfs_, _Die
Seehäfen_, 18; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Apr. 9, 23, 1885.

[XXXII-22] The manufacture of rum from sugar-cane is a
government monopoly. The cultivation of tobacco has been for
many years under the strictest regulations; its manufacture
and sale was exclusively in the hands of govt agents. In
1850 it was declared free from Jan. 1, 1852, but the law was
repealed June 23, 1851. In 1869 the monopoly was abolished,
but restored again by law of Feb. 4, 1884. _Molina_, _Bosq.
Costa R._, 30; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, x. 132-40; xi. 331-3;
_Id._, _Col. Ley._, 1869, 15-17, 219-20; _Id._, _Mem. Sec.
Hac._, 1852-3; _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Gobern. Hac., etc._, 1884,
25-6.

[XXXII-23] The U. S. govt evinced in 1863 a disposition to
promote its cultiv. See correspond. of agric. dept. with U.
S. consul in Pan. _Bidwell's Isth. Pan._, 268-70.

[XXXII-24] Exempting from taxation, and by other privileges.
_Pan. Ley._, 1876-7, 7; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 7, 1877;
_Bidwell's Isth. Pan._, 264-72; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex.
Doc. 113, vol. vi. 1-2, 35-7, Cong. 41, Sess. 2.

[XXXII-25] Tobacco, 2,770 quintals; grain, 197,320 qls;
cacao, 261 qls; sugar, 155 qls; panela, 29,445 qls; molasses,
4,694 jugs; coffee, 2,853 qls; rubber, 80 qls; sundries,
354,285 qls; medicinal roots, 390 qls. Total value, $518,662.
_Pan._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, 1882, annex L.

[XXXII-26] No sheep are raised, and the goats, sometimes
killed, are a poor substitute. The pork is excellent.
Live-stock said to exist on the Isthmus in 1882: neat cattle,
114,157; mules and asses, 470; horses, 9,942; goats, 24,732;
hogs, 203,209. Total value, $1,270,945. _Id._

[XXXII-27] It would take too much space to enumerate them;
but a list may be found in the report on the physical and
polit. geog. of the state of Pan., drawn up by a commission
despatched thither for that purpose, by the govt of New
Granada, in 1859. See also report of Martin, New Granada
minister in London, May 1858, in _Bidwell's Isth. Pan._,
322-40.

[XXXII-28] Silver ores are the most abundant, and chiefly
located on the Pac. group of mountains, whereas the gold
washings, if not the gold mines proper, are most numerous on
the Atlantic side. The mineral districts in the departments
of Tegucigalpa, Choluteca, and Gracias are very rich in
silver in various combinations. The upper or old mine of
Coloal yielded 58 per ct. of copper, and 78 to 84 ounces
of silver to the ton; the ores of the new mines of Coloal,
a combination of chloride of silver, a little sulphuret
of silver, oxide of iron, and antimony, mixed with earthy
matter, yielded 8,470 ounces per ton of 2,000 lbs. Gold mines
abound in Hond., but only a few have been worked. The chief
supplies have been drawn from the washings of Olancho. The
rivers of Guayape and Jalan, as well as the streams running
into them, are decidedly the richest in auriferous sands. The
finest gold is from the Guayape, Jalan, and Mangualil, and
from the Sulaco, Caimito, and Pacaya, in the dept of Yoro.
The southern districts bordering on Nic. have rich placers.
Hond. has also mines of copper, iron, platina, cinnabar,
zinc, and coal. Very productive opal mines are worked to some
extent in Gracias. Amethysts are said to be found in Campuca.
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 145-51, 178-89; _Id._, _Hond. R. R._,
85-94; _Montgomery's Narr._, 1134; _Baily's Cent. Am._,
100-2; _Hond. Gac. Ofic._, Feb. 20, March 10, 1853; _Wells'
Hond._, 233-539, passim.

[XXXII-29] Foreigners are allowed to work and own mines,
under the federal law of June 27, 1825. The ordenanzas of New
Spain regarding mines were declared to be in force June 17,
1825. _Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 209; _Guat._, _Recop. Leyes_,
i. 238.

[XXXII-30] The absence of roads and difficulty of travel make
mining unprofitable as yet. _Presid. Soto_, _Mensaje_, Feb.
19, 1883; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 23, 1883; Feb. 23,
1886; _H. S. Davys' Gold Fields along the Guayape, etc._, in
_Cincinnati Enquirer_.

[XXXII-31] Combined with lead and copper, and also as a
sulphide of silver. Materials convenient for working them
were at hand. The Central Am. Mining Co. operating on the
locality sold between 1858 and 1865 ore and bar silver to
the amount of 621,000 ounces, worth over $700,000. _U. S.
Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 40, Sess. 2, pt 1, 212-14;
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 526; _U. S. Land Off. Rep._, 1867,
116-17, 131-2, 188-90; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Apr. 28, 1866.

[XXXII-32] Early in the present century nuggets of 22 carats
were found near Chol. In some mines the ore treated with
quicksilver yielded one ounce of gold to the 100 ℔s., or $320
to the ton of 2,000 ℔s. _Blazquez_, _Opinion_, in _Doc. Orig.
Chiapas_, 5.

[XXXII-33] Gold placers in the dept. of Izabal were being
worked on a large scale. Several silver mines promise large
yields when they become exploited. The Indians of Zunil
repeatedly offer for sale in Quezaltenango quicksilver
obtained from a mine which they keep strictly secret. In the
departments of Quiché, Alta, Vera Paz, and Huehuetenango are
salt springs and deposits; in Chimaltenango peat and lignite;
between Guastoya and Izabal, marble; and in several places on
the Atlantic slope, coal. The government had a mineralogical
survey of the country made. _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Hac._, 1882,
28; 1883, 34, 72-4; _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, 1884, 42;
_Wagner_, _Costa R._, 36; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Jan. 17,
1883.

[XXXII-34] Among them must be mentioned zinc, iron, copper,
lead, tin, antimony. The mines of lead, iron, and copper
are believed to be inexhaustible. They are situated in a
fertile, cool, healthy, and picturesque region, affording
every other facility for working them. The whole northern
frontier abounds in silver, a little of it being obtained
by primitive processes. Quicksilver mines, though not rich,
are common. The gold veins of Nic. come from Hond., running
along the cordillera to the San Juan River, where they become
somewhat ramified before crossing it, and reappear in Costa
R. The chief one crosses the Machuca River. The gold is
almost pure when washed from river-beds, and more or less
mixed with silver when dug out of the earth. In the districts
of Juigalpa and Libertad hundreds of mines have been entered.
The Jícaro mines near Trinidad, and those of Santa Rosa,
Achuapa, San Francisco, etc., have been famous. The Potosí
and Corpus in colonial times yielded large quantities of
gold. The whole upper region of the Coco River is rich. It
may be asserted that the mines of Nic. are excellent, but
the miners are generally incompetent. They use the crowbar,
avoiding gunpowder as too expensive. Men are easily procured,
who work steadily though slowly and by primitive methods,
earning $8 to $10 per month, and their rations. The mills
are mostly poor. Sixteen carat gold is worth at the mine
$12 an ounce, but the average price paid by factors was
$8 or $9. Considerable quantities of gold are taken by the
Indians from river sands and bed, and washed in pans. _Lévy_,
_Nic._, 160-6, 482-6; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 364, 392-400;
_Id._, _Nic._, 653-6; _Nic._, _Mem. Min. Fomento_, 1871;
_Id._, _Mem. Min. Rel._, 1875; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex.
Doc., 212-13, vol. x., Cong. 31, Sess. 1; _Belly_, _Nic._, i.
340-6; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 11, 1865; May 26, 1866, suppl.;
Sept. 7, 1867; Jan. 11, July 18, Aug. 8, 1868.

[XXXII-35] _Nic._, _Gaceta_, March 1, 1873; _Rocha_, _Cód.
Nic._, i. 163-72; _Nic._, _Correo Ist._, Aug. 29, 1850.

[XXXII-36] It is said their yield was 47 to 2,537 oz. of
silver to the ton. Dunlop has it that they yielded at one
time $1,000,000 annually, though worked rudely and without
machinery, and the chief one of them once produced $200,000
annually. _Trav. in Cent. Am._, 277. A French company
undertook to work the Tabanco and Encuentros, invested a
large capital, and sustained losses. The Loma Larga and
Divisaderos, though represented as richer, probably fared
not much better. _Dunn's Guat._, 225-6; _Baily's Cent. Am._,
92-3; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 291-4; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._,
Dec. 1, 2, 1875; Jan. 23, 1876; Jan. 28, 1879; _Id._, _Gaceta
Ofic._, Oct. 24, 1875; Jan. 30, Aug. 15, Nov. 11, 1877.

[XXXII-37] _Squier's Coal-mines of Riv. Lempa_, 3-13.

[XXXII-38] It is believed that the Tisingal, which gave the
country its name, lies near the Colombian frontier on the
Atlantic. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 33.

[XXXII-39] _Squier's Cent. Am._, 457; _Lond. Geog. Soc._,
_Jour._, vi. 128; _Thompson's Guat._, 214-15; _Dunlop's Cent.
Am._, 42; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, July 15, 1854; _Id._, _Inf.
Sec. Hac._, 1872; _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 36;
_Wheelright's Isth. Pan._, 7.

[XXXII-40] Information for the years preceding 1800 may
be gleaned from _Juarros_, _Guat._, 16-79, passim; _Id._,
_Stat. and Com. Hist. Guat._, 21-105, passim; _Montanus_,
_Die Nieuwe Weereld_, 275-7; _Arevalo_, _Compend._, 175;
_Russell's Hist. Am._, 191, 391-2; _Churchill's Coll._, viii.
764-5; _Dunn's Guat._, 222-5; _Squier's Trav._, i. 39-40;
_Id._, _Guat._, 586-7. To the end of the Spanish rule most
of the precious metals from Hond. were smuggled out through
Belize and Mosquito, probably one third only reaching the
mint at Guat. The coinage in 1817-18, was $983,225; 1820-4,
$1,319,106. _Thompson's Guat._, 217, 520. The superintend.
of the old Guat. mint calculated the coinage in gold and
silver for the 15 years anterior to 1810 at $2,193,832, and
for the 15 years posterior at $3,810,382, adding that much
of the production had been exported in its native state
or manufactured. He estimated the actual products of the
mines in those 30 years at ten times the amount coined;
his estimate could probably bear some deduction. _De Bow's
Review_, Jan. 1855, 77-8.

[XXXII-41] The Guat. mint has coined in the years 1879-83
$974,957, all in silver pieces from one dollar down to 3⅛
cents. _Guat. Mem._, _Sec. Hac._, 1880-4, in tables 6, 11,
14, 20, 18, respectively. The coinage of the Costa Rican
mint from 1829 to 1880, both inclusive, was as follows:
gold, $2,351,808; silver, $568,648; copper, $1,682; total,
$2,922,138. _Costa R._, _Mem. Min. Hac._, 1883, table 11.

[XXXII-42] 'Hay oro en mucha cantidad; están descubiertos
veinte rios, y treinta que tienen oro salen de una sierra
que está fasta dos leguas de esta villa.' _Carta_, _Eno 20,
1513_, in _Navarrete_, _Col. Viages_, iii. 363.

[XXXII-43] They were several times plundered by buccaneers.
Harris in 1684 took away 120 lbs. of gold. Dampier speaks
glowingly of them in that year; 'the richest gold mines ever
yet found in America.' _New Voy. round the World_, i. 158-9.
Another exped. in 1702 carried off 50 lbs.

[XXXII-44] An extensive and able report by the governor,
many years after, gives much information on the whole Darien
region, especially on its mineral wealth, making particular
mention of the Cuque gold mine, and of a silver one in the
country of the Curias Indians, who allowed no whites to visit
it. _Ariza_, _Comentos de la rica y fertilísima Prov. del
Darien_, Apr. 5, 1774, MS., 2, 12, 19-21, 32-7; _Id._, in
_Anales Instruc. Púb. Colombia_, May 1883, 369, 380, 687-9,
397-401.

[XXXII-45] _Gisborne's Isth. Darien_, 173; _Pan._, _Boletin
Ofic._, July 4, Aug. 1, 1867.

[XXXII-46] _Restrepo_, _Minas de Oro y Plata de Colombia_,
in _Anales Instruc. Púb. Colombia_, Mar. 1884, 230-45. Many
rivers are represented to contain abundance of gold, namely,
Marea and Balsas in Darien, Coclé, Belen, Indios, and their
tributaries. Their are mines in Las Tablas, etc. Gold has
also been taken from Indian graves. _Seemann's Narr._, i.
242-3; _Pan._, _Crón. Ofic._, March 6, 1853; _Id._, _Gaceta
del Est._, Dec. 15, 1855; June 14, 1856; June 22, 1857; Sept.
23, Oct. 22, 1859; May 4, 1860; _Id._, _Gac._, Sept. 6, 1873;
Feb. 20, 1876, to May 8, 1881, passim; _U. S. Govt Doc._, 54,
169-72, vol. ix., Cong. 40, Sess. 3.

[XXXII-47] Six hundred and four millions in gold and
auriferous silver, and 26 millions in silver. _Restrepo,
Vicente_, _Industria Minera_, in _Pan. Star and Herald_, Jan.
2, 1884.

[XXXII-48] _Bogotá_, _Gaceta Ofic._, Feb. 6, 1848; _Pan._,
_Gac. Estado_, Aug. 4, 1855; Jan. 5, 1856; May 10, 1862;
_Id._, _Gac._, Aug. 22, 1874; Feb. 27, 1875; Jan. 12, 1876;
Nov. 7, 1880; _Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, Dec. 7, 1867; _Id._,
_Star and Herald_, Feb. 28, 1876; _Wheelright's Isth. Pan._,
8; _Pan. Rept on Coal Bocas del Toro_, in _Costa R. Bound_,
3-19; _Selfridge's Explor._, 177-80; _U. S. Gov. Doc._,
H. Ex. Doc., 41, 45-53, vol. vi. Cong. 36, Sess. 2; _S. F.
Bulletin_, July 26, 1873.

[XXXII-49] They were known, however, from the earliest times,
and the needs of the inhabitants in cotton and woollen goods,
pottery, etc., were mostly supplied at home. The decline of
cotton manufactures began in 1773, after the destruction
of old Guat. city, and was completed when permission was
given a little previous to 1799, for the importation of
foreign manufactured goods. _Diario_, _Méx._, March 29,
1806; _Juarros_, _Guat._, i. 16-82, passim; _Saravia_, _Bosq.
Polít. Est._, 12; _Guat._, _Apuntam._, 12, 138-9.

[XXXII-50] Exempting from taxation, establishing schools
of mechanic arts, introducing skilful mechanics, granting
subsidies, etc. _Montúfar_, _Resúmen Hist._, i. 321; _Guat._,
_Mem. Sec. Fomento_, 1880-4; _Batres_, _Sketch_, 53, 60.

[XXXII-51] Guat. has been creditably represented at several
international exhibitions; she has also entered into
conventions with several foreign powers to secure patents
for inventions. _Costa R._, _Mem. Sec. Rel._, 1884, annex 8;
_El Guatemalteco_, Sept. 24, Oct. 12, Nov. 1, 1884; _Voz de
Méj._, Sept. 14, 1878; _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, 1885,
36-8.

[XXXII-52] A cotton rebozo may be had for $4 or $5, and a
silk one for $12, the finest selling at from $16 to $20.
_Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 209-10.

[XXXII-53] Some machinery for refining sugar, ginning cotton,
distilling liquors, cleaning coffee, sawing lumber, and
extracting fibres have been introduced. _Nic._, _Mem. Min.
Fomento_, 1871, 3.

[XXXII-54] Mats, baskets, palm-leaf and maguey hats,
and cordage. The hammocks of Masaya and Sutiaba are much
esteemed. Cotton fabrics are coarse but strong, and dyed
with permanent colors, and of original design. They also
make good rebozos, but the silk in some of them is imported.
Hides enter into the manufacture of several common articles.
Rum is made and sold by the govt. The miller's art is in its
infancy. _Lévy_, _Nic._, 486-91; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 373;
_Rocha_, _Cód. Nic._, i. 188-90; _Nic._, _Reg. Ofic._, 328-9;
_Sandoval_, _Rev. Polít._, 58.

[XXXII-55] Aside from some furniture, arms, etc., their
hammocks, nets, cotton goods, and pottery, are all made
in a very primitive manner. There is no skill whatever.
_Fernandez_, _Col. Doc._, iii. 366-8; _Costa R._, _Censo_,
1864, p. xxv. Beer and rum are also made, the latter said
to be a good imitation of Jamaica; distilling rum is a govt
monopoly. _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 53; _Costa R._,
_Col. Ley._, v. 122-45; xi. 331-46.

[XXXII-56] Subsidies granted in 1885 for silk culture and
manufacturing paper, rebozos, cotton goods, and sacks.
_Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Aug. 2, 5, 12, 13, 1885; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Sept. 9, 1885.

[XXXII-57] An official report for 1882 gave the following
as about the extent of such industry in that year: 1,600
rush hats and 1,600 of jipijapa, 200 M tiles, 7 M jars, 525
M bricks. _Pan._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, 1882, annex L. It is
said that a factory for making carriages was opened in 1885.
_Pan. Star and Herald_, Jan. 5, 1886.

[XXXIII-1] Two or three vessels at most came every year to
Acajutla from Peru with wines, olive oil, and other articles
for the table, and 200,000 or 300,000 pesos in specie for the
purchase of indigo. From Cuba came eight or ten vessels with
petty cargoes of rum, onions, etc., the average worth being
$5,000 or $6,000. They each took back, besides indigo, 30,000
or 40,000 pesos in coin and in gold and silver bullion.
_Mex._, _Gaceta_, 1804-5, xii. 178-80; _Cancelada_, _Ruina
N. Esp._, 48-9; _Córtes_, _Col. Doc._, ii. 341; _Henderson's
British Hond._, 30-1, 35; _Guat._, _Apuntam._, 136-41;
_Nic. y Hond._, _Docs._, 11-12; _Arrillaga_, _Informe_, in
_Cedulario_, iv. 60-1; _Urrutia_, _Modelo_, 2-3; _Guat._,
_Gaz._, vii. 293-320, passim; iii. 70, 464, 504.

[XXXIII-2] This hybrid commerce was effected through Belize
and Curaçoa; and also by foreign whalers at Realejo and
Acajutla, where they were wont to enter with the pretext of
procuring water and fresh stores, and while in port sold
English goods, receiving in return copper, wool, sugar,
cacao, etc. _Humboldt_, _Essai Polít._, ii. 467-73.

[XXXIII-3] _Bustamante_, _Voz de la Patria_, iv. no. 18, 4-8;
_Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 745-7; ii. 301; _U. S. Gov. Doc._,
H. Ex. Doc., 75, 215-16, x., Cong. 31, Sess. 1; _Squier's
Trav._, i. 44-5.

[XXXIII-4] In 1853 the several governments entered into
contracts with the Central Am. Steam Navigation Co., an
American concern, to run a line of steamers once a month
between Iztapam in Guatemala and Panamá, touching at
Acajutla, La Libertad, La Union, Amapala, Realejo, San Juan
del Sur, and Puntarenas, for the conveyance of passengers,
merchandise, and mails at fixed rates, each government paying
a subsidy, and allowing exemptions from port dues and other
privileges. The service began early in 1854, and continued
with repeated trips in each month, first by the Panamá
Railway Company's steamers, and subsequently by those of
the U. S. Pac. Mail Steamship Company. _Costa R._, _Boletin
Ofic._, Feb. 16, 1854; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, xii. 256-7;
_Salv._, _Gac._, Jan. 20, 1854; _Id._, _El Rol_, Dec. 1,
1854; _Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc._, 44; _Hunt's Merchants' Mag._,
xxiii. 113.

[XXXIII-5] Guatemala: chief articles of export, cochineal,
coffee, cotton, wool, sugar, India-rubber, hides, and indigo;
also rice, mules, cacao, pork, horns, timber, sarsaparilla,
vanilla, tobacco, etc. Cochineal at one time was a great
staple, the export being nearly 68,000 centals in 1860-4,
and about 59,000 centals in 1870-4; reduced to about 2,845
in 1879-83. The principal importations were comestibles,
wines and liquors, cotton, linen, woollen, and silk fabrics,
clothing, hats, fancy goods, furniture, arms, articles for
agric., arts, and sciences. Arms, lead, and gunpowder might
not be imported without special permission of the govt.
Some articles were exempt from duty, such as material for
ship-building, instruments for medicine, surgery, science,
schools, arts, implements of agric., machinery, and tools for
manuf., steam-engines, money, gold, silver, guano, mineral,
coal, etc. Articles of luxury paid an import duty; foreign
manufactures entered with a high duty. Small amounts should
be paid at the time of entry in cash; and larger sums, part
at the adjustment of the duties, and the rest in instalments
of from one to three months. The republic has several ports
open to foreign commerce on both oceans; namely, Santo Tomás,
Livingston, and Golfo Dulce, which is navigable only for
vessels of light draught, on the Atlantic, and San José,
San Luis, Champerico, and Ocós on the Pacific. Iztapam
or Independencia was closed in 1853, and the custom-house
removed to the roadstead of San José, which is sheltered by
a bold breakwater. Actual value of foreign trade: imports,
1851-7, $7,672,682; 1860-4, $6,268,227; 1871-5, $12,304,289;
1876-80, $15,054,152. The average of importations in the
five years 1880-4 was $2,700,000. The largest importations
in 1883 were from G. Britain, including Belize, $884,205;
U. S., $529,458; France, $149,687; Germany, $128,296;
Switzerland, $76,278; Spain, $65,470; China, $54,855. The
rest from Belgium, Cent. Am., Italy, Colombia, and Denmark.
The war between Guat. and Salv., and revolution in Pan.,
paralyzed trade in 1885. It is noticed that notwithstanding
the greater proximity and wealth of the U. S., Guatemala's
commercial relations are greater with England. Exports:
1851-7, $9,613,099; 1860-4, $7,386,541; 1870-4, $12,418,083;
1879-83, $22,552,867. Coffee loomed up from none in 1860-4,
695,671 centals in 1870-4, to 1,519,494 centals in 1879-83.
Sugar was also a prominent staple, followed by India-rubber.
The number of merchant vessels which visited Guat. ports on
the Pac. during 1883 were 7 steamers of the Pac. Mail S. Co.,
which made their periodical trips; 3 stmrs. of the Kosmos
(German) line, to which special privileges were granted by
the Guat. govt, in 1882. Sailing vessels, 6 Am., 1 Eng., 6
French, 3 German, and 1 Salvadoran. To Livingston, on the
Atlantic, came monthly 4 Am. and one Eng. steamer. Seven
vessels did coasting trade under the Eng. flag. Vessels
arrived in 1884, 171 with 173,982 tons; departed 168 with
173,758 tons, carrying away 109,402 packages of merchandise
and products of the country.

Honduras: exports consisted of bullion, mahogany, and other
woods, hides, sarsaparilla, tobacco, cattle, and indigo;
the imports, of cottons, silk, hardware, etc. The chief
ports are Omoa and Trujillo on the Atlantic, and Amapala
on the Pacific. Values of imports: 1856, $750,000, chiefly
from Great Britain; 1867, $750,000; 1873, $1,000,000; 1877,
$640,000; 1880, $750,000; 1882-3, $2,885,000; 1886, from
$2,000,000 to $2,500,000. The tariff was low. Exports:
1856, $825,000; 1867, $825,000; 1872-3, $2,370,000;
1876, $1,234,983; 1877, $595,000; 1880, $650,000; 1882-3,
$3,415,000; 1886, $2,000,000 to $2,500,000. British Hond.
or Belize: imports: 1873, $1,183,074; 1878-81, $1,923,000,
nearly two thirds from G. Britain, and the rest from the U.
S. Exports: $1,251,000, about two thirds to G. Britain, and
the rest to the U. S. The principal exports to the latter
country were woods, raw sugar, fruits, nuts, coffee, drugs
and dyes, rubber, hides, etc.

Salvador: articles of export, indigo, coffee, sugar, tobacco,
caoutchouc, rebozos, balsam, hides, and cotton. Imports:
comestibles, wines and liquors, cotton, linen, woollen,
and silk fabrics, hardware, etc. The ports of entry were La
Union, La Libertad, and Acajutla. Imported goods pay duties
according to the tariff, which were mostly specific, but many
articles paid, besides, 20 per cent ad valorem. Products
of the other Central American states on being imported,
reciprocity existing, paid only 4 per cent ad val. Articles
intended for the development of industries and education
were exempt. The importation of arms, without special leave
of the government, alcohol and common rum, cognac, gin,
absinthe, aniseseed, coriander, sassafras, saltpetre, and
obscene images was forbidden. Products of the country were
free from export dues, except indigo, ores, gold and silver
bullion, and jewelry. Import values: 1855-61, $6,816,879;
1864, $1,233,711; 1866-8, $5,799,912; 1871-4, $12,869,514;
1877, $2,186,000; 1880-3, $5,750,000. Exports: the greater
part to Great Britain, the U. S. occupying the second place:
1855-61, $8,831,990; 1864-8, $13,931,675, cotton counting
somewhat among the exports during the war in the U. S.; but
after its termination this staple ceased to figure; 1871-8,
$29,206,953; 1880-3, $8,708,000.

Nicaragua: principal markets, U. S., Eng., France, and Cent.
Am.; chief exports, coffee, India-rubber, cattle, hides,
and gold; also cabinet and dye woods, indigo, sugar, rum,
cacao, dairy products, gums, pearl and tortoise shells, etc.
Ports San Juan del Norte, San Juan del Sur, and Realejo or
Corinto. The first named was declared a free port in 1860.
Import values: 1861-73, $3,355,600, exclusive of coin, and
not including the years 1870-2. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 21,
1874. Lévy, a good authority, gives the imports for 1865-71
at $6,275,324, adding that in the first two years the
balance of trade was against Nic. to the amount of $453,429;
1873-6, $4,313,876; 1877-80, $5,117,661; 1881-4, $7,157,525;
these figures include about half a million dollars in coin.
Wholesale merchants sold at long terms, often 18 months;
most of the buyers disposed of the goods at once, with 20
per ct loss, but for cash, and during 17 months' use of the
capital making as much as 50 per ct profit, which enabled
them to pay for the merchandise originally bought. Exports:
1861-73, $4,153,677, without including for 1871-2. Lévy
has for 1865-71, $6,789,841; 1873-6, $5,694,009; 1877-80,
$6,303,589; 1881-4, $8,926,965. In view of the fall in the
price of coffee in late years in foreign markets, and of the
decrease in the production of rubber, there was cause to fear
that the day was not distant when the balance of trade would
be against Nic., unless with the facilities afforded by the
railroads the exportations of timber and dye-woods should be
greatly developed, as expected. The exports of cattle to the
other states of Cent. Am. have become quite considerable.
The two chief centres of internal trade were Granada and
Leon, which supplied their own departments. Chontales was
supplied from the former, Segovia from the latter, Matagalpa
from both. Rivas and Chinandega imported a portion of their
supplies, buying the rest respectively at Granada and Leon.
Rivas furnished cacao; Jinotepeque and Chinandega, sugar;
Leon, corn and salt; Masaya and other towns, edibles.

Costa Rica imported cotton, linen, woollen, and silk fabrics,
fancy articles, comestibles, wines, liquors, and other
things, from England, France, U. S., etc., and exported
chiefly coffee, tortoise-shells, hides, rubber, vanilla,
sarsaparilla, timber, etc. Her ports for foreign trade are at
present Limon on the Atlantic, and Puntarenas on the Pacific;
the latter being, down to 1883, almost the only port of Costa
Rica; but of late the former, owing to railroad facilities,
has obtained the first rank; shipments through Puntarenas
being mainly of produce from Esparta, and other places near
it. It was a free port at one time, but ceased to be such
in Jan. 1861. In earlier years Matina and Caldera had been
open ports, and even Guanacaste was made a free port in 1848.
Port Limon was created in Oct. 1852; it has a free zone under
decrees passed in 1883. Costa Rica's import values: 1845,
$463,000, through Matina and Puntarenas; 1852-9, $7,330,398;
1864, $1,718,000; 1871, $2,225,000; 1873-4, $6,980,000;
1877, about $2,000,000; 1880-3, $7,220,000. Exports: 1845,
$631,700; 1852-9, $7,458,913; 1864, $1,812,682; 1868,
$2,189,118; 1871, $2,288,450; 1873-4, $8,192,517; 1877,
$5,308,000; May 1, 1879, to Apr. 30, 1881, $7,724,810;
1882-3, $6,470,000. The exports of coffee from Puntarenas
and Limon in 1884 were 191,719 centals. Large quantities of
bananas were also exported from Limon. Vessels arrived in
1882-3, at Limon 86, at Puntarenas 75; in 1883-4, at Limon
77, at Puntarenas 110. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
i. 147; _Baily's Cent. Am._, 158; _Squier's Cent. Am._,
269-70, 310, 458-9, 471-2, 526; _Squier's Travels_, i. 83;
_Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 31-3, 64-6; _Belly_, _Nic._, i.
93; _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guatém._, 34-7, 51-4, 168-9,
261-3, 436; _Am. Cyclop._, v. 290, 395; viii. 790; xiv. 610;
_Montúfar_, _Resúmen Hist._, v. 519; _Encyclop. Brit._ (Am.
ed.), vi. 398; xii. 135-6; _El Guatemalteco_, March 19, May
19, 1884; _Wappäus_, _Mex. und Cent. Am._, 322, 359; _Jülfs_,
_Die Seehäfen_, 36; _Lévy_, _Nic._, 512, 516-17; _Batres'
Sketch Guat._, 862-6, 73; _Camp's Year-Book_, 1861, 527;
_Salv._, _Constitucional_, no. 6; _Id._, _Diario Ofic._,
June 3, 7, Oct. 21, 1875; March 4, 1876; Sept. 17, 1878,
suppl.; Jan. 11, May 3, 1879; _Id._, _Gac._, Aug. 12, 1853;
Oct. 27, 1876; Feb. 27, 1877; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 23,
1865; Dec. 15, 1866; Aug. 22, 1868; March 12, 1870; _Id._,
_Decretos_, 1869-70, 141-4; _Id._, _Boletin Ofic._, March 8,
1862; _Id._, _Mem. Min. Fomento_, for years 1867-71; _Id._,
_Mem. Min. Hac._, 1871-83; _Presid. Cárdenas_, _Mensaje_,
Jan. 15, 1885; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, i. 771, 785-92; _Id._,
_Gob. Democ._, i. 2-3; _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Hac._, for years
1880-4; _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, for years 1883-5; _U. S.
Gov. Docs._, _Comm. Rel._, for years 1856-77; _Id._, H. Ex.
Doc., Cong. 43, Sess. 1, vol. i. years 1873-4, 440-7; Sess.
2, xvi. 188-95, 200; Cong. 46, Sess. 2, xxv. pt 1, 27; Cong.
47, Sess. 1, xiv. 38; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, iv. 112-14; v.
232-4; vi. 301-3; x. 78-9, 142-4, 148-57; xvi. 199-200; xvii.
135-6; _Id._, _Col. Dispos. Legisl._, 1878, 113-14; _Id._,
_Mem. Sec. Hac._, 1853, 11-12; 1875, 34; 1880, annexes 15-23;
1883, annexes 11-12; 1884, 24, 246-66, 304, 308; _Id._,
_Informe Sec. Obras Púb._, 1878, 15-17; _Id._, _Informe Sec.
Agric._, 1879, 22, and table 4; 1880, 23-4; _Id._, _Gaceta
Gob._, Jan. 26, Feb. 16, 1850; _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Marina_,
1883, 7, and two tables, annex 5; _Id._, _Regl. Franquicias_,
1883, 1-15; _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 23, 1881; Sept. 13,
1882; Jan. 17, Feb. 1, 17, March 23, 1883; March 8, 15, Dec.
16, 1884; March 9, Oct. 24, 1885; June 2, 1886; _La Estrella
de Pan._, Nov. 6, 1884; _Samayoa, J. M._, _Apuntam._, 1885,
5.

[XXXIII-6] The principal fairs were held at Chalatenango, San
Vicente, and San Miguel, in Salvador. That of San Miguel took
place in November, and lasted two weeks. There was another
fair at the same town about the beginning of Feb., to which,
as well as to the former one, large numbers of cattle were
taken from Hond. and Nic. In Guat. annual fairs were held in
several places; namely, Esquipulas, where large quantities
of merchandise were sold; it was also a cattle fair; Rabinal
in Vera Paz, for dry goods; Mazatenango, for cattle, cacao,
dry goods, etc.; San Pedro Ayampuk; Sololá, for dry goods,
fruit, and stock; Quezaltenango and Chimaltenango, for
woollen manufactures. In Jocotenango a fair was held every
Aug. In later times fairs have been authorized at several
other places, to wit, at the hippodrome, near the capital,
Salcajá, Santa Cruz del Quiché, Jalapa, Santa Rosa, and San
Pedro Pinula. _Squier's Cent. Am._, 309-530; _Guat._, _Mem.
Sec. Fomento_, 1882, 38; 1885, 39-40; _Pan. Star and Herald_,
Sept. 14, 1885.

[XXXIII-7] The Am. Atlantic and Pacific Ship Canal Co. of
New York, of which Vanderbilt and White were the chief
owners, undertook to construct an interoceanic canal.
Their contract with the Nic. govt involved the privilege to
the company of exclusive steam navigation in the interior
waters, meaning Lake Nicaragua. The company concluded to
separate this privilege from the rest of the contract, and
succeeded, Aug. 1851, in obtaining from the Nic. govt the
monopoly of transit from San Juan del Norte to San Juan del
Sur. It is unnecessary to go into details as to how this
was consummated; suffice it to say, it was by fostering the
intestine war then raging. _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc.,
75, 141-5, x., Cong. 31, Sess. 1; _Id._, Sen. Doc., 68,
84-103, xiii., Cong. 34, Sess. 1; _Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc._,
45; _Stout's Nic._, 272-91; _Wells' Walker's Exped._, 203-5;
_Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 210-11; _Scherzer_, _Cent. Am._,
245-6.

[XXXIII-8] The first steamboat used in Nic. waters was
the _Orus_, wrecked on the Machuca rapids; the next, the
_Director_, was worked over the rapids, and plied on the lake
for several years, being the sole transport for passengers
from San Cárlos to La Vírgen. The increase of the Transit
company's business brought the _Central America_ and other
steamers. _Nic._, _Corr. Ist._, Sept. 5, 1850; _Stout's
Nic._, 65-6.

[XXXIII-9] The particulars of this transaction appear
elsewhere. Previous to this, in 1854, there had been serious
differences between the gov. of Nic. and the company, about
the settlement of accounts, and even then the govt threatened
to cancel the charter. _Guat._, _Gaceta_, May 13, July 8,
1853; _Perez_, _Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic._, 55-6; _Id._, _Mem.
Camp. Nac._, 27-30; _El Nicaragüense_, Feb. 23, 1856.

[XXXIII-10] In 1858 the Nic. govt confiscated the company's
property, and the next year made the transit free to all
nations. However, under a subsequent arrangement between
it and the original Transit co., under the name of Cent.
American Transit Co., ratified in March 1861, the latter
agreed to reopen the route; but failing to do it within
the required time, the govt seized all the property, as
agreed in the contract. The matter was settled in diplomatic
correspond. with the U. S. govt in 1863. _Rocha_, _Cód.
Nic._, ii. 133-4, 141-2; _Nic._, _Dec. y Acuerdos_, 1857-8,
44-5; 1859, ii. 78-9; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 16, 1864. The
company renewed its operations, and continued them until
annihilated by the overland railway to S. F., in 1869.
_Lévy_, _Nic._, 434.

[XXXIII-11] Costa R. in 1872 forbade the navigation of the
Colorado River by Hollenbeck & Co. _Nic._, _La Union_, June
29, 1861; _Id._, _Dec. y Ac._, 1861, iv. 57-68; 1869-70,
100-6; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Aug. 8, 1868; March 12, July 23, Aug.
20, 1870; Dec. 7, 1872; _Id._, _Mem. Min. Guerra_, 1872, 12;
_Semanal Nic._, Dec. 5, 1872; _El Porvenir de Nic._, May 26,
June 2, 1872. Trade between Granada and San Juan del Norte
was continued in piraguas and steamers, the former measuring
from 15 to 25 tons. There were river and lake steamers.
Merchandise was first transferred at San Cárlos, and often in
the summer a second time at the Castillo. For some time the
steamboat plying in the lower part of the river passed by the
Colorado branch because of scanty water in the San Juan.

[XXXIII-12] _Costa R._, _Informe Obras Púb._, for years
1876-80; _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, years 1883-4; _Belly_,
_Nic._, i. 321; _Lévy_, _Nic._, 412; _Nic._, _Mem. Min.
Guerra_, 1875, pp. x.-xv.; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Apr. 2,
1881; Feb. 1, 2, 1883; _Id._, _Cronista_, Jan. 20, 1883;
_Salv._, _Gac. Ofic._, Sept. 5, 7, 1876; _Presid. Barrios_,
_Mensaje_, 1876, 39-60; _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, _Gob.
Democ._, 10-12; _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, for years 1880-5.

[XXXIII-13] Gold pieces of 10, 5, 2, and one dollar, the
first named having the weight of 16,120 grammes. In former
years it coined gold ounces with the weight of 25,836
grammes, worth $16, and halves, quarters, eighths, and
sixteenths; silver peso, and its subdivisions worth 50, 25,
10, and 5 cts. Copper one-cent pieces containing 95 parts of
copper and 5 of nickel. Silver in coins of 10 and 5 cts in
legal tender only to the sum of $100; and cents not exceeding
100. The money coined in Costa Rica in the years 1829-82 has
been as follows: gold, $2,351,808; silver, $56,648; total,
$2,922,138. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 41; _Costa R._,
_Gaceta_, Nov. 21, 1885; _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Hac._, 1883, annex
no. 10.

[XXXIII-14] There is a nominal money used in retail trade
called peso sencillo, worth 80 cents. The old Costa R.
doubloon passes for $14.40 only, and the subdivisions in
proportion. The new Costa R. piece of $5 is worth only $4.50.
Chilian and Colombian condors pass for $9. _Lévy_, _Nic._,
370-1, 521.

[XXXIII-15] It paralyzed foreign trade, became depreciated,
and caused other evils. _Montúfar_, _Res. Hist._, iii.
277. The govt endeavored to retire this coin by a gradual
redemption every year.

[XXXIII-16] Foreign coins pass at their true valuation. Very
little money leaves Honduras. _Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._, May
20, 1853; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 272; _Wells' Hond._, 567-72.

[XXXIII-17] In former times there was the ounce of $16 and
its subdivisions, and the silver peso with its subdivisions
down to medio real, or 6¼ cents. Most of the silver coin in
circulation was the macuquina or cut, which was a nuisance.
The government in 1873 ordered it retired, which was in the
course of time done. The system established in the law of
1870 found favor with the people as regarded gold coin. Not
so with silver; the public clinging to the old denominations,
and refusing to accept base metals which this law had also
provided for.

[XXXIII-18] Standard of the coin 0.900. Weight of the peso 25
grammes.

[XXXIII-19] Mex. eagle $20; its subdivisions in proportion.
Peruvian pieces of $20 and $10, and Colombian condors of $20
and $10, at their face value. Chilian condors of $10, $9.50.
German gold piece of 20 marks, $4.93¾. American, French,
and English gold coins have their full value; though they
generally command a high premium. Further details may be
found in _Guat._, _Recop. Ley._, ii. 578-82; _Id._, _Gob.
Dem._, i. 83, 197; _Salv._, _Diario_, Dec. 14, 1878.

[XXXIII-20] There were in 1883 two banks, the Internacional
and Colombiano, in the city of Guatemala; both having ample
capital for a time stood high. The former, founded in 1878,
suspended in 1885. The latter, founded in 1879 by capitalists
who were mostly Colombians, has no agencies, and limits
its operations within the capital of the republic, and to
the sale of bills of exchange on foreign markets. There was
also the Banco de Occidente at Quezaltenango with a capital
of $100,000; its main object being to assist agriculture
and manufactures in the wealthy departments of Los Altos.
Its standing was somewhat shaken by its bills having been
largely counterfeited in Sept. 1882; but it managed to
weather the storm. The Banco de Nicaragua, a bank of issue,
loans, and discounts, with a capital of $600,000, has been
quite successful. It was chartered in May 1871. The Banco
Anglo-Costaricense went into operation at Managua in 1873,
with a capital of $100,000, under the management of Allan
Wallis. The Banco Internacional of Salvador began business
on the 20th of Aug., 1880, and has since been prosperous,
excepting in 1885, owing to the war with Guatemala, and a
subsequent revolution. However, the results of the first
six months were satisfactory. In 1867 the Banco Nacional de
Costa Rica went into operation at San José, with a capital of
$500,000, and power to increase it to one million dollars,
under a contract for ten years between John Thompson and
the government. Dec. 1, 1876, the government decreed the
statutes of the Banco de Emision, with a capital of $500,000
secured with mortgages on real estate to the amount of
$1,000,000. But the stockholders failing to pay in the
capital, the government suspended the bank, which had been
operating, and ordered the books transferred to the Banco
Nacional of San José, which was to redeem all notes of that
bank in circulation. The Banco Nacional had been created by
a decree of Dec. 25, 1877, with a capital of $250,000. Its
operations were not to include the issue of notes. A charter
was granted in Jan. 1881, to establish a Banco Hipotecario
Franco-Costaricense with a capital of $500,000. The by-laws
were approved by govt in July 1881. The bank was to have a
branch in Paris. _Batres' Sketch Guat._, 24; _S. F Cronista_,
Feb. 3, 1883; Jan. 31, Apr. 25, 1885; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Aug.
3, 1867; July 8, 1871; _Id._, _Semanal Nic._, Apr. 10, 1873;
_Pan. Star and Herald_, Aug. 3, 1867; Sept. 2, 1885; _Costa
R._, _Col. Ley._, xvii. 45-50, 51-5; xx. 4-19, 110-16, 295-7,
304-6, 311-12; xxiv. 197-205; xxv. 245-60; Id., 1878, 104-6;
1881, 17-26, 64-6, 143-68; _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_,
1882, 37.

[XXXIII-21] In 1809 there was a postal service between
Guatemala and David in Panamá, via Cartago in Costa Rica, by
which route correspondence was kept up with South America.
In 1811 a tri-monthly mail was established between Guat. and
Mex., Merida, the Windward Islands, and Spain. In 1829 there
was a monthly packet between New York and the Isthmus. After
that, some sort of mail service was kept up till it became
regular with the establishment of steamship lines. In 1844
the first mail steamer touched at Chagres, and in 1845 a
line was established between Panamá and Valparaiso. In 1846
a post-route between the two oceans was established under a
grant of the Brit. govt. At this time the U. S. contemplated
establishing a line of steamers from Pan. to Or. via Cal.
The present Pacific Mail Steamship Company was organized in
1847 for that purpose, and on the 5th of Oct. their pioneer
steamship, the _California_, went to sea, followed at short
intervals by the _Panamá_ and _Oregon_. At the inception
of the enterprise, success was looked for only from the
agricultural resources of the Pacific coast. The discovery
of gold in Cal. secured that success. The company kept up the
service between N. Y. and Colon, and between Panamá and S. F.
via Acapulco and Manzanilla, and later sent ships to China.
_Niles' Reg._, xxxvii. 242; _Pan. Constitucional del Istmo_,
Oct. 30, 1834; _Mayer's Mex. as it Was, etc._, 369-74;
_Pan._, _El Movimiento_, Dec. 22, 1844; _Seemann's Hist. Ist.
Pan._, in _Pan. Star and Herald_, Apr. 17, 1847; _Crosby's
Statem._, MS., 3-10.

[XXXIII-22] Costa R. has been quite successful. The number
of pieces received at and forwarded by the main office at
San José in 1883 were 1,377,243, against 549,096, in 1880,
and 1,172,259, in 1882. In Nic. the service is a source of
considerable expense to the govt. In 1861-2, the expenses
were only $5,349. In 1881-2, $39,327; the receipts $19,476,
leaving a deficit of $19,851. This is owing to long distances
and sparse population. In Hond. the exchange of mail matter
amounted in 1880 to 937,331 pieces; the expenses of the
department, $17,102. In Guat. the aggregate amount of mail
matter was as follows: 1880, 835,906; 1881, 1,039,652; 1882,
1,400,043; 1883, 2,111,366; 1884, 2,912,411. The receipts
in 1884, $48,342; expend. $46,017. The appropriation for
the fiscal year 1886-7 was computed at $58,812. _Costa R._,
_Mem. Sec. Gobern._, years 1883-4; _Id._, _Guerra_, 1880,
1883; _Id._, _Hac._, 1884; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 3, 1885;
_Pan. Canal_, Jan. 13, 1883; _Id._, _Star and Herald_, July
2, 1881; Feb. 8, 1883; Sept. 9, 1885; _Nic._, _Informe Sec.
Hac._, 1875; _Id._, _Id._, 1883; _Id._, _Mem. Sec. Gobern._,
1883; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Feb. 18, Nov. 30, 1875;
July 12, Nov. 2, 1878; March 5, 1879; _Guat._, _Mem. Sec.
Fomento_, 1880-5; _Id._, _Presupuesto Gen._, 1886, 18-19;
_Encyc. Brit._, xvi. 492; _El Guatemalteco_, Feb. 2, Sept.
24, 1884; _Batres' Sketch Guat._, 69-76.

[XXXIII-23] _Crosby's Statem._, MS., 3-10. At the sailing
of the _Panamá_ there were 2,000 persons to embark for
S. F.; four steamships to sail for the same destination;
namely, _Sarah Sands_, _Carolina_, _Isthmus_, and _Gold
Hunter_. Early in the summer of the same year there were
4,000 passengers waiting for vessels to take them to Cal.,
in a place which could hardly afford accommodations for 100.
Hundreds of deaths occurred. _Pan. Star_, March 29, 1850;
_Sac. Placer Times_, i., Apr. 26, 1850; _Advent. of a Capt.'s
Wife_, 18; _Cal. Courier_, Sept. 14, 1850. The steamer _W.
H. Aspinwall_ then began to ply on the River Chagres, between
Chagres and Gorgona, which did away with the bongos nuisance.
_Sac. Transcript_, March 14, 1851.

[XXXIII-24] 1850-5 were years of brisk business for the
Isthmus. Gold circulated so abundantly that few did not
handle gold coin. Provisions ruled high. Silver was so
scarce that in 1850 a five-dollar gold piece could buy only
40 dimes. Americans said that Panamá was a better place for
business than S. F. _Maldonado_, _Anales Polít. Pan._, MS.,
7.

[XXXIII-25] 1852-66: passengers, 517,852; gold and silver,
$849,157,076; paper money, $19,062,567; jewelry, $513,001;
1855-66: merchandise, mail matter, baggage and coal, 614,535
tons. Mail matter averaged 380 tons yearly. Merchandise
steadily increased from 10,658 tons in 1856, the lowest, to
93,414 tons in 1866, the highest; and coal from 8,934 in 1856
to 13,418 in 1866. In 1860 and 1861, the coal transportation
exceeded 16,000 tons a year. The total tonnage transported
across the road in 1856 was 20,053, which increased every
year till it reached 107,590 tons in 1866. The largest
number of passengers crossed was in 1859, 46,976, nearly
5,000 in excess of 1858; the smallest number was in 1862,
26,420, being 5,280 less than in 1866. The large travel of
1859 was due to great reduction of passage money by steam
lines running in opposition. The gold transported in 1856
was $48,047,692; in 1866, $48,234,463; at no other period
did it equal these amounts. Silver showed a gradual increase
from $9,439,648 in 1856 to $18,653,239, declining in 1866 to
$14,331,751. Paper money was transported by the U. S. govt
during the war. Jewelry varied from $192,718 to $844,490,
but gradually declined. The tariff rates established by the
company Jan. 1, 1865, were as follows: passengers, foreign,
$25 each, children of 6 to 12 years one half, under 6, one
quarter; Colombians, $10 each. Baggage exceeding 50 lb., 5
cts per lb. Merchandise, special rates: 1st class paying 50
cts per cubic foot; 2d to 6th 1½ cts to ¼ cent respectively
per lb. All payments in Am. gold, or its equivalent.
_Otis' Hist. Pan. R. R._, 139-45; _Bidwell's Isth. Pan._,
277-86, 389-93. In 1867, the value of the transit trade in
merchandise and treasure over the route was $92,191,980, and
35,076 passengers. In 1872 the road conveyed 194 millions
pounds of weight, 2½ millions of feet, besides 215,000
gallons of oil, 13,952 of wine, and 13,952 passengers.
_Jülfs_, _Die Seehäfen_, 11. 1878-9, merchandise, 314,220
tons; 1880-4, 1,033,596 tons; the quantity in 1884 was
287,243, not including 10,000 tons of bananas, an increase of
71,518 over 1883. 1880-4, passengers, 1,024,128; the number
in 1884 was 515,520, an excess of 75 per cent over 1883;
the large increase being mainly due to the operations of the
interoceanic canal company, and the transportation of their
vast material. _Pan. Star and Herald_, May 2, 14, 1867; May
17, Sept. 5, 1877; June 23, 1881; Apr. 22, 1885; _S. F. Ev'g
Bulletin_, Apr. 12, 1878; Apr. 2, 1884; _S. F. Chronicle_,
Apr. 3, 1884; _Superint. Burt's Report_, March 7, 1885; _U.
S. Govt Doc._, Comm. Rel., years 1857-77.

[XXXIII-26] The steamship lines doing such service in 1867
were the following: 1st. The Pacific Mail Co. of N. Y., whose
capital in 1847 was $400,000; raised in 1850 to $2,000,000;
in 1860 to $4,000,000; and in 1866 to $20,000,000; the
lowest estimate of its property being set down in 1867
at $30,000,000. This company has passed through many
vicissitudes, as indicated by the stock market. The highest
rates attained by its shares were 248 in 1863, 325 in 1864,
329 in 1865, 234 in 1866. Every other year they have been
under 200, the highest being in 173½ in 1867. From that time
they sank very low, even to 16¼ cents in 1876, the highest
that year being 39¼. 2d. Brit. and W. India and Pac. running
between Liverpool, W. Ind., W. coast of S. and Cent. Am., and
Colon. 3d. Brit. Royal Mail, between Southampton, W. Ind.,
eastern coast of Mexico, S. and Cent. Am., and Colon. 4th.
Brit. Pan., New Zealand, and Australia. 5th. Brit. Pac. Steam
Navigation Co., between Pan. and ports of Colombia, Ecuador,
Peru, Bolivia, and Chile. 6th. Pan. R. Road Co.'s steamers
between Pan. and Acapulco, touching at all Cent. Am. ports.
This line finally was merged in the Pacific Mail Co. 7th. Am.
Cal. Or. and Mex. Co.'s line running between S. F. and Mex.,
and between S. F. and Portland, Or., and Island of Vancouver.
It was afterward discontinued. 8th. French Transatlantic
Co. running between St Nazaire in France, W. Ind., Mex., and
Colon. 9th. German line. In 1871 the following arrivals of
vessels occurred: steamers, Brit., 84, with 158,579 tons;
Am., 25, with 66,813 tons; German, 36, with 42,740 tons;
French, 24, with 15,782. Sailing vessels, 56 Brit., 43 Am.,
12 German, 4 French, 8 Italian, 112 Colombian, mostly small.
Grand total of tonnage, 316,271 tons. _Otis' Hist. Pan. R.
R._, 50-6, 148-60, 169-232; _Pan. Star and Herald_, May 2,
1867; Apr. 14, 1877; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, Comm. Rel., 1871-2,
252, 263; _Bidwell's Isth. Pan._, 353-7. The author of the
last-quoted work was British vice-consul at Panamá, and
enjoyed leisure and opportunity for gathering facts from many
sources, concerning the past and present history of Panamá,
as well as on her resources, trade, etc. The arrangement of
the book, as he acknowledges, is defective, there being no
order—chronological or other—in the information he gives. The
description of the social and political condition of the city
and country, to the time of his writing, is quite accurate.

[XXXIII-27] Between 1825 and 1830 the expense of conveying a
bale of goods overland, including duties and taxes, was $10
or $12.

[XXXIII-28] In 1820 it was deplorable. _Córtes_, _Diario_,
1820, iv. 180-2; _Gordon's Hist. and Geog. Mem._, 48-9.

[XXXIII-29] It was said that $45,000,000 of English
manufactures unlawfully crossed the Isthmus for Sp. Am.
between 1810 and 1817. _Arrillaga_, _Inf._, in _Cedulario_,
iv. no. 1, 72; _Alaman_, _Hist. Méj._, iv. 473-4.

[XXXIII-30] Communication was kept up on the Atlantic side
with Jamaica by a Brit. man-of-war which twice a month
carried letters and specie; with Cartagena by government
vessels bimonthly; and with the same and other points by
independent traders. On the Pacific traffic was better along
the whole coast. In 1825 the spirit of enterprise was rash.
Exclusive of small coasters, there came to Chagres 1 ship,
7 brigs from France, 21 schooners from the W. Indies, 6
schooners from the U. S., and 3 from Cartagena. In 1828,
these numbers were reduced to about 20 all together. In the
same years the entries at Panamá were respectively 17 and 24
vessels. In 1830 trade was in a state of stagnation. _Lloyd's
Notes Isth. Pan._, in _Roy. Geog. Soc._, i. 96-7; _Niles'
Reg._, xxxviii. 141.

[XXXIII-31] Bocas del Toro was also made a free port. _El
Arco Iris_, July 25, 1847; _Molina_, _der Freistaat, Costa
R._, 58-9; _S. F. Californian_, ii., Sept. 29, 1847.

[XXXIII-32] The passengers from Cal. no longer remained in
Pan., but were hurried off to Colon; thus the expenditure
formerly made by the thousands of passengers ceased. Many
business houses had to close in 1855 and 1856. Later the
influx of passengers from Europe, who stop longer at Panamá,
helped to support the hotels, etc. _Bidwell's Isth. Pan._,
263.

[XXXIII-33] A portion of the imports was paid for in
remittances of specie, or in bills on Europe, sold from time
to time by foreign men-of-war and steamship companies. The
amount of exports may be augmented some $100,000 by produce
sold to steamship companies. Besides pearls and pearl shells,
ivory, nuts, and India-rubber figured considerably among
the exports. The recklessness with which the rubber-trees
have been cut down has reduced the production in 1886 to
an insignificant quantity. The imports from 1856 to 1863
inclusive reached $6,386,135; the exports from 1857 to
1863 probably $5,000,000 or $6,000,000. Data on this point
are unreliable. _U. S. Govt Doc._, Comm. Rel., 1859-61;
_Bidwell's Isth. Pan._, 265-7, 277-8; _Pan. Star and Herald_,
May 2, 1867.

[XXXIII-34] Adopted in 1853. _Pan._, _Crónica Ofic._, Aug.
20, 1853.

[XXXIII-35] The national government of Colombia, on the 3d
of May, 1861, decreed that the notes of the National Bank,
silver coin of the fineness of 0.500, and nickel coin, should
be the only legal tender receivable at public offices of the
nation, states, and department of Panamá. The enforcement
of the decree in Panamá, where the money in circulation is
sufficient for all purposes, is deemed ruinous, as the paper
thus forced into circulation is irredeemable. There are no
manufactures nor products that merchants can send abroad
in payment of the articles of daily necessity which are
imported. _Pan. Star and Herald_, May 31, 1886.

[XXXIII-36] _Dunlop's Cent. Am._, 39-40; _Wagner_, _Costa
R._, 458-65; _Squier's Cent. Am._, 457. The exportation of
shells on a large scale upon the coasts of the mainland,
gulfs, and islands was farmed out in Oct. 1885, to a private
party for 16 years, the lessee paying for the privilege as
follows: 1st. $1,000 a year during the first six years, and
$2,000 a year for each of the other ten. 2d. $6 for every
1,000 kilog. of pearl shells taken out in the first six
years, and $8 per 1,000 kilog. the next ten years. _Costa
R._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 7, 1885.

[XXXIII-37] _Findlay_, _Directory_, i. 236. _J. Laferrière_,
_De Paris à Guatémala_; _Notes de Voyages au Centre Amérique_,
Paris, 1877, fol. 448 pp., 4 sheets, and wood-cuts, is
a narrative of a commercial traveller of three journeys
to and through the five republics of Cent. Am., in 1866,
1870, and 1874-5, containing general information on their
history and resources, agriculture, and other industries,
and the character, manner, and customs of their inhabitants.
Statistical tables, and numerous cuts of important towns
and of natives are accompanied. The style is plain, clear,
and concise, and the mode of treatment shows an intelligent
observer. In an unpretentious manner the author gives much
that is valuable on those countries.

[XXXIII-38] The information which has reached us for the
years previous to 1817 is both meagre and contradictory.
One authority has it that Spain undoubtedly received every
year till 1809 a net revenue of a little over 50,000 pesos;
another claims that a yearly allowance of 150,000 pesos came
from the treasury of New Spain. _Torrente_, _Revol. Hisp.
Am._, i. 23-5; _Mex._, _Mem. Sec. Hac._, 1875, 65. In 1812
the Sp. córtes abolished the tribute till then exacted from
the Indians. _Córtes_, _Diario_, 1811-12, xi. 376.

[XXXIII-39] Including 157,681 pesos from excise, 3,872 pesos
from gunpowder, and 256,975 from tobacco. During those five
years the tobacco monopoly had sales amounting to 2,920,316
pesos, the expenses being 1,325,869 pesos, leaving a clear
profit to the treasury of 1,594,447 pesos, or an average of
318,890 pesos a year. _Dunn's Guat._, 214.

[XXXIII-40] 'Habia desaparecido durante la esclavitud del
imperio.' _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._, i. 140.

[XXXIII-41] The public debt amounted to $3,726,144, and
the yearly expenses were nearly $900,000, to meet which the
revenue was totally inadequate. The several states were in no
better condition, inasmuch as the revenue from stamped paper,
rum, excise, and other small sources, which had been assigned
them, was not enough for their needs.

[XXXIII-42] A security for the payment of the interest and
of the sinking fund to extinguish the principal, the revenue
from tobacco and customs was hypothecated. Under the contract
the interest was payable quarterly together with $50,000 for
the sinking fund. It was calculated that the debt would be
extinguished in twenty years, and that the interest would
come to $482,571. _El Indicador de Guat._, Apr. 21, May 18,
1826; _Guat._, _Mem. Min. Hac._, 1830-1.

[XXXIII-43] A natural result of selling $100 bonds at $30,
and paying $100 the next year. The govt was shamefully
swindled by the few men who had a share in the transactions.
_Id._, 1846, 51-6. On the other hand, the funds received from
the loan were misapplied. _Marure_, _Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am._,
142-7.

[XXXIII-44] Direct imposts: Guatemala's sources of revenue
were 3 per thousand on the assessed value of real estate,
military, and road taxes. Several others existing as late as
1882, such as a tax on sugar-cane, were suppressed. Indirect
duties on imports and exports, and port charges paid by
ships. Stamped paper, slaughtering cattle, imposts on native
flour, salt, inheritances, and endowments, and 5 per ct on
sales and transfers of real estate. Monopoly of spirituous
liquors, tobacco since 1879, gunpowder, and saltpetre. To
these are to be added a number of other means of lesser
import, but which in the aggregate yield considerably over
$100,000.

[XXXIII-45] From the following sources, namely: direct
taxation, $176,908; indirect ditto, $1,916,987; govt
monopolies, $1,549,173; special revenue, $323,212; divers
and extraordinary receipts, $88,577; contracts and divers
negotiations, $2,569,418, being for temporary loans, etc.
The total amount of revenue from customs included in the
item of indirect taxation was $1,485,280, mostly collected
at the general custom-house in Guatemala city; to which
must be added $52,793 collected on the frontiers, $3,734 for
export duties, and $1,530 for port charges. The revenue from
imports in the four preceding years were: 1879, $1,501,729;
1880, $2,008,237; 1881, $211,765; and 1882, $1,679,047.
The total revenue from all sources from 1852 to 1862 footed
up $8,442,835; from 1863 to 1871, $8,547,529; 1871 yielded
only $750,848; 1872-9, $19,571,233; 1880, $4,158,199; 1881,
$4,423,964; 1882, $4,131,945. The net proceeds or actual
revenue from the sale of spirituous liquors for 1878-83 was
$6,178,095; from tobacco, 1879, for licenses, $8,656; 1880,
two months, $32,232; 1881-3, $484,263. The total amount of
municipal revenue throughout the republic was $485,622 in
1883, and $535,364 in 1884. _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Hac._, 1873,
1880-4; _Id._, _Fomento_, 1885.

[XXXIII-46] The outlay in 1855 appears to have been $993,522,
including $317,094 applied to payment of the public debt;
1864, $1,130,708; 1879, $4,526,263, as follows: Ordinary
expenses, $2,728,457; public works, $27,837; advance to the
railway company, $200,000; payment of warrants, reimbursement
of temporary loans, etc., $1,569,969; 1881, $7,313,889, of
which only $3,333,470 was for expenses; $163,241 was for
purchase of tobacco, powder, and saltpetre; the balance to
payment of debts; 1882, $6,503,422, of which $3,414,747 was
for the actual expenses. _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 84-5;
_Camp's Year-Book_, 1869, 1527; _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Hac._,
1880-4.

[XXXIII-47] In order to be enabled to meet expenses, and
payments of the internal debt, the rate of duties on imports
was raised in 1873 and again in 1879. It also established
an export duty of 12½ cents per quintal on coffee. In 1879,
after consolidating the whole debt, 40 per cent of the
customs revenue was reserved for its gradual payment.

[XXXIII-48] The interest and portion of the sinking fund
were made payable twice a year; viz., April 1st and Oct.
1st. After several deductions, the amount actually received
in Guat. was $1,351,069. One of the deductions was of
£15,000 for retiring from the London market £20,000 five per
cent bonds of the federal loan, purchased at 75 per cent.
_Samayoa_, _Apuntam._, 1885, 29-37; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H.
Ex. Doc., Cong. 48, Sess. 1, pt 1, 72; _Mex._, _Informe
Sec. Hac._, 1873, 24-5; _Pan. Canal_, Jan. 13, 1883; _Id._,
_Cronista_, Feb. 21, 1883; _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Hac._, 1880-4.

[XXXIII-49] According to the calculation of the secretary
of the treasury, it had become increased on Apr. 1, 1880, to
$3,404,967.

[XXXIII-50] _Guat. Presupuesto Gen._, 1886, 111-14.

[XXXIII-51] The chief sources are import duties and port
charges, export duty on woods, tax on spirituous liquors,
stamped paper, tobacco, and gunpowder monopoly, etc. Squier,
_Cent. Am._, 271, estimated the revenue in 1856 at about
$250,000; but Astaburuaga, _Cent. Am._, 71-3, sets it down at
$154,248, and deducting $37,713 for loans and other receipts
not belonging to ordinary revenue, and $24,000 for two years'
interest on the English debt, there remained $92,535 to meet
an expenditure calculated at $116,898. The assembly voted
for 1857, $134,253; 1858, $119,852; 1859, $132,912. In 1857
and 1858 $40,000 more had to be added, owing to political
disturbances. _Wappäus_, _Mex. und Cent. Am._, 306. In 1867
the receipts seem to have been about $200,000, exceeding the
expense some $17,000. _Camp's Year-Book_, 1869, 527. Those of
1869 are set down at about $560,000. _Mex._, _Informe Sec.
Hac._, 1873, 88. For 1872 they were estimated at $400,000.
_Am. Cyclop._, viii. 791. According to President Soto's
message in 1883, the revenue in 1881 was $1,120,175, and in
1882, $1,298,878. _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 23, 1883;
June 2, 1886.

[XXXIII-52] It is understood that President Bogran, in his
efforts to diminish the expenditures, reduced in 1886 his own
and other salaries. _Id._, June 2, 1886.

[XXXIII-53] Pres. Soto, in his message of 1883, says
that the opinion prevailed in Europe that Honduras had
been victimized; he believed that in truth and justice
the republic cannot be held responsible for the enormous
debt. Indeed, it is of a very questionable origin. It
was contracted for the alleged purpose of constructing an
interoceanic railway. There were four loans negotiated;
namely, two in London, in 1867, for the nominal amount of
£1,000,000, issued at 80 with 10 per cent interest; another
in 1868 at Paris for the nominal sum of 62,252,700 francs,
issued at 75 and 6 per cent interest, and the last in
London in 1870, for £2,500,000, issued at 80 and 10 per cent
interest. _Am. Cyclop._, viii. 791; _Pan. Star and Herald_,
March 23, 1883; _La Estrella de Pan._, Jan. 10, 1884.

[XXXIII-54] The chief sources were customs, monopoly of
spirituous liquors, tobacco, and gunpowder, stamped paper,
etc. The receipts of 1848-56, including $175,419 for loans
in 1856, were $3,408,068, averaging $359,183 a year; for
1866-9, $3,224,348, or $806,087 per year; for 1870-4,
$4,930,238, or $1,232,560 yearly; for 1875-8, $7,880,316, or
an average of $1,970,079. Expenditures: 1848-56, $3,251,802;
1867-8, $1,468,850; 1873-8, $9,269,113. _Squier's Cent.
Am._, 307; _Salv._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 31, 1851; March 20, 1877;
_Id._, _Diario Ofic._, March 24, 25, 1875; March 13, 14,
1878; _Costa R._, _Boletin Ofic._, March 14, 1855; _Nic._,
_Gaceta_, March 23, 1867; Feb. 22, 1868; _Astaburuaga_,
_Cent. Am._, 76; _Camp's Year-Book_, 1869, 527; _Pan. Star
and Herald_, Apr. 1, 1869; Aug. 29, 1874; May 10, 1875; Feb.
26, 1884; Sept. 29, 1886; _Id._, _Cronista_, Jan. 20, 1883;
_Jülfs_, _Die Seehäfen_, 36; _Mex._, _Informe Sec. Hac._,
1873, 88; _Salv._, _Mem. Min. Hac._, 1875-9; _Laferrière_,
_De Paris à Guatém._, 190-1.

[XXXIII-55] The greater portion was Salvador's share of the
federal debt; which was augmented by several foreign claims
aggregating about $100,000. No interest on the federal debt
had been paid since 1848. _Squier's Cent. Am._, 308.

[XXXIII-56] I find that the republic paid up in 24 years,
prior to 1875, $4,833,775 to cover both the federal debt and
its own—an equivalent of about a million and a quarter every
five years by a population of only 600,000 souls. _Salv._,
_Diario Ofic._, Apr. 6, Aug. 4, Oct. 28, 1875; Oct. 17, 1878;
_Id._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Feb. 15, 1878; _Am. Cyclop._, xiv.
610; _Mex._, _Informe Sec. Hac._, 1873, 25; _Laferrière_,
_De Paris à Guatém._, 191; _Salv._, _Mem. Min. Hac._, 1875;
_Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, Apr. 16, 1874; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Feb. 26, 1884.

[XXXIII-57] The chief sources of revenue are those of
customs, slaughtering cattle, and sales of spirituous
liquors, tobacco, gunpowder, and stamped paper. The total
revenue of 1845 amounted to $74,911, a sum entirely
inadequate to meet the most necessary expenses of the
government. The import duty was 20 per cent ad valorem, to
which was added 8 per cent. The only export duty was 1 to
3 per cent on gold, silver, and precious stones. A transit
duty of 5 per cent was levied on goods passing through
Nic. to the other states. Merchant vessels paid 50 cts per
ton. The total revenue from customs in 1846 was $51,818;
from internal taxation, $3,626; from rum, etc, $24,260. The
revenue from tobacco was pledged to the Brit. govt, in order
to ransom the port of San Juan del Norte. Other sources
were insignificant. Receipts of 1851, $122,686; 1857-60,
$1,327,637; 1861-70, $5,665,877. The tariff of imports was
modified in Dec. 1868, and increased 10 per cent in Feb.
1870. Agricultural implements, materials for mining, and
other articles, were exempted from import duty by a law of
Nov. 2, 1869. The revenue from customs became flourishing,
and yielded in 1883 $1,275,506, due to the law of Sept.
25, 1879, which raised the duties on several articles, and
changed the mode of collecting from ad valorem to weight.
It seems that most goods paid no more under the new system
than formerly; but much fraud was averted. Imports generally
paid 50 per cent ad val. The port of San Juan del Norte and
the Mosquito reservation have a free zone, the merchants of
San Juan paying a tax in lieu of import duties. Receipts of
1871, $958,922; 1873-80, $8,416,879; 1881-2, $3,351,767, an
increase of $951,674 over the preceding two years. _Belly_,
_Nic._, i. 311; _Lévy_, _Nic._, 353-8; _Nic._, _Gaceta_,
March 6, 1863; March 18, Apr. 29, 1865; Jan. 20, 1866; March
21, 1868; Jan. 2, 23, 30, Nov. 6, 1869; May 27, 1871; Jan.
20, 1872; _Id._, _Decretos_, 1869-70, 123; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Feb. 1, 1883.

[XXXIII-58] Expenses of the supreme powers, $112,548;
departments of the interior, $513,069; war, $389,466;
treasury, $1,353,612; foreign relations, $762,457; sundries,
$109,787. During this term was paid $57,586 outstanding from
the preceding, the ordinary expenses of administration; for
improvements, $563,918; and extraordinary expenses caused
by disturbances. The expenditures in 1846 and 1851 were
$106,145 and $173,646, respectively, in both cases creating
deficits; in 1859-60, $652,515; 1861-70, $5,316,951; 1871-2,
$1,721,355; 1873-4, $1,995,040. Those of the following
years kept pace with the increased revenues; but large sums
were appropriated to internal improvements, education, and
other purposes conducive to the intellectual and material
advancement of the republic. _Nic._, _Mem. Sec. Hac._, for
years 1846 to 1883; and the _Gacetas_ quoted in the preceding
note.

[XXXIII-59] She had on the 15th of Sept., 1867, recognized
£45,000 as her proportion. _Nic._, _Gaceta_, March 28, 1868.

[XXXIII-60] _Presid. Cárdenas_, _Mensaje_, Jan. 15, 1885,
in _Costa R._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Feb. 4, 1885. For further
information, see the biennial reports of the minister of the
treasury; _Lévy_, _Nic._, 358-60; _Am. Cyclop._, xii. 424;
_Pan. Star and Herald_, Feb. 1, 1883.

[XXXIII-61] From customs, $427,395, which was less than had
been expected; liquor monopoly, $200,168; stamped paper and
stamps, $63,033; paper money issued, $310,764; the balance
from sundry sources. The receipts in specie were $1,046,967.
The law of Dec. 10, 1839, first established the sources of
revenue for the state govt as follows: Maritime and internal
duties on merchandise; purchase and coinage of bullion; sales
of public lands; monopoly in cultivation and sale of tobacco;
sale of gunpowder, stamped paper, domestic and foreign
liquors; postage, excise, confiscation of contraband goods,
and fines. _Montúfar_, _Reseña Hist._, iii. 272, 570.

[XXXIII-62] A new tariff, to go into effect Jan. 1, 1886,
was decreed, subjecting imported merchandise to specific
duties, and considerably modifying the tariff of 1877.
Gold and silver in bullion, bars, dust, or coin, as also
fence wire, lightning rods, machinery for agriculture,
material and tools for ship-building, ships, and animals
were exempted from duty. _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 12,
13, 1885; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, xxv. 15-47. The following
figures show approximately the receipts of the government
for about forty years past, to wit: 1845, $132,000—there is
no published history of the finances of Costa R. prior to
1845; 1847-50, $1,006,207; 1851-60, $5,956,873; 1861-70,
$8,518,636; 1871-82, $30,475,828, less amounts included,
which were merely casual receipts, $4,545,277, leaving for
actual revenue, $25,930,551. _Molina_, _Bosq. Costa R._, 45;
_Squier's Cent. Am._, 470-1; _Astaburuaga_, _Cent. Am._, 43;
_Encyclop. Brit._ (Am. ed.), vi. 398; _Costa R._, _Informe
Sec. Hac._, 1852-85.

[XXXIII-63] As near as I have been able to ascertain, the
outlay of the Costa Rican treasury has been, for 1847-50,
$986,245; 1851-60, $6,637,124; 1861-70, $9,682,265; 1871-82,
$32,362,189. _Id._; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Aug. 14, 1886.

[XXXIII-64] 'Se logró la total cancelacion de la deuda
inglesa.' _Costa R._, _Informe Min. Hac., etc._, 1848, 16.

[XXXIII-65] The history of these loans, as furnished in
the reports of the Costa Rican treasury department, is the
following: In 1871, Costa Rica contracted with Bischoffsheim
and Goldsmidt for a loan of the nominal amount of £1,000,000,
at 72 with 6 per cent interest, and 2 per cent for a sinking
fund; however, per agreement of May 5, 1871, the rate was
reduced to 56, and only yielded £560,000. Bischoffsheim
and Goldsmidt retained £105,000, which reduced the proceeds
to £455,000, and this sum was further diminished £42,000,
leaving only £413,000, or somewhat less than 42 per cent.
A new loan was negotiated in 1872, with Knowles and Foster
of London, which appeared as for £2,400,000, but did not
exceed £2,226,500, the difference not having been taken up.
The negotiation was at 82, with interest at 7 per cent, and
1 per cent for a sinking fund. This loan actually yielded to
Costa Rica £598,611 18_s._ 5_d._, which is explained thus:
Knowles and Foster paid over to E. Erlanger and Co. of London
in money £1,576,240 9_s._ 1_d._, the difference between this
sum and that taken up being £650,259. Erlanger and Co. were
the syndics of the loan under the 8th clause of the contract
with Knowles and Foster, and had bound themselves to take
up £800,000 of it. Under the 3d and 4th clauses, they were
empowered to repurchase bonds for account of Costa Rica,
though subject to the following conditions: 1st. That the
repurchasing should be indispensable to secure the success
of the loan; 2d. It was not to be done with the £800,000
Erlanger and Co. were bound for; and 3d. The operations were
not to be effected but within 30 days of the issue. This
condition was violated. Erlanger and Co. claimed to have
repurchased with the money received by them bonds of both the
6 per cent and 7 per cent loans to the value of £1,426,500.
The result of this transaction was that the loan, save the
£800,000 taken up by Erlanger and Co., was exhausted; and yet
it was said, in and out of Costa Rica, that her government
had received $17,000,000. _Encyclop. Brit._ (Am. ed.), vi.
398. The whole yield of both loans was but £1,011,611 18_s._
5_d._, or $5,058,060. Besides the £105,000 retained by
Bischoffsheim and Goldsmidt, under the pretext of securing
the interest of the 6 per cent loan, the government remitted
for interest and sinking fund £135,000, which were taken
from the very funds received, and reduced them to £876,611
18_s._ 5_d._ Moreover, under an agreement with Erlanger and
Co., the government of Costa Rica was authorized to draw on
them for £150,000. Its drafts were allowed to go to protest,
and the amounts drawn for had to be replaced. The government
felt that it had been victimized, and in order to protect
the country's good name, after consultation with legal lights
of London, established suits at law against the parties. The
suit has cost a great deal of money; early in 1877 $373,380
had been paid for expense. _Costa R._, _Mem. Sec. Hac._,
1874-7. Should the decisions of the British courts be against
Costa Rica, her financial situation should not be deemed very
alarming, as is made apparent. The 7 per cent loan, reduced
to Costa Rican money at 9 per cent, £2,226,500, nominal
$12,134,425.

Bonds repurchased, £1,026,500 $5,594,425

Received from Erlanger and Co., and appearing among
the liabilities, £598,611 18_s._ 5_d._ 3,262,435

Amount not appearing among the liabilities,
£601,388 1_s._ 7_d._ 3,277,565
-----------
$12,134,425

Accepting the responsibility for the whole 7 per cent loan,
it would amount to $12,134,425, deducting $3,262,435, and
$5,594,425 for repurchased bonds, the total sum not included
in the liability in 1876 would be reduced to $3,277,565, to
which must be added $13,517, balance of the 6 per cent loan,
making $3,291,082. Advantageous offers were received from
Europe to extinguish the debt, which, if accepted, would
reduce the nominal indebtedness of $11,990,000 to $2,398,000.
This loan was negotiated for funds to build a railway. The
road has cost $12,239,296, and its three sections are valued
in 1883 at $6,600,000. _Id._, 1872-5, 1883, annexes 7 and 8.

[XXXIII-66] _Pan. Star and Herald_, March 29, 1884; _Costa
R._, _Gaceta_, Sept. 4, 1885. Half a million dollars was
voted by congress in July 1886 to the extinction of the
internal debt. _Id._, Aug. 14, 1886.

[XXXIII-67] From customs, $145,000; rum, $24,000; loans,
$42,500; received from Spain, $10,000; voluntary and forced
contributions, $150,000; judicial deposits, $101,000; papal
dispensation bulls, $27,000—were among the items. _Lloyd's
Notes Isth. Pan._, in _Roy. Geog. Soc._, _Jour._, i. 99.

[XXXIII-68] Including $4,527, balance from the preceding
year; $86,820 of loans; $70,000 from customs; $15,820, duties
on tobacco. _Id._, 98.

[XXXIII-69] The general government decreed in 1849 the
suppression of tithes; requiring of the several provinces of
the Isthmus to make up the amount which the suppressed tax
yielded the previous year. The aggregate was to be applied to
cover national expenses. _Pinart_, _Pan. Col. Doc._, MS., no.
86, p. 14; _Pan._, _Crónica Ofic._, Oct. 23, 1849.

[XXXIII-70] The commercial tax was not to be more than double
that assessed in 1885. The general govt on the 1st of April,
1885, established a salt monopoly, and in the same year
decreed the reëstablishment of custom-houses at the Isthmus
ports. This decree was subsequently suspended. _La Estrella
de Pan._, May 16, 1885; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Nov. 2, 4,
Dec. 30, 1885. The budgets for the ten years from 1867 to
1876 amounted together to $3,018,391, and the appropriations
voted for the same year were $3,335,084. The absence of
regular accounts for the period 1867-75 renders it impossible
to find out what were the actual receipts and expenditures.
The revenue from Jan. 1, 1876, to June 30, 1877, was
$339,526, and the expenses reached $356,483, though only
$274,298 were paid. The revenue collected from July 1, 1877,
to June 30, 1878, $218,095; the assembly voted for expenses
of that fiscal year $382,841, but the government seems to
have paid out only $226,278. For 1880-1 the legislature
computed the revenue at $300,628. It had the preceding year
authorized the executive to increase the commercial tax 25
per cent. The expenditures for the year were estimated at
$316,077. _Pan._, _Mem. Sec. Jen._, 1878, 43-6, 48; 1879, 3,
32-3; _Id._, _Leyes_, 1879-80, 8, 9, 64-78.

[XXXIII-71] $81,375 of it bore interest at 6 per cent.
_Pan._, _Mem. Sec. Hac._, 1879, 37. Dec. 19, 1879, the
legislature authorized the executive to borrow $50,000 at 12
per cent. For further information, see _Pan._, _Gaceta_, Nov.
17, 1870, to Sept. 1, 1881, passim.

[XXXIV-1] See summary of geographical knowledge and discovery
from the earliest records to the year 1540. _Hist. Cent.
Am._, i. 68-154, this series.

[XXXIV-2] They thus argued from the first: Quintus Metellus
Celer, proconsul of Rome in Gaul, was presented by the king
of Suevia with a number of red men, who had been thrown
upon his coast. So said Cornelius Nepos, and Pliny repeated
it. Now these savages, having no knowledge of ships or
navigation, could not have come from America; they were not
black, and consequently were not from Africa. There were
no people in Europe like them; so they must have come from
Asia. But how? Either from the east or from the west; they
could not have rounded the eastern hemisphere either by its
northern or southern side, for obvious reasons; therefore
they must have come from the north-west, and hence there
must be a way from Asia north-eastward to Europe, running
round the north pole. Upon this logic were staked thousands
of lives and millions of money. Dominicus Marius Niger, the
geographer, speaks of men who were driven from India through
the north sea to Germany, while on a trading expedition.
As late as 1160, some strange persons arrived on the coast
of Germany. Humboldt thought they might have been Eskimos.
Othon, in his _Storie of the Gothes_, speaks of such
arrivals, arguing that they must have drifted in through a
north-west passage. Gilbert's Discourse, in _Hakluyt_, iii.
16-17. Again, Hakluyt finds it recorded that some 200 years
before the coming of Christ, the Romans sent a fleet against
the Grand Khan, which, crossing the strait of Gibraltar, and
steering toward the N. W., in lat 50° found a channel, in
which it sailed to the westward until it reached Asia, and
after fighting the king of Cathay, returned by the way it
went.

[XXXIV-3] _Hist. Cal._, i. 1-109; _Hist. Northwest Coast_,
i. 1-342; _Hist. North Mexican States and Texas_, i. 1-201;
_Hist. Oregon_, i. I will add, in this connection, that
Juan de Ayola, with 200 Spaniards, in 1535 crossed from the
Paraguay River to Peru. Irola, twelve years later, ascended
the Paraguay River to 17° S., crossed the mountains to the
Guapay River, and succeeded in establishing communications
between Peru and her dependency, La Plata. _Lardner's Cabinet
Cyclop._, ii. 90.

[XXXIV-4] They fitted out two vessels, Le Maire advancing
most of the money, and going on the voyage as supercargo,
Van Schouten as commander. They doubled the cape with
one remaining ship in Jan. 1616. The Spaniards afterward
completed the exploration, and their forts in Magellan Sound
became useless. The straits of Magellan have been, however,
used in late years as the transit of an English steamship
line.

[XXXIV-5] Previously several attempts had been made.
Kotzebue, of the Russian navy, went in 1815 to Bering Strait,
and the next year discovered the sound bearing his name.
Golovnin made a voyage also, but accomplished nothing. The
English made a number of efforts, which, if unsuccessful
in not attaining the main object, added much to geographic
knowledge. Herewith I give the expeditions fitted out in
England, or under English auspices. In 1818 two ships, the
_Dorothea_ and _Trent_, under Buchan and Franklin, went to
the Spitzbergen waters, but could not advance far. Two other
ships, the _Isabella_ and _Alexander_, under John Ross and W.
E. Parry, were ordered to Davis Strait and verified Baffin's
exploration of Baffin Bay. Ross entered Lancaster Sound,
and reached 81° 30' W. by 74° 3' N. Parry made three other
voyages, in 1819, 1821, and 1824, in the last of which one
of his ships, the _Fury_, was wrecked in seeking a passage
through Regent Inlet. In 1827 he attempted the polar voyage
in sled-boats from Spitzbergen, reaching 82° 40' 30", the
farthest point hitherto attained. Capt. John Franklin tried
to find the passage overland from York Factory on the west
coast of Hudson Bay. He wintered at Fort Chepeweyan in 1819,
and in the _Enterprise_ in 1820. In July 1821 he navigated
the Arctic sea, east of Coppermine River, a considerable
distance, hoping from the trend of the coast to reach Hudson
Bay. Want of provisions compelled the abandonment of the
expedition, and after severe hardships, and journeying 5,500
miles, reached Great Slave Lake in Dec. 1821. Lyon in 1824
attained Sir Thomas Rowe's Welcome. Franklin renewed his land
survey of the Arctic coasts, 1825-7. He wintered in 1825
on Great Bear Lake, descended the Mackenzie, and surveyed
the coast line westward to Return Reef in 70° 26' N., and
148° 52' W. Meanwhile Richardson and Kendall of his party
made a voyage from Mackenzie to Coppermine River, doubling
several capes, and completing the survey of the coast through
60 degrees of longitude. Beechey in 1826 in the _Blossom_
explored the coast from Kotzebue Sound to Icy Bay. One of
his parties reached Cape Barrow. He waited for Franklin till
Oct. 1827, and returned home via Cape Horn. Ross in 1829
tried to find a passage through Regent Inlet, but had to
abandon his ship in Victoria Harbor, near 70°. P. W. Dease
and T. Simpson in 1837-9 made important explorations between
Point Barrow and Mackenzie River; the portion on the east
side between Point Turnagain and the estuary of the Back's
Great Fish River; and also the south sides of Victoria Land
and King William Land. John Rae of the Hudson's Bay Company
surveyed a part of the Arctic coast east. In 1845 he surveyed
Regent Inlet east and west, found an isthmus between Regent
Inlet and the sea explored by Dease and Simpson. Franklin
and Crozier were despatched in May 1845 with two stout
ships, the _Erebus_ and _Terror_, well supplied for three
years. The expedition sent letters from Whalefish Island,
near Disco, and was last seen on July 26th waiting to cross
the 'middle ice' on to Lancaster Sound, 220 miles distant.
The orders were to proceed to about 74¼° N. lat. and 98° W.
long.; thence take a S. and W. course for Bering's Strait,
the passage west from Melville Island being precluded. A
number of expeditions were despatched in search of Franklin;
namely, one under John Richardson and Rae, 1847-9; ships
_Enterprise_ and _Investigator_ under Ross and Bird, 1848-9;
_Herald_ and _Plover_ under Kellet and Moore, 1848-52; _North
Star_, commanded by Saunders, 1849-50; the _Investigator_
and _Enterprise_, in 1850, under McClure and Collinson;
whaler _Advice_, under Goodsir; a squadron commanded by
Austin, consisting of the _Resolute_ and the _Assistance_.
Capt. Ommaney with two steam tenders under lieuts Osborn
and McClintock; several ships sent by Franklin's wife; Rae
in 1851; expedition under Edward Belcher, 1852-4; ships
_Amphitrite_ and _Plover_, 1852-5; McCormick in 1852; Rae
in 1853-4; Anderson in 1855; and several others, among which
deserve mention the American expeditions under lieut De Haven
and S. P. Griffin, E. K. Kane, Hayes, Hall, and Schwatka;
most of whom made important geographical discoveries and
found relics of Franklin's party. It was ascertained beyond
a doubt that Franklin sailed up Wellington Channel to
77°, descended by the west side of Cornwallis Island, and
wintered 1845-6 at Beechey Island. The wintering positions
of the ships were in 1846-7-8 off the north end of King
William's Island. Franklin died June 11, 1847, and the ships
were abandoned near the above spot Apr. 22, 1848, Capt.
Crozier intending to lead the 105 survivors to Great Fish
River. Only 40 men reached the vicinity of this river, and
all died, according to Eskimo accounts. On this journey
Lancaster Strait was connected with the navigable channel
along the continent, and the existence of the north-west
passage proved. _Richardson's Polar Regions_, 136-7, 146-9,
151-202; _Lardner's Cabinet Cyclop._, iii. 176-7, 198-247;
_Tytler's Hist. View_, 133-4, 283-92; _Franklin's Narr._, i.
ii.; _Quarterly Rev._, xviii. 219; _Am. Jour._, xvi. 130-2;
_Encyclop. Brit._, xi. 347; xviii. 329-30; xix. 331-2, 335-8;
_Dictionnaire de la Conversation_, xii. 2; xiii. 608-10.

[XXXIV-6] Sent by Capt. Pellet on Barrow Strait, and was
guided by a message left by McClure at Winter Harbor on
Melville Island.

[XXXIV-7] Nordenskiöld, a Swedish professor and experienced
navigator, with the steamer _Vega_, commanded by Lieut
Palander, on the 19th of August, 1878, reached Cape Severo
or Tchelyusken, the most northern point of Siberia and of the
Old World in 77° 41' N., and steered a south-easterly course,
the sea free from ice and quite shallow. Aug. 27th the mouth
of the Lena River was passed, the _Vega_ parting company with
her tender, the _Lena_, and continuing her course eastward;
she almost accomplished the passage that first season; but
toward the end of Sept. the _Vega_ was frozen in off the
shore of a low plain in 67° 7' N. and 173° 20' W. near the
settlement of the Chugaches. After an imprisonment of 294
days, the _Vega_ on the 18th of July, 1879, continued her
voyage, and on the 20th passed Bering Strait. Nordenskiöld,
without loss of life or damage to his ship, arrived at
Yokohama Sept. 2, 1879. _Encyclop. Brit._ (Am. ed.), xix.
337.

[XXXIV-8] For canal: I. Tehuantepec, connecting the rivers
Coatzacoalcos and Chimilapa. II. Honduras. III. River San
Juan de Nicaragua: 3. River San Cárlos, Gulf of Nicoya.
Nicaragua Lake: 4. Rivers Niño and Tempisque, Gulf of Nicoya;
5. River Sapoa, Bay of Salinas; 6. San Juan del Sur; 7. Port
Brito. Managua Lake: 8. River Tamarindo; 9. Port Realejo;
10. Bay of Fonseca. IV. Panamá: River Chagres: 11. Gorgona,
Panamá; 12. Trinidad, Caimito; 13. Navy Bay, Rivers Chagres,
Bonito and Bernardo; 14. Gulf of San Blas, and River Chepo.
V. Darien: 15. Bay of Caledonia, Port Escocés, Gulf of San
Miguel; 16. Rivers Arguia, Paya, and Tuyra, Gulf of San
Miguel. River Atrato: 17. River Napipi, Bay of Cupica; 18.
River Uruando, Kelley's Inlet. Overland. 1st. Coatzacoalcos,
Tehuantepec; 2d. Bay of Honduras to Bay of Fonseca; 3d. River
San Juan, Nicaragua, Managua, Bay of Fonseca; 4th. Port Limon
to Caldera, Costa Rica; 5th. Laguna de Chiriquí on Golfo
Dulce; 6th. Colon, Gorgona, and Panamá; 7th. Gorgon Bay,
Realejo; 8th. Gorgon Bay and San Juan del Sur. _Nouv. Annales
des Voy._, cliii. 9-10; _Davis' Rept_, 20.

[XXXIV-9] A survey made in 1715 was sent to the secret
archives of Madrid, where other like documents lie hidden. In
1774 the Spanish officers Corral and Cramer, after inspecting
the route reported that a canal of about eight leagues
might join the Chimalapa and Malpaso rivers, and establish a
communication between the two streams. The Spanish general
Orbegoso in 1821 explored this isthmus, and formed a map,
which was not published till 1839. In 1825 he showed that it
was not easy to carry a through-canal across Tehuantepec.
In 1842-3 a survey was made under the auspices of José de
Garay by C. Moro and others, to determine the practicability
of a ship canal by way of the Coatzacoalcos to the gulf of
Tehuantepec. The objections to the route were shown to be the
expense of cutting, the uncertainty of water upon the summit
level, and inadequate ports at the termini. Garay, however,
announced as practicable a canal of the same size as the
Caledonia, in Scotland, and was put in possession of lands,
etc.; but nothing came of the transaction but diplomatic
complications resulting from Garay's transfer of his grant
to a foreign company. Finally, the Mexican congress in 1851
declared the grant forfeited. _Nouv. Annales des Voy._, ci.,
iii., 8-9; _Duflot de Mofras_, _Explor. de l'Oregon_, 119;
_Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 183-4, 188-9; _Córtes_, _Diario_,
1813, xix. 392; _Robles_, _Prov. Chiapa_, 70; _Chevalier_,
_Pan._, 61-2; _Mex. Col. Dec. y Ord._, 115; _Id._, _Col.
Ley._, _Ord. y Dec._, iii. 113-14; _Bustamante_, _Med.
Pacific_, MS., ii., supplem. 15; _Mex. Mem. Sec. Rel._, 47-8;
_Rivera_, _Gobern. Mex._, ii. 116; _Id._, _Hist. Jalapa_,
ii. 362; iv. 211, 225, 236; _Dublan_ and _Lozano_, _Legisl.
Mej._, i. 738-9; _Instituto Nac. de Geog._, Bol. No. 1,
30-43, with map and profile; _Ward's Mex._, i. 311; _Liot's
Pan., Nic. and Tehuan._, 6-12; _Ramirez_, _Mem._, 1-108;
_Garay_, _Privilegio_, 1-28; _Id._, _Survey Isth. Tehuan._,
3-188; _Manero_, _Notic. Hist._, 51-6; _Id._, _Apunt. Hist._,
12-13; _Mex. Mem. Sec. Guerra_, 1852, 19-22; _Id._, _Mem.
Instruc. de los derechos_, etc., in _Mexican Financier_,
no. 1, 1-39. In 1850-1 an American commission headed by Maj.
Barnard, U. S. Engineers, surveyed the route, who reported
it to possess but little 'merits as a practicable line for
the construction of a ship canal.' _Davis' Report_, 5-6. In
1869 officers of the U. S. surveyed the route, and made a
favorable report. In 1870 Capt. R. W. Shuffeldt, of the U. S.
navy, made another survey, which confirmed the conclusions of
the former, to the effect that no extraordinary engineering
difficulties existed, as sufficient water could be had from
rivers in the Sierra Madre to supply the canal. The route
begins about 30 miles above the mouth of the Coatzacoalcos,
and after traversing a long distance, rises to a level of
about 680 ft, then descends to the lagoon on the Pacific, a
total distance of 120 miles. The distance from New Orleans
to Hongkong would be 8,245 miles less than by Cape Horn, and
1,588 less than by way of Panamá. _Am. Cyclop._, iii. 690;
_Manero_, _Apunt. Hist._, 13-15.

[XXXIV-10] By resolution of the Mexican congress, the
contract of the American company was declared void in Oct.
1882, and soon after the govt made an arrangement to have
the road built on its own account. _Id._, _Artículos, Soc.
Arquit._, 7-10; _S. F. Call_, Oct. 5, 1882; _Mex._, _Diario
Ofic._, Oct. 10, 17, 18, 20, 1882.

[XXXIV-11] _Mex._, _Diario Debates_, 10th Cong., i. 273-1930,
passim.; _Id._, _El Noticioso_, Nov. 29, 1880; _Id._, _Col.
Ley._, xxxvi. 320-4; _Id._, _Diario Ofic._, June 2, 1881;
Aug. 10, 23, 1882; _Mex'n Financier_, Dec. 13, 20, 27, 1884;
Jan. 10, 24, 1885.

[XXXIV-12] The Mexican govt guaranteed in 1885 one and a
quarter million dollars per annum for 15 years. _Pan. Star
and Herald_, Jan. 16, 1886.

[XXXIV-13] Gov. Pedrarias Dávila had the outlet of lakes
Nicaragua and Managua discovered. His officers Este and
Rojas favored the plan of a canal round the falls of the San
Juan, and another on the Pacific slope. The project occupied
the court and colony for many years. _Herrera_, iv., iii.,
ii.; _Cent. Am._, _Extractos Sueltos_, in _Squier's MS._,
xxii. 108; _Fröbel_, _Aus. Am._, i. 144, 241. The plan not
only engaged the Spaniards but the French and English, the
latter contemplating the conquest of the country. The royal
engineer Manuel Galisteo in 1781, the system of locks being
little known then, declared the connection of the lake with
the Pacific to be impracticable. In 1791 La Bastide proposed
widening the river Sapoa between the lake and Papagayo
Gulf, and cutting a canal between that river and the gulf
of Nicoya; but the French revolution caused the matter to
be forgotten. In 1814 the Spanish córtes decreed the survey
and construction, but subsequent political events made
that decree inoperative. _Saravia_, _Bosq. Polít. Est._,
13-17; _Viajero_, _Univ._, xxvii. 180-4; _Bastide_, _Mém.
Sur. Nouv. Passage_, 1-70; _Humboldt_, _Essai Polít._,
i. 1-17; _Bourgoane's Trav._, in _Pinkerton's Coll._, ii.
498-9; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 169-70; _Duflot de Mofras_,
_Explor. de l'Oregon_, i. 137; _Squier's Nic._, 658.

[XXXIV-14] Herewith I give a synopsis of what occurred.
In 1823 a franchise was given to John Baily for a house
in London, who did nothing, and the privilege was granted
to parties in New York, who also failed to carry out the
stipulations. Numerous proposals came between 1825 and
1829, which were successively accepted, but neither of them
had effect. In 1829 a franchise was decreed to the king
of Holland, and there was some prospect of a canal being
constructed; but the war which detached Belgium from Holland
broke out, and the king abandoned the project. President
Morazan then contemplated doing the work on Central American
account, and the survey was begun in 1837, interrupted
by Morazan's fall, but continued in 1838 for account of
Nicaragua. This same year Edward Belcher, of the Brit. navy,
suggested the possibility of an artificial communication
between Lake Managua and the bay of Fonseca. Baily's
explorations along the line from Rio Lajas to San Juan del
Sur were terminated in 1843, and their publication furnished
exact data on the canal. Meanwhile, P. Rouhand (1839), Viteri
(1840), Castellon and Jerez (1842), had unsuccessfully tried
to raise funds for the work in Europe. The king of France in
1844 refused his coöperation. In 1846 Louis Napoleon became
warmly interested for a time. Great Britain in 1847 seized
San Juan del Norte on the north, and Tiger Island on the
south. Louis Napoleon turned his thoughts to other subjects.
Örsted studied, in 1847-8, for the Costa Rican govt, a canal
project which differed from Baily's in choosing a low line
south of San Juan del Sur along the Sapoa River into Salinas
Bay. Nicaragua in 1848 entered into a contract to build the
canal with a house in New York, which, however, surrendered
it. _Baily's Cent. Am._, 127-50; _Annales des Voy._, cliii.
14-17; clvii. 16-17; _Nouv. Annales des Voy._, xxviii.
(1825), 370-82; xxxii. (1826), 369-74; _Squier's Trav._,
ii. 251-80, 405-20; _Id._, _Nic._, 658; _Liot's Pan. Nic.
and Tehuan._, 13-16; _Niles' Reg._, xxx. 447; xxxi. 2, 72-3;
lxiv. 130-1; lxv. 57-61; lxvii. 148; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._,
Dec. 16, 1879; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 171-3; _Lond. Geog.
Soc._, _Jour._, xiv. 127-9; xx. 172; _Scherzer_, _Cent. Am._,
241; _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 84-7, 137; _Id._, _Carte d'études_,
35-45; _Strain's Int. Comm._, 7-8; _Garella_, _Projet_,
182-8; _Sampson's Cent. Am._, 7-18; _Marure_, _Mem. Hist._,
1-47; _Bülow_, _Nic._, 44-57; _U. S. Comm. Rept_, 145, p.
230-65; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, Sen. Miscel., Cong. 30, Sess. 1,
no. 80, 69-75; _Id._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 31, Sess. 1, no. 75,
50-326, passim.

[XXXIV-15] This survey was considered reliable. English
engineers pronounced Brito 'unworthy of this great ship
navigation.' _Davis' Report_, 6-7.

[XXXIV-16] S. Bayley in 1852 proposed a route from La Vírgen
to San Juan del Sur, nearly following that of the Transit
Co. without passing through the valley of the Lajas, which
Baily recommended in 1843. In 1853 E. G. Squier tried to
revive Belcher's plan of utilizing both lakes, and reaching
Fonseca Bay through the Conejo Valley and the Estero Real.
Squier's proposed Honduras railway also was to reach that
bay; and it is quite possible that he contemplated connecting
the two works. Felix Belly, for Belly, Millaud, and Company,
in a contract of May 1858 with the Nicaraguan government,
purposed carrying into execution Örsted's proposition; but
after several years' waiting without Belly or his assigns,
the International Canal Co., accomplishing anything, or
offering better prospects for the future, the government,
in 1868, declared his contract forfeited, and entered into
another with Michel Chevalier, from which better expectations
were entertained; but they were destined not to be realized.
Chevalier required, as a condition sine qua non, that the
contract should be ratified by the Costa Rican congress. This
took place a year later, and then came the war between France
and Prussia, and Nicaragua's last effort, like all former
ones, was frustrated. _Belly_, _Nic._, i. 31-50, 170-4,
401-6; ii. 1-13, 27-36, 59-464; _Id._, _Carte d'études_,
19-27, 49-91; _Nic. Canal de_, 1-21; _Col. Dec. y Acuerdos_,
1863, 39-40, 118; 1869-70, 8-23; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._,
1-14, 58, 116-34, 221-30, 322-70, 394; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Jan.
7, Apr. 8, 1865; March 20, Apr. 17, 1869; _Id._, _Informe
Sec. Rel._, 1869, 8-9; _Id._, _Id._, _Hacienda_, 1869, 3-5;
_Marcoleta_, _Min. Nic._, 1-32; _Hunt's Merch. Mag._, lv.
31-48; lvi. 32-4.

[XXXIV-17] _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Dec. 12, 24, 1863; Nov. 9, 1867.

[XXXIV-18] The exploration by Com. Lull, of the U. S. navy,
established the existence of a practicable route for a
canal with Lake Nicaragua as its summit level, 107 ft above
mean tide. It was proposed to connect the lake with the
Pacific by a canal 16.3 miles in length, from the mouth of
the Medio River to Port Brito. The first 7.5 miles would
require an excavation averaging 54 ft in depth, which would
be the most costly part of the work. The plan calls for ten
locks, and one tide-lock between the lake and the sea. The
lake navigation is of 56 miles. The river San Juan would be
improved by means of four dams; namely, at the rapids of
Castillo, Balas, and Machuca, and at the mouth of the San
Cárlos River, all of which places are suitable for dams. A
short section of canal with one lock would be needed to get
around each of the upper three dams. From the fourth dam
to San Juan del Norte, an independent canal 41.4 miles long
with 7 locks must be constructed, which presents no apparent
engineering difficulty. The total length of the canal would
be 61.7 miles. No tunnelling needed. The harbor of San
Juan del Norte must be dredged, and otherwise improved, to
insure that no water but that of the canal shall run into
the harbor. Short breakwaters must be built to protect the
entrances from the surf. Lake Nicaragua with a surface of
2,700 sq. miles, and a drainage area of 8,000 sq. miles,
will supply 38 times the maximum possible demand of water.
The depth of water would be 26 ft; the width at bottom 72
ft, and at surface 150 ft. The locks, 21 in number, with a
lift of from 8 to 10 ft, would be 400 ft long, 72 ft wide.
The cost was estimated at about eighty million dollars. _U.
S. Gov. Doc._, _Sen. Jour._, 916, Cong. 41, Sess. 2; Id., H.
Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 2, i. no. 1, pt. 1, 670-8; Id.,
3d Sess., i. p. 160, 462-5; _Id._, _Sec. Navy Rept_, Cong.
43, Sess. 1, p. 10-12; _Id._, Nic. Ship Canal Route, Cong.
43, Sess. 1; _Lévy_, _Nic._, 428-40; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, Aug.
20, 27, Oct. 22, Dec. 24, 1870; Oct. 21, 1871; Jan. 11, Feb.
22, July 12, 1873; March 21, June 6, Nov. 28, 1874; _Id._,
_Mem. Sec. Rel._, 1871, 10-16, 29-39; 1875, xiii.-xiv.;
1879, xxvii.-viii.; _Costa R._, _Col. Ley._, xix. 17-34,
180-1; _Id._, _Informe Sec. Rel._, 1872, 2-5; 1877, 2;
1885, 4-6, 47-54; _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Rel._, 1884, 6, 8,
9; _Pan. Canal_, March 5, 1883; _Id._, _Star and Herald_,
Feb. 12, 14, 1883; _La Estrella de Pan._, Jan. 15, 1885;
_El Guatemalteco_, March 4, 1884. It has been asserted that
formidable obstacles exist to a permanent deep-water entrance
at San Juan del Norte, owing to sand and other detritus
carried into it by the San Juan River, rendering it shallow
and dangerous. _Gisborne's Isth. Darien_, 8-11.

[XXXIV-19] The report of course gives in minute detail the
engineering features of the three divisions. The proposed
locks have a uniform length of 650 ft between gates, and at
least 65 ft of width. The canal is to have a depth of 28 or
30 ft. It is anticipated that a ship can pass from San Juan
to Brito in 30 hours. Thirty-two vessels can pass the canal
in a day. Excellent materials for construction are at hand.
_Pan. Star and Herald_, Dec. 5, 1885, and San Francisco
newspapers.

[XXXIV-20] This latter objection seems to be disproved by
the researches of the American engineers. But the great
difficulty still remains about the establishment and future
maintenance of a deep-water entrance to the canal at San Juan
del Norte. _Encyclop. Brit._ (Am. ed.), iv. 701.

[XXXIV-21] This Isthmus was surveyed in 1520 by two Flemish
engineers, who reported adversely. The king for politic
reasons would not have the subject mentioned again. So it has
been said. _Duflot de Mofras_, _Explor. de l'Oregon_, i. 119.
The section was repeatedly explored. In 1534 preliminary work
for a ship canal was done, under royal order, by Gov. Gama.
The Chagres River was made navigable to where the wagon road
began. _Pan. Céd._, in _Squier's MSS._, xi. 1-6; _Andagoya_,
_Carta al Rey._, in _Id._, 8; _Garella_, _Isth. de Pan._,
3-5; _Datos Biog._, in _Cartas de Ind._, 761. Various
schemes were broached in the 17th century, meeting with no
encouragement. In 1687 Lionel Wafer was guided by Mandinga
Indians from the gulf of San Miguel to Concepcion on the
Atlantic side. W. Paterson, from his settlement at Caledonia
Harbor, made several journeys into the interior, recommending
it to his company for interoceanic traffic. Ulloa and
Jorge Juan explored Panamá for a route in 1736. _Juan_ and
_Ulloa Voy._, i. 94; _Fitz-Roy_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc._,
_Jour._, xx. 170, 178; _Reichardt_, _Cent. Am._, 164-5. A
road was opened on the isth. of Darien by Gov. Ariza from
Puerto Escocés to Puerto del Príncipe on the Sabana River,
which enters the Pacific. _Ariza_, _Darien_, MS., 11-12;
_De Puydt_, in _Lond. Geog. Soc._, _Jour._, xxxviii. 69;
_Cullen's Darien_, 192-204; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._, 183-4;
_Scherzer_, _Cent. Am._, i. 248-9. In 1820 Capt. Illingsworth
of the Chilian corvette _La Rosa_ (a) _Andes_ had his shallop
drawn across the cordillera, and launched in the Napipi,
whence it proceeded to Quibdó or Citerá, near the mouth of
the Atrato, where it was found in 1824 by Cochrane, who in
examining Darien for a canal route found the obstacles almost
insurmountable. _Annales des Voy._, cliii. 8, 22, 36. Domingo
Lopez, a Colombian, traced a line for a canal between Panamá
and Portobello. _Arosemena_, _Apuntes Hist._, 4. In 1827, C.
Friend of the British navy made an excursion from the banks
of the Atrato to the bay of Cupica. But the first formal
exploration was made, shortly after Friend's tour, by Lloyd
of Pres. Bolívar's staff, and Capt. Falmarc, a Swede in the
Colombian service, under Bolívar's auspices. After completing
their labors in 1829, they declared that a railway, if not
a canal, was feasible between Chagres and Panamá. The notes
of the expedition were published in _Philosophical Trans._,
for 1830, and in _London Geog. Soc._, _Jour._, i. 69-101;
_Chevalier_, _Pan._, 112-13; _Bull. Societé Geog._, xiv. 88,
53-66; _Democ. Rev._, vi. 297-8; _Nouv. Annales des Voy._,
xlviii. 380-1; _Garella_, _Isth. de Pan._, 8-9.

[XXXIV-22] Thierry's canal project, 1835; Biddle's survey for
a canal, 1836; Morel, soon after Lloyd's survey, in 1837-8,
sought a canal route somewhat south of the line from Chagres
to Pan. in the angle between the rivers Chagres and Trinidad,
through Vino Tinto Lake. In a later survey he kept more
to the left; Watts' explorations in 1838; Barnet's survey
of Chiriquí in 1839. _Niles' Reg._, xlviii.; _Arosemena_,
_Exámen_, 8-34; _Pinart_, _Misc. Papers_, no. 1, Decrees
113-17; _Pan. Star and Herald_, Oct. 4, 1882; _Interoc.
Canal and Monroe Doct._, 23-4; _Chevalier_, _Pan._, 117-22;
_Barnet's Surv._, in _Chiriquí Imp. Co. Coll._; _Pan._,
_Gaceta Ist._, Sept. 20, 1841; _G. B. Watts_, in _Am. Geog.
and Stat._, _Soc. Bull._, i., pt. iii. 64-80.

[XXXIV-23] Garella's canal, beginning at Limon Bay, was to
pass under the Ahogayegua ridge by means of a tunnel 120 ft
high and 17,390 ft long, to the bay of Vaca del Monte, 12
miles west of Panamá. The route follows the Bernardino and
Caimito valleys on the southern slope, and those of Quebrado
and Chagres on the northern. The highest elevation 459 feet
above the sea level, the mountain being tunnelled 324 feet
9 in. below its highest point; so that the canal would at
the summit be 135 feet above the sea, and require 35 locks.
Lloyd, acting for the British government, arrived at the same
conclusions. _Garella_, _Projet d'un canal_, 11-194, 230;
_Nouv. Ann. des Voy._, cvi. 36-40; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Com.
Rept, 145, p. 70-7, 506-71, Cong. 30, Sess. 2; _Arosemena_,
_Exámen_, 5-6, 11. Hellert, in 1844-5, explored the Darien
from Rio Paya to the Atrato. W. B. Liot, of the Brit. navy,
proposed in 1845 a macadamized road, or a railroad from
Portobello to Panamá. Capt. Kellet, being informed by Indians
that the Napipi River, a tributary of the Atrato, approached
very closely to the bay of Cupica, crossed on foot in 1847
till he reached a river which was supposed to flow into the
Atlantic. Cullen claimed to have crossed the Darien. In 1849
he found the Sabana River, ascended it, crossed from Cañasas
to the sea-shore at Port Escocés and returned. In 1850 and
1851 he crossed several times alone by different routes from
the Sabana to Escocés, convinced that this must be the future
route for ships. Here are the requisite secure harbors; the
highest elevation of the valleys through the ridges is not
over 150 feet, which is lower than any level as yet found;
locks and tunnel might be avoided; the canal need be only 26
or 27 miles long, two miles through hard rock. Unfortunately,
Cullen gave no notes or measurements to prove this. Capt.
Fitz-Roy, of the British navy, published a memoir on a
communication between the Atrato, by way of its tributary
the Napipi or Naipi, and Cupica Bay. Greiff, a Swedish
engineer, confirmed his observations. In 1850-1 Chevalier
explored the Isthmus for information on interoceanic routes.
_U. S. Coast Survey_, 1868, 260-7; _Liot's Pan., etc._, p.
iii.; _Seemann's Voy._, i. 220; _Davis' Rept_, 9-14, and
several maps; _Cullen's Isth. Darien Ship Canal_, 2d ed., 19;
_Annales des Voy._, cliii. 23; _Chevalier_, in _Soc. Géog.
Bull._, ser. iv., tom. iv., no. 19, pp. 30-70.

[XXXIV-24] The U. S. had the country surveyed in 1833-4
between the Chagres and Panamá. _Fairbairn_, in _United
Serv. Jour._, 1832, pt ii. 207-9; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, 4 Ex.
Doc. 228, vol. iv., Cong. 25, Sess. 2; _Id._, Id. 77, vol.
iv., Cong. 28, Sess. 1; _Id._, U. S. Comm. Rep. 145, p. 3,
265-332, Cong. 30, Sess. 2; _Pub. Treaties_, 1875, p. 558;
_Nic._, _Gaceta_, Nov. 18, 1848; _Niles' Reg._, i. 440;
_Tucker's Monroe Doc._, 43-4.

[XXXIV-25] The parties forming the company were William H.
Aspinwall, Henry Chauncey, and John L. Stephens, all of New
York, who on the 15th of April, 1850, made a contract with
the New Granadan government, binding themselves to construct
within a given time a railway between a point on the Atlantic
and Panamá, for the transportation of travellers, cattle,
merchandise, etc., under a fixed tariff of rates. Certain
advantages were allowed New Granadan citizens. It is not
necessary to state here all the terms of the contract. It
was to be in force 49 years, and the New Granadan government
was to receive three per centum of the net profits. It
subsequently received $10,000 a year additional on the mails.
Passengers, merchandise, and everything else passing in
transitu over the railroad, were to be free of duties and
imposts. The contract was amended July 5, 1867. Under the new
arrangement the company was to own the railway for 99 years;
and pay the Colombian government one million dollars in gold,
and thereafter $250,000 a year in quarterly instalments,
Colombian mails passing over the road free of expense. Large
grants of land were made to the company, who further bound
themselves to carry the railroad to the islands of Naos,
Culebra, Perico, and Flamenco, or to some other suitable
place on the bay. The prolongation has never been carried
out. _Bidwell's Isth. Pan._, 299-308, 397-417; _Pan._,
_Boletin Ofic._, Nov. 15, 1867; _Id._, _Gaceta_, Oct. 31,
1880; _Arosemena_, _Pan. Prolong. Ferrocarril_, 1-18; _Pan.
Star and Herald_, Sept. 3, Oct. 5, 1867; Sept. 12, 13, 28,
1877; _Rouhaud_, _Régions Nouv._, 1878-9, p. 343-51; _Pan.
Mem. Sec. Jen._, 1877, 21-2.

[XXXIV-26] The difficulties of the ground and climate,
together with scanty resources of the country and scarcity of
labor, were overcome. The road runs on the easterly bank of
the Chagres River as far as Barbacoas, where it crosses the
river over a bridge 625 ft long, 18 ft broad, and 40 ft above
the mean level. A full account of the construction may be
found in _Otis' Hist. Pan. R. R._, 1-46; _Thornton's Oregon
and Cal._, ii. 349-52; _Pim's Gateway_, 192-209, 415-28;
_Nic._, _Corr. Ist._, May 30, June 12, 1850; _De Bow's
Encyc._, pt ii. 493-4; _Fremont's Am. Trav._, 171-2, and
other authorities too numerous to name here. The construction
cost many lives of all nationalities, owing to the climate;
and was finally completed with negroes of the Isthmus,
Jamaica, the coast of Cartagena and Santa Marta. _Maldonado_,
_Asuntos Polít._, MS., 6.

[XXXIV-27] Receipts from 1852 to Dec. 31, 1854, $1,026,162;
1855-60, $8,748,026; 1861-6, $12,369,662. Total, $22,143,850.
Expenses to end of 1855, including share of profits paid
the New Granadan govt, $1,123,081; of 1856-66, $8,748,318.
Total, $9,871,399. Net proceeds, $12,272,451. The transit
trade has been the main business of the Isthmus. For many
years, till the Brit. steamship trade by the straits of
Magellan developed, and the overland railway between Omaha
and S. F. was completed, almost all merchandise going to or
from Europe and the eastern ports of the United States, Cuba,
etc., to California, the west coast of South America, and
Central America, was sent by way of the Isthmus, including
even copper from Bolivia and Chile. Receipts of the railroad
1883-4, $6,306,760. Expenses in same years, $3,979,144. Net
proceeds $2,327,616; a net increase of earnings in 1884 over
1883, of $24,032. Further information in the last preceding
chapter connected with the Isthmus transit trade. _Bidwell's
Isth. Pan._, 286; _Otis' Hist. Pan. R. R._, 59-69; _Superint.
Burt's Rept_, March 7, 1885, in _Pan. Star and Herald_, Apr.
22, 1885; _La Estrella de Pan._, May 2, 1885.

[XXXIV-28] _Pan. Star and Herald_, June 23, 1881; Sept. 18,
1882; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 48, Sess. 1, i.
pt 1, 217-19.

[XXXIV-29] _Davis' Rept_, 8; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Journ.,
1345, Cong. 36, Sess. 1; 541, Cong. 36, Sess. 2; _Id._,
Sen. Doc. 1, pp. 17, 36-44, iii. pt 1, Cong. 36, Sess. 2;
_Harper's Mag._, xxii. 193-209.

[XXXIV-30] New Granada granted, in 1852, to Fox, Cullen, and
others, the privilege of opening a canal between Caledonia
Bay and the gulf of San Miguel. _Cullen's Darien Ship Canal_,
1-146. Gisborne thought it was a mere matter of excavation
costing about sixty million dollars. After having spent
a great deal of time on the examination of the Atrato and
San Juan rivers since 1852, F. M. Kelly, of N. Y., in 1864
explored the route from Chepo River to the gulf of San Blas,
which is only 30 miles long, but calls for a tunnel. Several
surveys followed; namely, Strain, of the U. S. navy, early
in 1854, with a party explored the Darien. After several
weeks' toil they lost themselves; five men perished, the rest
reaching Yavisa on the east coast. About the same time a New
Granadan expedition under Codazzi made a similar attempt,
but meeting with disaster, after losing several men, gave up
the enterprise. The same year English and French officers
made explorations. Cullen and Gisborne were with them, and
saw their former statements proved false. Next in order is
Kennish's examination, followed by Michler and Cravens, of
the U. S. navy, who confirmed his report in all essential
points. _Scherzer_, _Cent. Am._, 250-1; _Mex. Anales Min.
Fomento_, i. 83-8; _Strain's Inter. Comm._, 18-27. La Charme,
in 1865, by order of the merchant Gogorza, surveyed from
the south of the gulf of Darien to the gulf of San Miguel
by way of the Tuyra River. De Puydt, for the International
Colombia Co., reported having found a favorable route from
Puerto Escondido to the Tuyra, and thence to the gulf of
San Miguel. _Abert's Ship Canal_, 63-9, 72-9; _La Charme_,
in _Putnam's Mag._, iii. 329-41; _Pan._, _Gaceta_, July
2, 1876; _Lond. Geog. Soc._, _Jour._, xxiv. 249; xxxviii.
69-99. Bourdivl, in 1864, passed from the Pacific with 25 men
to the mouth of the Lara, and thence across the Isthmus to
Chucunaque River, reaching it just below the Sucubti. Here
the natives left him for fear of the savages, and he had
to return. Rear-adm. C. H. Davis, supt of the U. S. Naval
Observatory at Washington, issued a _Report_ on Interoceanic
Canals and Railways, for his government, in 1867, reviewing
modern explorations of the continent from Darien to Honduras
for canals and railroad routes, and giving maps thereof, and
a list of authorities thereon. His work is quite thorough to
its date. _Davis' Rept_, 15-19. The secretary of the U. S.
navy thus summarized in 1873 the report of Com. Selfridge,
who, in 1870-2, made a thorough exploration of several lines
in the narrower portion of Darien. This route includes 100
miles of navigation of the Atrato River, which is capable
of being navigated by the largest steamers. Between the
Atrato and the Pacific, a canal must be made of 28 miles
in length, of which it would pass 22 through a plain with
a gradual rise of 90 feet. Of the other 6 three would be in
moderate cutting, the other three would be of tunnelling. The
estimated cost was between $52,000,000 and $63,000,000, and
the time for completing the work ten years. The tunnel would
be 112 ft high, 60 feet wide, and have 87 ft of clear headway
above the surface of the water. The canal would have 25 ft
in depth, 50 ft of width at the bottom, and 70 at surface.
The locks, 20 in number, were to be 427 ft long, 54 ft wide,
with a lift of 10 ft. The water supply, much in excess of
the requirement, would be derived from the Napipi River.
Two alternative schemes were also presented, increasing the
length of tunnelling, and diminishing the number of locks,
at an estimated cost of $85,000,000 to $90,000,000. He proved
De Puydt's line impracticable. Selfridge's full report, with
maps and illustrations, etc., in _U. S. Gov. Doc._, Darien
Explor., Cong. 42, Sess. 3; Brief reports by sec. of the navy
and Selfridge, in _Id._, H. Ex. Doc., i. p. 3 (sec. of navy),
vol. iii., pp. 9-10, 133-41, Cong. 41, Sess. 3; _Harper's
Mag._, xlvii. (Nov. 1873), 801-20; _Encyclop. Brit._ (Am.
ed.), iv. 700-1. In 1873 Selfridge surveyed the valley of the
Bojaya, another tributary of the Atrato, more to the north,
which was regarded as more favorable. The Am. govt despatched
two other expeditions in 1874, one of which surveyed a line
between the Atrato and the Pacific across the state of Cauca;
the other a line parallel with the Panamá railway.

[XXXIV-31] It affords a much shorter route than that of
Darien, and the cordillera is there less than 290 ft high.
The watershed being nearer the Pacific than the Atlantic,
the streams running into the former ocean are of little
importance, whereas the Chagres on the Atlantic slope, with
its tributary, the Obispo, forms a navigable channel, which
in the rainy season attains to formidable proportions.

[XXXIV-32] A copy of the contract and grant appears
in _Bogotá_, _Diario Ofic._, May 22, 1878; an English
translation in _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 46,
Sess. 2, i. pt i. 243. Under the contract the Colombian govt
will receive at certain periods of it from 6 to 8 per cent of
the net receipts; but its share is never to be under $250,000
a year.

[XXXIV-33] The U. S. govt tried to secure by treaty with
Colombia the right to establish forts, arsenals, and naval
stations on the Isthmus, though no forces were to be kept
there in time of peace. A protocol was signed in New York by
representatives of both governments in Feb. 1881, to amend
the treaty of 1846, but failed of ratification at Bogotá.
_Diario de Cundinamarca_, Apr. 28, 1881; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, May 20, 24, June 24, 25, 1881.

[XXXIV-34] De Lesseps, Wyse, and other officials of the
canal, received the highest marks of regard from the people
of the Isthmus. _Pan. Ley._, years 1879-80, 9-11, 30;
_Id._, _Gaceta_, Feb. 1, 12, 19, 22, 1880; Jan. 27, Feb. 13,
17, 1881. The company at once made provision for a health
service, in spacious and well-regulated hospitals, etc.
_Companyo_, _Projet d'organiz. du serv. de santé_, 1-137, and
a map.

[XXXIV-35] The bottom throughout its length, 8½ metres below
the mean level of both oceans; width, 22 metres at bottom,
50 metres at top; except through the Culebra ridge, where
the depth will be 9 metres, with the width of 24 metres at
bottom and 28 metres at top. It must be observed that the
levels of the two oceans are not alike at all times; at
Colon the difference in the tides never exceeds 23 inches,
whereas in Panamá it is usually 13 ft, and at times nearly
20. This must produce a current in the canal sufficient to
impede navigation for several hours at each tide. The great
difficulties to overcome are the mountain and the river
Chagres. The company contemplated at first to tunnel the
mountain, but gave up the plan, and resolved to cut down
through the solid strata—fortunately soft and otherwise
easy—for a depth of between 300 and 400 ft over a long
distance. The next task—by far the most difficult one—is to
deal with the eccentricities of the Chagres, which discharges
at Matachin a volume of water averaging 100 cubic metres
per second, which at low water may sink to 15 or 20 cubic
metres, and at flood rise to 500 or 600. Several plans have
been contemplated, one of which was to construct an enormous
dam at Gamboa, between the Obispo and Santa Cruz hills,
960 metres at the base, 1,960 at the top, with a width at
bottom, of 1,000 metres, and a height of 45 metres. But it
is understood that the engineers have finally concluded to
make no use of the waters of the Chagres, but to change their
course and let them run to the ocean through the desert;
this will be left to the last. Moreover, locks will be
built to control the tides. De Lesseps, confident that the
canal will be finished in 1889, says there will be no time
in the interval to construct the locks; that they can be
made later. The chief point being that shipping shall pass
through the canal. See _Bulletin du Canal Océanique_, issued
since 1879; _Engineering_, 1883-4; _Reclus_, _Explor._, in
_Tour du Monde_, for a series of views; _Sullivan's Problem
of Interoc. Communic._, Washington, 1883; _Ammen's Interoc.
Ship Canal_, Phila., 1880; _N. Y. Herald_, Feb. 6, 1882;
_Encyclop. Brit._ (Am. ed., 1885), xviii. 213.

[XXXIV-36] It is estimated that the excavation of the canal
proper demands the removal of about 122,000,000 metres, and
up to Jan. 31, 1886, only 15,000,000 metres had been done, at
an expense of $30,000,000.

[XXXIV-37] Charles D. Jameson, a member of the Boston
Society of Civil Engineers, thinks there is no insurmountable
obstacle. The following newspapers contain information on
the canal's affairs. _Pan. Canal_, July 12, 1881; _Id._,
_Star and Herald_, July 20, 1881; July 11, Nov. 10, 1882; and
in almost every issue till 1886 inclusive. _La Estrella de
Pan._, July 31, 1884; _S. F. Bulletin_; _Id._, _Alta Cal._;
_Id._, _Morning Call_; _Id._, _Chronicle_; and every other
published on the Pacific coast, as well as in the whole
United States; _Mex. Financier_, July 5, 1884; _Correoso's
Statement_, MS., 9-11.

[XXXIV-38] To raise the original capital the liabilities of
the company became $150,000,000, which at 4 per cent equals
$6,000,000 annual interest. If ships crossing the canal be
charged $3 per ton, $5,780,000 will be yearly required to pay
the interest. _S. F. Call_, Nov. 9, 1886. De Lesseps reckoned
the monthly output of excavation, which in 1885 was 658,000
metres and in 1886 1,079,000, should reach 2,000,000 metres
a month in 1887, and 3,000,000 metres a month in 1888, and
up to the completion of the work in 1889. _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Aug. 5, 7, 11, 12, 1886.

[XXXIV-39] It is well to say in this connection that tramways
have also been built in the capital, under the auspices
of the govt. It was also planned to have another from the
department of Sacatepequez, to run from the town of Ciudad
Vieja, through Antigua Guatemala, to the town of Pastores.

[XXXIV-40] _Guat._, _Mem. Sec. Fomento_, for years 1880-5;
_Id._, _Sec. Rel._, year 1884; _Id._, _El Guatemalteco_
(official), March 4, May 10, 22, Oct. 12, 1884; July 19,
1885; _Batres' Sketch Book_, 8-10, 43; _Pan. Star and
Herald_, Nov. 24, Dec. 16, 1882; March 8, 1884; _Id._,
_Canal_, Jan. 17, 1883.

[XXXIV-41] _Aniñon_, _Discurso_, _Izaguirre_, _Relacion_,
_Duarte_, _Relacion_, and _Criado de Castilla_, _Descub._,
all in _Squier's MSS._, v., vii., viii., and xvii.,
respectively.

[XXXIV-42] Loans were raised in Europe for the purpose, the
particulars of which are given in connection with Honduran
finances.

[XXXIV-43] For further information, see _Squier's Cent. Am._,
74-9, 680, 729-30, 756-9; _Id._, _Hond._, 207-16, 225-35;
_Id._, _Hond. Interoc. Railway_, 1-102; _Reichardt_, _Nic._,
284-6; _Wells' Hond._, 130-1; _Fitz-Roy's Rept Railway_;
_Guat._, _Gaceta_, Jan. 27, 1854; _Hond._, _Gaceta Ofic._,
May 10, 1854; _Costa R._, _Gaceta_, March 4 to Oct. 21, 1854,
passim; _Nic._, _Gaceta_, July 25, Nov. 21, 1868; March
20, Nov. 13, 1869; Feb. 19, 1870; Feb. 11, Aug. 19, 1871;
_Id._, _El Porvenir_, Oct. 1, 1871; _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H. Ex.
Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 306; _Nic._, _Semanal Nic._, May
15, 1873; _Am. Cyclop._, viii. 790; _Froebel's Cent. Am._,
189-90; _Belly_, _Nic._, ii. 22-7; _Pim's Gate of the Pac._,
313-21; _Laferrière_, _De Paris à Guat._, 101-6; _Pan. Star
and Herald_, March 23, Oct. 4, 1883; March 20, 1886; _Id._,
_Canal_, March 28, 1883; _Mex. Financier_, Dec. 8, 1883.

[XXXIV-44] _Nic._, _Mem. Min. Hac._, 1883, pp. vii.-viii.;
_Presid. Cardenas_, _Mensaje_, Jan. 15, 1885, in _Costa R._,
_Gaceta Ofic._, Feb. 4, 1885.

[XXXIV-45] The termination of the Atlantic and other
lines depends on the arrangement of the republic's foreign
indebtedness. The cost of the three sections was $12,239,296;
and in 1883 they were valued at $6,600,000. _Costa R._, _Mem.
Sec. Hacienda_, 1883, Table no. 10; Annexes 8 and 9; 1884,
152-3, 287; _Id._, _Id._, _Fomento_, 1883, 1-4; 1884, 29-30;
_Pan. Star and Herald_, Dec. 8, 1883; July 23, Oct. 24, 1885;
_Costa R._, _Gaceta_, May 16, Aug. 12, Sept. 1-27, 1885.

[XXXIV-46] For particulars, see _Costa R._, _Informe Sec.
Gobern._, years 1873-4; _Id._, _Id._, _Obras Púb._, 1879-80;
_Id._, _Id._, _Hac._, 1880, 1883; _Id._, _Id._, _Fomento_,
1883; _Id._, _Col. Ley._, 1880, 85-9; 1881, 55-9; _Nic._,
_Semanal Nic._, Jan. 15, 1884; _Salv._, _Diario Ofic._, Aug.
18, Sept. 12, 1878; _Id._, _Gaceta Ofic._, Aug. 12, 1876;
Jan. 9, Feb. 22, June 29, 30, 1877; Apr. 19 to Nov. 13,
1879, passim; _Nic._, _Mem. Sec. Hac._, 1883; _Id._, _Id._,
_Gobern._, 1883; _Id._, _Id._, _Interior_, 1883; _Guat._,
_Recop. Ley._, _Gob. Democ._, ii. 81; _Id._, _Mem. Sec.
Fomento_, years 1880-5; _Id._, _Presupuesto Gen._, 19-29.

[XXXIV-47] _Eardley-Wilmot's Our Journal_, 69; _Colombia_,
_Diario Ofic._, Feb. 26, Sept. 10, 1874; _Pan._, _Gaceta_,
Jan. 11, Aug. 12, 1880. The connection at La Libertad was
established on the 1st of Oct., 1882. _U. S. Gov. Doc._, H.
Ex. Doc., For. Rel., Cong. 47, Sess. 2, i. 51-4.

Scattered through this third volume have been given
bibliographical notices of about twenty of the chief works
consulted in its preparation. I have now to add a few
others deserving of special mention. _The Gospel in Central
America_ was written by Frederick Crowe, an Englishman,
and a Baptist preacher, who resided some time in Central
America in the interest of his church. The book—a 12mo of
588 pages, published in London, 1850—contains, as its title
implies, a sketch of the country, including British Honduras,
physical and geographical, historical and political,
moral and religious. The author did his task as well as
circumstances permitted, in view of the fact that at his
violent deportation much of the material he had gathered was
left behind and never recovered. At all events, it afforded
much which till then was little known of that country. The
statements contained therein not original are credited to
the sources from which they were taken; for events after the
declaration of independence the author relied on the book of
travels by Robert C. Dunlop, from which I have also culled
some important facts. _Centro-Amerika_, and _Nicaragua_,
both written in German by the traveller C. F. Reichardt,
and published in Braunschweig, in 8vo form, respectively
in 1851 and 1854; the former being of 256, and the latter
of 296 pages, one and the other provided with maps. The
two works contain valuable data, entitled to credit. _Aus
Amerika_, by Julius Fröbel, issued in 1855 at Leipzig, and
_Geographie und Statestif von Mexico und Centralamerika_,
by J. G. Wappäus, published at Leipzig in 1863, have also
afforded much useful knowledge. In writing this chapter on
interoceanic communication, I am indebted to the _Cabinet
Cyclopædia_, directed by Dionysius Lardner, and to John
Richardson's _Polar Regions_, the first-named giving in its
first three volumes all that was known to 1830-1, on the
geography of the ancients and middle ages, and on modern
voyages and discoveries. The latter narrates the voyages
made to discover the north-west passage, furnishing likewise
a view of the physical geography and ethnology of the polar
regions north and south; the whole subject, though treated
in a summary way, brings it out quite comprehensively. The
_Report on Interoceanic Canals and Railroads_, between the
Atlantic and Pacific oceans—an 8vo of 37 pages with numerous
maps printed in Washington, 1867—by Charles H. Davis,
superintendent of the U. S. Naval Observatory, contains all
that was known on the subject to the time of its publication.
The _Encyclopædia Britannica_—American edition, issued,
1875-86, at Philadelphia—has also afforded valuable data
on the voyages in the polar seas, and on explorations and
surveys connected with canal matters. None of those works,
however, nor the numerous others consulted, have furnished
the required information from the beginning of the 19th
century to the present time; and those of later years do not
usually, to any extent, go back to early ones, or if they do,
it is only to give some meagre information.

But my researches have not been confined to books. Aside
from the important facts obtained directly from the lips
of intelligent natives and other persons conversant with
Central American and Panamanian affairs, I have had before
me presidential messages, reports of ministers and other
officials of the several states, U. S. govt reports, official
journals, statements of explorers and surveyors, cyclopædias,
magazines, reviews, and a host of newspapers of different
countries and in various languages, among which special
credit should be given to the _Star and Herald_ of Panamá for
an ever well-informed and reliable gatherer and transmitter
of news to and from the countries on both oceans over this
bridge of the nations. Important data, wheresoever found,
have been brought into requisition.

[XXXIV-48] 'Mr. Hopkins,' says Capt Fitzroy, p. 23, 'was
lately prevented by the Indians from ascending the Chepo
River toward Mandinga or San Blas Bay; Mr Wheelwright was
also stopped there in 1837; and Dr Cullen was likewise
stopped by the aborigines while endeavoring to ascend the
Paya River, that runs from near the mouths of the Atrato to
the Tuyra, which falls into the gulf of San Miguel.'

I learned in Darien that Mr Hopkins and Don Pepe Hurtado, a
Granadian engineer, made a present of a scarlet military coat
to an Indian on the Chepo, and that as soon as the Indian
chief of the district learned it, he flogged the Indian who
accepted the present, and summoned his people to arms, and
Mr H. and Don Pepe had to fly for their lives. Most probably
the chief looked upon the acceptance of gaudy trappings as an
acknowledgment of submission to foreigners. I have mentioned
elsewhere my having learned subsequently that the reason
of the Indians having stopped me was the fear of small-pox
being introduced amongst them rather than any dislike to
foreigners.

[XXXIV-49] This I attribute to the jealousy of the Spaniards,
who were careful to withhold any information that might lead
the English to the discovery of an easy communication between
the two seas. Alcedo, in his _Diccionario Histórico de las
Indias Occidentales_, says that it was interdicted, _on pain
of death, even to propose_ opening the navigation between
the two seas. 'En tiempo de Felipe II. se proyectó cortarlo,
y comunicar los dos mares por medio de un canal, y á este
efecto se enviaron para reconocerlo dos Ingenieros Flamencos,
pero encontraron dificultades insuperables, y el consejo de
Indias representò los perjuicios que de ello se seguirían á
la monarquia, por cuya razon mandò aquel Monarca que nadie
propusièse ó tratase de ello en adelante, _pena de la vida_.'
The navigation of the Atrato also was interdicted, on pain of
death.

[XXXIV-50] In its upper course, as it is navigable for large
vessels nearly to Príncipe.

[XXXIV-51] 'It is ascertained,' says Captain Fitzroy, 'that
there is only a trifling difference between the levels of the
ocean at this Isthmus. A rise of tide not exceeding two feet
is found on the Atlantic side, while in Panama Bay the tide
rises more than eighteen feet; the mean level of the Pacific
in this particular place being two or three feet above that
of the Atlantic. It is high water at the same hour in each
ocean.'

Colonel Lloyd says that the Pacific at high water is thirteen
feet higher than the Atlantic, while the Atlantic is highest
at low water by six feet. Baron Humboldt said, in 1809:
'The difference of level between the Caribbean Sea and the
Pacific Ocean does not, probably, exceed nine feet; and at
different hours in the day, sometimes one sea, sometimes
the other, is the more elevated.' But this difference would
be no hindrance, but, on the contrary, a most important
advantage in a ship-canal, since it would create a current
from the Atlantic to the Pacific during the ebb, and one from
the Pacific to the Atlantic during the flood-tide of the
Pacific, and these alternate currents would enable each of
the fleets to pass through at different times, those bound
from the Atlantic to the Pacific during the ebb-tide of the
latter, and those from the Pacific to the Atlantic during the
flood-tide of the former. This arrangement in the periods of
transit would afford many advantages, such as obviating the
meeting of the vessels, and the necessity of their passing
one another, and preventing their accumulation or crowding
together in the canal, as each fleet could be carried right
through in one tide, if not by the current alone, at least
with the aid of tug steamers. The alternation of the currents
would have the further beneficial effect of washing out the
bed of the canal, and keeping it free from the deposition of
sand or mud, so that dredging would never become necessary;
and would also render the degree of width necessary for the
canal less; though I do not reckon this to be a point of
moment, as the wider and deeper it is cut the better, and
the work once finished will last to the end of the world,
since the natural effect of the alternate currents will be a
gradual process of deepening and widening, which will convert
the canal into a strait.

[XXXIV-52] And subsequent months, in a controversy with Evan
Hopkins, Esq., C. E. & M. E.

[XXXIV-53] _Narrative of an Official Visit to Guatemala_, by
G. A. Thompson. London, 1829, p. 512.

[XXXIV-54] March 13, 1788.

[XXXIV-55] Masthead angles were taken in Córdova's voyage,
1785-6.

[XXXIV-56] Four hundred.

[XXXIV-57] Five leagues from the shore. _Sp. MS._

[XXXIV-58] The arms of Santa Maria de la Antigua were a
_golden castle_ between a jaguar and a puma.

[XXXIV-59] Squier's Nicaragua, vol. i. p. 195.

*** End of this LibraryBlog Digital Book "The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Volume 8 - History of Central America, Volume 3, 1801-1887" ***

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